Territories, Edges and Multi-functionality in Mixed-use Built Environments by Galina Lalova/Галина Лалова

Bachelor Thesis 17 credits, undergraduate

Territories, Edges and Multi-functionality in Mixed-use Built Environments Galina Lalova

Exam: Bachelor of Science Subject area: Built Environment

Supervisor: Per-Markku Ristilammi Date of final seminar: 3 June 2015

© Galina Lalova Malmo Hogskola, fakulteten for Kultur och Samhalle, institutionen for Urbana Studier Malmö University, faculty of Culture and Society, institution of Urban Studies Title (eng): Territories, Edges and Multi-functionality in Mixed-use Built Environment Titel (swe): Territorium, kanter och multifunktionalitet i funktionsblandad byggd miljö

Supervisor: Per-Markku Ristilammi Examiner: Victoria Sjöstedt Malmo Hogskola Program: (eng)Architecture, Visualization and Communication (180credits)/(swe)Arkitektur, Visualisering och Kommunikation Course title: (eng) Thesis (Bachelor Thesis in Built Environment) / (swe):Sja lvstandigt arbete (Kandidatuppsats i byggd miljo) Course code / Kurskod: BY212b Thesis outlines (ECTS): 17 credits / Arbetets omfattning (hp): 17 hp Level and specialization G2E/Niva och fordjupning: G2E Serial name: Bachelor Thesis at the Faculty of CS, MU / Serienamn: Sja lvstandigt arbete vid KS-fakulteten, MAH Malmo, spring 2015 / Malmö VT 2015 Photographs and illustrations: © Galina Lalova, if not mentioned other Bilder och illustrationer: © Galina Lalova, om inte annat sagt

TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT

1.CONTEXT SUBJECT

1.1. WHAT IS MIXED USE AND SMALL SCALE?

1.2. MIXED-USE BUILT ENVIRONMENT AS CONTEMPORARY CITY PLANNING STRATEGY

1.3. MIXED-USE AND SOCIAL LIFE

1.4. MIXED-USE AND SMALL-SCALE IDEAL IN THE CONTEXT OF CONTEMPORARY EVERYDAY LIFE 12

2. INTRODUCTION

2.1. RESEARCHED SUBJECT

1.2. SCOPE, PURPOSE AND PROBLEM DEFINITION

2.3. THEORETICAL APPROACH 2.3.1. ACTOR-NETWORK THEORY AND TIME 2.3.2. TERRITORIES AND PUBLIC REALM 2.3.3. BARRIERS AND BOUNDARIES 2.3.4. IN-BETWEEN SPACES

16 16 20 22 23

2.2. METHOD 2.2.1. MAIN METHODS 2.2.2. ACTOR-NETWORK THEORY AS A METHOD. STABILIZATION OF NETWORKS

24 24 25

2.3. PARTICIPANTS

2.4. RESEARCH OUTLINES

3. RESULTS AND ANALYSIS

3.1.VERIFYING IF PATRAS IS A MIXED-USE AND SMALL-SCALE CITY 3.1.1. URBAN FUNCTIONS AND THE USE TYPE. URBAN FABRIC AND DIMENSION 3.1.2. CITY PLANNING AND ITS RELATION TO SOCIAL LIFE 3.1.3. A CITY THAT DOES NOT SLEEP 3.1.4. EVALUATION OF THE CITY OF PATRAS

29 29 34 36

3.2. TERRITORIES, BARRIERS AND BOUNDARIES IN MIXED-USE ENVIRONMENTS 3.2.1. MIX OF TERRITORIES AND USERS A. The effect of undefined territorialization. How people deal with mixed-use environments and problems like compromising with privacy? B. Competing Territories. Access and Maintenance C. Territories and Access in Relation to the Scale of the Business Ownership D. Mixed Use and Mix of Difference and Indifference

38 38 39 39 40 42 43

2.1.2. FIELD STUDIES A. Flexibility in Time. The Bar Chair and the Mix in Time B. Plateia Nikis and the Public Secret C. Plateia Olgas - the City Jungle D. Plateia Georgiou - the Open Space E. Sea Front - Boundary or Public Space? F. Conquerors of the Streets. Multi-functional Spaces F. Mix in Semi-private and Public Space G. The Neighbourhood and the “Hidden” Strategy H. Mixed-use in Dwellings

44 44 48 54 60 66 67 73 76 80

4. ANALYSIS SUMMARY

5. CONCLUSIONS

6. FURTHER DISCUSSIONS

REFERENCES

Territories, Edges and Multi-functionality in Mixed-use Built Environments

ABSTRACT

The following research investigates mixed-use built environment within its natural settings. With the help of qualitative methods I search for relations between the idea of Urban Renaissance, which promotes small-scale and mixed-use environment as seen in traditional European cities, and the social life in the city. In the course of the study I found interdependency between those two concepts as the mixed use is produced to serve certain social and economical needs on the same time as it supports these needs. The complexity of this relation involves also other elements to hold the model together like habits, desires, urban rituals, will, private and public interests and so forth. The subject of the wider study is the city of Patras, Greece where I have observed the mixed use at all its levels, from a city level to the small urban furniture, as well as the public and private spaces and the kinds of spaces in-between. These spaces overlap their territories creating multiple relations in connection with the social life. In this study I have chosen to focus on explaining the flexibility of the different territories and how the limits form and function. Together with the empirical explanations the analysis has the task to de-code the social meaning of the phenomenon. This research has the purpose to give a base for further studies through spatial mapping.

1.CONTEXT SUBJECT The context of this research is the idea of compact cities with emphasis on planning for small scale and mixed-use urban environments in order to save resources and to enhance the economical opportunities and the social life. Various cities in the world, like Malmö where I study, have adopted the idea of

the mixed-use environment as a solution to problems like social alienation, segregation and criminality (City of Malmö 2014a, Grant 2002, Layden 2003). It is believed that the mixing of different uses gives flexibility to spaces and more efficient everyday life in terms of saving time and adding possibilities for people to meet more often (Ibid.). Along with the many positive outcomes from this kind of urban planning there is also a criticism from authors like Rowley (1996) who are arguing that the implementation of small scale and mixed use is not always consistent with the contemporary life in the cities. Finding this controversy interesting as a starting point, this research will reveal some specific phenomena which emerge from compressed spaces and traditional mixed-used cities like floating/flexible territories, barriers and boundaries, multi-functional spaces. In order to understand how these settings function I will first give an explanation of the context in which they appear.

1.1. What Is Mixed Use and Small Scale? Searching for definitions about mixed-use built environment I have uncovered some variations that depend on the scale of the subject, namely if we observe on a city level or if it is about a building design. As a guideline I will use Hoppenbrouwer and Louw’s (2005:71) definition for “mixture of various spatial levels and also the mixture of time”. The authors also notice that the “[M]ixed land use tends to increase the kind of combinations and interactions - physical and social as well as visual...” Mixed-use environment is very much about creating multiple degrees between private and public, as one single space may accommodate several activities and different groups of users at the same time. As a “side” product of this mix we get some

additional in-between spaces, referred to by Karrholm (2012:121) as interstitial spaces as well as visual shifts in the atmosphere of the spaces. On the city level , with the help of Hoppenbrouwer and Louw’s analysis (2007:970) the mixed use can be defined by the grain and the mix of the base functions which vary in the different literature, but in connection with my study I choose to follow these four: residence, employment, recreation and public services. Besides the base functions, Jacobs (1961 in Hoppenbrouwer and Louw, 2007:970) describes also secondary functions which create flow between the base functions and Karrholm (2012:122) discusses waiting and in-between spaces which in my opinion may adopt flexible functions. Robert and Lloyd-Jones(1997:159 in Hoppenbrouwer and Louw, 2007:972) define grain as “the size of the urban block and the division of the block”. On a city level a fine grain then is when “like elements are widely dispersed among unlike elements and a grain is coarse when extensive areas of one element are separated from extensive areas of another element” (Hoppenbrouwer and Louw, 2007:972). Abrupt change in elements creates clusters. An example here would be a modernist residential area with predominant houses and one shopping center with only commercial functions. This gives relatively small lots and out-of-scale areas. The opposite situation is a gradual transition which creates a blurred grain (Hoppenbrouwer and Louw, 2007:972). It is then the fine grain and the blurred grain that support the mix use from a city planning point of view. Using Rowley’s conceptual model of mixed land use and development (1996:86), Hoppenbrouwer and Louw (2007:972) notice that it applies mainly on flat surface, so they use it as a base for their horizontal dimension. Rowley’s model shows interdependency between: public policy and regulation, property markets, cultural ideas and values and the land use settings. These settings depend on location (city center, neighbourhood, suburb and greenfield areas) and also on spatial scale (buildings, building blocks, streets and districts). Continuing this logic they develop their conceptual model of mixed land use for four dimensions: shared premises (point) when for example, a dwelling is also used for working; horizontal - units with different functions in close connection within a building, block, district, etc.; vertical - different functions within a unit, and time - different functions changes with time (Hoppenbrouwer and Louw 2007:973). This model can be applied even within a building, in a smaller scale. The small scale has been discussed widely by Gehl in his book Cities for People (2010) referred to as the human scale. The human scale as concept, studies the built environment on the human eye level and explores perceptions of distances and heights. For example, he suggests that a space is perceived as safe by a human if it is no bigger than 100/100m as seen as pattern in old European cities and some other scales, for instance which evoke emotion - H35m/L115 feet, is a 8

pattern that is used in most theaters as this is a distance at “which audiences can read facial expressions and hear speech and song” (Gehl 2010:38). In the conversation with architect M., (one of the participants in this study, see chapter Participants) she described small scale as a scale defined by dimensions which allow a human to approach a space. So even if the space is bigger it should include elements which match the human size and allow entering like the example in the photo on the left. The photo on right shows how the city shapes bodies different than people, for example transportation means.

Fig.1.

Fig.2.

1.2. Mixed-use Built Environment As Contemporary City Planning Strategy Proximity, density and mixed use are the three concepts that highlight a new city planning ideal considered as a better alternative, where democracy is a given right and it is expressed in the physical environment (City of Malmö 2014a). The positive impact of this strategy should include enriched social life on which my research is focused on. The idea of mixed-use design and planning comprises mostly commercial and business areas where the retail is combined with other functions but recently it has also been adopted by the public sphere. In the planning of public services in Malmö for example, it is recommended to consider multifunctional areas and premises as spontaneous sport activities or park in the schoolyard, club meetings at the elementary school in the evenings, public playgrounds in schoolyards after school hours and so on (City of Malmö 2014b:30), but this was not implemented in practice at the time I finished my practice at The City Planning Office in Malmö (January 2015). According to Hoppenbrouwer and Louw (2005:968), the mixed-use type of planning has become increasingly important in various European and North American cities because of its social, economic, and environmental benefits. In Europe it is considered as an element of so-called

urban renaissance, or the concept for dense city, and in the United States, this process is referred to as New Urbanism strategy (Hoppenbrouwer and Louw 2005: 968). The city of Amsterdam applies it since the 1980’s (Hoppenbrouwer and Louw 2005) and in Canada it has become a key planning principle in the last decades (Grant 2002). Many planners may be tempted to implement mixed use primarily because of the economic benefits it brings. Some results of this reason for application are the shopping malls and the pedestrian precinct tat Kärrholm (2012) discusses. He sees the transformation of the streets as institutionalising of a place: “The territorialisation of the pedestrian precinct is not just about institutionalising of a place in the minds of the people by the way of representations, brandings or associations, it is also about setting limits and creating opportunities for different activities. It is about the stabilisation or institutionalisation of a specific set of usages and, at the end, the production of a pedestrian precinct culture.” (Kärrholm 2012:47). Both material limits and associations change the status of a pedestrian from a citizen into a consumer. Alternatively, like Bell (2013:1) states: “Mixed-use developments are the heavyweight champions of commercial real estate”. Such places are all very mixed-use but the residents cannot express themselves freely as citizens and also not everybody is welcome. It means that many voices cannot be heard, especially if the use of semi-private space replaces the use of public spaces and important decisions or conversations take place in semi-private conditions. Wary in their positive statements, the authors Hoppenbrouwer and Louw (2005: 969) discuss also some practical obstacles and negative consequences of implementing of the mixed-use concept, such as urban stress that can reduce the demand for real estate and thus hinder economic sustainability. According to Rowley (1996:85) there are some doubts whether implementing the mixed-use model into a modernist one can deliver the desired results: “The concept of mixed-use development is ambiguous. The design and management of some mixed-use schemes mean they offer few of the benefits associated with traditional mixed-use areas. It is probably easier to conserve existing mixed-use areas than it is to create new developments let alone to significantly restructure parts of modern cities” (Rowley 2010:85). What the author means is that simply applying that model to overcome nostalgia is not enough if characteristics like cultural priorities and lifestyle are not considered. In their study of the Amsterdam’s Eastern Docklands, Hoppenbrouwer and Louw (2005:982) notice that the mixeduse environment itself is not a guarantee for a vibrant street life, though its success could be measured in relation to established goals. 10

1.3. Mixed-use and Social Life But what if the goal is to achieve vital qualities that Jane Jacobs (1961) and other authors are arguing for, namely, to enhance the social life? I think, if a change is to be made, it is important to get to the core and find out how a mixed use is formed and what else is needed to support it in the way that it actually enriches the public realm. Changes in the built environment must give an opportunity for taking part of the city’s knowledge under the form of education, culture events, meetings, and so on but also, in a smaller scale, people should be able to sustain good relationships with each other within a building, a block or a neighbourhood. Authors like Layden (2003) define the concept of social capital which he finds in a mixed-use environment as “the social networks and interactions that inspire trust and reciprocity among citizens” (Layden 2003:1546). These findings also reveal that higher levels of social capital help the proper functioning of democracy, the prevention of crime, and enhanced economic development. Sennett (2010:269) suggests that voluntary organisations as churches, political campaigns, sport groups, and others in the same fashion can help people to overcome the alienation problems, and he also notices that these voluntary activities are indeed social capital. In relation with small scale and mixed-use environments, I will study city elements, microarchitecture, territoriality, definition and redefinition of materiality in connection with people and their relationship to the environment and with one another in order to closely examine floating territories, barriers and boundaries. In the early 1960s the journalist and activist Jane Jacobs argued for the mixed-use environment, inspired from the days before the modernist master planning. Though the basic nature of human needs does not change so drastically over time, there are some changes in the contemporary everyday life. That is why I think it is necessary to revisit the Jacob’s mixed-use model through the context of newer empirical data.

1.4. Mixed-use and Small-scale Ideal in the Context of Contemporary Everyday Life Jacobs (1964 in Rowley 2010:88) suggests four strategies for a mixed-use neighbourhood: a. The district, and indeed as many of its internal parts as possible, must serve more than one primary function; preferably more than two. These must ensure the presence of people who go outdoors on different schedules and are in the place for different purposes, but who are able to use many facilities in common. b. Most blocks must be short; that is, streets and opportunities to turn corners must be frequent. c. The district must mingle buildings that vary in age and condition, including a good proportion of old ones so that they vary in the economic yield that they produce. This mingling must be fairly close-grained. d. There must be a sufficiently dense concentration of people, for whatever purposes they may be there. This includes dense concentration in the case of people who are there because of residence (Jacobs, 1964:162-163 in Rowley 2010:88). Rowley (2010:88) argues here that these settings are not considering the contemporary conditions of the city life and if not managed carefully, they can make the mixed-use model unachievable. As the author notices, increasing density and blending of functions acquire acceptance and compromise in order to deal with the consequences coming with these types of settings. He explains the paradox of cities, which attract people with their possibilities but to live above a shop or a bar is a choice made only by a few of them. Most people are in this kind of situation only for a certain period of time or they cannot afford a home with qualities like more privacy, silence or contact with nature (Rowley 2010:89). In the conversations with my respondents who will be presented further on, I also picked up a discussion about how people deal with this kind of urban environment. There I was able to identify empirically some effects of the mixed-use environment like compromising with privacy, space domination and difficulties in distinguishing between private and public space. These effects will be discussed more closely in the empirical part of this study.

2. INTRODUCTION In the context of mixed-use and small scale built environment I noticed the overlapping territories, which I focus on. Their limits are diffused and instead of one sharp edge between two territories I observed multiple levels of transition which may hide answers for the problems with implementation of the mixeduse and small scale urban and spatial planning. In this part I introduce the subject of the study.

2.1. Researched Subject Initially I had decided to make my study in the city of Patras, Greece, because after my previous visits, the memories I had about how the inhabitants organize their public spaces made me assume that the city is mixed-use. However this assumption needed to be proved first before discussing the specifics. That is why as my general research subject, I explored the city in all its levels, from the city as a whole, to neighbourhoods, squares, building blocks and private dwellings. I was looking for signs like shared premises and multi-functional areas to prove empirically that it is indeed, a mixed-use city. As I was interested in the social effects of this kind of environment, my observation was focused on the social meaning of the physical environment. As a starting point, I rely on the Hoppenbrouwer - Louwâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s typology (2005: 980) to verify a mixed-use environment by analysing these four elements: - urban functions - dimension - urban scale - urban tissue Zooming in into details to search for the specifics I further examine the following settings: - territoriality and ownership - barriers, boundaries, edges - time - public memory and culture Through the observations I started to search for the specific phenomena which emerge from the combinations of territories, time, space, users and functions. Then, sorting out the data, I noticed the importance of mapping the flexibility of the examined territories, and their barriers and boundaries because they were a result of a certain social behaviour. That is why they became the main research subjects in this particular study. Cultural settings were excluded later in the process as they proved irrelevant to the main research subject because the observed phenomena could to be explained through the work of non-native theorists.

1.2. Scope, Purpose and Problem Definition The subjects of my research which I found in the city of Patras are observed through the scopic regime of me as a walker and from the point of view of a visitor who comes back. As I had visited the city three times before, I was able to compare some changes in time and to notice certain patterns in human behaviour. In order to reveal how the mixed-use space is produced in this specific city, my observations include the design on the city level, on the level of the neighbourhood, the square and the streets, the building and small urban furniture. As this scope is too wide here I will only discuss the phenomena of floating territories and flexible barriers which showed to be present in a mixed-use and small-scale built environment. In the research I will not focus on cultural setting and weather conditions but on what is specific for a given building or public space. “Discussing culture and what is different from city to city may lead to describing local treatments of the universal” (Yaneva 2012:4). The risk with involving cultural and weather settings is that it may lead to attempts to apply “copy/paste” solutions because of similarities or ignoring good ideas because the culture or the climate is different. In the observations though, it proved impossible not to mention aspects of the urban culture as it is connected to the physical environment. That is why I stress the importance of extracting methods and concepts, instead of discussing the cultural specifics in depth. I do not see language as a barrier for my observations because I will not use interviews for the field study. Instead, the specific settings will be analyzed - some of them with the help of theory, some of them with the help of few respondents who agreed to discuss in English. In that way the result of this study can be used as base other situations although the presented observation could never be repeated within the same conditions. The choice of the location is proved relevant as the aim for observations is to understand how the phenomena evolve in “natural” mixed-used environment. Although the city planning in Greece is very centralized as explained further in the text, there is a hidden mechanism, which gives the possibility of mixed-use development as base, but as we shall see, at the end it is a free choice if an individual or a building contractor will choose this kind of design. Yet, the mixed use is almost always preferred. How does this choice affect the people’s everyday life? As this question is too complex, I will examine only the social effects of the floating territories and the flexible barriers which the mixed-use environment produces.

In cities built more or less according to the rules of the modernist model (separating the urban functions in different zones), the mixed use in recent years is considered as a strategy for changing the existing environment. The expected positive results seen in other cities with more traditional developments are due to processes evolved through time. Without the ambition to decide here if this model can be implemented in cities where modernist influence had led the course of environmental changes in the last century, the role of this research is to explain how mixed-use environments are constructed through the peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s behaviour. The main idea is to understand that territories and barriers exist not only physically but they are also imagined, accepted, ignored and lived. Besides understanding an empirical construction, this research is focused on results and the meaning of the research subjects. The example with the city of Patras is not as romantically perfect as the expectations from the implementations of the mixed-use model may be. The driving force of an ideal is not to be underestimated here, but the aim is to show a real-world example with both its advantages and difficulties, which is not to be confused with a critique of an ideal. This study is about to follow a mixed-use city through the complex relationships and the materiality created as well as their meaning for the social life. Through diffusing and blending in each otherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s territories the mixed-use environment created series of complex relations, physical as well as social, which define the urban life. The main purpose of this study is to enrich the theory for mixed-use built environments with new concepts and to develop a base for mapping floating territories and flexible barriers. These two elements help building an environmental image of places with dynamic functionalities. The problem investigated here is how floating territories and flexible edges in a multi-functional built environment relate to the social life.

2.3. Theoretical approach 2.3.1. Actor-Network Theory and Time The social meaning of time and the dynamics of the territorialities in time are one important part of this research. Initially, the subject of the research was meant to be architectural and it would be logical to use the main architectural theory as leading approach. However, from a critical point of view, architectural theory is not enough to explain the observed phenomena as it tends to divide architecture with its materiality as consequence and society as a cause for building activities (Yaneva 2012:1). On the other hand, using a clear sociological approach would be impossible as it is “restrictive” and “incapable of grappling the phenomena of architecture in making”(Yaneva 2012:1). What I will do instead is to use Actor-Network Theory but in a rather “loose” manner, without limiting inputs from other theories. Actor-Network Theory (ANT) explores the relationship between people and material, and how they affect each other in different situations which means including of observation and explanation of reciprocal processes. This theory/method created by Michelle Callon (1991), Bruno Latour (1992), John Law (1986) and others, is an attempt to understand the process of scientific innovation. The authors introduce the concepts of actor, network, generalized symmetry and equal agency. ANT does not distinguish between human and non-human actor (artefacts, organizational structures, etc.): all elements can equally act and get the other reactants to act. What is interesting is not why a network exists, but how it is formed, what keeps it together and what causes it to collapse (Latour 2005a). This ANT-researcher is not interested in meaning therefore I will need to cover that part with other theories. Actor-Network Theory is explained further in the text, and here I use the main concepts in the theory as follows: Network - a concept and a tool, which helps to describe how much energy, movement, and specificity we are able to capture (Latour 2005a:131);

Actor - what is made to act by others, and at the same time is an entity that modifies other entities in a network (Latour 2005a:47); and an actant is an entity which has the possibility to become actor (Latour 2005a:71). Another concept in ANT is the concept of the event, which is much more complicated and cannot be defined only through time and space. In an event, it is important to see who and what counts, or matters. If a place is irrelevant, then it is not related to time, or as Latour puts it, a place is not a topos (from Greek - place) and a time is not kairos (from Greek - the supreme moment). I assume these two concepts are not invented by accident because they also refer to an ancient study - the rhetoric. Topos is used first as term by Aristoteles and it means a place where a speaker creates a topic for speech (Miller 1992:313). Nevertheless, it also carries the meaning of the process of verbally repeated ancient stories in different civilizations. Kairos is used both for the weather and for time but as a time lapse, a moment of indeterminate time in which everything happens and it has more qualitative nature. In a rhetorical context it means that “[T]he proper time (the kairos) for presenting an argument may be seen as something the speaker grasps and utilizes (a tool) or a situation in which the speaker exists and recognizes (a realm)” (Ibid). With other words, to say the right thing at the right moment. As we put some background to Latour’s expression, now it is easier to understand that the actants in a system, or network, interrupt, modify, interfere or interest each other and instantly, they produce as many topoi-kairoi (both are in plural) as many relationships they create. In these creations, there are three shiftings that Latour describes as occurring simultaneously in each instance: a shift in space, a shift in time, and a shift in actor, or actant. “Deeper than the question of time and space is the very act of shifting, delegating, sending away, translating” (Latour 2005b:178). These shifts in time, space and actants as terms should, according to Latour (2005b:178), be referred to as timing, spacing and acting and they should always be combined with their intensity. As we shall see, these shiftings were examined in my field study in Patras through the mix of space (private and public; indoor and outdoor, etc.) The intensity of being in a space, Latour (2005b:179) defines the fifth dimension which makes difference between simple passage of time and historicising, or in other words, it adds such elements like previously occurred events and memories. When in certain situation a “no-place” becomes a place of significance, a topos, because of some kind of interruption, it gains “situatedness”. The same happens within a shift of actantiality when two different processes can occur: the move from one actant to another extensive repetition, and modification of all the actants - intensive repetition (2005b:178). In his network following (the twin travellers paradox, see the chapter Actor-Network Theory as method) Latour is able to distinguish transportation with transformation from a transformation without deformation through intensity.

To be able to use this fifth dimension, he is arguing that despite the scientists tend to be obsessed with time measuring we must lift the spacing to the same level as timing, because they have equal importance. Here he gives an example with the wandering Jew (a character of Eugene Sue, 1844), who moves from place to place each day so he cannot make a difference between place and date because he never comes back to the same place again. A displacement though, like in this case, to return to a certain town, will put this town into space instead of time, and through this kind of movement, you have “spaced” the town. “It is only because we come back to the same place over and over again, that we generate the notion of place, of a topos, that lasts and stays the same, while we have moved” (Latour 2005b:180). Alternatively, I would also suggest, as one of my empirical observations reveal (see chapter The Bar Chair and the Mix in Time), this is also valid if the space generates events in time as we did not leave our position. This phenomenon turned out to be very common in a mixed-use environment. According to Latour (2005b) and his theory, the connections, created through the interactions, enabled a traveller who returns to detect multiple time scales and thus, to encounter a place, a topos. These time scales can show, in the case of my observations for example, the age of the material (the marble), the time when that material was gathered, when the building was built, when the shop owner put his small table on the sidewalk, and when he baked the bread. This is possible, because “the “spacific”, “situated” site met by the traveller who comes back becomes a connection of interactions dispersed in time, space, and action and reassembled, kept up, instituted in an event-producing topos” (Latour 2005b:180). These interactions meet with the wanderer, who can differentiate between the building’s age and his own age, because the structure “still holds, makes space, makes history, breaks the continuity of the vision, bends attention, interrupts the travel of the voyagers, and creates hierarchies”(Ibid). Thus, a building becomes not just a “spot-in-space” but the event itself. This event continues through time and is kept by the local tradition as a place. “Long before we talk about space and time, it is these sorts of connections, short-circuits, translations, associations, and mediations that we encounter daily” (Latour 2005b:181). “The phenomena are much more stunning; they rely on the subversion, disjunction, displacement, rescaling, crossing-over of relations between spatial, actorial, and temporal features” (Latour 2005b:182). In my research, I go further to questions, which directly address the social meaning of time. The Industrial revolution has created heavy instrumental mechanisms to synchronize the machinery of this new, forever producing society. These mechanisms produce, as Latour (2005b:183) argues “the effect of an isotopic space and an isochronic time… All of that instrumentation, he continues, being very practical, very clear, very material, very local, but at no point saying anything about the mind’s inner working or explaining the ways by which no-places become event or events become non-event.” The author argues here that the phenomena of synchronizing people’s lives with the rhythms of industrial production are anything but personal. It does not 18

express understanding of how the mind evolves or how other civilizations deal with time, thus, the ontology of world-making (Ibid). In that matter, I think the Urban Renaissance is indicating an understanding that something is missing from the everyday life, namely, the notion of time, however it is rarely understood behind phrases like “vibrant milieu” for example. In a very clear, calculated world, we can predict the future. As Jeremy Till (2009:97f) suggests, this does not make the everyday life challenging because events repeat over and over again, in the same way and this excludes the otherness that Latour is discussing about. Till is arguing that the everyday consists of repetitions and cycles, but also randomness and unexpected events. In addition, another idea mentioned in Latour (2005b) becomes important, namely Isabell Stangers’ idea to distinguish virtualities from potentialities. Potentiality is something stable, which includes a number of predictable variations, “the realization “in time” of what already is in potentia” (Latour 2005b:185). Virtuality, on the other hand, is very dependent of the otherness, which leads to surprising differences. It also depends on the fifth dimension of process and the quality of connections with other actants or, as Latour puts it, “the intensity of time and space” (Latour 2005b:186). So, a world that “run[s] smoothly as like clockwork” is “a world where nothing happens” (Latour 2005b:186). According to this philosophy, there is something deeper than cultural differences which must be taken into account when implementing changes in the physical environment and that is the everyday rhythms and the personalisation of time. These aspects are closely examined in the next chapters through observations and through conversations. Following Latour’s suggestions, I have studied the other entities that are necessary for maintaining one in existence, and also their quality expressed by their transportation, displacement, translation and if/how they transform, deform, or perform metamorphosis.

Latour (2005b:176) argues also that time and space are “consequences of ways in which bodies relate to one another”. This means that the different relations produce different instances (spacetimes). Entities/bodies that have no impact and make no difference he calls intermediaries, and those who “define paths and fates on their own terms” are called mediators (Latour 2005b:176). Another part of my research deals with observing and analysing consequences of activities and their relation in time. “Timing depends on that sort of ontological difference, not on the mind’s apperception” (Latour 2005:176). Time multiplies if other entities are necessary to ensure our existence. If not, times and spaces are reduced to one time-space or further to a simple form. With this logic in mind, the author describes the situation with the traveller in the jungle who makes the path as a ratio of transformation over transportation and the one with the traveller in the train as the visible work 19

needed to be done before the event that is the creating of the path (Latour 2005:177). Therefore, as a way to understand a network, I take into account some previous events.

2.3.2. Territories and Public Realm Territories in this study are examined with the help of the concepts of private and public but more importantly, the states in between. In particular, I focus on the mix of semi-private and public; private and public, semi-public and public. I will use the terms “private” and “public” but also two “in-between” terms, that are “semi-private”, which in my study represents privately owned cafeterias, bars, shops, clubs etc., because they are private but open for the public, and “semi-public”, which are represented by institutional entities like schools, hospitals, museums, because they are publicly owned, but there is a level of enclosure that means the access is not free in every meaning. To analyse the space production and the territorialisation of materiality, the Actor-Network Theory is used at some level, because as Kärrholm (2012:48) argues, the material culture studies (Latour 2005a, among others) have the advantage of accounting not only for what materiality and form are but also for what they do. A disadvantage he sees in the matter is a focus on the individual artefact (the object, the thing, the commodity), rather than on complex and spatially assembled artefacts (such as public space). That is why the author suggests to combine ANT with discussions on spatial artefacts, such as pedestrian crossings, town squares, and dining rooms in order to use Actor-Network Theory for architecture study. This perspective “opens up a way of investigating the meanings of spatiality, materiality and artefacts through the roles they play in different territorial networks, where some functions might remain constant while others change”(Kärrholm 2012:48). To account for the differences that territories and places make in terms of production it is not enough to trace their networks and the stories/genealogies of network construction. To analyze human actants from a more sociological point of view it is important to review some trends which define the modern societies. In his book The Fall of the Public Man Richard Sennett (1976) analyses the changes in cities through time, exploring what life in the city really means. The changes described concern the transformation of the self in the context of the public realm or intimacy through the course of time. Due to the economical and industrial evolution, the last century has changed the way an individual construct the world outside - “Each person’s self has become his principal burden; to know oneself has become an end, instead of means through one knows the world. ...the more privatized the psyche, the less it is stimulated, and the more difficult it is for us to feel or to express feeling.” (Sennett 1976:4). With this knowledge in mind I will closer examine the mixing of private and public owned territories, or how willing people are to share their privacy.

In another work, Sennett (2010:261) explains the concept of the public realm simply as a “place where strangers meet”. Of course, public realm is a concept wider than the concept of public space. But the public space is defined by the social relations created in the context of the public realm. Sennett (2010) describes three points of view of what a public realm means. The first one is Hannah Arendt’s philosophical idea about the freedom of anonymity, which allows individuals to stand free from their personal circumstances. When individuals meet, their ethnicity, gender, style of life, class, etc. are not relevant. They all have the equal right to express an opinion as citizens (Sennett 2010:261). This approach though, in my opinion, has also a negative side - it can lead to alienation and indifference in the society. Another idea, described by Sennett (2010), is inspired by Jürgen Habermas and his book Knowledge and Human Interests (1968) and defines public space as “any medium, occasion, or event which prompts open communication between strangers” (Sennett 2010:262). This “free flow of communication” is to gradually gain more interest about the others, which includes the personal circumstances, but in a way that the people “rise above them” (Sennett 2010:262). These thoughts focus on deeper understanding of social relations, which explain why simple mixing of people and uses does not create social capital in the Layden’s “healthy” meaning. A third point of view is Sennett’s own understanding of public realm, which is developed as idea together with the anthropologist Clifford Geertz and the sociologist Erving Goffman, and which is about how people express themselves to strangers. The interests in focus here are street clothings, rituals of dining and drinking, ways of avoiding eye contact, the places where people crowd together and the places where they prefer to keep distance. This approach, called by academics “the performative school”, helps the author to connect the architecture and the sociology by making a dialogue about how people use the buildings and the spaces but it applies mostly to small scale, local in character and public realm. It does not seek the political expression and enlightenment like Arendt’s and Habermas’ ideas do. Instead, while studying the urban culture, Sennett suggests that the approach reveals more insights about another sort of human bond, that is the ritual (Sennett 2010:263f). Generally, and considering philosophic ideas from antiquity to nowadays, the ideal public realm, according to Sennett’s conclusion, is the “one in which people react to, learn from, people who are unlike themselves” (Sennett 2010:268). However, in reality we can find examples where this ideal situation is not applied even in mixed-use environments. The author gives an example of a neighbourhood, which mix people with very different backgrounds but the reason it attracts its inhabitants is mainly the mutual indifference, which is more close to Arendt’s freedom of anonymity. He calls this situation a “mixture of difference and indifference” and according to him, it is a common, “prosaic” phenomenon as the example he gives in New York (Ibid). A big part of this mixture is created repeatedly by daily routines. As both Sennett and Latour suggest, the interruption of a trip is what gives to a place a meaning: “...ordinary experience does not 21

much register if it lacks disruptive drama” (Sennett 2010:269). Another element of closure is the “mutual neutrality” performed by societies, which live segregated lives close together. People mix but they do not socialize. “The combination of difference and indifference casts a shadow over the value of diversity which has orientated the practical work of enlightened planning: in building new housing or organizing schools, planners want to mix together different ethnic groups and social classes, yet a large number of studies document that these social ingredients do not chemically interact. The sheer presence of diversity does little to counter mutual indifference” (Sennett 2010:269)

Another way to distinguish private from public space is to identify signs of territorialization. As Madanipour (2003:111) argues, the access is what defines if a space is a public space or not. The author describes the access as access to the physical environment and access to activities, information, and resources (Benn & Gaus 1983 in Madanipour 2003:111). These kinds of access can be explained with the desire of individuals to expand their knowledge outside the familiar environment and also to exchange such knowledge with other strangers (Sennett 2010:261). A public space in this meaning is a space where everybody is allowed but there are certain rules created by the public organization which maintains the territory and which sets different levels of access through these rules. In searching for their personal and private interest, individuals meet the public interests and that is how social relations are created (Madanipour 2003:111f).

2.3.3. Barriers and boundaries Due to compressed scale and multi-functionality the mixed-use environment creates floating territories with flexible physical and non-physical edges around them. To be more specific, I will introduce some thoughts of the sociologist Richard Sennett (2010:265) who explains differences between borders and boundaries. As in the city I made my field study exists an actual state border, further in the text I will “replace” Sennett’s term for border with the word barrier to avoid a confusion and use the word border when meaning a state border. With the help of biological terms Sennett (2010:265) defines borders as more intense zones of habitat, where the organisms become more interactive due to the changing context, or the physical conditions. Borders function more as a cell membrane (again from biology), which is both porous and resistant because it lets the matter flow in and out selectively. Boundaries are, on the contrary, more static states, which establish closure through inactivity almost like a limit. From the perspective of the city, an example of that on a city perspective is the highway, which cannot be crossed by a pedestrian and thus, it cuts parts of the city. 22

On a city scale, edges are described by Lynch (1960:47) as linear elements, boundaries between two phases which brake continuity like shores, railways, walls etc. He also notes that some of them are penetrable some not; some are crossable, some not; and some of them are found with a series of paths and other activities along them (Ibid). For people, edges are important organizing structures, particularly holding together generalized areas (Ibid). Comparing three different cities, he also notices that edges can be visually prominent but uncrossable, or the other way around (Lynch 1960:63). With the help of Sennett’s explanation and differentiation between borders and boundaries, we can now proceed with explaining the observed phenomena. For the reason mentioned above I will from now on use the term barrier for an active, membrane-like edge, boundary for a passive edge, and border for a state border.

2.3.4. In-between Spaces In the late 1950’s Aldo van Eyck, considered as the “sensitive modernist” introduces the discoursive concept of the in-between space as place, or the threshold, which is a “meeting place” (Teyssot 2008:33). In “Commencement Address”, published in 1981, van Eyck argues that separation is wrong and it is not in favour to people. According to him, “...architecture buildings - should no longer help mitigate inner stress, but should, instead, provoke it” (van Eyck 1981:7). His Sonsbeek Sculpture Pavilion(1967) demonstrates this statement while the small spaces between very long walls put people very closely together and also close to the art (sculptures). The roof is “translucent but not transparent” so the shadows created by the daylight are not just black but blurred, and thus multiple nuances appear. These are ideas that advocate for more interrelations between people, provoking more reactions and activities. Not surprisingly then, the concept of the in-between space is theorized as a “bearer of inter-human events” (Teyssot 2008:34). In-between spaces, according to Hertzberger (2000:215 in Kärrholm 2012:120), depend on interpretation. If they belong more to the house or more to the street can vary from situation to situation and from user to user, but in the end it is a part of the both spaces. Kärrholm (2012:121) uses the concept interstitial spaces, which create spaces “wherever one may want to, in order to develop actions of one’s own, rather than just reacting to strong territorial strategies and their regulation”. As we add more in-between spaces we add “new rules and new things” (Kärrholm 2012:122). For Kärrholm truly interstitial spaces lack dominant territorial strategy or are related to “in-between times” for example commercial waiting spaces which synchronize with urban rhythms (Ibid).

2.2. Method For this study I will use qualitative methods. Groat and Wang (2013: 218f) suggest five key characteristics of a qualitative research, four of which I take into account in this research: * Emphasis on natural settings, i.e. the idea is to examine objects in their natural, everyday settings and circumstances; * Focus on the interpretation and the meaning - introducing the analysis and understanding the gathered data and their significance for the participants and the survey; * Use of multiple strategies - the idea of bricollage, various tools and practices, aggregated together to address a specific problem; * The significance of the inductive logic - a qualitative survey developed in the iterative process from the bottom-up.

2.2.1. Main Methods As a main method, I have used case studies, as explained in Creswell (2003:15) where I, with the help of various qualitative ways for data collection, have investigated sites in Patras, Greece, during the period 17/03/2015 - 01/04/2015. Groat (Groat and Wang 2013:242f) argues for an integrative approach that takes into account the socio-spatial experience in a system of specific time, body, people and spatial elements that interact in a relationship. This approach offers the possibility to combine and redefine various transformative research traditions. For example, combining a historical and an interpretive approach helps in my case to understand better, how and why people act like they do in the context of blended functions and what the results and the meaning of their behavior are like. I have used an empirical interpretation which means I identify theoretical terms with empirical meanings. Besides case studies and interpretation I use field observation of various public spaces and their connections with the semi-public, semi-private and private spaces. According to the inductive logic I observed the research subjects (floating territories and flexible barriers) and the occurring social intensity to uncover how they relate. Using triangulation, explained by Groat (Groat and Wang 2013:84) as â&#x20AC;&#x153;utilization of a variety of data sources, multiple investigators, and/or a combination of data collection techniques in order to cross-check data and interpretationsâ&#x20AC;? helped me to verify the gathered data. As one of my main methods used in the field study was walks, which is a very personal experience, I discussed the observations with few professional participants put in the role of both references and investigators, presented in the following chapter. In the discussion were used mainly verbal

explanations but also drawings and maps to avoid accidental misunderstanding about names of locations and terminology due to the use of English as a second language for both me and them. As combination of data collection I changed mine and in some cases, their role from an observer to a participant in events, which gives us the possibility for changing viewpoints. Data collection was carried out by the means of photography, drawing, mapping, walks, personal log, dialogues and discussions.

2.2.2. Actor-Network Theory as a Method. Stabilization of Networks As another method, I have used concepts and techniques from the Actor-Network Theory and Latour’s paper Trains of Thought. The Fifth Dimension of Time and its Fabrication (2005b), which explain the relation between transportation and transformation. I have observed networks and how they transform, deform, or go through metamorphoses. The notion and the production of time-spaces are possible through networks and actors in another time-spaces, or as Latour (2005b) describes the otherness. To exemplify this idea he speaks of the so called paradox of twin travellers (Latour 2005b) in which the first traveller takes an undisturbed fast trip with a bullet train from point A to point B and the second traveler takes the same journey but walks through a jungle of hinders, and thus transforms, ages and injures her body. The first one has no experiences of the places between point A and B; it is an “uneventful trip”. These places are imagined, unreal, and irrelevant. The second traveller experiences each place through the transformation and thus the places and all the relations, actors and networks between points A and B are very real and relevant to her journey. So with these two examples Latour separates two entirely different types time and space productions. The first one, moving through space in time and the second one, ageing, living, suffering and participating in events (Latour 2005b:175). As Kärrholm (2012:48) notices, ANT as method is typically used to follow traces of time left by an actor/actant in a network or is used to describe immediate effects. In addition, I allow myself to get involved or to participate in events. There is no better way to describe a phenomenon than to live it by yourself, and thus to enter the observed network. Many times during the field study, I tried to step out of the role of the observer and blend in, relying on memories (personal log) to reconstruct the event and analyse it afterwards. This does not mean that I hid from others what I was doing but simply by being friendly I got into conversations, or joined music events, walks, car trips, games or other events. In my research, I have combined the knowledge about Latour’s concepts, namely, the production of time-spaces with other methods like, for example, searching for ethnological and historical 25

explanations. In the quest for finding the core of the urban life in a mixed-use environment, I encountered the phenomena of the urban rituals explained by Sennett (2010:262f). These rituals can be as simple as the way you are supposed to hold your ticket so the bus driver can tear it with one hand (when the check machine is broken) or more complex as the human behaviour in situations when the people use bar chairs as a communication strategy. The meaning of the urban rituals cannot be understood by a simple observation, either they must be lived through a longer time or somebody must explain them to a visitor. Once introduced to the context, the rituals open up another dimension in a certain observation. Using Actor-Network theory as analytical method, I search for different patterns of movement which become practices. Kärrholm (2012:51) defines such processes as stabilised networks dependent on stability in Euclidean space (1). This stabilization occurs when: 1) Euclidean objects/ spaces (created by a network) make networks durable; 2) fluid spatiality with no particular structure (network or Euclidean space) is privileged - “things can change shape and still remain their identity and use as long as they change bit by bit, do not become defined by a particular boundary, and the actants to some extent remains a certain family resemblance between the assemblage at hand and assemblages with which it is associated” (Law 2002; Law and Mol 1994,2001 in Kärrholm 2012:51); 3) presence of actants outside the network, which are not in dependency but keep the network stable (Ibid.). (1) Euclidean space - the space in a three-dimensional coordinate system

2.3. Participants The selection of participants for this study is divided in two: professionals in the field of architecture and city planning and random participants whom I encountered during the data collection process. Four conversations with two architects, a student in architecture and a professor in city planning (all live and work in the observed city) had the important role to: - help me to confirm, rethink, or explain some phenomena in relation to my observations; - translate the environment with its cultural specifics; -give their opinions as professionals and as citizens; -walk me through the historical facts. To some extend these four participants have also contributed to the data collection by drawing my attention to certain subjects and by providing me with information about historical facts and regulations. Generally, however, dialogues and discussion with the professional participants

were not used for data collection but for verifying/falsifying and discussing already gathered data. In that way I was able to “filter” the personalisation of the study and to rethink some of my conclusions. The professional participants in this research are as follows: Tatiana Dimou, PhD architect, age 25-35, abbreviation: architect D. Met at her office on 22/03/2015 (Sunday). As she had moved from Athens a few years ago she brought in another type of viewpoint, that of the comparison between the capital and Patras as a new (for her) city, especially in terms of personalizing of time and urban rhythms. I contacted her through a friend who was her client for designing a gym in combination with a nail art studio. Her work shows an understanding of multifunctional areas.

Kleopatra Tsirli, Bc Political Science, University of Thessaloniki, currently a student in architecture at the University of Patras, age 25-35, abbreviation: student T. Met in a café at Georgiou Square on 24/03/2015 (Tuesday) Her background brought a critical point of view as she understood well the social and political aspects of the public spaces in Patras. Contact mediated through the network of architect D. Eleni Malli, PhD architect, age 25-35, abbreviation: architect M. Met at the University of Patras’ campus on 30/03/2015 (Monday) She contributed with her knowledge and definition of the small (human scale), see chapter What Is Mixed Use and Small Scale?. Contact mediated through the network of architect D. Vasilis Pappas, a civil engineer and a professor at the University of Patras, teacher in City Planning, Cartography and Spatial Planning, age 50-60, abbreviation: professor P. Met at his office at campus on 30/03/2015 (Monday) He contributed to the study with the concept of space domination, as well as explanation of the urban planning system in Greece and the organization of the public spaces. He has a post doctoral degree from Sweden which allowed him to explain and compare three different models of spatial planning from his

professional experience in Sweden and Greece. Recommended as an expert through the City Planning Office in Patras. Since the main purpose of the discussions was not to gather empirical data my questions to these participants were triggered by the various phenomena that I had encountered during the observations, so the conversations do not have the same structure for each one of the meetings. Field studies were made each day so from the first meeting to the last there was a difference in my experience too. If needed, it is possible to compare views where the participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; experience interfaces. However, as the statements used in this study are based on professional experience and theory I use them more as a reference than as a source for data collection. This is also the reason I include some of their statements outside the empirical part, most often in connection with definitions.

As the milieu I studied is not fully familiar to me, to be able to analyse specific phenomena as the before mentioned rituals, in some cases I turned to people who live in Patras. I took any chance to involve informal participants like a friend of mine-G., a mother of two, and a nail artist who helped me with information about the schoolyards and some urban rituals; but also people who initiated contact with me at the places of observations.

2.4. Research Outlines The empirical data will be presented in two parts. The first part is dedicated to presenting the city and data to verify if it actually is a mixed-use city. As evaluating the city is not the main purpose of this study here I will integrate theoretical terms about architectural settings, and present the results in the same chapters as well as a conclusion for this particular question. In the second part empirical data will show the results from the research subject study, namely, the territories and the edges around them. The analysis will be followed successively in immediate connection with the empirical data. This part will be followed by a summarized analytical part and then conclusions and further discussions.

3. RESULTS AND ANALYSIS 3.1. Verifying if Patras is a Mixed-use and Small Scale city 3.1.1. Urban Functions and the Use Type. Urban Fabric and Dimension The city of Patras and is located at the Peloponnese peninsula in Greece. Patras is the prefecture centre of Achaia, with a population of 144 035 people and together with the small satellite settlements Vrachneika, Messatida, Paralia and Rio it reaches 177 245 inhabitants (1). To the number of the residents is to be added the number of students at the University of Patras which were 14 271 in the 2012/2013 (increasing tendency comparing to decreasing in the general statistics for Greece) (2). As discovered through conversation with architect D., the modernist movement in the architectural meaning had an insignificant impact on the urban development, particularly in Patras but also in Greece in general. The main reason for this is the optional involvement of architects in a project. The same authority for the design part of building projects is given both to architects and civil engineers but a civil engineer is always required for calculating the construction. The construction engineers kept the mixed use as simple as possible and it continued to flourish in this form despite the international modernist influence, because less architects where involved. However, the built fabric and structures lacked some architectural qualities such as sound transition between private and public, because the priority was to build the highest quality of construction at the lowest cost possible. The high quality in construction is required because of the active tectonic activities in the area and the lowest cost was needed to gain a higher profit so the demand for architectural and social qualities of a building was a rare priority. Although the mixed-use won unconditionally over the modernism, the city has suffered from the enormous speed in building activities, especially in the 1970s, which has generated very dense urban fabric in the central part of the city. Small houses with gardens were replaced by what may resemble the insula type buildings described by Sheer (2010:37ff), called polikatoikia (from the two Greek words: -many and -resident). Polikatoikias are usually more than 2-3 floor buildings, in which the ground floor is used for other than residential functions, in most of cases commercial uses or car parking.

Fig. 3 and 4 (from left to right): an old type of house with a garden(left) and the polikatoikia type(right).

To have another function on the ground floor, however, is not a rule, but the active ground floor is present in most of the cases and creates multiple interrelations at the street level. The dense urban fabric, as explained by professor P., is developed not by the pressure of population growth but mainly because of the stable areas of the main land uses, defined by regulations on one side and the private interest for increasing the price of the land through denser building structures from the other. As discussed with student T., the building companies offered a certain number of apartments in return of land ownerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s small house with a garden. After the house is replaced by the high polikatoikia the owners either sell or rent their apartments inviting more residents into the block. The building companies usually sell the apartments in order to get a fast profit. The result, as I see it through observations is that we have many small-flat owners instead of one owner of a big real estate. This in turn leads to the fact that many different private interests define the use of the building. In residential buildings, one can also find small offices, private medical care, or laboratories because the rent rates for commercial uses are higher. That is how the vertical dimension of Hoppenbrouwer and Louwâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mixed-use model is seen in practice but here it is actually as a hybrid. On vertical dimension, we have the mix of the private apartment owners who rent for different uses and on horizontal level, we have the mix of the horizontal dimension because the ground floors of the buildings, as said before, are almost always used for some other purpose than dwelling.

Fig. 5: Patras urban fabric. Note: the map does not include settlements outside the city which continue on North and South

Fig. 6.

Fig. 7.

The urban fabric of the city (fig.5) is designed according to the principles of the orthogonal grid planning and maintains the initial plan of Patras from the 19th century (fig.6). The historical facts (3) reveal that the person who designed it back then was the military engineer Stamatis Bulgaris (4) which predetermined the strategical organization of the urban fabric with parallel and perpendicular streets in relation to the sea edge. Visible from the map (fig. 5) the North direction is on left which shows the important perspective of a visitor who comes by the sea. In a historical review of the city Bakounakis (2005:153) writes: â&#x20AC;&#x153;The design of the city of Patras was the most important work of Stamatis Voulgaris, the first Greek city plannerâ&#x20AC;?. At that time, the residents were around 4000. The city is up to nowadays organised in three zones: Upper and Lower City, and the artificial harbour. The applied model has great advantages, it especially improves the navigation. Although the dominating vertical dimension of the buildings is presented, the mountain and the sea are usually visible from the street level. The good navigation is not only contributing to saving time but it also gives a citizen and a visitor a greater sense of safety (see fig.7,8). Because of the sense of the whole as described by Lynch (1990:108) certain elements on paths, like for example the orange tree alley Trion Navarhon (see fig.6: the diagonal street which leads to a pier), small squares and churches, indicate oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s position. As the old urban fabric is preserved, most of the streets are very narrow and adding the parking lines, there is not enough space for two files on the road, especially in the city centre. The solution used is to make the streets one way only so each street has its direction. The building blocks are small in general, around 100 by 100m which supports proximity and human scale discussed previously.

Fig. 8 and 9

The urban fabric can be described as a static tissue, a concept developed by Sheer (2010:51), because of the stable grid, which allows changes only within the lots. With the course of time these lots became smaller and smaller (see Fig.7) (1)Data from the Hellenic Statistical authority, 2011 http://www.statistics.gr/portal/page/portal/ESYE/PAGEthemes?p_param=A1603&r_param=SAN21&y_param=2011_00&mytabs=0 (2)Data from the Hellenic Statistical authority, 2014 http://www.statistics.gr/portal/page/portal/ESYE/PAGE-themes?p_param=A1403&r_param=SED33&y_param=2012_00&mytabs=0 http://www.statistics.gr/portal/page/portal/ESYE/BUCKET/A1403/PressReleases/A1403_SED33_DT_AN_00_2012_01L_F_EN.pdf (3)(New Generation Radio blog, http://ngradio.gr/blog/foivos-piompinos-blog/stamatis-voulgaris-protos-poleodomos-neoteris-elladas/) (4)in Greek , Stamatis Voulgaris. Although with a Greek origin, in this research I use the Bulgari spelling because the person was born on the Corfu island which under the medieval period was ruled by the Venetian republic. Under the time he liv ed, the island was also under French and British influence, and many references use the spelling Bulgari. For further reading in English I suggest searching after the following spellings: Voulgaris, Boulgaris, Bulrgaris, Bulgari.

3.1.2. City Planning and Its Relation to Social Life In terms of public regulation and city planning, professor P. explained that the system in Greece works centrally. Although the city and the city council do discuss about the city plan, the final decision is taken by what is called the periphery (the region). The administrative system in Greece is based centrally in Athens. On a local level it is the responsible ministry, the so called periphery, which is funding the different plans or is taking other important decisions. Depending on the beneficiary, that means the city, the periphery controls the whole planning process. After a specific procedure is completed, the city’s council can give its opinion about the planning. They send their opinion to the region (periphery), and the periphery, which is closely connected with the ministry, takes the final decision. So, according to professor P., the responsible people and the responsible organisation must be the municipality but its role is not the one it should be. It is a limited one, because they are only allowed to give their opinion. They do not have the proper environment (a freedom) to take decisions directly. In addition, due to mainly financial flows, because the ministry pays and the legislation framework is based on this centralized system, the final decision is taken by the ministry through the periphery. Of course, the opinion the city council counts, but the city council doesn’t have the last word. The authorities share the responsibility for the city planning in that order: the central (state) level, the regions, the municipalities. In some rare cases, the settlements also have responsibility, but it is very limited. The implementation of the approved plan is the responsibility of the city through the direction of the municipal organisation. This is the administrative pyramid in Greece, which reflects on the different levels of planning: on national level, on region level and on city level. The general master planning defines the main land uses, for example: protected areas, settlements, the new port, the commercial centre, and from there more detailed plans are made according to the linear centres, the historical centres and so on. These kinds of lines are very old, as professor P. showed, through the years, due to this centralized model the lines between the different land uses stay stable. And this is the main reason, according to him, for the dense urban fabric as mentioned above. As professor P. stated, these processes do not follow a vision but they are results of, as he put it, “administration of space”, which he assessed to be a big problem and disadvantage. It was a mystery to me then, how the mixed-use is happening all over the city despite the lack of strategy. It became obvious, though, that in fact there was a hidden strategy indeed, which professor P. explained to be regulated through an official document: “...this is from the legislated framework, one of the old laws(1),..., which says that the main land uses of the masterplan are these:

Pure housing, General housing, Urban centres, Tourism and recreation and so on. In my opinion, the crucial terms are the first two: pure housing and general housing. What is the meaning of pure housing? This one: in the areas of the pure housing of course, you have housing but also: - small hotels, small commercial installations, social welfare, education, athletic activities, religion places, and culture. It is actually not pure housing, it is a mixed one. Moreover, what we are calling general housing is, apart from the housing, - big hotels, commercial stores, services, banks, education social welfare, education, athletic activities and even gas stations etc. That means the existing legislation supports the mixed land use and although we try to build everywhere, the mixed-use is a big advantage in the Greek cities”. With these explanations, the mechanism, which supports the mixed-use, was uncovered, and although it is optional, the majority of the buildings in the city are mixed-use. I have concluded that either the people perceive the mixed use positively, or they are just used to it. If presumed that the people are just used to the model and ignore some negative effects, which in fact was confirmed with all four of the respondents, they still have the choice to move further from the dense city centre and without losing the everyday services they are used to. The reason is the fine and the blurred grain as has been explained earlier, which supports the mixed use with its small corner shops and cafés, and restaurants and even private medical services and free time activities never stops, and the basic services and commodities are always near. As we saw from the theory a mixed use alone is not enough to satisfy higher social needs. So how is the city planning related to social life? With the help, again from professor P., I was able to explore three city planning models. The first one is more known in Sweden, where the city limit is very clear so that the city stops suddenly. In addition, the neighbourhoods are mainly with a residential use. The open spaces in such areas are not as much appreciated, which gives a poor social life outdoors. The problem highlighted here is not “the cold weather” but “too much planning”. With “too much planning” professor P. meant that everything is predetermined in advance, from the infrastructure to small details so the users are not given the possibility to adjust the environment according to their current needs and activities. Too much planning makes neighbourhoods boring and predictable, according to him. This is one reason, in his opinion, that the people do not use the public open spaces in these areas so much. Another point here is that the much-planned situation/space does not support democracy. Moreover, I can conclude here that, indeed, this kind of situation does not leave much choice to an individual, a family, or a small community for self organizing and self revision of the space. The second model is the Greek empiric model, as it is right now: too much construction activities without rules. The urban sprawl in Greece, as visible on the Patras map (Fig.5), is showing

dispersed building activities outside the city. Professor P. concluded that the problem here is the well known car dependency and also that the public services cannot reach the residents. The ideal model according to professor P. is something in the middle, which follows the principle: “Plan the roads, construct the roads and the rest, leave it according to some rules! Not in a well detailed planning. And also allow the mix of use”. This philosophy is giving a very good foundation for a flexible city planning and some working monitoring mechanism, which can regulate “the natural growth”. This idea may also resemble to another theory, The Unified Architectural Theory which argues for fractal language in design, inspired by nature (Salingaros 2013). Salingaros examines traditional city planning patterns, as well as orthogonal grids on fractal principle in the same way as biological systems in nature. “Importantly, fractal urban structures typically provide multiple combinations of benefits that work in synergy” (Salingaros 2013:162). There is an example of branching paths through the city, which give the possibility for carrying out multiple tasks simultaneously. Another effect is the “spillover” informal exchange with other people, which happens on the way to some event and thus the time used for the main reason for the walk is more efficiently used. This strategy is directly linked to economic, social, and other benefits (Salingaros 2013:162). (1)(articles 230–240, Code of Basic Planning Laws) see also: http://www.greeklawdigest.gr/topics/environment/item/101-spatial-and-urban-planningland-uses (Autors note)

3.1.3. A City That Does Not Sleep Thinking about time and how it is expressed in this city particularly, it is very interesting to highlight the urban rhythm, which the special timetable creates. The density in the streets dependends on day hours and days in the week. The shops and other services have very specific working hours: Monday - 9am - 2:30 pm; Tuesday - 9am - 2pm; 5pm-9pm Wednesday 9am - 2:30 pm; Thursday 9am - 2pm; 5pm-9pm Friday 9am - 2pm; 5pm-9pm 36

Saturday 9am - 2:30 pm; Sunday - closed This timetable is not as monotone like a Monday to Friday 9am to 5pm week. It helps the sense of time in a better way and helps to divide the day in two, but it also differentiates the days in the week. I think it contribute to organize the urban density too. At the time of my observations, the citizens in Patras did not seem stressed, and that was shared opinion with the architect D. who has moved to Patras from Athens and she noticed the difference, too. “Here we work in the morning and in the afternoon we go home; we have a break during the day. Patras is a small city and everybody does that. Just a few people work from 9 to 5 continuously. But you can do that because your house is ten minutes walking away and you can just eat, sleep or relax for a little bit and just come after, and that’s a gift, too.” The timetable is the same for the whole Greece except in the bigger companies in Athens, which try to synchronize with the international timetable. Together with the commercial sphere and its materiality, it has created an urban rhythm which follows the pattern of the timetable 24 hours a day as “...the role of architecture is much more extensive, affecting the mobilisation of the different rhythms, flows and activities of everyday life” (Kärrholm 2012:39). The late working hours, of course generate more activities at night but people may meet in the afternoon, too. Thus, the streets are always busy. Different clubs and club activities are very common phenomena even in residential areas and in combination with all kinds of small educational centres, sport activities, and small shops, they contribute to a high level of independence and social life of every small neighbourhood. The nightlife is very intensive and various urban sub-cultures emerge as formations around specific cafés, bars and music clubs or diverse preferences like sports, which is most visible as practice in the evenings and at night. Along with the rich social life, I find in the city, there is also very active political engagement among all ages and groups. Protesting in Greece is an implicit right, which is usually exercised in Patras each time when civil rights are suppressed. In my opinion, the city of Patras never sleeps both literally and consciously.

3.1.4. Evaluation of the City of Patras In conclusion, Patras gives the possibility to find a traditional mixed-use development. After I examined the city on all its levels, the observations and analysis of the results prove that the environment is properly chosen in terms to study research subjects in their natural settings. As the context matches the necessary settings to suit the purpose of this study, I will proceed with the presentation of the empirical data in connection with territories and their edges in a mixed-use environment.

3.2. Territories, Barriers and Boundaries in Mixed-use Environments After verifying the context, it is time to proceed with the central research. The field study was performed at multiple levels following the logic of zooming in. As I go through from a bigger to smaller scale, I analyse further the neighbourhood, the building blocks, the buildings, and places in between. Following my observations, I have distinguished the following types of mix happening in connection with the subject of study: - mix of territories; - mix of users; - mix of functions; - mix of indoor and outdoor; - mix in time. These mixes occur in most cases simultaneously which makes it harder to discuss them separately. To avoid confusion, and because of the crossed levels of observation it is necessary to attach the analysis immediately after presenting the results for each situation. For a better structure I will summarize the analysis in a separate chapter. In addition, and with the help of the conversations, I develop the following leads: - relationship between design, urban rituals and rhythms, and everyday routines; - the role of city planning for the design on a smaller scale and for the social life;

- the importance of the public spaces for conceiving and developing democracy over time. In the chapter 2.2.1 I will discuss the phenomenon of overlapping territories and its effects and in chapter 2.2.2 I will present the series of field studies sorted out by the main mix discussed.

3.2.1. Mix of Territories and Users A. The Effect of Undefined Territorialization. How People Deal with Mixed-use Environments and Problems like Compromising with Privacy? Architect D. expressed her opinion that to live in a mixed-use block is a matter of “getting used to it” and a choice, which is made when a person buys an apartment. Some of the contradictions are adjusted by through transactions, for example, a bar pays to the residents above not to complain about the noise. For her, these kinds of situations are not a problem as far as the people who inhabit the area give their consent to these activities. For architect M. this is the status quo that her generation is used to and younger people do not pay attention to such relations. The previous generations, however, are used to a more “quiet” lifestyle and they would not prefer the mix and dense urban environment if they could choose. More critical was student T. who argued for more gradual transitions between the different functions and users, and more space for individual privacy, and a kind of more private space for the close neighbours in a building. According to her, because of the different users within a dwelling building, the mixing of housing with commercial functions creates a “chaos” in private and public meaning. As discussed in the theoretical part the mixed use is seen both on the vertical direction (renting apartments for commercial purposes) and on the horizontal direction (active ground floors). In the conversation with professor P., he expressed the opinion that moving outside the city in a house with a garden is a common dream all over the world and it is not certain that the search for more privacy is the reason people move out of the cities. However, we discussed the problem, which may emerge from the mixed-use and small-scale environment that is the space domination, which means, as he shortly defined, “I control my space”. The term is explained in the context with the drawing below (Fig.10) which shows sections of two buildings and the possibilities that the space gives to neighbours to intentionally or not watch each other over their balconies, because they are too near and nothing stops the visual access. As professor P. explains, in this kind of situations we have less criminality, than other spaces, but the downside is the contradiction between privacy and space domination.

Analysis: The problem of space domination can be explained wider as the effect of physical or non-physical territories which overlap. How this overlapping is related to the healthy social life depends on the user’s behavior. Further it is also connected with Sennett’s discussion about the privatization of the self which affects the level of comfort/discomfort in such situations.

Fig. 10. Space domination exercised by neighbours on the balconies over neighbours in the private garden

B. Competing Territories. Access and Maintenance When it comes to maintenance of the public space it can also be used as an indicator for a territoriality. During my wanderings and observations in the streets of Patras, I was surprised to see how the privately owned shops and cafeterias care for the public space around them and also change the design to promote their businesses. Although it is not a guarantee, this gesture seems to prevent or reduce acts of vandalization even at closing hours, while the sidewalks where a store is permanently closed is immediately claimed as, not public, and thus, everybody’s, but nobody’s instead. Analysis: The result is that these territories become “victims” of deformations, created in time, like erosion due to weather conditions but also vandalism and in some cases; they become a home for various animals like street cats and birds, and the vegetation slowly destroys the built environment. Such sad examples have increased, comparing with my previous visits in the city four years ago and with the economical crisis it got more spread in the city centre making the phenomenon even more obvious. As discussed in the conversation with student T., this kind of maintenance and especially the change of the design by the shop owners is understood and explained as interference in the public space and in some cases regarded as an illegal act. The reason according to student T. is that this kind of environment does not allow a person just to stay in the area without the intention to consume.

So the matter of maintenance as indicator of ownership may tend to express territoriality and so does the vandalism. The both phenomena are two opposite ways to claim public space. The maintenance by the private shops and cafeterias tries to dominate and no matter with legal means or not it transforms the public space into a semi-private or in the optimal situation, into a mix of semi-private and public. On the other hand we have the vandalism which with illegal means transforms the public space into “nobody’s”. The access is free, but it is no more attractive to people. These two are agencies, which compete for the domination over the public space. The vandalism and criminality is a problem in every big city. In these situations, as professor P. says, a planner or architect cannot change the behaviour itself, but instead the possibilities of the space can be improved. The mix of territories that happens on Patras sidewalks by mixing pedestrian flow with the shop and cafeteria extensions also changes the possibilities of the space. The phenomenon registers and demonstrates a space domination described by professor P. and thus, if not prevents at least reduces crime activities, as we clarified, in that particular space. If the public space lacks maintenance or is freer from demonstrating space domination, it becomes “nobody’s”. According to professor P., the issue with the semi-private space floating into the public is nearly in the way people exploit the environment. The important is to secure the flow on the sidewalk and the possibility to stay there. In the conversation, he explains three models that can occur when semi-private space extends into the public space. The first model is as it is supposed to be the “Greek model” and it contains tables and chairs, whatever the furniture in front of the privately owned businesses and the pedestrian flow is allowed to move between this furniture and the customers. This model creates the moment of interruption Latour is arguing for and thus it appears to support social relations and place making. The opposite model is the “Swedish model” where the semi-private space around the tables on the sidewalks is surrounded by a physical and mental boundary (a fence) and in that way it “cuts out” a bit from the public space and no interaction is happening between the two spaces. The third model is when “the Greek model” spreads out beyond the legal rules and creates a commercial “trap” where the public space is suffocating for territory. The problem was described as a negative phenomenon also by the other three professional respondents, but according to my observations, and confirmed in the conversations, most people in Patras and in Greece generally do not seem to realise the difference between public and semiprivate. The local specifics of the relations between business owners and consumers tend to outweigh in favour to the latter and that allows people to feel freer in semi-private space. One example is the mass ignorance of the sign no smoking at the cafeterias and restaurants. In this kind of relationships people may tend to confuse the two types of spaces and create false standards. There is a level of risk in these situations because a public space is not loaded with the same rules as the semi-private. As Kärrholm (2012:57) notices, bars, restaurants, and shops tend to determine the kind of people and behaviour they allow inside and their rules impact 41

cumulatively the space outside. In Greece, the impact happens in both ways and due to the common belief in free access in the city in combination with the financial crisis business owners retrieve in holding on to their rules in order to keep their places occupied. First of all, the point here is to understand where the mental limit is in this mix of territories. In the conversation with professor P., he expressed the opinion that the danger comes when this mental limit is out of balance. On the one hand, if the semi-private rules become the common thing, democracy is under threat because the individuals do not have the freedom to express opinion or to exercise their rights as citizens. In addition, territorialisation through the materiality affects behaviour and thus, changes the possibilities of the spaces as explained by professor P. This automatically creates “both actual control and a sense of direct or indirect control” (Kärrholm 2012:64). In the other extreme situation, the business owners become victims of their own hospitality. Recently redesigned Riga Feraiou Street in Patras suffers from imbalance between public space and cafeterias. Architect D. and student T. expressed opinions that the people seem to like it because it is always crowded. The problem was, according to the two, the commercialization of the public space, which a professional sees clearer. Although well populated such places would not contribute to higher quality of social life because “the democracy is conceived and developed in the public space”, as architect D. said.

C. Territories and Access in Relation to the Scale of the Business Ownership Another aspect is the scale of the ownership. In Greece, as seen in Patras, there are many small business owners who keep the diversity alive and respect civil rights even if the areas are primarily commercial, as in fact, allowing the clients to dictate in to some degree. Many private offices like architects, lawyers and even public authorities are in direct connection with the sidewalks as architect D.’s office (see fig.11). Analysis: Such practice makes professionals very accessible and also keeps them near the “real world”, or in the theoretical terms of this study, exposed to the otherness. It allows unexpected meetings and the mix of all kinds of people. In relation to the smaller scale in Patras the mix of services is supported by the city planning and it has a positive impact on the social life.

Fig. 11.

D. Mixed Use and Mix of Difference and Indifference The phenomenon of mixture between difference and indifference generally was not present in the urban culture of Patras as described by Sennett. In the observed city, it is more likely for people to help strangers rather than to ignore them. Even further, it is enough to give unintentionally around the signs of confusion and it is always somebody who comes and offers help. This is an accidental experience in connection to few field observations but not intentionally gathered data. It means that people give attention to each other and in a matter of second they can decide to trust/help somebody or not. While observing the flea market just after my arrival, a woman beside me, after few phrases exchanged asked me if I could watch her shopping carriage so she could go on the other side of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;shopâ&#x20AC;?(a huge table with many clothes and buyers all around). However, as an example here, I would add some of my personal experiences in the past. Fourfive years ago when I visited the city, there were many illegal immigrants who crossed the borders of the harbour and walked along the city, many of them survived by the help of the local citizens who supported them with clothes and food. Some volunteers even organized language courses for free and tried to learn more about the strangers. I have observed some of their lessons and it is very much like the Swedish SFI (Swedish for immigrants) but the difference is, it is totally organised with personal resources: somebody is a teacher, somebody has a free space and they do it together. Attendants do not need to register it is enough just to show up. After my last visit, the situation with the immigrants had suffered from a change as the amount of immigrants has increased significantly, because of the conflict in Syria. Combined with the financial crisis in Greece, people started to get used to the new conditions and were trying to ignore the waves of people begging for money or selling small stuff between the coffee tables on popular spots. However, in my opinion, this is a behaviour nearly caused by extreme conditions rather than the indifference for the different described previously in the text. Analysis: The important aspect to mention here is that in this case the physical access and the overlapping territories produced by the mixed use create intermediaries because the bodies have no impact on each other or at least the intensity is lower. This is an example of how the mix use is not capable to deliver social exchange because of other factors.

2.1.2. Field Studies A. Flexibility in Time. The Bar Chair and the Mix in Time As Latour argues, a space is a topos when wanderers are coming back to the same place, because of the transformation, for example ageing, through which they compare the transformation in the environment with their own, acknowledging that the environment has not changed significantly compared to their own transformation. My role as a wanderer gave me the opportunity to see how this theory was working in practice, but also to discover further, that the opposite process can also be possible. For a relatively short time the environment can change, undergoing metamorphosis, while me, the wanderer, is still at the same place. That, of course, creates another instance, another space-time, where you become a part of the environment while other actants change their positions. Using the walk as one of my methods and entering in the role of Latour’s second traveller who is able to interact and take the challenges of the environment from point A to B, I have seen the street as a whole, which I have divided into a series of smaller time-spaces. As I have been walking through the streets of Patras, my journey was constantly interrupted by events, created in this mix of “everything”. The sense of time noticeably adopted its meaning through the dynamics of all the networks and the relations between biological and non-biological bodies like cars, baskets, tables, bar chairs, people, doves, trees, talking, hail, laughing and countless actants more. I have been able to observe or to be involved in events. The mix of public and retail space on the sidewalks was changing as I walked through long streets like Maizonos and Korinthou. As I have moved through spaces and times I could notice the expansion and the retraction of the shops and cafés as they were alive bodies or sea waves. One reason is of course, the special timetable of the shops but also many other relations like how the owners of the shops organize their spaces; or how the people deal with the hinders on their way.

Fig.12. Mapping space-times. Study walks along Korinthou, Maizonos and the streets around

As shown in the active space-times study above, I have performed study walks on different days and at different times. Hundreds of photos were taken to show transformation of time-spaces as I walked. In this experiment both the environment and the researcher move and transform. When I started walking from my home down the Korinthou street at 1:30pm, I saw the corner shop with the vegetables, the other people also walking zig-zagging around the street furniture and the shop extensions, cars parked along the sidewalk, cars moving on the road, a bird landing on a coffee table, a man paying and taking his goods, an old lady doing a cross on herself as she was passing along a church - not on this street but on the parallel one (because all this was visible due to the specifics of the urban fabric). As the Korinthou Str, alike the other streets here, is rather straight, a person on that street is able to view, if not all of it, at least a very big part of it and thus, to stay physically at the same place (topos). But as the time goes by, for example at 1:50pm, some pieces of materiality belonging to the shop and some cafĂŠ extensions are gradually removed by waiters and shop personnel and at the time of 2:00pm the streets are quieter and the available space on the sidewalks is wider. At some point, I stop and I stay for the afternoon at a friendâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for a coffee and chat. When I decide to turn back, it is already around 5:30. Going down the 45

same street again, I experience the slow expanding of the shops and cafeterias to the point where everything is open again and even more, the people, occupying these spaces makes the available space of the sidewalk even more narrow and dense. Analysis: This is an example of the transformation of public space in time. Kärrholm (2012:67) defines these processes of retail deterritorialization as territorial synchronisation, which is consistent with the urban rhythm in order to function more efficiently. In Patras, and in Greece as a whole (with some exceptions like Athens), it is the retail timetable and thus, deterritorialization that gives the urban rhythm. As a result, this affects first of all the business in their demand for flexibility in their space design and that influences the rest of the urban environment as a model. Here I have used mappings of space-times, photographing frames as I moved through time and space, as an analyzing tool. Walking in one direction and then coming back, I was able to identify certain object/entities, how they change position, or disappear when the shops were close, but also what was left behind. These entities also defined the territories. Passive space-times study is the experiment to pick a cafeteria and stay as long as possible there. In this case the researcher is still while the environment is transforming. When talking with student T., the idea was to find a quiet cafeteria on a small street. When we came in at around 7pm there was only one or two tables occupied and some relaxing music. As the conversation between us two was developing, the cafeteria became louder and louder, and more and more people arrived. They moved the chairs and they ordered drinks that filled the tables to the point when a party started and I could hardly hear what my companion said. I needed to shout to make myself heard and due to all of the “new” people, I realised that I did not have enough space around me to be able to change my position too much. Analysis: Therefore, if we only passed by, without knowing something about the place, the conclusion would be that this was not a place at all. In cases when you as customer consume in short frame of time and leave the place to allow the next client to replace you it is not possible either to notice the change. But the fact that we stopped by, stayed, and there we felt no pressure to leave soon, enabled us to witness the evolution in time and to “situate” the cafeteria as a topos, an event-generating place. Urban ritual study also occured in a semi-private space, which is in a mixed-use building. Most of the days (except special occasions like the Patras carnival) this is a visited but quite quiet café and in the evenings and nights, a place for a party. Besides the intriguing design, a professional eye can recognise signs of science behind the physical environment, science about lighting, the organisation of the space and socialization at least. The space allowed many possibilities of use: not only to sit down at the tables, and not only to sit at the bar but also many possibilities in between - to choose higher or lower level, or to stand by small bar tables, high and low chairs, indoor and outdoor, but also in between. Above all this, the possibility to just to pass by, created by remaining existing patterns of movement in the building and even those outside the building. 46

Such kind of scientific approach is very common for semi-private spaces in Greece, like bars, cafés, restaurants, and clubs. These spaces are very appreciated by the residents, because they increase the interactions between people. The exploration of the bar chair got to its culmination here at this particular place, when I was introduced to the meaning of the sitting height by my friend G. and her story about bar chairs and high heels. She and some of her friends were out, socializing at a typical cafeteria in Patras. She asked why everybody likes to either sit on a bar chair or just standing up at a bar table although they wear high heels and their feet may get tired. Her friends smilingly said that when they sit higher, the spirit is higher, too! In addition, she really noticed that when, after a while, sitting down on normal chair, she and one more from the company did not laugh and talk as before when they were sitting higher, because they relaxed their bodies in the comfort of the sitting chairs. This phenomenon is widely exploited all over the city (and surely in the whole country) and the bar chairs and bar tables have become a common feature among the street furniture like something in between the states of “passing by” and “sitting down”, i.e. “sitting up” and “standing by”. At the time we discussed the story, the cafeteria we were at, slowly started to transform itself, in waiting for the nightlife. The waitresses took the unoccupied coffee chairs and with the help of a giant screw in the middle of the tables they adjusted the height of the coffee tables which were now transformed into bar tables. Some adjustments with lighting and other details like personnel shifts and so on, enabled the metamorphosis of the place, which now became a new kind of place in a matter of few hours. Analysis: The bar chair has another ability, that is, to meet people by creating what Latour describes as kairos. When the bar chair is combined with a passage, the situation generates more virtualities, described in the chapter Actor-Network theory and Time. The user’s eye level is the same as for the people who are passing by, and in this way, in the right moment, the phenomena of the unexpected meeting is made possible. Moreover, not only that but also tens and hundreds of interactions with people. Of course, to put the otherness in action, it is not enough to have a bar chair and a passage. In order to create the possibility I have just described, series of actions need to be done, for example, a polikatoikia type building must be built, some interested investor must hire an estate on the ground level and decide to use it in a certain way, then comes the interior designer who puts her/his knowledge in collaboration with the owner, and sometimes with the owner’s neighbours. And to go even further, to create the supreme moment for the unexpected meeting you need the activity to continue in certain (maybe late) hours, and above all this you rely on human factors like to attract somebody to sit on this bar chair and also the neighbour’s acceptance of some characteristics of that moment, for example noise or music. In

addition to these other space-times before the event, the knowledge of a certain urban ritual is set into practice.

B. Plateia Nikis and the Public Secret

Fig.13.

Nikis Square (Plateia Nikis) is situated on the North of the city centre near the Church of St. Sofia. The neighbourhood is mainly residential, but mixed-use, with small specialized shops for fruits and vegetables, meat, small supermarkets, pastry shops, fast food, clothes, shoes and so on, plus the traditional periptero (newspaper kiosk) - everything needed for the everyday life. The easy access from the city centre via one of the main streets, Maizonos, which continues in Konstinoupoleos Street gives the wanderer straight path to follow, reaching the square, and situates the place not only locally but also in the city. The squareâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s dimensions are defined by the church on the East and a school on the West. The street from the South gives visual access to the sea on the West and to the mountain on the East. Here I came twice and I stayed for some hours observing the character of the place. Plateia Nikis combines educational, religious, recreational, and commercial functions. CafĂŠs, public owned drinkable water and different types of playgrounds make the place very attractive for parents with children, old people, and teenagers. After school hours, the gates of the school are locked but around 3p.m., many of the children cross over the fence and use the space for playing different games and sports. As the fence was 1,60m high at the lowest parts and only vertical long narrow pins it was a mystery how the children climb over it. I took the role of a detective and walked around the schoolyard to see if the fence was broken somewhere. There was no suitable hole, which could be useful even for kids. The only place was at the main (delivery) gate

on the side of the street. I waited beside the gate but nobody showed up, while the schoolyard was constantly filling with playing children. I turned back to the square and checked out the small gate (see fig.15., down left). Nothing happened in a while until I saw a ball flying over the fence as shown (see fig. 15 down right). It was not by a mistake but the kids used the fence as a kind of volleyball net. Then one of the kids revealed the mystery of the practice of crossing over when she went through a place in the fence where one of the pins was slightly deformed (Fig.14).

Fig.14. Barrier acting as a membrane

Analysis: So the space was defined not only by the materiality but also by the activity. The tree was a roof, the bushes guarded the ball from escaping (most of the times) and the schoolyard fence was the volleyball net, but it was the activities that turned the place into a playground. The first activity is when somebody some time ago (a different space-time) came and deformed the fence so that a small body of a child can pass through. Adults were those people who surely made this, equipped with tools, and unfortunately, I could never know the reason why they did it. It is the result here that is important - the fence is a physical filter, a membrane, which allows children to go through, but not adults. It helps breaking a rule, signalised by the gate locks, that is “nobody is allowed”, making the public mind more important than the rules, created by the activity of closure through physical environment. The concept of the public mind, emerged from this Fig. 15 study as I observed the importance of the public opinion and the actions and consequences which it creates. This is also an example of self-revision, discussed by Sennett (2010:264) where he argues for “open system” where “built form proves capable of metamorphosis”. The second activity is the game, which extends the space behind the fence, inside the schoolyard, which transforms the space once an entity adopts a different meaning, that is in this case, the fence.

Fig.16. The second visit showed another way to use the same space (Fig.16). The ball was moving mainly in a parallel to the fence direction and the two boys playing were guarding imaginable target gates. In this case, the fence and the bushes define the playground. As Sennett (2010) notices, “kids are playing in spaces meant for other purposes”, because they participate in the creation of playgrounds and through appropriation, use the spaces in a way different from the initial design intention (Sennett, 2010:265). Analysis: If we zoom just a bit out of this small system, one can find another system, where intentionally or not, the break in the fence is again a central act/entity. In this system, we can analyze the act of public (informal) surveillance. In the centre, there is the act and the point of the passing-through/ crossing-over and the actants are the children and the ball. People usually occupy the benches in front of the schoolyard, and if not, the possibility that somebody comes is high, because the space offers a bench under a shadow and the beautiful sound of children playing and birds singing. The people who occupy this space, unintentionally provide the act of guarding the children and also often the act of returning an “out of control” ball back in the playground defined by the playing activity. On the other hand, the cafeterias offer coffee and other drinks under tents or parasols and thus, attracting more people who can practice the act of informal surveillance over the act of crossing-over. Another schoolyard I observed was at a high school nearby Plateia Nikis. It lies in front of church St. Alexios on a main street called Ellinos Stratiotou. There I found the same pattern in a system of entities: Periptero, a church, a school and benches in front of the schoolyard occupied

by old people. The first time I was there, the gates were locked, but the schoolyard was occupied by teenagers and up in age young people who were performing spontaneous sport activities(Fig.17). It was not possible for a stranger to go in so probably somebody with a key had let the young people in. The huge area and the big parking spot behind the schoolyard make informal surveillance more difficult here, though not completely impossible due to the high buildings around. The second time I was there the gates were unlocked and open and more young people were playing, basketball, and volleyball (Fig.18). Again, the games had a spontaneous character.

Fig.17

Fig.18

Two schoolyards I visited were also locked after school hours but one (on the Riga Fereou Str nearby city centre) was empty at the time I was there. Without trying to identify a reason for the empty schoolyard, I would mention that the school on Riga Fereou Street is also near Plateia Olgas (the Olgas square), which provides plenty of possibilities as we shall discuss further in this research. As the City Planning Office in Malmรถ is very interested in opening and using the schoolyards for other than educational purposes, I focused this part of my research on this topic. Opening the schoolyards in Greece would be nearly, as it showed, an opening of the last frontier in city accessibility of territories, as everything else, which is not private is free to access due to the mixed-use environment. I discussed that with architect D. and she knew about the practice of crossing-over the school premises. According to her, to cross over the fence is not an issue if it is the students who use the space. If an adult tries the same tactic, there is no rule that forbids that. It is then the public, which makes decision and somebody can argue that this area is for students and not for adults. The concern comes primarily because of criminal actions against children. The great surprise is that open schoolyards are a public secret in Patras. Searching for additional information about the city after I came back, I found an official document which revealed a decision that the school yards in this city should be open to the public after school hours, valid since 2011:

“Recently there has been an important administrative decision (after months of negotiations with local authorities) which has led to the opening of school premises during the afternoon (after hours) so these can be utilized as free common public spaces for initiatives and as social gathering areas” (Council of Europe, Nov 2011:4). “Possibly one of the most effective initiatives taken within the last year with respect to breaking down possible neighbourhood barriers, has been the opening up of school grounds together and developing intercultural projects within the artistic, musical, theatre spheres of action, sporting events therefore involving all persons within this newly found space which was never before available for civilian activities”. (Council of Europe, Nov 2011:6) “The opening up of school premises, after hours for the use of such children and their families, has markedly increased the places and times where intercultural mixing has become possible”. (Council of Europe, Nov 2011:10) Analysis: During my field study, nobody that I have asked knew something about opening the schoolyards. Many of the expressed opinions were that it would be nice but there is a risk for the children to become victims of criminals, such as drug dealers. As the children informally have already used the areas on their own terms and under the terms of good intention of the informal surveillance, the act of opening the school grounds for everybody with a free access would change a working system in a way that the described acts of crossing-over and filtering would be deformed and thus the places would change their current meaning and state.

C. Plateia Olgas - the City Jungle

Fig.19.

This square is one of the few places in the city with diverse vegetation, which has become an attraction for many kinds of birds but also a diversity of people in different age, ethnicity and interests. Due to its central location, the place is widely exploited by a mixture of uses: commercial, residential, recreational, educational, cultural, and political. Its official name is Ethnikis Antistaseos Square (National Resistance Square) but is most popular with its old name and because of the many trees (planted when constructing the square) was also called Queen Olgaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Garden. In the conversation with architect M., she shared that the place has been changed since she was a little girl but not in a physical way. Although, in my opinion, the square is visited by many people, she said that when she used to come with her mother there were even more people and now the square is considered declining. Here(Fig.20), as before, I notice the crossing-over practice, this time performed by everybody who happens to use this path, created by an activity. This barrier, initially designed to protect the grass area is a feature, which disconnects the square from the street, where on the other side is situated a music school (which is on the corner of Maizonos and Aratou Streets) This spot has a very good opportunity to extend on the square and transfer the culture activities there. The music school holds its doors open and the access is easy from the square. In the same building, there was the old archaeological museum. As Bakounaris(2005:153) writes, the whole building is the former home of the raisin trader John Karamandani who donated it to the city of Patras. The Archaeological Museum was housed there between 1930 to 2009 when it was moved out of town. In the music school nowadays, they organize concerts and other cultural events.

Fig.20

Fig.21. Waiting room and a door to the inner garden

Fig. 22

Fig. 23. Waiting room and the inner garden. Plan.(Left)

The spot (Fig.23) has great possibilities to extend on the square and transform the space there for temporary events or using the cafeteriasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; practices, to promote its activities. This example is to show also the way in which the public space is invited inside the semi-public with several levels of transition: the door on the street, the small space before the stairs, used for announcing events, the waiting room with connection to the inner garden, and finally the reception. With door 3. is given even further access if the owner choose so which enables more flexibility and dynamics of the space. The practice of crossing-over is already showing that there is a link missing in the squareâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s design because the physical environment does not follow an activity. If the small fence breaks to open the link, it would create an even denser mix of uses, which are non-commercial. Mainly 55

commercial types of activities, which extend into the greenery, surround this green oasis in the middle of the city. The role of the small fence is to set limits to that expansion but it also creates a backyard state as the cafeteria extensions have their fronts in the opposite direction. This also allows some fine level of privacy for those who are inside the square, but on the other hand, this results in reduced informal surveillance. This is mostly noticeable during the cold season, because the cafeteria extensions use weather protection made from transparent plastic, which are not present in the warmer season.

Fig. 24.

Fig.25

The diagram above shows the actual paths, people are using (except the ones defined by the traffic regulations at each corner). The paths include the ones used according to the design of the square but also the ones created by people’s activities. The shortcut on the corner of Maizonos and Aratou Streets, which starts from the music school, is the one, and the other one is on the opposite corner, at the intersection of Kolokotroni and Riga Feraiou. It shows a deformation of people’s activity (practice) through time, that is taking the shortest way while crossing the square diagonally. While the people’s intention is to pass through as fast as possible, the design of the square shows its intention to make people wander around for a while. The other diagonal direction is not created because of the close connection of the kiosks and the cafeteria extensions, combined with the small fence. The initial intention for the square was, according to stories told by people who live close to the area, to be designed as for a market place. “The square was planned to become cereal market, but very quickly it acquired the square operation and named Amalia. According to the reports of city council, the 1852 Amalia square was one of the four squares designed in the city of Patras. It keeps the name of Amalia until the 1878, it renamed for a while in Omonia Square. Finally, at October of 1878, renamed in Olga and it keeps it in that way until nowadays. In 1880 the square was planned on 4 sides”. Bakounakis (2005:153) “The city council of Patras commissioned in 1925, in Patras origin, sculptor Antonio Soho, to charting a memorial in honour of the fallen in war. The memorial, which was the subject of journalistic scandal for men - women form of Liberty, is one of the most important monuments of the city”. (Ibid.) However, at the end they decided to dedicate the place to a more gentle function - recreation. With its physical boundaries, the place does not allow too much mixing of spaces. What the place allows, though, is a mix of different groups of people through its symbolic and aesthetic meaning and because of the fact that behind the low fence, the space is totally free from commercial use. It is an interesting phenomenon that even nowadays, the place is attracting the same vulnerable groups of people the patron of the square cared for and looked after so many years ago. Anyone can (just) be there. This is a question that I have discussed both with architect D. and with student T. in the conversations. Their opinion is that the city is missing more places like this, where you can be free from the obligation of consumption. It is also, as student T. suggests, the thing, which is missing in the social life in Greek cities, namely the respect for values like nature for example. Analysis: The low fence around the green area is acting like an edge which separates the recreational from the commercial area. Although in this case it functions more like a passive boundary, it actually contributes to a social life released from the obligation for consuming. The

enclosure is supported by the cafeteria extensions which provides more privacy but in exchange of weakened informal surveillance. There is, also, certain segments of the fence which are ignored or deformed by people’s acts of crossing over and thus they change the initial design by choice. The next group of paths created by people’s activity is the ones that waiters and waitresses use during their duty. This activity is very typical for mixed-use environment. These invisible paths cross the road between the square and the buildings on the other side. They usually do not cause a physical deformation, except sometimes a spilled coffee or broken glass, but they do slow down the traffic. Other people also start to use this pattern just to cross over as shortcut somewhere between the spots for legal crossing. Street sellers on their turn use the waiting time of the traffic lights to also move between the cars.

Fig. 26, 27. Crossing patterns through the road

Analysis: As seen from the mapping, and according to the theory (Lynch’s edges, Sennett’s boundaries) the roads around the square should be acting as passive boundaries because of the car traffic. But in this case what I observe is the transformation of the edge from a boundary to a flexible barrier. The described transformations of spaces are not mainly driven by social reasons. They evolve through actions of entities in a system, which affect other entities, both human and non-human. As discussed in the chapter Main Methods, Kärrholm (2012:51) suggests that some entities may keep the a system stable although they are not a part of it. In this case the waiter’s pattern keeps other people to repeat their movement without actual interaction or connection between these two types of actors. Wetherell (2013) argues, that it is the participation of the emoting body that makes an assemblage an example of affect rather than some other kind of social practice. This logic shows how an activity performed by an actant becomes a model, a pattern, affecting other actants to copy this activity. What is, though, the social meaning of the described practice is that, again, we have an example when the public acceptance makes these

“unwritten rules” override the existing legal regulations or the physical signs of them. In another point of view, repeating patterns may tend to stabilize networks if the materiality supports them. The dependence of the Euclidian space is possible when “tasks become delegated to more and more artefacts telling the same story, as certain actors become durable, and indispensable, and as the network relations find a more stable shape” (Kärrholm 2012:51)

Another story is the controversy of this territory. “The Garden of Queen Olga” has gained some minor physical transformations over time, except the enormous growth of the planted trees, but its historical meaning represents much of the burden of the country’s political conflicts through the past. Olga Constantinovna of Russia becomes Queen of the Hellenes at the age of 16 marrying king George I in 1867. She is described as very shy and is praised for her charity engagement, which includes founding of the largest hospital in Athens, Evangelismos Hospital, the Navy Hospital in Piraeus, and the first separate prison for women, as well as charity organisations supporting orphans and poor women. Her personal life was affected by the political cataclysms of the time. She was expelled from the country and only on the goodwill of a supporting politician made possible for her to be the only family member of her grandsons’ burial. With the change of the regime later in the history in 1974, when Greece became a republic, the Olgas Square changed its name to Ethnikis Antistaseos Square ( , Plateia Ethnikis Antistaseos), in English, the National Resistance Square. Even nowadays, the square is a political arena for resistance statements, as those visible in the Fig. 28,29 and a place for political demonstrations I have previously witnessed. So, the change of the design could be read also as a political act. On the one side we have the act of preservation of a memory, a symbol of the philanthropic beyond political meaning, and on the other side public practices which injure the body of the place which are developed in mixed-use environments where the access is almost unlimited, thus, it demonstrates this as a citizen’s right to enter a territory.

Fig 28,29. Photos from Olgas Square showing signs of social and political expression.

According to Dolores Hayden (1995:13), “... saving a public past for any city or town is a political, as well as historical and cultural process”. So preservation of historical places as the

author means, is a process of deciding what to remember and what to protect which involves: “the grounding of the historical scholarship as well as the possibilities of public history, architectural preservations, environmental protection, and commemorative art”. In the memory of the Patras residents, the square is still popular with the old name, which in a way shows the choice for preserving that memory. “Places, writes Hayden (1995:42), make memories cohere in a complex way. People’s experiences of the urban landscape intertwine the sense of place and the politics of the space”. In this meaning there are to be considered the humans’ material, social, and imaginative attachment to a space as construction dimensions of that space (Hayden 95:43)

D .Plateia Georgiou - the Open Space

Fig.30

Plateia Georgiou is, together with the stadium and the port, one of the largest open spaces in Patras. Here is presented the Italian influence in the architecture with the Apollo Theatre and the winged lions at the two fountains, a symbol of St Mark in Venice. Observation 1. On the next day, I had the chance to explore a political event happening on the square, at the same spot where the children played earlier. Only young people protested and played AC/DC’s “Highway to Hell”. For the needs of these activities, the stairs in front of the theatre were used as an advantage and they functioned as a scene. This is both a very practical and symbolic act. The qualities of the square are mostly visual but the two fountains together with the benches around make it a perfect meeting spot. In the conversation with student T., she informed that about three to four years ago, after an architectural competition, the square was

redesigned to its current look. The problem, according to her, was that they did not design the space well. â&#x20AC;&#x153;So in the summer you cannot stay on the square because it is too hot. Moreover, when it is raining it is slippery. And the material change, for example: benches, they did not make a change for the city. So, it is not only the materiality that can make change but a combination of needs: the trees, the water...the whole environment. The possibility to sit does not produce something bigger like social relation if it is not combined with something else. I think for the Greek people, you need also an activity, not just to sit but it must happen something there. For example, a political discussion, a concert, a play. So I think a good design is not only an architectural designâ&#x20AC;?.

Fig.31. The photo above shows a political demonstration, which took place on the 24/03/2015. In front of the demonstrants is the theater and the speakers used the steps to stand up and talk to the people on the square.

Despite the criticism about the design of this particular square, most public events happen here. It is used very often for political demonstrations. As explained by student T., when the political parties, and especially the communist party, have contrast with the government, and after walking down the streets of Patras they finally gather and demonstrate on this square.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Finally, they come at Plateia Georgiou because it is the only huge open space and they do not have anywhere else to go, not because of the materiality. It is just only for the large free space. They put a movable structure and they are talking. It is not something that it is designed. The event just happens and the stairs in front of the theatre simply take part of something that already is there without a programmeâ&#x20AC;? (Student T.)

Fig.32

Therefore, it is on this square where massive events happen. Here is also the place where the carnival procession gathers each February. More about this event is to come in the chapter Conquers of the Streets. Except for massive events and for meeting, this open space is used by intensive pedestrian flow mainly from the Maizonos and the Korinthou Street but also in perpendicular direction as well as crossing patterns traced by the graphic pattern of the square. It is an arena for events and the actors are countless: coffee people, bar people, waiters and waitresses, Gavroche gangs, teenagers, old people, taxi drivers, artists, street sellers, doves, balconies, fountains, medical doctors, architects, benches, rasters, bar tables and bar chairs and the flexible fence. The flexible fence is used in many different ways. It is one of the most important features on the square as it is part of the most important events and adopts many different roles.

Fig.33

Fig. 34, 35. The photos above show event for kids with the help of flexible fences, which happened on the 23/03/2015.

Observation 2. An observation of an event for kids at the square showed that the flexible fence together with the adults (Fig. 34. 35) acts, again, as a membrane, but this time it is made to scale down the huge open space to the kidsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; size and to let kids and adults inside but to keep the kids safe inside and strangers outside. The children were playing in a closed area in front of the theatre and the parents were outside the barrier watching their children and filming or taking photographs. Analysis: The combination of the non-human structure and the parents moving back and forth to be able to watch and capture their childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s happy moment turns the barrier into most active zone. This is how the square becomes physically flexible to suit different purposes but it also exemplifies how semi-public space, while occupying a public space, is conceived and developed. Here, behind the fence, and now, at this very moment, this place is no longer freely accessible for everyone. It is accessible only visually, and you get access to the information but you do not have the access to the materiality inside the fence. It has been created as a schoolyard situation in the middle of the square with the same mutual agreement that children and teachers, and in some situations parents, are allowed inside and the public is watching over the children collectively.

The steps in front of the theatre are used again as a scene and sitting place, which reminds of the environment in the school but the event is exposed to a more open and urban atmosphere.

Observation 3. Without preference for or against the extensions of the privately owned cafeteria and shops, my research is examining mainly the results of the existing systems and how they function. Throughout my observations, I have found many creative examples in the semi-private environment, developed along with some typical urban rituals. The next example is the same square and shows another barrier, this time visual. Instead of the usual screens which are used to separate coffee tables from the people passing by, this barrier is constructed with the help of a plexiglass and decorative bush as natural separator but it is modified further into a bar table and in combination with bar chairs it immediately activates the zone. The flexibly is noticeable at late afternoons and evenings when the spot is one of the most popular on the square. It is also a good place for spontaneous encounters because to a large extend the pedestrian flow turns exactly here and follows the diagonal lines of the squareâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s raster, continuing towards Korinthou Street

Analysis: This small fence (Fig.36) used here is an edge to separate the public from the clients both physically and visually, and thus to create more privacy. In this case we have the effect of â&#x20AC;&#x153;cutting outâ&#x20AC;? a territory from the public space as discussed with professor P. What happens in the evenings, however, is another phenomenon. The barrier attracts a series of activities and actors in connection with urban rituals like using bar chairs in social communication (sitting by a bar table and a pedestrian flow). Once on the bar chair the actors have visual access of the territory behind the barrier and additional interactions are possible. What happens here is that the flexibility of this edge is related to the urban rhythms and the urban rituals.

Fig.36

E. Sea Front - Boundary or Public Space? The streets with East-West direction lead to the sea front. The port of the city has played a significant role for the development of the city over the years. The old town and the fortress have been built up on the hill and away from the port due to the constant invasions in the past. It was finally in the 20th century when the sea front started to be opened for public use but still, according to the people, I have talked to; not enough has been done to give the citizens free access. It is mainly the marina on the North, which is open and there are cafeterias, a summer theatre, a playground, and places for recreation. Near the summer theatre, the remainings of the state borderline are still present. It was here where few years ago many illegal immigrants and refugees started their European journey. Hidden in the arriving boats they used to wait outside for the night to sneak into a long vehicle, tear its cover, and hide inside it until, if they were lucky, they arrive into West Europe. Sometimes it took several days until they succeeded find transportation. So, they used to wander along the road, and they used to inhabit the abandoned buildings along the coast. Back then it was here where two contrasting worlds met face to face. Nowadays, the port has changed its location more to the south, which only moved the problem elsewhere. Large areas of the port now are staying empty with their walls, reminding of the tragedy of so many people. The lack of a strategy for the sea front was highly criticized by student T and professor P. As ideal, student T. gave the example of Thessalonica because the design of the sea front is public in the real meaning: everybody has access to it and it is an open space free from semi-private commercial shops and cafeterias. In Patras she sees the sea front as problematic because of the physical boundaries and limits. Sometimes to reach the sea, one must take a long promenade along the high wall made of concrete and steel, and the railway road that stretches along the sea side in front of the wall (Fig 37).

Fig.37 Fig.38 Analysis: As Sennett (2010:265) notices the wall itself is not a boundary or a static hinder and is proven to be active once in time with the migrants who crossed over. But there is one boundary which is more static in crossing over terms because of the high speed and that is the railway in front of those walls and one more that is the road for the car traffic.

Although the state border is now moved elsewhere, the passive edge which hinders access to the sea is still there. These are remains from an old defensive strategy used in the past to protect the citizens from dangers. Now, the need for free access is more important, but it is hard to deal with these stable edges. Because of the centralized city planning, discussed with professor P., and also financial issues, the redesigning of the sea side can take long time. But if the crossing over was possible once and experienced by the migrants, it should be possible even the other way around. There are some attempts for temporary use like the Ferris wheel visible from Plateia Georgiou (Fig.38). This was a private initiative, which aims to invite the citizens to cross over. What the residents need is an incentive to actually make the effort, but also to cross a territory which until now was repulsive.

F. Conquerors of the Streets. Multi-functional Spaces

Inside out. Some may argue that changing an atmosphere is maybe just another type of territorialization of space but it is deeper than that.

Fig.39.

The dance studio (Fig. 39) is from a sidewalk under arcade and it is connected with the activity in the building. The territory is public but designed and maintained by the dance studio which is not directly advertised on this side, which is the main street, but on the smaller perpendicular street with a small sign above a small front door. In relation to the studio the place under the arcade is the backyard, the secret garden and in contradiction with the location-namely, the main street. This is a form language which is widely used in the city on a smaller scale. Regardless if it is commercial, private or cultural related it is to encourage strangers to communicate more freely.

Analysis dance studio: The person who enters the main door is not that important. The important is the userâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s performance. Aalmost as a theatrical expression, it is displayed not who the user are but what they do. Designing outer space with the means of the intimate private space is act that provokes surprise but also on some level, while entering such spaces one can experience shifts in the perception of other people who are strangers. Sennett (1976:27) is arguing that â&#x20AC;&#x153;the notion that strangers had no right to speak to each otherâ&#x20AC;? has grown up. Entering a visual representation of a private space from a public space without any warning on the way may have the effect of

dropping the “invisible shield”, as Sennett is calling this kind of behaviour. The defence described is characterised with silence and withdrawal which in the city of Patras is constantly discouraged. Here are some more examples of the same phenomenon, as observed:

Fig.40

Older examples. On the south side of the city older architecture is still present. It is very clear that this is tradition passed through the passage of time (Fig.40). The example with the abandoned building is from the south end of the Korinthou Street. The sidewalk pavement in front of the old shop and the private home is made from material that is usually used for indoor halls. The decorative lamps and the small carpet in front of the doorstep create a bit of intimate atmosphere in the public space.

Cafeteria. The next example is from a very small street between two polikatoikias (Fig. 41). On the first photo, on the left side is the entrance to the residence apartments and the rest of the ground floor there are cafeterias and a clothing shop. The pressure of the very high vertical scale of the buildings is neutralised by the shaders and that is how the small-scale approach is achieved here. The “girly” design is rather “personalized” in an attempt to create a quiet, secret atmosphere in contrast to the busy pedestrian street (Riga Feraiou) close by.

Fig.41

Fig.42

Fig.43

Carnival. The small scale of the streets and the lack of big open spaces results in many inventive ways of using the city. The photos (fig. 42,43) show the annual carnival, which is a large-scale event during a week in the end of February or the beginning of March. Its characteristic principles are spontaneity, improvisation, inspiration and volunteerism. Different individuals gather in groups only on the base of the common costume. People who have chosen the same kind of costume meet in a “home” café or shop and just have fun. On the big day of the carnival, a procession of dancing people walks around the meeting points and joins the groups in a parade. The rest of the residents either join them or watch from their balconies and throw small chocolates and small presents to the crowds. The streets become alive not only on a ground level but also vertically by the active facades (the vertical dimension). Analysis: The mixed-use model of combination between the Hoppenbrouwer and Louw’s horizontal and vertical dimension here can be discussed in relation to Latour’s fifth dimension the intensity. How that intensity is created? By the rule, balconies cannot be covered with permanent structures like bricks, for instance. The facades of the buildings become an occupied active space/edge, visually accessible for the public.

Fig.44.

Spontaneous sport activities. Another way to change the street function is occasional street jogging as shown in this example (Fig.44). Apparently, a sport team just had decided to train that way instead of jogging around in a boring circle. The advantage of the specifics here are that as most of the small streets in Patras, this too, is a one-way road. A pedestrian can always tell the direction of the car movement by the orientation of the parked cars. Jogging and other spontaneous sport activities transform not only the streets but also certain areas along the seaside. Analysis: In the conversations with architect M., she gave me an example with a path in a small forest near the sea which appeared only through such activity and became popular as a jogging path. At a certain time some people put machines for exercise there and a design was created naturally and the network stabilized by the appearance of different materiality supporting the network. In the example with the sport team jogging on the road, by repeating this pattern and as well as the pattern of crossing the roads around Olgas square, some streets can become pedestrian over time. In addition, this is another result of a mixed-use - to allow transformation and stabilization according to the choice of the people.

Fig.45

Grill party on the sidewalk. Besides the roads, the sidewalks can also be claimed. Depending on the character of the neighbourhoods, there exists another type of café, which I observed, called kafeneio (Fig45). As explained by professor P., this is the kind of semi-private territories, which are more close to the public space than the cafeterias in the city centres, which means that you can access without ordering, use the toilet, etc. because the owner is used to that. Here is a café, mainly to gather older people to play cards, backgammon, etc. and they sell coffee and other cheap things and it covers some social needs. The example above shows a situation where the sidewalk is turned into a backyard. This time-space happens in a relationship with such kafeneio after a church service nearby, thus it is very possible that this was a name-day celebration. I also observed cafeterias of the more commercial type, but directed to teenagers, which have some of the characteristics of the kafeneio, for example they offer games like domino, chess and they also try to keep lower prices. As observed, these types of cafeterias attract people from all generations because it is a combination between kafeneo and a commercial café. Flea market. In Patras, the flea market moves from one neighbourhood to the next depending on the different days in the week. This is a very lively place because the sellers are shouting in order to attract customers. People jokingly call it the “street mall” because one can find everything here.

Fig.46

Fig.47

A big difference is that it is around the corner and the prices are very low. The market is usually placed at a crossing, where the roads are closed for car traffic that day. They sell cheap clothing and fresh fruit and vegetables. I was informed by architect D. that the market is floating around different streets in the week so that the whole city is covered in a week. It is organized by the municipality, which takes the responsibility to clean up the mess after the end of the day. Analysis: The event seems to have a positive effect on social relations. Due to its local character, it is very likely to meet a neighbour or to recognize a seller and chat a bit. One negative consequence is that the permanent shops do not have much work, as too much attention is directed to what is happening in the flea market area. As explained by architect D., the permanent shops and the flea market just cover different needs. The flea market provides goods for the week and the permanent shops for the everyday needs. The patterns of movement follow known practices from the retail. The clothing â&#x20AC;&#x153;shopsâ&#x20AC;? consist of big tables and in some cases movable roofs. The customers go around the tables. This situation turns the street into a giant wardrobe in relation to the dwellings around. The vegetable row keeps the buyers on the road creating territorial barrier and more private space for those who live behind. This example shows once more the importance of time and urban rhythms for the multifunctionality of territories. An interesting aspect here is the extension of the flea market territory by the means of the sound. The noise from the market activity is easily heard by for all living in the area that day and thus it accesses actants outside the physical territory.

F. Mix in Semi-private and Public Space

Fig 48

Fig.49

The most usual mix of territorialization, which appears on the streets, is the mix of retail and public space. It shows through materialities like chairs, tables, plants in pots, as well as adverts and exposed products on the sidewalks. The expansion of the semi-private territory not only shares space with the public, but also blends and interrupts public patterns of materialities.

The example on the left is on a small pedestrian street. Along the street there is a pattern created from the publicly owned benches and the trees. When the cafeteria is open it assembles a symbiosis between the public and the semi-private furniture. This allows natural possibility for interactions between the users of the public space and the users of the semi-private space. It also allows further expansion of the activity, which the semiprivate territory is promoting but without its rules. So, if somebody buys a cup of coffee and decides to stay the whole day on the bench it is his/her right. In some cases, because of this kind of blurred transition between the two territories, some of the activities typical for public spaces can transfer to the semi-public. For example, on Plateia Georgiou there are some tables, placed between public benches and out of the visual control of the cafeteriaĂs personnel so users of the public benches can also use the semi-private table and chairs.

Fig. 50.

Fig.51.(Left)

Analysis: In many cases like on the Fig. 48,49, the role of time is to mix or not the semi-private and the public territory. When the cafeteria is closed (Fig 50,51) the only space left is the public. Some parts of the cafeteria furniture are left for the public to use by the rules of the public space. In this case, the shade is left unfolded and it can be used as a weather protection. The little bar table from another example is rather usual feature in front of small cafeterias under arcades. They are part of the semi-private space but they are left outside for public use during the weekend or the afternoon break.

Fig.52.

Fig. 53.

Another way of mixing semi-private and public is the opposite way, performed mainly by shoe and clothes stores (Fig. 52, 53). This is an example which benefits both the public by borrowing space from the shops and the shops, because they multiply their advertising area. The initial idea is, of course, to promote the products in the shop, which is possible even after working hours. But in many cases such spaces are used by the public with different purpose like talking on the phone or hiding from the rain. In any case, within this space, the mix of territory allows people to interact without some commercial obligations. This kind of possibility for interaction, however is not supported by any further elements like some chair, or bench, or even an edge you could sit at and thus, such spaces does not develop deeper social relations and interactions. Analysis: As shown in the Fig.53, we do have the step which can be used for sitting. But in combination with the location - a busy commercial street and the really low level of the step, sitting there reminds too much of the practice of begging. The same situation in a quiet neighbourhood (Fig.54) is more supportive for developing social relations.

Fig.55.

Fig.54(Left).

G. The Neighbourhood and the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Hiddenâ&#x20AC;? Strategy The possibility for mixing uses within neighbourhoods given by the very old regulation, explained by professor P., supports many of the social relations and makes the areas more active. Many of the public interactions happen on the streets. The next examples are from a residential area where private doorsteps on sidewalks generate interaction, different from the case with the shoe store (Fig.54, 55). Even here, we have many small shops on the ground floors, because of the more domestic context, doorsteps are used for sitting and socialising more often. Water pots for thirsty street cats attract animals, which in their turn attracts people. Such examples are very common. It reminds on the situation with the fountains on squares. While I was studying an old building, an old lady came to me and start to tell me about the cat she used to feed, and also about the building among other things. The character of the neighbourhoods on the south side of the city is more traditional, with many old dwellings that show how form types and also the mixed-use have remained their specifics over time. Here the human scale is more common and the scale is even smaller than that. Some entrance doors require leaning forward in order to pass through. The high vertical dimension is visible through the small spaces between the buildings within a block (Fig.56,57) which creates large contrasts with regard to dimension.

Fig.56.

Fig.57

Northern residential neighbourhoods are newer and have open access to the sea. The active building activities have left area spillovers, which require some original solutions in order to use the spaces (Fig.58). The building shown accommodates an office, dwelling, and a roof terrace. The access to the street is traced out through an unbuilt piece of land and a net separates the path from the other territory. A smooth transition between private and public space here is constructed by the passage of stairs and the small waiting/recreation space before entering the building itself. The in-between space is supported by sitting possibilities and a weather protection.

Fig.58

As the mixed use continues on smaller scale even in the most quiet neighbourhoods it is common practice to have different activities for kids and adults on the ground floor of polikathoikia like sports, language or art schools, culture and religion organization and so on. Here at this Taekwon Do club (Fig. 59) we have an activity for kids and while they are waiting for their kids, the parents can socialize outside. The form of the building creates a roof and protects from the rain, the growing trees separate the sidewalk from the road and the traffic, and the parents use the doorsteps of the private home beside to sit and also a chair which they take when they go out. This materiality supports the social relations which are created in addition to another activity. The practice of â&#x20AC;&#x153;allowing the pedestrian flow to passâ&#x20AC;? is repeated as seen in the mix configured by cafeterias and the public on the sidewalks which means that other people, strangers or not can take part of their activity.

Fig.59(up). Taekwon Do club activity in a residential building

Fig.60(Left).

Analysis: Usual feature in these cases is the edge between two territories, like door steps which become more active in a less commercial neighbourhoods. Seen as active zones, they attract various actants like humans, animals, water pots, chairs, plants, etc. In that way they also increase the intensity. They also create a smoother transition from private to public adopting the role of an interstitial space. Developing deeper relations here is supported by the urban rhythm and the repeating activity allowing people to come back to the same place. However, the existing materiality is creating the frame and enables transformation of a public space into semi-public. The territories ( like the Taekwon Do club) expand out on the sidewalk at certain moments.

H. Mixed-use in Dwellings My observations in the residential areas showed examples of multiple stages between private and public and ground floors used for multiple purposes. In the example here we have two-leveled ground floor, the first one lower than the street level, and the second one, higher than the street level. The configurations allow various ways of use like the one on the down left which can be used for a café, workshop och small shop; and the one above which can be used for offices or apartments. Unlike the apartments above, these multi-functional spaces on the upper ground floor have elements of territoriality similar to the ones on the street level like small walls and small metal wickets. In the conversation with student T., she expressed her dissatisfaction with the lack of such inbetween spaces in the most buildings, and the main reason for her is that architects are not involved in the design. In fact, it is really hard to find such good examples as Kärrholm is arguing for. They exist, however, almost as a rule in the commercial premises, which are created due to the will for investing in good design; and also, unintentionally created in-between spaces, just as a result of other activities, between buildings. In the vertical commercialization of the polikatoikias (renting apartments for offices, medical services or commercial activities) the lack of in-between spaces causes conflicting networks, or as student T. expressed herself, a “chaos”. Owners of smaller houses, tend to demand these architectural qualities, which refer to the older traditional house with a garden. This house for two families (Fig.61) has a multi-level transition between the street and the residence. Despite the fence, the space is rather well visible from the street. It has a garage, and a place for socializing, dining, or just drinking coffee outdoors. The levels of transitions are as follows: the small step at the gate, the gate itself, the small space under the balcony, the stairs, and the balcony with the bench. The concrete wall provides very discreet sitting spot at the base of the stairs. The upper floor also has levels between indoor and outdoor. First is the balcony with the chairs and the table, and the small balcony with the plant pots which has the actual possibility for contact with the street and whoever is on the balcony on the upper floor. The blending between public and private happens on the sidewalk as a different ground material is used and also two signs “don’t park”.

Fig.61

Fig.62

Analysis: This is a good example to avoid the â&#x20AC;&#x153;chaosâ&#x20AC;? created by the combination of mixed use on horizontal and vertical dimension student T. was talking about. Within the usual polikatoikia there is almost always some other activity than dwelling on the ground floor and it is more often at the city center but there are a lot of examples even in quiet neighbourhoods. This situation attracts flows of strangers into the private areas.

On the example below (Fig.63,64), the first level is for parking and a small shop and the second level is an office on the left and an apartment on the right but the apartment has more signs of openness than the apartments above so it can change its function at any time. Both have some own space in front. Although well defined by small barriers, these spaces create additional relations with the spaces beside. For example, someone has the possibility to sit on the low wall on the second level and use the place to wait for somebody (waiting space) (Fig.64). Another relation can occur between the space in front of the shop on the ground level and the small terrace on the second level.

Analysis: Here the mix of the functions extends to the level of the building as a whole only, because the territories are clearly defined. They don not blur as retail and public space do. However those people who live here have the possibility to share materialities like edges, ramps, steps and at the same time the commercial parts attract other people. Through including more functions within a building, multiple levels between private and public and interrelations are automatically created by these specific signs of territorialization. These signs can be used in several different ways: separation, sitting, resting or as shelf and table.

Fig. 63, 64. Flexible ground floors in residential area.

4. ANALYSIS SUMMARY The detailed analysis was presented successively for each observation. Here I present just a short summary. In many cases, barriers are easily ignored or adopt a different purpose than to separate things. The territories I investigated include three schoolyards, the harbour (the state border) and the Olgas Square (Plateia Olgas), but also flexible ones such at Georgiou Square (Plateia Georgiou) which are used for temporary events. These barriers, created initially to separate different territories are used as a part of activities, which violate the intention of the design but also appear to express natural will to access an open space. In some cases, the fences that represent the act of work performed in order to mark differences in ownership, territory, access, etc. are designed so they could not fit/allow a certain body between these two spaces. When a body (it may be human but also animal) does not understand or ignores the difference between these two spaces in its own terms, it attempts crossing over. This act of crossing over can involve a thrill or joy but in any case, it is by itself a physical and mental exercise. As these exercises are repeated through time, they evolve in different crossing-over practices developed by various actants. Either the barrier in that case goes through transformation, which can be only imagined or it can also be directly deformed so that it allows another body to pass through or to cross over. What this means on a city level is that the mental, or even social changes are ahead the changes in the physical environment which are more static. At least in the case of my field study, it is mainly due to the centralised city planning as explained in the conversation with professor P. In that case, it is hard to transform the physical environment legally and by local suggestion. On the other hand, it is the flexibility of the mixed-use, so widely spread, not only physically but also mentally, which results in transformation of space. Supporting practices of these processes are mainly the disabled controlling mechanisms of the local authorities due to financial shortages and of course, the acceptance of the public. This also means that it is the local people (the public mind) who create unwritten rules and informal surveillance. These rules can in some cases, override the legal rules as shown in the examples. Observing the researched subjects I was able to integrate mapping in the drawings as an analytical tool, to explain various phenomena. In the chapter Further Discussions there are extracted examples for further mapping based on this study.

5. CONCLUSIONS In this research I have examined floating territories, barriers and boundaries between them and how they relate to the social life. I have found that the commercial means of design are incredibly inventive in order to increase the intensity of the time-spaces and the best examples are found here. However, the design found in public spaces and in most of the poikathikias seems not as well developed as retail spaces (as observed at Plateia Olgas among others). A better design inspired by the mixed-use and small-scale ideal can be used in order to mix noncommercial uses. Allowing mixed use of space gives a choice or the possibility for two or more territories to compete and a space to transform from one use to another, thus in time, to stabilize in the better one or the one that suits the current users. Studying public spaces in the city of Patras I found that the public opinion is the one that matters because the legal regulations are stable and loaded with the burdens of the bureaucracy. Many of the examples I have studied showed good results after public initiatives which proves the importance of studying existing patterns and routines outside the planned design. The mixed use triggers various mediators to deal with barriers in a way that changes the environment. Barriers can “secretly” possess the possibility to be changed physically or functionally in order to encourage “interventions”, which enable natural development of spaces. In the course of this research there were some concepts and ideas which can contribute to the theory for mixed-use built environment as follows: -understanding for generation of place(topos) in 2 ways: a. Active space-times study: the actor is moving/coming back to the same space (as Latour suggests) b. Passive space-times study: an actant (passively) is observing/experiencing events in an active/multi-functional space. The actant may be also non-human. For example one can investigate “scars” left by events in/on a building and map them. -the public mind connected to the idea of self-revision (Sennett) and self-organizing (Salingaros) in planning and architecture. -complexity of flexible and floating territories - In a mixed-use environment, these territories are defined by the private and the public space but the role of the “in-between” states is even more important, because it is harder to distinguish them from one another due to the blurred limits. A better understanding of how these blurred limits affect the actants in a system can help a designer or planner to create a healthier transition between public and private space in a mixed-use environment. 84

6. FURTHER DISCUSSIONS As mentioned in the chapter Analysis Summary this study can be used as base for process of mapping as an analytical tool. The idea of mapping is not new. From geography to statistics, each map is to show a certain phenomenon through a certain point of view. With new technologies and software we can step further and find new ways to explain social relations. Through studying the dynamics of interactions and interdependence of a mixed-use environment we will be able to gain a better understanding, and most importantly, we will be able to represent visually what we observe. The kinds of maps which can emerge from this study can be many. Here I suggest some of the possibilities but rather conceptually. What can be mapped based on this research: Mapping territories not only within their physical but also sensitive edges like sound, smell, visual access. Mapping urban rhythms: retraction and expansion of the semi-private space and overlapping with the public space. Mapping time-spaces: Mapping social and physical interactions on sidewalks with the help of animation in 2D or 3D by showing private and public spaces and the transitions between them from the point of view of a walker, biker, driver, etc., which means showing the dynamics of the settings moving through time and space. Another method could be filming and using different colours in post production as another layer. Mapping intensity: Observing limits of territories, it is possible to map their intensity showing if it attracts (or on the contrary) different actors and thus decide if the limit is an active barrier or passive boundary. Mapping in-between spaces: The transition between a given space with a given function to another space with different function can be examined through the grades between the two and the intensity of the space in-between.

Design of flexible barriers To create more flexible spaces barriers can be constructed in a way that they serve another function besides separation of territories. They can be, for example a place to lean, or sit. It is also helpful in that matter if they are made from material, which is not durable so they can allow distortion and thus, allow spaces to be shaped by choice. Also considering them in combination with other setting like location or additional elements in a system (network) will improve their intensity.

Undeveloped discussions As one main discussion, left undeveloped due to focusing on the researched subject is the idea of mutual neutrality - people mix but do not socialize. This is a problem for planners who adopt the idea of implementing mixed-use environment as a cure, instead of using it as support system for something that already exists. How active are floating territories and flexible barriers in these cases? Are there any benefits of them? Another concern is the implementation of mixed use only for the purpose of the economic growth, which leaves social problems unsolved.

REFERENCES

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