Regionalism Now: How We Land Genuinely? Architectural Ethnography in an Urban Indigenous Settlement by Giga Tsao

Regionalism Now: How We Land Genuinely? Architectural Ethnography in an Urban Indigenous Settlement in New Taipei City

Thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Advanced Architectural Design Cornell University Chi-Chia Tsao

2023

Content

Abstract

0_Introduction

0.1_Proposition: Portable Culture and Ping-Pong Manual

0.2_Thesis Question: An In-Between within the Spectrum

0.2.1_Essay: The Frenemy: Revisiting Critical Regionalism

0.2.2_Essay: On Participatory Design

1_Urban Indigenous Settlement

1.1_Nan-Jing (南靖)An Urban Indigenous Settlement in New Taipei City

1.2_The Recent Past

1.2.1_A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

1.2.2_Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

110

1.3_Understanding Amis Space

112

1.3.1_Traditional Amis Space: Ritual and Cultural Meanings

124

1.3.2_Amis Traditional Housing and it’s Evolution

149

2_Ethnography Studies

150

2.1_Essay: Why Ethnography?

172

2.2_Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

206

2.3_Broader Connections in New Taipei City

224

2.4_Another Map: Understanding the Land by Drawing

240

2.5_On-Site Work

262

3_Taxonomy of Amis Cultural Practice

263

3.1_Essay: Portable Culture

276

3.2_Essay: What is Identity? When Identity is Identified

300 301

4_Hypothetical Futures 4.1_Planting the Future

302

4.1.1_Plants in Amis Culture

310

4.1.2_Plants in Nan-Jing

316

4.2_Scenarios for Nan-Jing Dialogues: Cultivating plants, culture, and social scenes

342

4.3_A Broader Network: Community Support Agriculture of Urban Indigenous Settlement

346

Afterwords: Writing After the Review

354

Bibliography

358

List of Figures

362

Appendix.1_Interview Transcripts

382

2_Research Framework: Schedule and Structure

Content

1.1_Architect Lai, the architect of the San-Ying resettlement Project (2023.04.15)

Acknowledgment

I extend my heartfelt gratitude to my esteemed advisors, Lily Chi, Anna Dietzsch, and Tao DuFour, whose unwavering support and insightful guidance played an instrumental role in bringing this research project to fruition. Their expertise and counsel accompanied me throughout every stage of this endeavor.

I also want to express my heartfelt appreciation to the esteemed professors at Cornell University—Prof. Zaneta Hong, Prof. Curt Gambetta, and Prof. Alex Nading. Their generous advise, nurturing advice have been instrumental in shaping and enriching my knowledge base.

This research owes its existence to the invaluable contributions of Prof. Hoangell Jeng 鄭晃二 from Tamkang University and Prof. Yu-Ying Wu 吳昱瑩 from Feng Chia University. I am deeply thankful for their generosity in sharing their research and knowledge, which significantly enriched the depth and breadth of this study.

My sincere appreciation extends to the members of the World Ha-Ha and the Nan-Jing community. I am grateful for their openness in accepting my fieldwork application, providing me the opportunity to immerse myself in their environment, collaborate with them, engage with the tribal people, and cultivate an experience that forms the essence of this project.

Collaborating and learning alongside my talentedclassmates Rimhjim, Tarry, Telis, and Tung has been a significant aspect of this journey. The camaraderie and memories we’ve built together are invaluable treasures to me.

have been a source of support throughout this academic journey.

Acknowledgment

Lastly, a special thanks to my grandmother, whose presence and influence

Abstract

This thesis addresses a longstanding inquiry concerning the engagement of architects with cultural contexts. The incorporation of ethnographic field methods into architectural practice seeks to transcend the limitations inherent in singular authorial interpretations or loosely focused participatory Processes.

Commencing with an exploration of (critical-)regionalism and participatory design, the focus shifts to the Nan-Jing settlement—an urban indigenous enclave in Taiwan established by the Amis people. Through research and fieldwork conducted in collaboration with local non-profit organizations and tribal groups on-site, the thesis engages ethnographic research to assess the

agency of architects and to reassess contemporary perspectives on design.

In this thesis, design is not positioned as the conclusive outcome of the architect’s contribution; rather, it is conceived as a dialogical medium and analytical tool for both the architect and the community. This approach facilitates envisioning diverse possibilities and understanding their implications. For the community, design as scenario-building serves to pose unanticipated questions and elicit the imagination of alternative scenarios. The designs entailing various scales of urban agriculture proposed at the end of this thesis represents one of the potential futures cultivated through the architect’s engagement and dialogue with the local community.

In essence, the agency of architects in this project lies not in proposing a prescriptive architecture to be built, but rather in bringing their expertise to scrutinize, think expansively, and collaboratively theorize “with” the individuals whom they engage. Abstract 9

0. INTRODUCTION

0.1

Proposition: Portable Culture and Ping-Pong Manual

Portable Culture: A Dynamic Perspective on Indigeneity and Identity

In the initial segment of this thesis, designated as “Portable Culture,” a fundamental proposition is presented, emphasizing the dynamic and transformative nature of indigeneity and culture. The assertion posits that these pivotal aspects of human existence are not confined to an unchanging locus but are inherently adaptable and subject to continual transformation.

Within the realm of architectural practice, it becomes imperative to comprehend the inherent fluidity of culture and identity, rejecting the concept of fixity. The argument articulated in this section advocates for the recognition that culture is not a static entity; rather, it constitutes a dynamic force perpetually adjusting to the evolving contexts of society. This recognition establishes a pivotal groundwork for a responsive and culturally attuned architectural practice, emphasizing the importance of adapting architectural endeavors to the dynamic nature of cultural expressions. Proposition 13

Ping-Pong Manual: Architectural Design as a Dialogical Medium

“Ping-Pong Manual,” delves into the conceptualization of everyday life and its integration into architectural design. Contrary to conventional approaches that often impose solutions, this section contends that individuals possess an inherent conceptual capacity in their daily routines. While most people don’t usually approach their everyday life conceptually, they inherently wield the ability and authority to respond to their environment.

For architects, this represents a unique entry point into design tools — an opportunity not to dictate solutions but to pose meaningful questions. Design, in this context, is envisaged not as a conclusive product but as a conversational medium. Architects become a facilitator of dialogue, employing design as a dynamic process to explore hypotheses, foster interaction, and generate mutual knowledge between the architect and the community.

This endeavor does not entail the design of a novel settlement or the establishment of a framework for community resettlement. Instead, the focus

oop as the “Manual”: PING-PONG

Conceptual Mind Map of the “Manual”

Hypothesis

lies in collaboratively shaping the existing Nan-Jing’s physical relationships to co-create a plan. Envisaging the working process as a dynamic feedback loop. Distinguished from the design process itself, this interactive manual evolves through active engagement and interactions with the community. Its

the architects and the community, ensuring that the evolving plan remains responsive to the community’s needs and aspirations.

Fig. 01. Diagram: Ping-Pong Dialogue

Proposition

iterative nature fosters a continuous exchange of ideas and insights between

0.2

Within the Spectrum

S: Visible Question

“How might the practices of architectural work support the Amis of Nan-Jing as they consider the future of the settlement?”

M: Overall Question

Critical Regionalism

“How can ethnographic field methods help architects engage the given beyond single-author interpretation or out-of-focus participation?”

Participatory Design

L: Broader Scheme

“What agency should architects have when engaging contemporary cultural others?”

Research Question Re-Asking

Within the Spectrum: Critical Regionalism, Architects, Cultural Others, and Participatory Practice

This thesis grapples with a longstanding concern of mine: How should architects

“regionalism as a kind of resistance,” I perceive these phenomena as intricate layers that blend together, forming a compelling and nuanced amalgamation. A central question emerges: who determines what is authentic and what is not?

Fig. 01. Spectrum: An Alternative Agency

Within the Spectrum

engage with cultural others? Rather than subscribing to the concept of

In bridging the gap between architects and local residents, the often-touted solution is participatory design, involving communities in the triangular relationship between community members, professionals, and the government. However, conflicts persist among these roles, with institutionalized and superficial resident participation being a prevalent issue.

Placed at opposite ends of the spectrum, regionalism and participatory design, while valuable, may fall short in providing adequate input for cultural and social life. Regionalism risks an architect-centric approach that invents authenticity, while participatory design, while inclusive, may not fully acknowledge contextual nuances.

How can we sidestep the pitfalls of the single authorship model, evident in critical regionalism, or the architect-consultant role often seen in participatory design? I contend that architects in the contemporary era must navigate a nuanced position between this spectrum, assuming an alternative agency that fosters collaboration and cultural sensitivity.

Within the Spectrum 19

0.2.1

The Frenemy: Revisiting Critical Regionalism

One Side of the Spectrum: Critical Regionalism

When the concept of Critical Regionalism was initially formulated by Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre, and subsequently refined by Kenneth Frampton, it was underpinned by a series of intricate theoretical propositions that delineated it as a cultural phenomenon rooted in opposition. Nonetheless, the pertinent inquiry arises: opposition against what precisely? Moreover, how did this form of opposition distinguish itself from the various expressions of European regionalism that thrived from the mid-nineteenth century onward, reacting to the perceived ‘loss of memory’ and the imposed tenets of the modernist epoch? When Lefaivre and Tzonis sought to trace the lineage of the novel architectural paradigm they introduced, they emphatically underscored its critical nature while elucidating its points of divergence from earlier manifestations of regionalism, including the contributions of Lewis Mumford. Nevertheless, one must scrutinize the extent of this differentiation in Critical Regionalism. Its overarching agenda, entailing a crusade against the culture of uniformity and

to align with the trajectories of its precursors.

The Frenemy

the hierarchies entrenched between central and peripheral domains, appeared

In the context of revisiting Critical Regionalism within the contemporary milieu, marked by the ascendant ecological and digital perspectives in architecture, one posits that the divergence lay primarily in the alteration of focus. The locus of resistance had, henceforth, shifted from its temporal moorings to a spatial anchoring in the site. The endeavor herein is to distill the essence of the scholarly discourse encountered and to delve into the epistemological and ideological lineage of Critical Regionalism. This exploration endeavors to unveil how it paved the way for a flattening of historical considerations, effectively expunging history as a quintessential reference point within the architectural realm.

‘Earth’ , ‘Land’, and ‘Ground‘ are powerful elements in defining architecture especially when criticality is at stake. Australian architect Glenn Murcutt’s remarkable claim “Touch the Earth Lightly” is one of the most powerful examples. The words suggest that something belongs to a place - mandatory for all regionalist expressions - and provide meaning. But grounding seems to come with another benefit: it helped to respond with equal means to the primacy of history, which is not the common idea we discuss when looking at drawings from architects like Glenn. Favoring space against time started before

regionalism turned critical. It is interesting to learn from Stylianos Giamarelos’ article ”Architecture in the History/Theory Nexus: Building Critical Regionalism in Frampton’s Greece” that the shift emerged in the American context, where space prevailed over time. European regionalist theories were imported and subsequently stripped of their historical (and ideological) dimensions, while their capacity to reflect spatial multiplicity was reinforced.

If we scroll the timeline a little bit earlier, it is not difficult to notice that Modernism’s eventual turn towards the site represented a manner of palliating the lack of meaning, for which it had been harshly criticized since its beginnings, by both insiders and outsiders of the field of architecture. The exacerbating crisis of meaning in the aftermath of the war thrust regionalism into the spotlight as a potential antidote. This phenomenon was particularly evident during the 1948 symposium hosted by the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA), titled “What is Happening in Modern Architecture.” The symposium convened a cadre of prominent experts in modern architecture with the explicit aim of deliberating

in OASE Journal 103, the impetus for this symposium stemmed from one of

The Frenemy

upon plausible solutions to the prevailing crisis. As per the introductory remarks

Lewis Mumford’s chronicles for The New Yorker, wherein he lamented the erosion of significance in contemporary architectural endeavors.

Regrettably, the symposium’s deliberations concluded without a decisively convincing resolution. Mumford, in his call for regional solutions, advocated for an architecture that would offer a “free yet unobtrusive expression of the terrain, the climate, and the way of life.” He envisioned this approach as a means to engender a “native and human form of modernism.” Mumford’s pronouncements exerted a substantial influence on subsequent discourses pertaining to regionalism, including the contributions of figures such as Tzonis and Liane. This burgeoning humanistic perspective, which was relatively novel for its time, sought to rectify the perceived shortcomings of modernism by reevaluating the role of the individual or specific societal groups. Within this framework, the essence of space acquired a profound connotation rooted in the concept of “place.” A place, in this context, was construed as a composite entity comprising layers of memory, spirituality, and corporeality. This conceptualization bore striking resonance with the insights of the highly influential landscape designer and critic of the mid-nineteenth century, John

Brinckerhoff Jackson. In his seminal work, “A Sense of Place, a Sense of Time,” Jackson expounded upon the intricate interplay between space, place, and the human experience, encompassing facets such as terrain, weather, culture, materials, and, naturally, architecture. For me, it is this intricate relationship between place and the abstract elements that are interwoven into the fabric of each individual and human society that I find conspicuously absent, not only in Kenneth Frampton’s argument but also in broader discussions within the field.

The convergence of modernism and tradition became conspicuously apparent in the series of publications that followed the MoMA exhibition titled ‘Brazil Builds.’ Within this context, Sigfried Giedion, a prominent Swiss architectural historian and critic of the early twentieth century, delivered an effusive introduction to the volume dedicated to Switzerland. In this introduction, he extolled the nuanced comprehension of the “Swiss character” achieved through an exploration of “the diverse standards of vernacular construction that still form the architectural backbone of the country.” This perspective held a particular fascination for me

and its affiliated architects, such as Luigi Snozzi, Giancarlo Durisch, and Mario

The Frenemy

following my independent research on the profound impact of the Ticino School

Botta. The experiences of the Ticino School offer a compelling exemple for contemporary designers, particularly in the context of navigating the tension between existing contextual elements and novel architectural interventions.

Simultaneously, in 1954, during the period when Giedion penned his treatise on “New Regionalism,” Sybil Moholy-Nagy contributed an essay to Perspecta titled “Environment and Anonymous Architecture.” Here, the importance of an intrinsic connection to the site was unequivocally acknowledged: “The history of humanity, as seekers of shelter, is inextricably linked to their relationship with the environment.” Within this pivotal relationship, the unassuming vernacular structures, as subsequently expounded upon by Moholy-Nagy herself and the influential Bernard Rudofsky, emerged as exemplars that transcended the conventional boundaries of architecture.

The publication of Christian Norberg-Schulz’s ‘Genius Loci’ in 1979 marked a significant juncture in this discourse. It served to partially quell ongoing debates by accentuating the value of geographical diversity and by conceptualizing the enduring role of tradition, thereby demonstrating that profound meaning

can exist independently of historical constraints.

Carmen Popescu’s insightful essay in the case journal underscores that the conceptual genesis of Critical Regionalism was undeniably catalyzed by a heightened emphasis on history within the architecture exhibition in Venice. Notably, in the same year, Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre took on the role of guest editors for a special issue of “Carre Bleu,” wherein they launched a pointed critique against historicism, attributing to it the origins of the disconcerting crisis afflicting contemporary architecture. Curiously, their subsequent writings unfolded with a deliberate shift away from history as a central theme. This transformation was not without its inherent ambiguities, as historical awareness was retained as a foundational axis of the emergent discourse. However, the traditional hierarchical verticality of history was countered by a move towards a more horizontal, geo-cultural, and ostensibly inclusive orientation. Carmen’s assertion served not only as a strategic maneuver to maintain Critical Regionalism within the bounds of modernist doctrine but also as a valuable tool

that warrant reflection. This perspective prompts me to revisit my own stance

The Frenemy

to address the thorny issue of temporal dimensions in superficial peripheries

toward history in the initial research proposal. The replacement of time with space offers the prospect of resurrecting the modernist notion of the eternal present, simultaneously asserting a claim to realism rooted in twentieth-century cultural paradigms.

I find myself grappling with the question of the role that history (or time) should assume in the context of the site that been selected, guided by the arguments and insights presented described here. Notably, the concept of “presence” emerges as one of the principal focal points that I seek to interrogate within the framework of this research endeavor. Perhaps it would be prudent to revisit the notion of a “frenemy relationship,” which I initially employed to elucidate the intricate interplay between regionalism and modernism in the research proposal. Re-examining the concepts of presence and history through this lens may offer a renewed perspective on their nuanced dynamics and their bearing on the research’s overarching objectives.

I find myself particularly drawn to the perspective articulated by Kenneth Frampton during his conversation with Tom Avermaete, the professor of history

and theory of urban design at ETH Zurich. Frampton’s assertion that we are currently witnessing a “negation of a negation” is profoundly intriguing. It underscores a captivating paradox in which the vigor of Critical Regionalism, once a potent force in architectural discourse, appears to have waned for a variety of reasons. It prompts contemplation: Could it be that this decline is, in a sense, the result of Critical Regionalism’s own ascendancy? In other words, might it be perceived as a spatial modernist counter-reaction to the preceding historical postmodernist response?

One notable observation is that the extensive dialogues and expositions surrounding the concept of Critical Regionalism have often overlooked the intrinsic context of specific sites and the multifaceted dimensions of the subjects involved, including users, cultures, languages, and more. While some scholars have attempted to infuse anthropological theories into the discourse, I believe there exists a fertile ground for further development in this direction, particularly considering the expanding opportunities for designers to engage with diverse The Frenemy

cultures.

Having delved into the thought-provoking essay titled “On Taking Others Seriously” by British anthropologist Tim Ingold, I am inclined to firmly endorse the idea that a profound connection can and should be fostered between designers and the subjects they engage with, often referred to as “cultural others.” This connection can be facilitated through the adoption of an ethnographic methodology, which I envision as a synthesis of the familiar tenets of Critical Regionalism and the invaluable ethnographic insights required to navigate the complexities of our increasingly interconnected world.

The Frenemy 31

0.2.2

On Participatory Design

The Other Side of the Spectrum: Participatory Design

Participatory design, in my personal definition, is a process to co-theorize architecture not as an outcome of individual efforts, but as a collective influence, a design necessity that is both a productivity-driven method but also an autonomous mechanism to make the common explicit in terms of architectural and regional design, which then reflects the hidden desire and manifests the collective imagining of the space on which both the community and architects stand.

The primary objective underpinning participatory design lies in the meticulous crafting of an environment that impeccably aligns with the idiosyncratic needs and aspirations of its inhabitants. This endeavor unfolds through a dynamic interchange between the architects and the prospective denizens

strategic deployment of a participatory design paradigm assumes heightened significance when confronted with projects wherein the exigencies of the clients or end-users markedly diverge from the architects’ own experiential purview,

On Participatory Design

of the forthcoming edifice, thereby fostering a coalescence of visions. The

encompassing an intricate tapestry of dimensions ranging from the corporeal to the socio-cultural, emotional, psychological, and pedagogical realms. These disparities engender a conspicuous lacuna between the professional practitioners and the eventual beneficiaries, precipitating the perilous possibility of erroneous presumptions. Consequently, the occupants assume the mantle of purveyors of indispensable insights, being uniquely positioned to endow the design enterprise with an exalted quotient of locale-specific knowledge, which remains conspicuously inaccessible via alternative conduits. This assumes paramount significance in cases characterized by substantial dissonance in the realm of physical prerequisites between the design vanguards and the forthcoming residents.

Participation within the realm of design is subject to a spectrum of intensity and multifaceted objectives. Various modalities of participation exist, but for the scope of the current investigation, participation is construed as the nexus of decision-making and interaction between the design practitioners and the broader community, thereby engendering a substantive and meaningful involvement within the design milieu. Implicitly, a secondary, albeit arguably

more profound, aspiration inherent to participatory design is the concept of “User Empowerment”, which could be further elaborated as: when people design and build their own environments, they take ownership of the places they create and sustain them long term. In the context of ceding authority to local stakeholders, empowerment is conceptualized as a dynamic recalibration of influence that recognizes individual competencies, fosters engagement, and nurtures self-governance with respect to decisions pertaining to communal objectives.

The goal of participatory design is to turn clients and users into active participants rather than passive service consumers. This can give the future occupants of a building more power and control over the design process. When residents are part of the design process, it’s more likely that the resulting design will fit their specific needs. In some cases, especially when budgets are tight and the

work together in a shared governance model. When people have a say in how their environment is designed and built, they tend to feel a stronger sense of ownership and responsibility for the spaces they create, leading to greater

On Participatory Design

concept of open architecture is involved, architects and local communities

sustainability and long-term care.

In the influential work of William Ittelson, “Environment and Behavior,” he characterizes user participation in programming as an active endeavor, a trait that is simultaneously its strength and weakness. This perspective can be extended to encompass user participation in the design process itself, particularly in instances where a formal programming phase is not part of the procedure, leading to an ad-hoc specification of user requirements. What renders this process active, as opposed to passive, is the fact that users are not merely reacting to inquiries posed by architects, such as filling out a questionnaire, but are instead immersed in a collective process wherein they wield a measure of influence. This group-oriented process can be effectively facilitated through the application of specific participation strategies designed to actively engage users in the design process. User participation can span a spectrum, encompassing not only the direct involvement of the actual users but also the inclusion of knowledgeable user intermediaries who are willing to contribute actively and meaningfully to the planning and assessment of a design. This participatory dynamic, characterized by its active and interactive

nature, stands as a notable facet of user engagement in the design realm.

Diverse Participation

Based on the arguments in both the early 21st-century publication: Creative Spaces, a toolkit for participatory urban design by The Architecture Foundation in London, and an open lecture of Kendra Leith, MIT D-Lab Associate for Director for Research, participatory design was roughly divided into three sectors according to the form and percentage of participation of the stakeholders, which are user-centered, co-design, and user-created. In the user-centered scheme, just like the typical design project that most of us have gone through in the office, architects design “for” the users. Members of the community could be consulted but the design process is mainly driven by the architects. The

categorized as user-centered, notwithstanding the multiple consultations with the Amis people/ local residents and their active involvement in the construction process (self-building). It is imperative to recognize that the design itself was

On Participatory Design

San-Ying resettlement project within the purview of this research should be

primarily conceived and executed by the architect. As a result, the community’s direct engagement in the decision-making process about the design remained limited.

Approximately half of the participatory design projects examined herein fall within the co-design category, a mode characterized by architects collaborating “with” the community through various activities, including workshops, interviews, and design-oriented events. These collaborative endeavors serve to collectively conceive ideas and envision future prospects. The extent of community participation varies, contingent upon a confluence of project-specific factors, such as social dynamics, financial considerations, and communication efficacy, among others.

Conversely, user-created participatory design denotes projects that are designed “by” the stakeholders themselves. This categorization does not imply that architects play a negligible role in the process; quite the contrary, architects are instrumental in stimulating the design sensibility and capabilities of the users. Moreover, architects shoulder the responsibility of ensuring the

seamless progression of the entire undertaking and guaranteeing that the end result adheres to fundamental requisites, such as safety standards. Usercreated projects, thus, may be regarded as the most challenging manifestation of participatory design, where architects must not only inspire users’ design ingenuity but also navigate the process adeptly to ensure that the outcomes meet essential criteria.

Alternative Models _ Open Architecture

1. The Walters Way Open Architecture, could be categorized somewhere in-between co-design and user-design catalog. The origins of this notion can be traced to the architectural innovation known as “Walters Way” in London, characterized

named after the pioneering architect Walter Segal. These residences were erected as part of a groundbreaking self-build housing initiative spearheaded by the London Borough of Lewisham during the 1980s. As a testament to the

On Participatory Design

by a collection of thirteen houses constructed using the Segal method system,

enduring appeal of Segal’s principles, approximately 200 Segal-inspired buildings continue to stand in the United Kingdom.

The genesis of the self-build aspect of this movement was somewhat serendipitous, arising when a client’s discord with their builders prompted a critical shift in approach. The catalyst for the paradigm shift toward self-building was a conversation between Walter Segal and the dissatisfied client, who revealed his intention to take the construction process into his own hands. Segal was profoundly impressed by the notion of individuals autonomously constructing their own homes. Walter Segal’s innovative contribution to architecture involved the design of lightweight, cost-effective buildings primarily constructed from timber. His vision eliminated the necessity for traditional bricklaying and plastering, simplifying the foundations to basic concrete bases. This transformation, as elucidated by Jon Broome, the architect who collaborated with Segal on the Lewisham projects, involved a conceptual reinvention of building practices, reducing them to their fundamental essence. The foundational premise was the utilization of readily available and inexpensive materials in their original purchased dimensions.

In the late 1970s, after considerable negotiation, self-building emerged as an avenue for facilitating low-cost home ownership. Segal’s approach underscored the pivotal role of homeowner input in the design process, as he actively engaged with each household to tailor plans to their specific needs. Segal championed the notion that a dwelling should adapt to its inhabitants, not vice versa. The construction method he championed facilitated the movement of walls and the extension of homes with exceptional ease compared to conventional housing. In terms of design, Segal’s modular system featured a structural layout that allowed for the disassembly of the house and the salvage of materials for resale. This design relied on standardized construction materials, primarily timber and wood-based panels, deployed in a modular arrangement. The primary structural framework featured bolted connections, rendering it readily disassembled. The modular design and structural system facilitated the clamping of internal and external finishing panels to the primary

the panels remained uncut, nailed, or screwed to maintain their resale value— an essential concept that a critically important idea with the spirit of local economic circulation back then when dealing with the context of the lower-

On Participatory Design

and secondary structural systems using battens and bolts. This design ensured

income families and the potential decision to move.

The Segal scheme has now inspired a new generation to create a more open construction system for a more free, diverse, and eco-friendly community housing. The Wiki House is commonly seen as a new interpretation of Segal’s System by integrating parametric design, portable kit-of-part, and online database and services into the modular pre-construction building techniques. Embodying the ethos of an open system, Wiki House provides a global platform that empowers individuals to collaborate with experts and design their own residences. Segal’s open system has not only influenced architectural design collectives but has also catalyzed individuals to explore innovative models for collective living and self-building. For instance, Kareem Dayes, the son of a family residing in the Segal community, was inspired by his parents’ self-build experience to initiate his own community self-build project—the Rural Urban Synthesis Society. This community land trust is actively engaged in negotiations with Lewisham council to establish cost-effective housing on a nearby vacant site, marking a contemporary manifestation of the enduring legacy of the Segal-inspired movement.

2. Atelier 3 Ying-Jun Xie (謝英俊), a Taiwanese architect, and his team, Atelier 3 (第三建築工作室) are dedicated to rural construction design. He believes that for farmers, building houses in the countryside is a productive activity, and professional architects should have limited involvement, allowing villagers more room for their own creativity and input. Just by looking at this argument, it contains the sharing essence of the open architecture which we observed from the experience of the Walter’s Way in London.

Although he gained regional recognition for his involvement in post-disaster reconstruction following the 1999 Taiwan 921 earthquake and a broader exposure after his participation in the 2009 Venice Biennale Taiwan Pavilion exhibition, a more profound understanding of Ying-Jun Xie’s work in the disasterstricken area reveals that the “environmental revolution” he advocated was not

encompasses the relationships between people and the land, as well as people and tradition. While Ying-Jun Xie identifies himself as an architect by profession, his work transcends the conventional role of an architect. His architectural

On Participatory Design

a one-dimensional discourse limited to architectural forms and aesthetics. This

philosophy engages in a dialectical process aimed at enhancing modern living experiences and nurturing a life consciousness deeply rooted in human existence’s fundamentals. Stemming from this foundation, his architectural and residential perspective simultaneously constitutes a critical reflection on and critique of our modernization journey, the pursuit of high technology, industrialization, and the foundational doctrines of so-called “innovation and progress.”

Drawing upon an interview conducted by Professor Ching-Yueh Roan, a Taiwanese architect, writer, curator, and a professor in the Department of Art and Design at Yuan-Ze University, it is evident that Atelier 3’s actions are deeply intertwined with the concept of “The weakening of the subject.” As Xie articulates, “Contemporary mainstream thinking presupposes that architects should lead everything. However, in resource-constrained environments, the scope of influence architects possess is limited. Ultimately, it hinges on the empowerment of residents to address real issues, and the concept of ‘subjectivity’ finds its roots here... Current trends, such as AI and digitization, emphasize humanmachine interaction and collaboration. Collaboration between architects

and users is increasingly vital. If we persist with the traditional model where architects exclusively hold sway, there will be insufficient room for interaction and collaboration.” This perspective assumes significance as it can be directly linked to the notion of self-construction prevalent in nearly all of Atelier 3’s works.

Self-construction emerges as a fundamental concept for Xie. In the process of modernization, individuals progressively relinquished this power – not only the ability to construct houses but also the capacity to make decisions regarding living behavior, entrusting these matters to architects and developers. According to Xie, this shift in the prevailing model spans less than a century in history, and for non-first-world development, including China’s urbanization, it encompasses no more than fifty years. This brevity signifies that the period during which residents surrendered this power is relatively short. It is this context

In terms of design, the introduction of two-story concrete precast frames with a lightweight steel frame system in the middle facilitates future modifications for the residents.

On Participatory Design

that underpins Atelier 3’s proposition of the concept of “People’s Architecture.”

Despite varying origins, thought processes, and design outcomes, the concept of open architecture is not an uncommon one, as exemplified earlier in Segal’s practice. The ultimate objective is to return authority to the users. For me, within the context of this research project, this notion encapsulates the critical essence of participatory design.

Many design professionals ardently champion the concept of participatory design. Their rationale lies in the belief that understanding the user population is imperative for informed design decision-making, as it contributes to the creation of designs that align with functional requisites. Moreover, proponents argue that users possess unparalleled expertise regarding the utilization of buildings and their specific needs. Nonetheless, an inherent discord often exists between the users’ needs and desires and the perspectives of design professionals. This dissonance can be mitigated, if not entirely eradicated—an endeavor I consider challenging—through user participation, potentially culminating in a more gratifying architectural outcome. Such participation not only cultivates user tolerance for design solutions but also offers a crucible for the emergence

of innovative insights that may elude a less diversified design team.

Nevertheless, a faction of design professionals remains resistant to the idea of user participation in the design process, enumerating several drawbacks. One architect raises questions about the extent to which professionals should yield to social forces that advocate for increased control over human behavior and destiny, expressing concerns that design collaboration may compromise the professional’s integrity. Robert Sommer, a longstanding advocate of participatory design, characterizes it as “the most challenging, frustrating, and rewarding application of social design principles.” Specific challenges cited encompass waning interest and expertise, unrealistic expectations, protracted time investments, a lack of genuine commitment from architects, difficulties in formulating pertinent queries and interpreting responses, procedural inefficiencies and cost escalations, architects’ communication challenges, and

Another potential quandary associated with user participation pertains to the potential disruption of the established power dynamics. While participatory

On Participatory Design

the integration of user input into the design process.

design espouses the noble goal of redistributing power in decision-making, it’s essential to recognize that while active user involvement can indeed empower them with greater influence over the design, it may concurrently engender adverse consequences. These may encompass contentious issues of authority and expertise, power struggles, or the potential for misapplication of newfound influence.

To foster effective participation, the delineation of conducive conditions becomes imperative. Although participatory design, from my personal perspective, should not be just discussed in theoretic ways without practice and real engagement, there are still several prerequisites for a relatively successful design participation could be noted: a client deeply invested in the physical and psychological well-being of building users, receptive designers willing to prioritize user needs over personal egos, users committed to the requisite work and learning for effective contribution, an allocation of ample time and freedom to cultivate a symbiotic relationship between users and designers, and the provision of information aids and tools to facilitate user participation. Beyond recognizing these enabling conditions, it is equally crucial to develop

specific strategies tailored to foster and enhance the role of users in the design process. That is also what my thesis project is trying to figure out through the research and participation to the urban indigenous settlements.

Design For

Design With

Design By

User-Centered

Co-Design

User-Created

Stakeholders Consulted

Stakeholders be Part of the Design Team

Only Stakeholders as Designers

Scale

Design Jatra

Walters Way

La Borda, Lacol Architects

Anna Heringer

Atelier 3

WikiHouse

Rizvi Hassan L

Urban Mediaspace, Aarhus, Denmark

Other Participatory Models in Architecture

Fig. 01. Diverse Participation Models

On Participatory Design

ex. EX. New San-Ying Resettlement

1. URBAN INDIGENOUS SETTLEMENT

1.1

Nan-Jing (南靖): An Urban Indigenous Settlement in New Taipei City, Taiwan

While this research primarily focuses on urban indigenous populations in Taiwan, particularly the Nan-Jing Settlement in New Taipei City, it is important to recognize that the challenges faced by urban indigenous communities extend globally.

Fig. 01. A View from Nan-Jing Muti-Function Classroom

Nan-Jing (南靖): An Urban Indigenous Settlement in New Taipei City, Taiwan

What is Urban Indigenous Settlement?

The increasing migration of indigenous peoples to urban areas, whether voluntary or involuntary, is a global phenomenon driven by factors such as land dispossession, poverty, militarization, natural disasters, limited employment opportunities, the decline of traditional livelihoods, and the allure of better prospects in cities. This trend aligns with the broader global pattern of urbanization, anticipating a majority of the world’s population residing in urban centers.

However, indigenous communities face considerable challenges in urban settings, exacerbated by factors such as unemployment, limited access to services, and inadequate housing. Additionally, discrimination and difficulties in preserving language, identity, and culture contribute to the struggles of indigenous populations in urban environments, potentially resulting in the erosion of indigenous heritage and values. The vulnerability of indigenous peoples is further compounded by their limited political influence, hindering their ability to address systemic issues affecting their human rights. Some displacement of indigenous communities amplifies impoverishment and fuels the phenomenon of urban drift. In urban settings, indigenous populations encounter significant

disparities, encompassing lower wages, limited employment opportunities, deficient skills and education, substandard health conditions, inadequate housing, and higher rates of criminal convictions. These challenges lead to the creation of marginalized settlements outside the support structures of traditional communities, contributing to the erosion of indigenous culture and cohesion.

a precarious position, navigating an uncertain space between urban societies that may not fully accept them and indigenous communities that struggle to provide the opportunities they seek.

Fig. 02. Satellite of Nan-Jing

Nan-Jing (南靖): An Urban Indigenous Settlement in New Taipei City, Taiwan

Consequently, many young indigenous individuals find themselves caught in

The Nan-Jing Observation

Nan-Jing Settlement 南靖部落 “The tribe, for indigenous people, serves as a scale of home. Within the tribe, aspirations for familial cultivation find realization.” __ Aring, Social Worker of the World HaHa, 2023

According to the latest statistics from the Council of Indigenous Peoples, 48.69% of the indigenous population in Taiwan resides in urban areas, with the highest proportions observed in Taoyuan City (24.79%) and New Taipei City (19.37%). This highlights the geographical clustering phenomenon resulting from labor markets and employment opportunities. Under the San-Ying Bridge near the border of New Taipei City and Taoyuan City, a cluster of low-rise houses by the Dahan River forms a typical urban indigenous settlement. In the Nan-Jing Settlement, re-established by the Amis people, residents cultivate a sense of home by engaging in activities such as gardening, poultry farming, and job exchanges, transforming limited material resources into a spiritual “home.”

The elders of Nan-Jing Settlement (also known as Cilakesay Settlement) underwent similar journeys, arriving in Taipei during the 1960s and 70s to take on the most dangerous and challenging jobs. The outskirts of Taipei, such as

Sanxia and Yingge, became their settlement areas. Along the banks of the Dahan River, they painstakingly constructed homes using simple materials, establishing a new community.

Presently, Nan-Jing Settlement is home to approximately 200 residents, with

people aged over 70. However, the second and third generations, who have rooted themselves in urban life, possess limited experiences and memories of their ancestral homeland, creating a significant knowledge gap.

The external questioning of the value of learning tribal culture in urban settings may not be fully understood by children at a young age. Yet, the experiences of these young individuals, as shared by Aring, suggest that these efforts become significant when they eagerly seek answers to the fundamental questions of identity. Aring expresses hope that these experiences and memories will guide them to understand their trajectories and reconnect with their roots as they grow older. For indigenous children, the questions of “Who am I, where do I come from, and where am I going?” are inescapable soul-searching inquiries.

Nan-Jing (南靖): An Urban Indigenous Settlement in New Taipei City, Taiwan

only around 20 individuals from the first generation of urban indigenous

1.2

The Recent Past

1.2.1

A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

A Recent History, A History of Finding a Home

In June 1984, a deafening sound marked the collapse of the Haishan Coal Mine. Due to a delay in reporting caused by the development company taking inventory of assets, over 100 miners lost their lives, the majority of whom were Amis people from the Hualien-Taitung Rift Valley. During a time of severed diplomatic ties between the Republic of China and the United States and the gradual emergence of democracy, public pressure led to the government’s announcement of mine closure.

them unwilling to revisit Tu-Cheng for the rest of their lives. The once united extended family dispersed, and interpersonal networks disintegrated, leaving lives shattered. With the company closed, everything was gone. Some people returned to their hometowns, while others decided to stay in Taipei to continue striving. Some Amis people, having migrated from Tu-Cheng Region (土城), settled in areas near San-Xia Region (三峽) and the border of Taoyuan City (桃園). The scenic landscape, nestled between mountains and rivers,

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

The mining incident was a “collective trauma” for the older generation, making

resembled the early tribal environment, and they established their homes here. The surviving tribal members faced the dual challenge of coping with the grief of losing loved ones and contemplating their future livelihoods. Some wished to remain in the northern region to make a living, and thus, they chose the geographically advantageous Da-Han riverside areas in San-Xia and YingGe (鶯歌) to establish their “New Homeland,” where they independently built houses and supported each other.

However, in 2009, they encountered the predicament of displacement once again. The Taipei County government initiated the “Da-Bi-Tan Reconstruction Plan,” including a sub-project embodying typical gentrification, the construction of the “Dahan River Bike Trail.” The San-Ying Settlement under the San-Ying Bridge became an obstacle to the establishment of the bike path and was instructed to relocate. Some tribal members who lost their basic housing rights were “settled” in the nearby “Longenpu Public Housing.” However, most were only willing to reside on the first floor according to their past lifestyle, so other floors were made available for indigenous people from the Taipei County area to apply for.

At the onset of forced relocation, with strong support from various indigenous movement organization, the San-Ying residents eventually secured a commitment from the government for “relocation and reconstruction of the settlement.” Assisted by the “Professional Urban Reform Organization (OURs),” a team from National Taiwan University’s Graduate Institute of Building and Planning, the “333 Model” reconstruction plan emerged. However, under the current high construction costs, many people still find themselves scattered in various dark corners of the city, persisting in the stigmatized social underclass.

the Nan-Jing Settlement was also established during this period of turbulence. Building makeshift shelters by the riverbank, engaging in farming, and raising chickens, they replicated the tribal lifestyle, giving rise to the present-day scenery observed in Nan-Jing. Due to budget constraints at the time of construction, and the land ownership implies that if any construction is to take place on this land, it must be done in the form of a temporary construction shed, prohibiting the use of cement, the houses could only be built using salvaged wooden boards from construction sites. Bamboo was used as beams and pillars.

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

Not more than five hundred meters away from the original San-Ying Settlement,

Shu-Lin Reg

New San-Ying Settlement San-Ying Settlement Nan-Jing Settlement Ying-Ge Region

Xan-Shia Region

New San-Ying Settlement San-Ying Settlement Nan-Jing Settlement

Lon-En-Pu Social Housing

H 2

Xan-Shia Region

Ha 2n

1950s 1984

gion

Hai-Shan Coal Mine Tu-Cheng Region

1950s 1984

Hai-Shan Coal Mine

Coal Mine Area Urban Indiginous Settlements River Green Migration 0 100

500 M

ai-Shan nd Mine

Coal Mine Area Urban Indiginous Settlements River Green Migration Route Nan-Jing Tribe The MigrationFig.of01.theTheNan-Jing and of San-Ying Amis Migration 0 100

500 M

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

Hai-Shan 2nd Mine

ETTELMENT 三鶯部落 Amis people move to SAN-YING the westSETTELMENT part of Taiwan (urban area) 1950s New Taipei City: Amis people move to \ the west part of Taiwan (urban area) 1960s main work : Coal-mining New Taipei City: main work : Coal-mining 1984

Hai-San Coal Mine Explosion Amis groups started to move into Riverside area

In the 1960s, the Amis people underwent a significant migration, relocating from the eastern part of Taiwan to New Taipei City. Upon settling in the new locale, a substantial portion of the Amis community became engaged in coal-mining activities at the Hai-Shan Coal Mine.

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing 67 Fig. 02. Nan-Jing History 01

ETTELMENT Amis people move to 三鶯部落 SAN-YING the westSETTELMENT part of Taiwan (urban area) 1950s New Taipei City: Amis people move to \ the west part of Taiwan (urban area) 1960s main work : Coal-mining New Taipei City: main work : Coal-mining

Hai-San Coal Mine Explosion 1984

Hai-San Coal Mine Explosion

Amis groups started tointo move into Amis groups started to move Riverside area Riverside area

Regrettably, in 1984, a tragic explosion occurred, resulting in the loss of lives among the Amis workers. Compounding this tragedy, the incident precipitated a significant downturn in the entire industry, causing a marked decline. Consequently, the Amis community experienced a profound economic setback, with widespread job losses. Faced with this adversity, members of the Amis community endeavored to relocate once more, dispersing into several settlements along the river. This series of unfortunate events not only had immediate human consequences but also triggered a broader economic downturn, compelling the community to adapt to new circumstances and disperse in search of alternative livelihoods.

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing 69 Fig. 03. Nan-Jing History 02

三鶯部落 SAN-YING SETTELMENT 1950s \ 1960s

Amis people move to the west part of Taiwan (urban area) New Taipei City: main work : Coal-mining

1984

Hai-San Coal Mine Explosion Amis groups started to move into Riverside area SAN-YING Settlement Formed

2002 Aerial Vie

2002 Aerial View+ 2010 Docu Views in San-Ying Settlement in 2010

2002 Aerial View+ 2010 Documentation_San-Ying Settlement The San-Yin Settlement was formed in this period.

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

Aerial View of San-Ying Settlement in 2002

Fig. 04. Nan-Jing History 03 71

n (urban area) 三鶯部落 SAN-YING SETTELMENT

xplosion

ove into

1950s \ 1960s

Amis people move to the west part of Taiwan (urban area) New Taipei City: main work : Coal-mining

1984

Hai-San Coal Mine Explosion Amis groups started to move into Riverside area

rmed

SAN-YING Settlement Formed 1994

on Work

Government Demolition Work 11 times in total (1994-2007)

-2007)

Unquestionably, the government could not condone the unauthorized occupation, leading to a series of 11 forced demolition efforts between 1994 and 2007. These interventions underscore the official stance against the illegal settlement and the recurrent attempts to address the issue through coercive measures. The repetitiveness of these forced demolitions highlights the persistent nature of the government’s response to the perceived infringement, reflecting a concerted effort to rectify the situation in alignment with legal and regulatory frameworks.

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

Fig. 05. Nan-Jing History 03 1996 Government Forced Demolition (from the documentary: There is a River in front of my Home)

e to aiwan (urban area) 三鶯部落 SAN-YING SETTELMENT

ning

1950s \ 1960s

ne Explosion

o move into1984

Amis people move to the west part of Taiwan (urban area) New Taipei City: main work : Coal-mining Hai-San Coal Mine Explosion Amis groups started to move into Riverside area

nt Formed

SAN-YING Settlement Formed 1994

olition Work

1994-2007)

Government Demolition Work 11 times in total (1994-2007)

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing Fig. 06. Nan-Jing History 04 2008 Protest

2008 Protest

n area)

三鶯部落 SAN-YING SETTELMENT 1950s \ 1960s

Amis people move to the west part of Taiwan (urban area) New Taipei City: main work : Coal-mining

1984

Hai-San Coal Mine Explosion Amis groups started to move into Riverside area SAN-YING Settlement Formed

1994

Government Demolition Work 11 times in total (1994-2007)

)

oject of

San-Ying Settlement 2007

Lon-En-Pu Social Housing Project (For the temporal placement of the San-Ying community) 30/ 200 people get in - failed

In 2007, a governmental initiative was undertaken to construct a social housing project, aimed at providing contemporary residential accommodations for indigenous settlements in the vicinity of New Taipei City. However, this endeavor proved unsuccessful, primarily attributable to the exorbitant rental costs that rendered the housing unaffordable for the indigenous communities. Additionally, the Amis people encountered difficulties adapting to the ostensibly modern living conditions characterized by concrete structures, steel bars, and tiled surfaces. Consequently, a significant number of individuals opted to revert to their original riverside habitats. The inadequacy of the social housing project underscores the importance of aligning architectural and housing policies with the cultural and economic nuances of the indigenous communities they intend to serve.

Nan-Jing Settlement

San-Ying Settlement

Nan-Jing Settlement

2007

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

Lon-En-Pu Social Housing

Fig. 07. Nan-Jing History 05 2007 Resettlement_A Social Housing Project 77

n area)

三鶯部落 SAN-YING SETTELMENT 1950s \ 1960s

New Taipei City: main work : Coal-mining 1984

Hai-San Coal Mine Explosion Amis groups started to move into Riverside area

2016

SAN-YING Settlement Formed 1994

Government Demolition Work 11 times in total (1994-2007)

)

oject of

Amis people move to the west part of Taiwan (urban area)

2007

南靖部落 Lon-En-Pu Social Housing Project (For the temporal placement of the San-Ying community) NAN-JING 30/ 200 people get in - failed SETTELMENT

南靖部落 NAN-JING SETTELMENT

Nan-Jing Settlement

San-Ying Settlement

NGO groups in (OURs) 333 cooperation

Nan-Jing Settlement

The Nan-Jing settlement was formed during this chaotic period of time. At the same time, after the failure of the social housing project, a NGO proposed a cooperation model called 333 model for the tribe to work with the government more smoothly, which gave birth to the New San-Ying Settlement in 2016.

San-Ying Settlement

2008 Discussion Started -Congress Member -Local Community -Social Welfare Association

2016

2007

Lon-En-Pu Social Housing

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

New San-Ying Cultural Residence

Fig. 08. Nan-Jing History 06 2007 Resettlement_A Social Housing Project 2016 Resettlement_Participatory Design Project 79

三鶯部落 SAN-YING SETTELMENT 1950s \ 1960s

Amis people move to the west part of Taiwan (urban area)

COMMUNITY CENTER

New Taipei City: main work : Coal-mining 1984

Hai-San Coal Mine Explosion Amis groups started to move into Riverside area

RESIDE

COMMUNITY CENTER

SAN-YING Settlement Formed 1994

2007

New San-Ying Settlement Planning Drawing_AERIAL

Government Demolition Work 11 times in total (1994-2007)

Lon-En-Pu Social Housing Project (For the temporal placement of the San-Ying community) 30/ 200 people get in - failed

COMMUNITY CENTER

New San-Ying Settlement Planning Drawing_AERIAL

FARMING FIELD PARKING PARKING

RESIDENTIAL AREA

No Moving-in agreement

New San-Ying Settlement Planning Drawing_AERIAL

2016

FA 500

南靖部落 NAN-JING SETTELMENT

2009 NGO groups in (OURs) 333 cooperation

40 ho 120 92 60

New San-Ying Cultural Residential Area RELOCATE/ REBUILD

In 2016, the indigenous community addressed a protracted issue by collectively constructing a new neighborhood. Through collaborative efforts, residents built their homes, signifying a shared commitment to self-reliance. This initiative marked the culmination of a three-decade challenge, as the entire San-Ying settlement transitioned to the newly established residential area. This collective endeavor highlights the efficacy of community-driven solutions, emphasizing the importance of culturally responsive approaches in resolving housing challenges within indigenous communities.

RESIDENTIAL AREA

40 houses : 120 m²* 20 92 m²* 10 60 m²* 10

Structure: Light-weighted steel frame C/H-Shape Steel

Planning Drawing_PLAN

Alumni Door/ Window 403967 houses : Fire-Proof External Structure: m² Panels 120 m²* Bathroom 20 EquipmentLight-weighted steel frame 500 USD/ m² …… The Planning _by SODA LAI Architects, 2011 92 m²* 10 C/H-Shape Steel 60 m²* 10 Alumni Door/ Window 3967 m² Fire-Proof External Panels Bathroom Equipment 500 USD/ m² ……

2016 Resettlement Project Planning and Calculation

-in 2016 Resettlement_New San-Ying Settlement

Fig. 09. Nan-Jing History 07 81

三鶯部落 SAN-YING SETTELMENT 1950s \ 1960s

Undoubtedly, the experience significantly impacted the Nan-Jing settlement.

Amis people move to the west part of Taiwan (urban area) New Taipei City: main work : Coal-mining

1984

Hai-San Coal Mine Explosion Amis groups started to move into Riverside area SAN-YING Settlement Formed

1994

Government Demolition Work 11 times in total (1994-2007)

2007

Lon-En-Pu Social Housing Project (For the temporal placement of the San-Ying community) 30/ 200 people get in - failed

NGO groups in (OURs) 333 cooperation

2016

南靖部落 NAN-JING SETTELMENT

Approximately two and a half years subsequent to the establishment of the new San-Ying Residential area, the NanJing settlement commenced replicating this approach to construct their own community center as a pilot project. This initiative epitomized intergenerational cooperation, involving the collaborative efforts of various age groups. However, the implementation of this method extended over a span of approximately three years and concluded only six months ago, underscoring the intricate and time-intensive nature of such community development endeavors.

2009

No Moving-in agreement

2011

Electricity/ Water Supply Promoting Community Engagement Education Funding Raising

New San-Ying Cultural Residential Area RELOCATE/ REBUILD

樂窩 THEWORLDHAHA

NPO

Start to claim their 333 cooperation

2019

Fire - Rebuilt on site (partly)

2022

Typhoon + Flood - Rebuilt on site (partly) —————> Adawang (Self-Built Community Adawang (Self-Built Community Center)

Timeline San-Ying Settlement/ Nan-Jing Settlement

Center)

樂窩

ORLDHAHA

NPO

2022.05-08 Self-Built NEW Adawang (Community Center)

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

2022.05-08 Self-Built NEW Adawang (Community Center)

Fig. 10. Nan-Jing History 08 The Construction Process of the new community center of Nan-Jing Settlement (Adawang in Amis language), 2022 83

Timel

BANK LOAN 33.3%

GOVERNMENT 33.3%

Buildings belong to the Tribal association (Juridical Person)

RENT First Phase: 20 years

Manual Construction Skills Basic Knowledge Vocational Training Recruiting (after the construction) Material Providing

Providers CONSTRUCTION ABOUT GROUND

Architects

Government

SODA LAI Architects

Council of Indigenous Peoples

AH Lightweight Insulation Block

Buildings belong to cooperationFOUNDATION The 333 model theGovernment Tribal association INFRASTRUCTURE (Juridical Person)

San-Ying Settlement

The Land belongs to the government

Council of Indigenous Peoples

RENT FOUNDATION irst Phase: 20 years INFRASTRUCTURE

ing Settlement

eoples

aterial oviders

MODULE DESIGN

INTERIOR

TION ABOUT GROUND

NCE %

INTERIOR

TECHNIQUE TRAINING

Material

INTERIOR GOVERNMENT 33.3%

CONSTRUCTION ABOUT GROUND

Residents

REDESIGN FOR

an-Ying Settlement

Residents

San-Ying Settlement

The Land belongs to the government

RESIDENCE 33.3%

Residents

Manual Construction Skills Basic Knowledge Vocational Training Recruiting (after the construction) Material Providing

Residents

CONSTRUCTION ABOUT GROUND INTERIOR 2007 - 2016 San-Ying Settlement

REDESIGN FOR Fig. 11. The Framework of the 333 Model

New San-Ying Settlement 2016

TECHNIQUE TRAINING

MODULE Architects 2007 - 2016 DESIGN CONSTRUCTION ABOUT GROUND San-Ying Settlement

INTERIOR

Government

FOUNDATION INFRASTRUCTURE

333 Model: The Participatory Process of the New San-Ying

Examining the operational dynamics of the 333 cooperation reveals discernible issues within the tripartite framework. The fundamental premise of the 333 Model elucidates that one-third of the resettlement costs is contributed by the San-Ying Amis, an additional one-third is sourced through bank loans, and the remaining fraction is provided by the government.

Subsequent to the completion of construction, property rights for the domiciles

residences on an individual basis. The initial lease term spans 20 years, yet upon its expiration, residents retain preferential rights for tenancy renewal, effectively rendering the arrangement akin to a perpetual leasehold.

In their independent construction project, the tribal group enlisted an architectural firm for a participatory design approach. Notably, H-shaped steel beams were integrated to eliminate welding, streamlining assembly with bolted joints and tapping.

The Recent Past: A Winding Road towards Nan-Jing

are vested in an incorporated tribal association, while the inhabitants lease their

1.2.2

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

New Taipei City Taoyuan City

Fig. 01. Satellite Image of Nan-Jing and Surrounding Area

The Nan-Jing Observation

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

Taipei City

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

San-Ying Settlement

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

Ying-Ge Region

08.08. 2002 2002

8989

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

Ying-Ge Region

Human Activities

08.08. 2007 2007

9191

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

Ying-Ge Region

08.08. 2008 2008

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

The Road was Built

9393

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

Ying-Ge Region

San-Ying 2nd Bridge Construction

08.08. 2009 2009

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

Nan-Jing Settlement Established

9595

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

Ying-Ge Region

More Houses was Built

San-Ying 2nd Bridge Completd

08.08.2010 2010

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

Farm Land reclamation

9797

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

Ying-Ge Region

9999

08.08.2011 2011

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

Ying-Ge Region

101 101

08.08.2013 2013

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

Ying-Ge Region

08.08.2016 2016

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

The New San-Ying Settlement Construction Began

103 103

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

Ying-Ge Region

08.08.2018 2018

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

42 Houses Built

105 105

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge Renovation

San-Ying Bridge Parking Lot Construction

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

Ying-Ge Region

08.08.2019 2019

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

New San-Ying Settlement Completed

107 107

San-Xia Region

San-Ying Bridge

Da-Han River

Transformation of the San-Ying and Nan-Jing Settlement

Satellite Map

Some kind of Owned Planting Parking ?? + City Government Lot Canvas Roof with tires for weight

08.08. 2022 2022

Close Up at a Distance: The History from Satellite Maps

Ying-Ge Region

109 109

1.3

Understanding Amis Space

111

1.3.1

Traditional Amis Space: Ritual and Cultural Meanings

Column

Main Column

Vine Bed

Column

central space

Room

Column

Column Column

Column Front Door

Namesofofthe the Elements elements ininthe Revised AmisAmis Housing in Japanese Colonial Era Fig. 01. Names thestandard Standard Revised Housing in Japanese Colonial Era 1895- -1945 1945 1895

Traditional Amis Space: Ritual and Cultural Meanings

Column

Main Column

113

Right means “no - for the elderl

Right means “noble” Right means “noble” - for the elderlies - for the elderlies

Backyard

Ditch Backyard

Right means “noble” Right means “noble” - for the elderlies - for the elderlies

Backyard

Vine Bed Ditch

Ditch

Vine Bed

Vine Bed enan

al space

Vine Bed Paenan Vine Bed central space storage -> kitchen Vine Bedstorage -> Paenan Vine Bed Vine Bed Paenan kitchen central space

Now

Vine B

Vine Bed

Paenan storage -> kitchen Vine Bed

Now

Treasure

Paenan

Vine Bed

central space storage -> kitchen storage -> kitchen

Vine Bed

Loflof

Paenan

Vine Bed

Paenan

Loflof Treasure Loflof Paenan

Loflof

Treasure guarding Vine Treasure Bed Vine Bed guarding Vine Bed guarding guarding Vine Bed for Elderly Vine Bedfor Elderly Vine Bed Vine Bed | for Elderly for Elderly | | | Noinaan Noinaan Noinaan Noinaan

1940s

1940s Paenan : communal space

Yi-Wan Settlement,Loflof Hualian, Taiwan : storage

Noinaan kitchen : elderly Noinaan room : elderly room Loflof : storage kitchen Noinaan : elderly room Noinaan : elderly room

Fig. 02. Changes of Spatial Arrangement of the Traditional Amis Housing

1940s

Paenan : communal space living room 1940s Lin House Lin House Paenan : communal space living room Yi-Wan Settlement, Loflof : kitchen storage LinTaiwan House Yi-Wan Settlement, Hualian, TaiwanHualian, Loflof : storage Paenan : communal space living roomkitchen

Lin House Lin House Yi-Wan Settlement, Hualian, Taiwan Yi-Wan Settlement, Hualian, Taiwan

Vin for E

living room

Paenan : c Loflof :

Noinaan : e

Right means “noble” - for the elderlies Right means “noble” - for the elderlies

Right means “nobl - for the elderlies

Backyard

Room Room

Paenan central Paenanspace central space

Room

Vine Bed for the new-married couple Room

Room

Room Room

Vine Bed Vine Bed Vine Bed

Loflof

Paenan Paenan Paenan

Room

Vine Bed

Vine Bed Vine Bed Paenan for the new-married for the new-married couple couple

Room Vine Bed

Right means “noble” Right means “noble” - for the elderlies - for the elderlies Vine Bed

Vine Bed for the new-married couple

Ditch

Paenan

Vine Bed

central space central space

central space

Room

Paenan Paenan

Room

Treasure

Now

Vine Bed Vine Bed

Loflof

Vine Bed guarding for Elderly guarding guarding Vine Bed Vine Bed Vine Vine | BedBed for Elderly for Elderlyfor Elderly | Noinaan | |

Now

Loflof

guarding Treasure Treasure

Noinaan

Now

Treasure Paenan

Noinaan Noinaan

1930s 1930s Cheng House Cheng House Yi-Wan Settlement, Yi-Wan Settlement, Hualian,Hualian, Taiwan Taiwan

Cheng House Cheng House Yi-Wan Settlement, Hualian, Taiwan Yi-Wan Settlement, Hualian, Taiwan

1930s

1930s Lin House Yi-Wan Settlement, Hualian, Taiwan

1940s

Traditional Amis Space: Ritual and Cultural Meanings

Vine Bed storage -> kitchen Vine Bed

Loflof

Vine for Eld | Noin

Paenan : co Loflof :

sto

Noinaan : eld

Fig. 03. Changes of Spatial Arrangement of the Traditional Amis Housing

Stove

Paenan (Dirt Space)

Stove

Paenan (Dirt Spac 3

Vine Bed

Vine Bed (Full Room Paenan (Dirt Space) Stove

Vine Bed

Traditional Amis House A Retraced based on Amis Religious Research, 原英⼦

Traditional Amis H Retraced based on アミ族の住居

Let’s See the Plans Again

Fig. 04. Analysis of the Traditional Amis House

Paenan irt Space)

Stove

Paenan (Dirt Space) 3

Vine Bed

Paenan irt Space) Stove

Vine Bed 4

nal Amis House A mis Religious Research, 原英⼦

觀, 常⾒純⼀

SW : Pig Bones

NW : Fishing Equipment

NE : sifanohay (Ceramic)

SE : Farming Tools

The Meaning of Domestic Directions

Traditional Amis House B Retraced based on アミ族の住居と⽅位觀, 常⾒純⼀

SW : Pig Bones

NW : Fishing Equipment

NE : sifanohay (Ceramic)

SE : Farming Tools

The Meaning of Domestic Directions

Fig. 05. Analysis of the Traditional Amis House

Traditional Amis Space: Ritual and Cultural Meanings

Vine Bed (Full Room)

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F F

M M

M F

Female Space

Male Space

SW : Pig Bones

NW : Fishing Equipment

NE : sifanohay (Ceramic)

SE : Farming Tools

Again M

The Meaning of Domestic Directions

Traditional Amis House B Retraced based on アミ族の住居と⽅位觀, 常⾒純⼀

Female Spa

Male Space

SW : Pig Bo

NW : Fishin

NE : sifano

SE : Farmin

The Meaning o

Fig. 06. Analysis of the Directions in Traditional Amis House

Let’s See the Plans Again

ViceWizard

V Vi Wi Wi

Betel Nuts Rice

Betel Nuts

Wine/ Ginger/ Rice

Betel Nuts Betel Nuts

Rice Principal Wizard

Rice Wine

Betel Nuts

Male Wizard Female Wizard Face Direction diwas (Vessel for Men) sifanohay (Vessel for W

Ceremony Phase: Mafonkad

Ceremony Phase: Mafohkad Bajoo Leaf

F F N N

Male Wizard Female Wizard The Spatial Arrangement of Wizards a Mmaterials inFTraditional Amis F Male Member M F Female Member Fig. 07. Arrangement of the Tools in the Traditional Amis Funeral Face Direction Wizard (Lower Level) M M ViceSupporting Wizard

Male Wizard F Female Wizard Face DirectionN diwas (Vessel for Men) sifanohay (Vessel for Women)

Traditional Amis Space: Ritual and Cultural Meanings

Rice

ger/ Rice

hkad

Principal Wizard

Wizard

Ceremony Phase: Makakodol Linopas

Let’s See the Plans Again Let’s See the Plans Again

119

ViceWizard

Principal Wizard

Principal Wizard Betel Nuts

Rice

Betel Nuts

Rice

Wine/ Ginger/ Rice

Principal Wizard

Bajoo Leaf

Rice Male Wizard Female Wizard Face Direction diwas (Vessel for Men) sifanohay (Vessel for Women)

Rice Wine Betel Nuts Ceremony Phase: Mafohkad

Male Wizard Female Wizard N Face Direction F diwas (Vessel for Men) sifanohay (Vessel for Women)

ViceWizard

Bajoo Leaf

Wizard

Ceremony Phase: Makakodol Phase: Linopas Makakodol Linopas Ceremony

e Plans Again

The Spatial Arrangement of Wizards and ceremonial Male Wizard materials in Traditional Female WizardAmis Funeral

Male Member Female Member Face Direction Wizard (Lower Level) Supporting Wizard

Ceremony Phase: Ma

Male Wizard Female Wizard The Spatial Arrangement of Wizards and ceremonial materials in Traditional Amis Funeral Male Member Female Member Face Direction Wizard (Lower Level) ViceSupporting Wizard

Fig. 08. Arrangement of the Tools in the Traditional Amis Funeral

Elderly 1. Higher Eaves 2 Higher Beds 2.

Kitchen Pigsty Elderly 2 Toilet

Toilet Storage Shower Room

Shower

Betel Nuts Betel Nuts

Storag Room Stove Paenan (Dirt Space)

Male

3. Indoor Division 4. Exterior _ Weatherboard/ Corrugated Sheets… N Fig. 09. Analysis of Spatial Arrangement in Traditional Amis House 5. Divide Kitchen from the Main House 6. Hygiene - Must Include Toilet 1. Higher Eaves F M F 7. Extend Paenan (DirtMale Space_for Farming) F 2. Higher Beds 8. Japanese Shrine Table N 3. Indoor Division N 9. House should Face South 4. Exterior _ Weatherboard/ Corrugated Sheets… 10. Keep the traditional Amis ideas like “Right is the noble direction”, “Yielding Precedence to Age” M F 5. Divide Kitchen from Mthe Main House M F 6. Hygiene - Must Include Toilet 7. Extend Paenan (Dirt Space_for Farming) The Indigenous Living Condition Revising Policies 8. Japanese Shrine Table M M 9. House should Face South 10. Keep the traditional Amis ideas like “Right is the noble direction”, “Yielding Precedence to Age” Let’s See the Plans Again

ving Condition Revising Policies

Traditional Amis Space: Ritual and Cultural Meanings

Kitchen

Elderly 1

Japanese Pigsty Shrine Table

Storage

Elderly Room 21

Storage

Asile

Paenan (Dirt Space)

Storage

Room 2

Room 1 Storage Asile

Asile

Storage F

Paenan (Dirt Space)

StorageAsile

Storage

Room 1

Female

Storage

Japanese Shrine Table

V Vi Wi Wi

Female

Japanese Shrine Table

Let’s See the Plans Again

Elderly Room

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Ancestors Ancestors Strength Strength

Wizards

Ant

The Outdoor Festival

Ant

Blessing

Tree Climbers

Dog

Blessing

Tree Climbers

Wizards

Heron

Pet

Horse-Ridin

The Legend

Blessing

Health

The Legend

The Sun

Fig. 10. Amis Traditional Motifs

Traditional Amis Space: Ritual and Cultural Meanings

Strength

Traditional Symbols/ Motifs

Horse-Riding

Mouse

Hunting

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1.3.2

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

Fig. 01. Taiwan Indigenous Survey Report, Suketarō Chijiiwa 臺灣蕃族調查報告書, 千千岩助太郎

125

Fig. 02. Amis in the Japanese Colonial Era

The tribe people pilled trees to make the pillars of the house. Those pillars are made of camphor wood, tied with yellow vines, and no

Most of the upper ends of the pillars are cut into Y-shaped wood, or L-shape, and set a hole about 15 centimeters below, and use rattan or vines to pass through the hole, so that when the beam is erected, the rattan can be used to bind it to increase its binding force without using any external joint. Fig. 03. Sketch of Amis Traditional Residential Building

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

metal nails are used at all.

127

Private Space

Public Space Main Entrance

Public/ Private Space

Sub Entrance

Traditional A-Mei Housing Plan

Semi outdoor

(Doma_Dirt Space)

The traditional dwellings of the standard Amis exhibit a notable absence of walls The Interior

or other forms of physical partitions. This characteristic signifies a departure from contemporary notions of domestic privacy, as the demarcation between private and public domains differs markedly from modern conventions. Shared across diverse tribal communities, a common architectural principle involves symmetrical alignment of centrally positioned columns. Despite

Fig. 04. Analysis of Amis Traditional Housing Plan

Y1 FRONT

CENTRAL COLUMN

Y2 REAR

Traditional A-Mei Housing Plan this alignment, the resulting internal spatial configuration diverges from strict symmetry, with the central column delineating an additional spatial enclosure. Interior

This partitions the overall plane into front and rear areas, further divided into three zones on either side by two inner columns. Additionally, if a front porch is integrated into the design, the central column plays a crucial role in bisecting the entire floor plan, including the porch, into two equally sized areas—Y1 and Y2.

Fig. 05. Analysis of Amis Traditional Housing Plan

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

太巴朔社 Tai-Ba-Shuo Tribe

129

From the column position on the plan, section and frame diagram of the case, we can find that the roof is supported by the main central column and the four corners of the pillars supporting the inclined beams are framed. Some houses are larger and the spans on both sides are too large.

There must be another set of frames in the middle to support the roof. In addition, there are pillars with ancestral meaning in the house and the center of worship in the community, are engraved with geometric and figure decorations.

Fig. 06. Main Pillar with Motifs in Amis Traditional Housing

The frame structure system employed by the Amis community involves embedding columns directly into the ground. Yellow vines serve as binding agents, securing the columns, roof trusses, and bamboo on the roof. Thatch, dried and layered three to four times with bamboo, covers the roof, reinforced at the ridge to prevent water leakage.

The interior features a predominantly rattan bed, extending across the floor at a height of 50-60 cm. If detached from the floor, the non-sleeping area utilizes rammed earth for the public space, with the sleeping area either connected to the bed or featuring a distinct sleeping platform.

Public Space Rammed Earth

The floor is usually built as a single platform, sleeping area and public space were mixed together

Fig. 07. Floor in Amis Traditional Housing

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

Sleeping Space Yellow Vines

131

Most of the traditional houses of the aborigines in Taiwan are “single-room”. There are only central pillars in the house to support the roof, with no partitions. So basically everything happens in the same room.

With the increase of exchanges between the aborigines and the Han people, and the improvement policy of indigenous houses during the Japanese colonial period, the Column-and-Tie roof truss style prevailing in East Asia was introduced into the aboriginal buildings, and the number of compound rooms in the aboriginal traditional buildings increased. The Construction methods of the Roof was kept The Roof Frame

Indoor Division and doors

Transom was Introduced

Floor completely changed

An A-Mei House Building around Shiu-Gu-Luan River (Mid-East part of Taiwan)

The transformation of A-Mei Architecture

Fig. 08. Analysis of an Amis House Built Around Shiu-Gu-Luan River (Mid-East Part of Taiwan)

Amis Housing Transformation: Meet the External Forces

The historical documentation of Amis culture was sparse until the early period of Japanese occupation due to the absence of written records by the aboriginal inhabitants. Notably, it was in the 1930s, during the Japanese colonial era, that scholar Suketaro Chijiwa conducted an investigation into the traditional houses of the Amis. His findings were presented in the Taiwan Indigenous Survey Report, marking a seminal contribution to the understanding of Amis culture.

The transformation of Amis houses over the past century can be broadly categorized into five phases: original, forced revising, meeting Han culture,

data, such as plans, sections, elevations, and environmental conditions, are required for an in-depth analysis of each phase, this overview highlights the political and social impacts shaping the evolution of Amis housing.

THE SO-CALLED “ORIGINAL” Chijiwa categorized Amis traditional houses into two types based on typology

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

attempting to be modern, and identity recall. While additional information and

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and planning decisions: the flat-entry type, characterized by entrance and exit doors on the gable surface, and the Side-entrance type, where the entrance and exit were positioned at the side wall. Notably, the entrances in both types did not align with the central line of the architectural plan. FORCED REVISING In the 1920s, the Japanese colonial government implemented a policy to “Improve Indigenous houses” focusing on enhancing living conditions, particularly ventilation and lighting. The initiative encouraged the replacement of thatched roofs with galvanized boards, a transformation often realized by placing corrugated galvanized boards over existing thatched roofs. Despite attempts to improve roofs, the form of the houses remained relatively unchanged, with increased wall height being the primary modification to meet functional requirements. MEET THE HAN CULTURE Following the Chinese Civil War in 1949, the influx of compatriots and governmental efforts to enhance agricultural practices led to increased demand for thatch, resulting in the widespread adoption of galvanized boards for

roofing. Those with better economic means replaced original thatched houses with structures featuring brick-laying exterior walls and wood or betel nut stems for beams. A notable alteration during this period was the relocation of the entrance to the middle, influenced by Han culture. TRYING TO BE MODERN By 1970, major constructions and the booming fisheries industry prompted the migration of young Amis seeking new opportunities. This marked the transition to masonry, brick, and reinforced concrete construction. The adoption of the modern “core family structure” further increased demand for space, leading to the introduction of multi-story houses with courtyards and vegetable gardens.

prominent, reflecting an increased awareness of cultural inheritance and identity.

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

In the 1980s, distinctive patterns and symbols on house facades became

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Fig. 09. Amis House_Side Entrance Type

PHASE 01. THE SO-CALLED “ORIGINAL” based on the first indigenous documentation by Japanese Government(1930)

The transformation of A-Mei H

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

Fig. 10. Analysis of Traditional Amis Housing Plan The entrance in both of the two types never aligned with the central line of the plan

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Thatch roof with corrugated galvanized boards covering above

Fig. 11. Roof Structure of a Japanese Improved Amis House

1920s PHASE 02. FORCED REVISING “Improve Indigenous House” policy - ventilation/lighting Japanese rewarded indigenous houses using rain-drenched walls and zinc roofs Single-Space Multi-Space (indoor division appeared)

Rain-drenched Walls

Buildings Getting Higher

1945 1895 Japanese Colonial Era WWII

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

Fig. 12. Picture of a Japanese Improved Indigenous House

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Eaves have been widened (influenced by Han people)

Fig. 13. Elevation of a Amis House Under Chinese Government

1950s PHASE 03. MEET THE HAN CULTURE Improvement of agricultural machinery and technology Great reduction in thatch Roof Replaced with Corrugated galvanized steel Entrance has gradually been changed to the middle of the elevation

Galvanized Zinc Panel

Han-Style Wood Column

Middle Entrance

1949 Chinese Civil War

國民政府遷台 Republic of China Retreated from mainland

Republic of China

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

Fig. 14. Elevation of a Amis House Mixing Han and Japanese Improved Elements

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Fig. 15. Elevation of a Concrete Amis House in 70s

1970s PHASE 04. TRYING TO BE MODERN Mass amount of labor needed Great emigration to the developing area Government support to improve living condition Brick/ Stone/ Concrete

Middle Entrance

1974 Taiwan Major Construction Period 1979

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

Fig. 16. Elevation of a Amis House with Concrete Structure and Tile Roof

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Fig. 17. Concrete Amis Residential Building with Motifs Painted on the Facade Hualian, Taiwan

1980s PHASE 05. IDENTITY RECALL Migration of the tribal people + New development Cultural inheritance and identity awareness

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

Fig. 18. Amis Cultural Exhibition Hall Gi-An Village, Hualian, Taiwan

145

Amis Traditional Housing and It’s Evolution

The Historical Succession of Amis Building

Fig. 19. Transformation of Amis Housing in the 20th Century 147

3. ETHNOGRAPHY STUDIES

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2.1

Why Ethnography?

modernism

community engagement

vernacular architecture

interviews

articulated informal

Building Typology regionalism

Architecture

Ethnography

observation

Living Condition Study of modern social Phenomena

prototype

Design Methodology

co-theorize

The disconnection between architectural design and local contexts.

co-designing open review

Look at the “Given”

A Different Approach

Architecture + Ethnography

Fig. 01. Potential Connection Between Architecture and Ethnography

__ Donna Haraway

Why Ethnography?

“Inheriting the past thickly in the present so as to age the future.”

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Ethnography, etymologically derived from “describing (graphing) the people,” transcends its literal meaning to encompass a multifaceted exploration of culture, extending even to the tangible expressions of human civilization, including architectural marvels. This intricate discipline delves into the intricate fabric of cultural phenomena, adopting the perspective of its subjects. Ethnography thus unfolds as a form of rigorous social inquiry, demanding astute observation and interpretation of participants’ behaviors within specific social milieus, alongside an exploration of how these individuals construe their own actions.

Contemporary ethnography, in its current manifestation, predominantly hinges on immersive fieldwork, notably when addressing complex issues such as ethnic identities, cultural preservation, and political quandaries. This intensive engagement necessitates an anthropologist’s profound integration into the very essence of the culture under scrutiny, submerging oneself in the daily lives of the people being studied. This symbiotic relationship between researcher and culture is particularly pivotal in the realm of Social and Cultural Architecture, where the centrality of human presence in spatial design is paramount. Ethnography emerges as an indispensable tool within this context, offering

architects and designers invaluable insights into crafting designs that resonate with the diverse tapestry of cultural and socioeconomic values inherent to their communities.

At the 2018 Venice Biennale International Architecture Exhibition, Japanese architect Momoyo Kaijima, Atelier BOW-WOW, and architectural theorist Laurent Stalder explored the theme of “Architectural Ethnography”, presenting and summarizing research findings from this emerging field that had developed worldwide over the past 20 years. In general, as mentioned above, ethnography refers to a form of written text that uses field research to provide descriptive studies of the social and cultural aspects of specific ethnic groups, constituting a core research method in cultural anthropology. When the methods and descriptions of ethnography are applied with “architecture” as a prefix, they leverage the inherent advantages of architectural drawings in integrating complex information and visual means based on precise observation.

Ethnography” represents, especially considering that the terms “architecture” and “ethnography” belong to different academic disciplines, implying distinct

Why Ethnography?

This leads us to ponder what kind of forward-thinking ideas “Architectural

153

problem awareness and research paradigms. Curator Momoyo Kaijima’s interpretation of “Architectural Ethnography” reveals two key points: first, the focus of this topic is not on “specific ethnic groups” but rather extends to “people,” “communities,” and “societies”; second, this topic is rooted in the ontology of architecture and is concerned with which aspects of architectural studies can be incorporated into ethnographic research methods.

The notion of architectural ethnography encompasses not only a descriptive exploration of a particular human culture but also an active engagement in the very act of cultural examination. In the realm of social and cultural architecture, the fundamental objective is the optimization of architectural designs for human habitation. This pursuit is underpinned by a series of profound advantages afforded by the incorporation of ethnographic methodologies: 1. Precision in Behavioral Patterns: Architectural ethnography facilitates the meticulous construction of behavioral blueprints, thereby empowering the creation of spaces meticulously tailored to the needs and preferences of their users. 2. Naturalistic Context: This methodology unfolds within the organic

context of human existence, yielding outcomes that possess a heightened sense of immediacy, clarity, and directness. 3. Interpretative Insights: Ethnography lends itself to the nuanced interpretation of residents’ activities and behaviors, unearthing the intricate motivations behind individual actions through comprehensive research and analysis. 4. Cultural and Social Exploration: It serves as a potent tool for delving into specific social phenomena and cultural nuances, permitting an indepth investigation of these facets that are of paramount significance within architectural discourse.

“Architectural Ethnography” as a method points to an important historical thread in the research and creative work of modern and contemporary Japanese architecture. As early as the early 20th century, scholars like Kon Wajiro utilized ethnographic observation and research methods to study the

documenting the evolution of everyday spaces in Tokyo, leading to the concept of “modernology.” After a period of relative silence on the surface in

Why Ethnography?

Westernization of Japanese society. They meticulously collected drawings

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the 1940s, the architects influenced by Kon Wajiro never ceased to organize and interpret his extensive work. In the late 1980s, figures like Toshio Fudosin and the formation of the “Rojo Kansatsugaku-kai” (Street Observation Society) rekindled academic interest in modernology, sparking a trend in academia that interpreted the city as a “text” to be read, a trend that continues through the theories and practices of Momoyo Kaijima, Yoshimasa Tsukamoto, and others.

Regarding this academic context, scholars like Yimin Guo have meticulously traced the relevant figures and ideas in contemporary Japanese architecture, with descriptions of figures such as Takashi Yoshisaka, Toshio Fudosin, and Momoyo Kaijima revealing the thread of modernology’s inheritance among several generations of architects.

The emergence of modernology in the 1920s, its revival in the 1980s, and the diverse explorations of architectural ethnography in the 21st century are not isolated phenomena within the realm of Japanese architecture. This complex evolution has been influenced by the trends in folklore studies within different periods and regions of architectural cultural research. As architectural

historians Ákos Moravánszky and Werner Oechslin discussed the topic of “Architectural Ethnography,” the ethnographic-style recording and construction were once important demands in the production of architectural drawings. In the context of cross-cultural exchanges between the East and the West, examples of architects and folklorists conducting research together are not uncommon. Andreas Kalpakci, through his study of Kon Wajiro’s teacher, folklorist Kunio Yanagita’s trip to Geneva in the 1920s, highlights that the initial connection between Japan and Western academia in ethnographic issues was a tangible collision. Please let me focus on Ethnography for now. In subsequent chapters, I will expound upon the pivotal impact of Modernology within the context of this research endeavor.

The term “architectural ethnography” is by no means a novel concept. Social scientists have historically employed this strategy to conduct

ethnography has matured into three distinct categories: individuals, societies, and cultures. Remarkably, these three domains are central to

Why Ethnography?

research on communities, culture, and society. In a parallel evolution,

157

architectural discourse, particularly in the contemporary era, where architects and theorists grapple with the legacy of modernism and internationalism. Within the framework of modern architecture, ethnography serves as an assurance that design concepts and innovations are genuinely responsive to the needs and desires of the end users. In the present competitive landscape, businesses are perpetually in search of innovative methods to gain a competitive edge. Ethnography has emerged as a valuable tool for these enterprises, enabling them to gain profound insights into and alignment with their customers’ values and preferences. Within the architectural realm, the adoption of ethnography has garnered significant attention, responding to the growing demand for usercentric designs and the formidable challenges that accompany this pursuit.

“The user” stands as the central focus in ethnographic architectural projects, with design considerations extending to encompass not only basic needs but also cultural responses and societal values. The extensive research underpinning these endeavors elevates ethnography to the status of an “emerging design strategy,” poised to redefine the contours of architectural innovation in the contemporary landscape.

The overarching objective of courses in the realm of social and cultural architecture is the refinement of building design, ultimately geared toward the betterment of residents’ living experiences. To achieve this, according to Ethnographic Methods in Support of Architectural Practice by Eleftherios Pavlides from Roger Williams University, and Galen Cranz from University of California, practitioners of ethnographic research frequently navigate the nuanced interplay between what anthropologists categorize as the etic (outsider) and emic (insider) perspectives. This dynamic interplay comes to fruition through the deployment of ethnographic field studies, which offer a profound exploration of the lived experiences of building occupants. Photoelicitation, an anthropological interview technique harnessing the power of visual imagery to solicit residents’ perspectives, serves as a bridge, artfully merging the etic and emic vantage points. The crux of this endeavor lies in the ability to foresee what will genuinely resonate with individuals, necessitating a comprehensive understanding of their needs and desires.

fall short in furnishing the nuanced insights indispensable to product development

Why Ethnography?

While focal groups and surveys bear the facade of face validity, they recurrently

159

teams. This limitation stems from their inherent reliance on users’ ability to prognosticate their own future behavior—a cognitive task most individuals are inherently ill-suited for. A more astute alternative involves shifting the focus from what individuals profess to what they actually do. This approach is grounded in a fundamental premise: past behaviors serve as the most reliable predictor of future actions. What individuals enact in practice emerges as a more accurate barometer of latent user needs than their verbal assertions.

Consequently, the manner in which questions are posed, whether framed within the confines of a structured interview or arising organically within the context of informal conversations, emerges as the linchpin of ethnographic research methods. This artful interrogation of human experiences holds the key to unlocking the profound insights essential for crafting designs that genuinely resonate with the aspirations and behaviors of the people who inhabit them.

Rather than soliciting individuals’ overt preferences, the practitioner of user research embarks on a journey into the realm of design ethnography, a methodological approach aimed at unravelling the deeper motivations behind

their desires. This inquiry extends beyond the superficial to probe the intricacies of architectural design and regional development plans. Employing a rich tapestry of observation and interviews, these researchers embark on a quest to decipher the profound underpinnings of human preferences, seeking answers to questions of substantial import: •

The Pursuit of Goals: What lofty objectives do users aspire to

accomplish within their given context? •

Culinary Delights and Discontents: Which dishes reign supreme

in their affections, and conversely, which ones elicit disdain? •

Navigating Challenges: What ingenious workarounds have

they devised to circumvent hurdles, and what are these obstacles that beset their path?

The crux of this endeavor lies in the relentless pursuit of understanding the nuances of people’s preferences, their cognitive landscapes, and the intricacies

profound journey of inquiry, a foundational question must be addressed: Why Ethnography?

Why Ethnography?

of how they navigate their living environments. Yet, before embarking on this

161

Root: Questions From An Experience of Participatory Design

To unravel this query, it is fitting to delve into the personal catalysts that impelled me—an architectural student with several years of working experience in community engagement projects to return to academia, trying to find a way to bridge up the gap between practice and research. A pivotal moment in this transformative journey was a candid conversation with a colleague, who articulated a profound skepticism: “I harbor doubts about the feasibility of achieving true engagement. It’s not about the projects we’re currently undertaking; rather, it’s a broader skepticism regarding to successfully achieve the architectural goals while fulfilling everyone’s expectation.”

This pivotal exchange unfolded following a series of meetings with community members residing in a suburban village. Our collective endeavor was to forge collaborations with local residents, driven by a shared determination to confront the multifaceted challenges posed by outmigration and the gradual erosion of their treasured traditional culture and regional identity. Our approach was nothing short of multifaceted, encompassing a comprehensive spectrum of

initiatives. This included the meticulous restoration of historical architectural treasures, strategic branding endeavors, the facilitation of educational workshops, engaging exhibitions, and astute urban planning—all orchestrated with the overarching aim of breathing new life into the region. This profound encounter marked the genesis of a profound and introspective journey, one that illuminated the potent promise and latent potential of ethnographic research. This methodology emerged as a quintessential tool, poised to bridge the formidable chasm that often separates lofty theoretical ideals from the pragmatic realities of community engagement and architectural innovation.

Throughout our arduous 2.5-year odyssey, we encountered a myriad of challenges. Among these trials, the most formidable adversary was the formidable hurdle of effective communication and comprehension. It quickly became apparent that what the community members desired did not always align with our preconceived notions of what they needed. This dissonance

the actual issues at hand. In numerous meetings, community representatives seemed steadfastly fixated on discussions of potential economic growth and

Why Ethnography?

hampered our communication, preventing us from addressing the crux of

163

the acquisition of government funding to erect new edifices, often centered around shopping malls, in a bid to “revive” the region. This recurrent theme overshadowed more nuanced conversations about their profound sentiments toward their homeland and cultural heritage.

After visiting, holding events, and workshopping for about a year, we gradually began to garner attention and facilitate genuine dialogue within the community. The frustration of this unsatisfying journey made my colleague question the engagement itself. However, my unwavering conviction remains intact, driven by a belief that alternative avenues exist to foster effective communication and genuine understanding.

burgeoning

interest

anthropology,

specifically

ethnological

methodologies, stems from this quest for innovative approaches to navigate such intricate terrain. It is within the realm of ethnography that I seek knowledge and anticipate discovering a viable path forward—one that transcends the vexing communication challenges of the past and paves the way for more authentic, impactful engagement.

In the community I mentioned above, it was not only about the insider-outsider question we discussed in the first two classes, I sensed the lack of cultural awareness and their self-identity. In terms of that, I agree with the “educational” aspect that Tim Ingold, an influential British anthropologist, brought out constantly in many of his texts. No matter what our expertise is, it is always a process of exchanging ideas, memories, and expectations. Bilateral education not only can be observed in anthropological research, but almost all projects require public engagement, for instance, public art, community development, and regional revitalization. Most of people think those processes as a “service” in which some groups of experts go to a specific area and “offer” the place and the people some “solutions” to solve their problems. But in fact, we can never make positive changes if we only are service providers. Of course, we definitely have to provide our own professions to others, but at the same time, we should vacant ourselves to embrace the local memories, the real problems, and the people’s will. I may take this as a cooking process, our expertise, local

put them into a huge pot named ethnology in a specific order that can only be realized through sincere engagement, as Ingold titled his essay, “Taking others

Why Ethnography?

memories, social interactions, culture,... all those things are ingredients, and we

165

seriously”. In short, the concept of bilateral education is the only way to deep understanding, and our position, as cooks, is supposed to mediate both sides in between.

I am acutely aware that I do not carry the mantle of an anthropologist, and in many respects, I may not be the most qualified individual to apply Ingold’s insights to my personal experiences. Nevertheless, I hold steadfast to the belief that architecture and anthropology share a profound intrinsic connection—a shared essence of engagement that bestows upon them the exceptional ability to transcend disciplinary boundaries. Intricating these shared features warrants closer examination. Admittedly, some of the concepts espoused by Ingold, such as the nebulous notions of “understanding the world,” “wisdom,” or the imaginative narrative of rocks, may initially appear abstract and elusive in my context.

However, one assertion by Ingold profoundly resonates with me: the imperative of “being there, present, and alert, at the very moment of it taking shape.” This encapsulates the pivotal significance of on-site presence and the cultivation of

authentic opportunities for meaningful interaction. It is this tangible “presence” that imbues anthropology with palpable reality and enduring significance. Questions like, “Which holds greater value—a decently designed house provided by an experienced architect or a self-built house co-created by the architect and the family members who live inside?” could be difficult to answer by us. Nevertheless, the incontrovertible truth remains that ethnography is intrinsically aligned with the spirit of engagement. This synergy equips us, whether in the role of an architect or an outsider, with the capacity to engage in a dynamic discourse with our subjects—an immersive dialogue that pertains to their living conditions, cultural tapestry, and identity.

Frankly, I remain uncertain about how to navigate the multifaceted challenges that characterized the project I participated in two years ago. These challenges loom even larger when considering the intricate web of power dynamics and, at times, the emergence of conspiracy theories—as articulated by Dr. Leith

her article, “Anthropology Matters.” However, amidst this sea of uncertainties, a glimmer of hope emerges—a nascent contemplation regarding whether

Why Ethnography?

Mullings, the former president of the American Anthropological Association, in

167

this is indeed the path forward. It beckons us to embark upon the arduous yet imperative journey of creating an equitable platform where both sides can engage in harmonious interaction. In this quest, we may yet uncover moments of profound beauty and inspiration that transcend the complexities of our endeavors.

Why Ethnography?

169

Why Ethnography?

Fig. 02. Ethnographic/ Modernologic Note on Traditional Amis Clothing and Tools

171

2.2

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

The detailed depiction in modernology drawing is invariably linked to references to external elements and patterns of communities. However, in the past two decades, architectural ethnography has leaned towards focusing on the spatiotemporal characteristics of individual “perceptual worlds” and their relationship with the architectural environment. Tomito architecture have demonstrated both the objective and subjective aspects of public space utilization by illustrating the close relationship between users, behavior, and the environment through their profound project CASACO. In the project, architects involved in the transformation unfold daily life events in both temporal and

this neighborhood across five stages: historical background, neighborhood formation, project conception, transformation process, and project opening.

Architectural ethnography also continues the techniques of modernology drawing established by Wajiro Kon (1888-1973), liberating the depicted objects from the confines of the same place, time, and scale in the mapped space. Through the flow and superimposition of seemingly unrelated elements and objects on the surface, it reflects their underlying relationships, revealing the temporal dimension of architecture.

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

spatial dimensions and establish connections. This illustrates the “ecology” of

173

Observation Sketches

#00. Tribal Entrance: House Canvas Wood Board Steel Bar Wooden Fence 2 types Court Yard Evening Gathering

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

#01. Chief’s Home Colorful Wooden Fence The Entrance to the Settlement

#01. Christian Chapel Canvas

Woodlooks Board How does Nan-Jing like now? Steel Bar Recycled Door Concrete Foundation Car Tire

#02. Christian Chapel Canvas Wood Board

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

Stone + Concrete Foundation

#02. Local Temple “TU-DI-GONG”

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

Solar Panel Wood Board Wood Grid Fence Steel Bar Stone + Concrete Foundation #03. Local Temple (Buddhism) Solar Panel Wood Board

#03. House 01 Standard Type Canvas Roof Silicate Board Wood Grid Lattice Steel Bar Recycled Metal Door How does Nan-Jing looks like now? Black Mesh_Garage Small Garden #12. House Standard Type Canvas Roof Silicate Board

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#05. House 02 Chinese Tile Roof (mass production tile) Wall: Recycled Door Wood Pillar Steel Bar Pillar Furniture on the Roof Corrugated Metal BoardWood Board Wall

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

#08. House with roof tiles Chinese Tile Roof (mass production tile) Recycled Door is used as the wall

#06. House 03 Standard Type with symbols Canvas Roof Silicate Board Steel Tube as Pillar Steel Bar Wood Grid Door Corrugated Metal Board Wall Small Garden

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

#14. House with Traditional Motifs on the Facade Standard Type with Symbols Canvas Roof Silicate Board

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#07. House 04 L-Shape Plane Canvas Roof (Double Layer) Cable in Bamboo as Structure Steel Tube as Pillar Black Mesh Wood Grid Door Corrugated Metal Board Pillar: Bundle of Wood Sticks Deck

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

#28. House with Home-made Bamboo Cables L-Shape Plane Canvas Roof (Double Layer) Cable in Bamboo as Structure

#08. House with a slope Canvas Roof

Silicate How does Nan-Jing looksBoard like now?

Steel Tube as Pillar Wood Frame Structure Wood Grid Door Wood Plate Wall + Canvas Angle Steel Structure #06. House with a slope Canvas Roof Silicate Board

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#09. House with a Wooden Deluge Facade Canvas Roof (Double Layer) Steel Tube as Pillar Black Mesh Window Wood Grid Door Corrugated Metal Board Wall Scattered (ruined) Fundation

How does Nan-Jing looks like now? #22. House with a Wooden Deluge Facade Canvas Roof (Double Layer) Steel Tube as Pillar

#10. House with 3 Doors How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

Canvas Roof (Double Layer) Three Front Doors Wood Panel Facade Corrugated Metal Board Wall Floor Tiles #13. House with 3 Doors Canvas Roof (Double Layer) Three Front Doors

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#11. The Adawang (before 2022) 2 Doors for Two Houses Wood Sheets Storage Recycled Window Grid Lower Part of the Facade is Painted in Black

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

#20. House with Doors Side-by-Side 2 Doors for Two Houses Wood Sheets Storage

#12. House with Corrugated Steel Board Facade All Corrugated Steel Facade Water onlooks the Roof How doesTank Nan-Jing like now? Cloth Hanging Recycled Handrail as the Door Handle Steel Bar and Canvas Barrier #09. House with Corrugated Steel Board Facade All Corrugated Steel Facade Water Tank on the Roof

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#13. House with Twin Water Towers Steel Shelter for the Water Tanks Private Chicken Yard Wooden Stick Fence Cut the Trees for Structures The Hierarchy of the Thickness of the Four Trees

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

#04. House with Twin Water Towers Steel Shelter for the Water Tanks Private Chicken Yard

#14. House with Black Meshes How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

Wooden Frame Black Mesh with Steel Structure Cantilever Concrete Fundation #05. House with Black Tent Canvas Black Mesh

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#15. House with 4 Trees Stone Fundation for Planting Canvas Roof Tiles Recycled Doors Wall

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

#07. House with Three Trees Small Garden Stone Pave

#16. House with a Blue Roof Recycled Wood Plate

How does Nan-Jing looksFundation like now? Concrete

Canvas Roof Small Garden: Side Lane Metal Door

#15. House with Huge Metal Door Metal Door Bajoo Banana Tree

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#17. House with 3 Chairs

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

Recycled Wood Plate Concrete Fundation Canvas Roof Small Garden: Side Lane Metal Door #16. House with Huge Metal Door 2 Metal Door Bajoo Banana Tree

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?#18.

House with Recycled Wood Boards

Recycled Wood Boards Restroom Door as Front Door Canvas Roof Self-made Step Traffic Cone #17. House with A Step at the Front Door Storage in front of the Building Building Materials

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#19. House with Clapboard Recycled Wood Plate Wooden Water Blocker Spring Couplets Recycled Wood Door Canvas

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

#18. House with a Wooden Deluge Facade Front Yard filled with Small Stones The Only House with Wooden Deluge Facade

#20. House with Wooden Window Frame How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

Recycled Wood Boards Restroom Door as Front Door Canvas Roof #21. House with Two Entrance White Recycled Boards Wooden Frame as the Window

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#21. House in a Container How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

Abandoned Container Rubber Water Tank Canvas Electricity Pole as Structure #23. House with Container Plastic Water Tank Painted in Black Container Attached to the House

#22. House with Red Door

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

Abandoned Container Red Paint Share Canvas for Several Buildings Abandoned Furniture #24. House with a Red Entrance Facade Painted Red Small Plantations

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#23. House with Front Door Fence How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

Trees Around: Damp Canvas Roof Small Wooden Fence Wooden Board as Wall #26. House with 5 Doors The Heavily Rusted Steel Board on the Roof Fence Dividing the Entrance

#24. House with Black Paint Recycled Wood Boards

How does Nan-Jing like now? Blacklooks Facade(Paint)

Canvas Roof Wire Connecting to the Pole

#29. House Connected to Electricity Poles Cables Connecting to Poles Facade Painted in Black

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

#25. Outdoor Gathering Corner Public Farm Private Farm Trees as Barrier Wood Fence Canvas Water Pipe for the whole settlement Portable Furniture (Recycled)

How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

#30. Outdoor Gathering Corner Public Farm Private Farm

#26. Open Space (Crossroad) How doesMaterial Nan-Jing looks like now? Building Storage Laundry + Clothes Hanging Cable Water Tank Use the Utility Pole as Structure No “semi” public Space in-between

#31. Open Space (Crossroad)

a -H

Da iv

Building Material Storage Laundry + Clothes Hanging Cable Da-Han River

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Observation Sketches

Recycled

Public Furniture

Fig. 01. Elements in the Settlement Series 01

What’s out there?

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Fig. 02. Elements in the Settlement Series 02

201

etches

Public Furniture

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Fig. 03. Elements in the Settlement Series 05_Public Furniture

203

What’s out

What can you see outside?

Modernology Documenting: What Does Nan-Jing Looks Like Now?

Fig. 04. Elements in the Settlement Series 07_Fence X Blocks X Boundaries Fence

205

2.3

Broader Connection

The exploration of the in-settlement situation prompted contemplation on connections to the larger city area, where the future generations of Amis are already assimilating and will continue to emerge.

An integral aspect of this exploration involves understanding the traveling distance to work. The material maps are instrumental in identifying sources for recycled building materials and mapping out the routes for material collection linked to each individual house. This analysis underscores the fundamental integration of the settlement with the broader urban context, emphasizing the intricate connections that bind the community to the larger city area.

Broader Connection 207

Broader Connection

209 Fig. 01.

Fig. 02. Recycled Material Sources

Canvas Wood Board Steel Bar Recycled Door Concrete Foundation Car Tire

Broader Connection

#02. Christian Chapel

211

#08. House with roof tiles Chinese Tile Roof Recycled Door Wood Pillar Steel Bar Pillar Furniture on the Roof Corrugated Metal Board

Broader Connection

#14. House with Traditional Motifs on the Facade Standard Type with Symbols

Canvas Roof Silicate Board Steel Tube as Pillar Steel Bar Wood Grid Door Corrugated Metal Board Wall Small Garden 213

#12. House Standard Type Canvas Roof Silicate Board Wood Grid Lattice Steel Bar Recycled Metal Door Black Mesh_Garage Small Garden

Broader Connection

#18. House with a Wooden Deluge Facade

Front Yard filled with Small Stones The Only House with Wooden Deluge Facade (it has probably been demolished) 215

#09. House with Corrugated Steel Board Facade All Corrugated Steel Facade Water Tank on the Roof Cloth Hanging (structure connecting to the roof) Recycled Handrail as the Door Handle Steel Bar and Canvas Barrier (unknown function)

Broader Connection

#13. House with 3 Doors

Canvas Roof (Double Layer) Three Front Doors Wood Panel Facade Corrugated Metal Board Wall Floor Tiles 217

#28. House with Home-made Bamboo Cables L-Shape Plane Canvas Roof Cable in Bamboo Steel Tube as Pillar Black Mesh Wood Grid Door Corrugated Board Bundle of Wood Sticks

Broader Connection

#04. House with Twin Water Towers

Steel Shelter for the Water Tanks Private Chicken Yard Wooden Stick Fence Cut the Trees for Wire and Structures The Hierarchy of the Thickness of the Four Trees 219

West Ying-Ge Community Center

Nan-Jing Citizen Center

Ying-Ge Ceramics Museum

San-Ying Settlement

Nan-Jing Settlement

Fig. 03. Typhoon Evacuation Map

Xi-Zho Settlement San-Ying Settlement Nan-Jing Settlement

Da-Hang River Flood

Weeks

Urban Indigenous Settlements around Da-Han River used to evacuated together.

Da-Hang River Flood

Xi-Zho Settlement

West Ying-Ge Community Center

Nan-Jing

The safe spots for tribal people to evacuate during typhoon and flood emergencies.

Days

Nan-Jing

Days

Nan-Jing

Days

West Ying-Ge Community Center

Typhoon Kong-Rey

Typhoon Soudelor

Typhoon Mangkhut

FIRE

Typhoon Mitai

Typhoon Hinnamnor

Typhoon Haiku

2013

2015

2018

0207-08 2019

2019

2022

2023

Before

After

History of Nan-Jing Disaster Shelter-Out (documented since 2013)

San-Ying Resettlement West Ying-Ge Community Center West Ying-Ge Community Center

West Ying-Ge Community Center

Ying-Ge Region ng-Ge Region

Ying-Ge Region

Nan-Jing Citizen Center Nan-Jing Citizen Center

Nan-Jing Citizen Center No. 395, Rd. Wen-Hua Capacity: 300 people Area: 449.6 m2

2013 2015 2018

Ying-Ge Ceramics Museum

San-Ying Settlement

West Ying-Ge Community Center 2018 West Ying-Ge Center 2018 2019 No. 215,Community Rd. Wen-Hua No. 215, Rd. Wen-Hua San-Ying 2019 2022 Settlement Capacity: 250 people 2022 2023 Capacity: 250238.9 people Area: m2 2023 Area: 238.9 m2

Broader Connection

Ying-Ge Ceramics Museum Ying-Ge Ceramics Museum

Nan-Jing Citizen Center

Fig. 04. Recent Evacuation History and Emergency Safe Spots for Nana-Jing Tribal Group Nan-Jing Settlement

Nan-Jing Settlement

Ying-Ge Region

221

Certain residents opt to visit residences ofvisit their relatives Certainthe residents opt to Ying-Ge Region

Built Year: 2007 For San-Ying Tribe Built Year: 2016 For San-Ying Tribe

Destroied by Flood 1999 2008 2014

SUMMER (TYPHOON)

WINTER

Fig. 05. Flood Affecting Area

Traveling Distance Areas of Nan-Jing and San-Ying People Work

Broader Connection

City Boundary

Fig. 06. Distance to Work of Nan-Jing Residents 223

2.4

Another Map: Understanding the Land by Drawing

In seeking a more profound and intimate comprehension of the site, I embarked on an in-depth exploration beyond basic information research. This involved experimenting with diverse methods of mapping to document the intricacies of the settlement. The objective was to employ multiple approaches that would capture the nuanced aspects of the community, transcending conventional mapping practices.

the settlement by incorporating elements that might be overlooked in traditional documentation. Through this multifaceted approach, I endeavored to unveil a more nuanced and comprehensive portrayal of the settlement, accounting for its complexities and providing a more immersive representation of its unique characteristics.

Another Map: Understanding the Land by Drawing

These experimental mapping methods aimed to unveil a richer understanding of

225

Another Map: Understanding the Land by Drawing Fig. 01. Another Map 01

227

Open Space XL

Open Spac

Christian Chapel Buddhism Temple (Tu-Di-Gong) Gathering Space

Tribal Chief’s Home

Route Unknown Area

Football Field

San-Ying Bridge

Open Space Football Field

Community Center (adawong)

Football Field

Christian Chapel

Buddhism Temple (Tu-Di-Gong) Tribal Chief’s Home

Community Center (adawong) Community Center (adawong)

Open Space XL Christian Chapel

Open Space XL Open Space XL

Sa n-Y

Christian Chapel

B ing ge

rid

Buddhism Temple (Tu-Di-Gong)

Gathering Space

Tribal Chief’s Home

Route Unknown Area

San-Ying Bridge

Tribal Chief’s Home

Open Space Football Field

Another Map _ Diagrammatic Sequence

San-Ying Bridge

Fig. 02. Another Map 02

The initial experiment involves the creation of a diagrammatic map that unfolds the sequential arrangement of the sole route within the settlement. This particular pathway serves as a vital linkage connecting key community spaces, including the Chief’s house, religious areas, and community centers. These spaces are collectively regarded as crucial social hubs for the community.

The central path depicted in the diagram is assumed to be the primary route for both residents and visitors. Functioning as the entrance to the settlement, it invariably leads individuals to the Chief’s house, marking the initial point of interaction with the community. Subsequently, this path extends further, guiding individuals towards the primary residential cluster, symbolizing a central artery Another Map: Understanding the Land by Drawing

that threads through significant communal spaces within the settlement.

229

This experimental map, inspired by the ancient Chinese map Da-Ming-Yi-TingZhi, serves as a departure from conventional cartographic accuracy. In this exploration, fundamental elements such as perspective, scale, and symbols are deliberately adjusted or distorted to fulfill the specific objectives of the map. Accuracy in terms of size and direction is sacrificed for the purpose of emphasizing the observed hierarchy within the settlement.

Fig. 03. Another Map 03

#1 Chief’s Home

#2 Chapel

h-West End #21-23. 29 South-West End #21-23. 29 South-West End #23-26 Residential Cluster #23-26 Residential Cluster #23-26 Residential Cluster #9- 20 Residential Cluster with Community Center (19)

#2 Chapel

#3 Buddhism Temple

20 Residential Cluster with Community CenterCluster (19) Cluster #9Residential Community Center (19) #21-23. 29 South-West End #23-26 Residential Cluster #21-23.#21-23. 29 South-West #21-23. 29 South-West 29#4 End South-West End End Cluster with #9#23-26 #23-26 Residential #23-26 Residential Cluster Residential #3 Buddhism Temple - 720 Fork Road

Bamboo House #28 Bamboo #28 Bamboo House #28 Bamboo House #27 Asphalt Field #28 #27 Asphalt Field #27House Asphalt Field # Football Field _ West Exit

# Southside#Farm # Southside Farm Farm Southside #Farm Southside

#3 Buddhism Temple #4 - 7 Fork Road

#4 - 7 Fo

Another Map: Understanding the Land by Drawing

#1 Chief’s Home

# Football Field _ West Exit#27 Asphalt # Football Field _ West Exit Field #27 Asphalt #27 Asphalt #27 Field Asphalt Field Field

# Southside#Farm 2# Southside Southside #Farm Southside 2Farm 2Farm 2

# Enbankment Steps # Enbankment # Enbankment Steps Steps Steps # Enbankment

231

Da-Ha

Open X

Riverside Sports Field

Color is strategically employed to delineate various elements, enhancing the representation of spatial arrangements and functional divisions. Differentiating areas where vegetables are planted from open spaces contributes to the overall clarity of the map. Houses Plantation Artificial Elements Fence Electricity Pole

Outboun

an River

Space XL

Riverside Sports Field

Houses Plantation Artificial Elements Fence Electricity Pole

Another Map: Understanding the Land by Drawing

nd Road

San-Ying Bridge

Mimicking Da-Ming-Yi-Tong-Zhi

Fig. 04. Another Map 04

233

A subsequent deconstruction of the map aims to convey the potential

Mimicking Guy Debord, Discours sur Les Passions de l’amour, 1957

Another Map _ How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

experiential aspects of navigating the settlement. For instance, the distance between the chapel and the north open space may be a mere 50 meters in reality. However, based on observations from Google Street View, where the space in-between appears filled with construction materials and wild trees, a potential mental distance is suggested. This mental distance, influenced by the perceived usability of certain routes, may differ from the physical distance, providing insights into the dynamics of movement within the settlement.

Building upon the notion of mental distances and the perceived significance of spaces within the settlement, an attempt has been made to rescale the fragments

Fig. 05. Another Map 05

of the map. The objective is to visually underscore the potential importance of

Another Map _ How does Nan-Jing looks like now?

various areas for the tribal people in a spatial context.

Notably, spaces such as the chapel, the Buddhist temple, and the main housing

This rescaling emphasizes the potential centrality and significance attributed to these locations within the settlement, contrasting with areas like the trial filled with building materials, which may be of lesser importance in the community’s collective spatial perception. The intentional manipulation of scale in this representation seeks to convey the relative importance assigned to different spaces within the settlement’s mental landscape.

Fig. 06. Another Map 05-2

Another Map: Understanding the Land by Drawing

cluster have been adjusted to reflect their potentially heightened importance.

235

This iteration represents a comprehensive reconstruction of various elements within the settlement, including spatial relationships, mental distances, and existing

barriers

boundaries.

Simultaneously, it addresses the invisible segregation observed within distinct clusters within the community. The aim is to holistically assess and redefine the dynamics that shape both the physical and social landscape of the settlement. approach

acknowledges

the

interconnectedness of these factors and seeks to create a more integrated and inclusive environment by addressing spatial, psychological, and social aspects concurrently. Fig. 07. Another Map 06 A Spatial Relationship and Priority for the Tribe

Another Map: Understanding the Land by Drawing

This

237

Open Court S (Chen Family)

The Main Water Tank

Adawang (Community Center) XL Chief’s House M (Shop in the Tribe)

External Road S Embankment S

S North Field

L Public Living Room L

Multi-Function classroom

Buddhism Temple (Tu-Di-Gong)

S Chapel

The First Building (Su Family)

Another Map _ Re-draw

Fig. 08. Another Map 07 Redraw Drew After the On-Site Work

Another Map: Understanding the Land by Drawing

239

2.5

On-Site Work

JUNE-AUG. 2023

Fortunate to collaborate with a local non-governmental organization (NGO) in Nan-Jing Settlement, I seized the opportunity to return to Taiwan and immerse myself in the community. Over the course of several months, I engaged in on-site work, extensively conversed with the community members, and actively participated in their daily activities. The fieldwork aimed to gain a

experiences of its residents.

Fig. 01. Picture of Nan-Jing Settlement Photo by: Chi-Chia Tsao 2023

On-Site Work

profound understanding of the settlement’s dynamics, intricacies, and the lived

241

The Nan-Jing Connection Of paramount significance is the role of the “WORLD HAHA” (樂窩社區服務協會), acting as the primary intermediary for external entities seeking communication with the Nan-Jing settlement. Essentially, all external interactions are channeled through this entity, rendering it a representative of the Nan-Jing community. While this arrangement may appear unconventional in terms of authority and identity, its efficiency surpasses the alternative of relying solely

Fig. 02. Nan-Jing’s Relationship with External Groups

on tribal organizations for communication. The composition of the world haha, comprising individuals with backgrounds in sociology, humanities, and social work, enables adept resource utilization and heightened awareness of potential support. Notably, my personal observation reveals that the connection between the San-Ying and Nan-Jing settlements predominantly hinges on the

exploration as a focal point for investigation.

Fig. 03. Framework of the On-Site Work with External Groups

On-Site Work

concerted efforts of the World Ha-Ha. This intricate relationship merits further

243

Tribal Organization

The organizational structure of the Nan-Jing Tribal Association appears ostensibly bureaucratic; however, the delineation of responsibilities is notably unclear beyond the roles of the Tribe Chief and the Chief of Staff. Evidently, the structure and titles were primarily designed for the initial establishment of the association, lacking specificity regarding the distinct duties and responsibilities assigned to each position within the organization. This suggests a potential need for a more refined organizational framework to enhance operational clarity and efficiency within the association.

Tribe Chief Vice Chief Chief of Staff Vice Chief of Staff Executive Officer Vice Executive Director of Youth Committee Vice Director of Youth Committee Supervisor Assistant Accountant Director

Wan-Fa, Su Shin-Yu, Yu Ying-Gen, Pang Ging-Tsai, Liu A-Mei, Hsieh Yu-Chu, Tseng Che-Ming, Chang Chung-Yi, Su Shang-Huay, Lin Li, Lin Chen-De, Huang Yu-Hsuan, Lin

Engaging Everyday Life

Settlement Cultural Tour

re ~

Summer Educational Collaboration

I’m

Informal Interviews

Children/ Elderly Caring

Serve the Ball : On-Site

Fig. 04. Field-Work Collage

On-Site Work 245

Fig. 05. Daily Schedule of the Field Work

Predominantly, events transpire within the Nan-Jing settlement, occasionally transitioning between the two settlements. During such transitions, the logistical challenge arises of transferring children from Nan-Jing to San-Ying. Notably, the elderly demographic abstains from afternoon activities. Consequently, children

intercommunication.

Fig. 06. Daily Schedule: Switch between Nan-Jing and San-Ying

On-Site Work

emerge as the sole cohort across both settlements afforded the opportunity for

247

From a personal standpoint, my primary interactions are concentrated within this demographic. Additionally, I am currently engaged in remote tutoring for tribal children, providing academic assistance across three classes every weekend, a commitment extending until October. Fig. 07. Nan-Jing Children Playing on the Embarkment, the infrastructure that isolated the settlement from the urban context Photo by: Chi-Chia Tsao

Ancestor Spirits House Multi-function Office Outdoor Gathering

Outdoor Gathering (under bridge)

Su Family

Adawang (the community center) Tribal Chief’s house

0800

1600

Nan-Jing Hot Spots in a day

Aring

Tsung

Daily Routes of the World Ha-Ha

Fig. 08. Field Note: Daily Route the World Ha-Ha

On-Site Work

Pei-Yu’s Daily Routes (She lives in the settlement)

249

Fig. 09. Nan-Jing Commute Map

Mapping, as an Ethnographic Field notes

The field notes delineate a discernible temporal distribution of individuals within the Nan-Jing Settlement. A conspicuous shift occurs at 4 pm, signifying a critical turning point. Before this juncture, the settlement coalesces into a unified entity, akin to a vast familial construct. Post 4 pm, a notable transformation transpires as children and the elderly retreat to their respective domiciles. This temporal demarcation underscores the notion that, prior to 4 pm, the Nan-Jing Settlement functions as a collective, resembling an expansive family unit. However, after this delineating hour, the concept of “family” undergoes fragmentation, with residents dispersing into their individual living spaces.

In the follow-up mapping notes, I detailed the daily routes of the three onsite World Ha-Ha workers, predominantly commuting via motorcycles. An exception is Pei-Yu (珮瑜), who resides in the settlement and dedicates 2-3 hours daily to individually assess the health of each elderly resident by visiting

approximately 60% of the settlement during the morning, suggesting potential implications for the settlement’s daily rhythms and routines.

On-Site Work

their homes. An interesting aspect is the notable lack of human activity in

251

Fig. 10. Canvas with Brief History of Nan-Jing Made by Tribal Children Photo by: Chi-Chia Tsao

On-Site Work

Fig. 11. Brief History of Nan-Jing (Translated from the Canvas Hanging in the Adawang)

253

House Number

Situated along the riverbank levee, Nan-Jing is positioned on land owned by the Water Conservancy Bureau. In 2014, the New Taipei City Government initiated a specialized project targeting indigenous settlements along the riverside, wherein temporary house numbers were allocated to the Nan-Jing community.

Fig. 12. The Nan-Jing representation_Li-Lin, the tribal Chief_Karu, and the congressmen_Yu-Jen Son made a petition to the bureaus of New Taipei City for official water supply, 06. 2023

Water Supply

The Ying-Ge District Office routinely dispatches water trucks to the settlements on a monthly basis. The populace relies on a combination of groundwater extraction and periodic water truck deliveries, with a noteworthy subset of households not utilizing electrical infrastructure for water access. The field note below shows the monthly delivery route of the water tanks.

On-Site Work

Fig. 13. Field Note: Water Truck Supplying Route

255

Possible Legal Format of the Tribal Ownership Model

Several discussions have transpired regarding the tribal organization’s sustainability and the prospect of fostering a more resilient tribe. Presently, the San-Ying settlement operates within a framework where land is owned by the Water Conservancy Bureau, and houses are property of the tribal legal entity, with residents leasing from this entity. A pivotal concern is the absence of land ownership by the tribe, exposing it to potential reappropriation by government entities. Culturally, another concern is the reliance on external groups for cultural events, impeding the authentic preservation of San-Ying’s cultural heritage.

Fig. 12. Potential Tribal Legal Format and Relationship

Proposing a preliminary idea, a self-sufficient system is imperative for financial autonomy, fostering intentional integration and development of Amis culture and identity. While the cooperative model holds promise, incorporating services into the settlement’s structure is essential for creating a market. This necessitates the opening of the settlement to the public in specific ways, presenting a multifaceted design challenge that intertwines planning, architecture, and service systems. This approach aims to establish a self-sustaining platform, concurrently fostering urban-indigenous cultural experiences for the Amis community.

On-Site Work

Fig. 13. Diagram of Age and Family Structure

257

Challenges Identifying

The principal insight derived from this summer’s research pertains to the disparity between my initial assumption and the actual preferences of the NanJing community regarding resettlement strategies, particularly via participatory design with the government. Contrary to my presupposition, the Nan-Jing residents express a preference to remain in their current location. This inclination is attributed to three primary factors: 1. The scale of the Nan-Jing settlement has witnessed a reduction over time. In 2015, approximately 35 families resided in the settlement. 2. A notable trend contributing to the reduction in Nan-Jing settlement’s scale is the outflow of midlife individuals who perceive Nan-Jing as their “Low-Gia” or parental home in Taiwanese. Consequently, the predominant demographic in Nan-Jing comprises individuals over the age of 60, who constitute the primary population segment resistant to investing in resettlement projects. 3. Over the past few years, both OURs and the New Taipei City Indigenous People Department have extended opportunities for cooperation in resettlement. Despite these initiatives, the tribal group’s reluctance to engage in resettlement

efforts is compounded by the challenge of identifying a new legal land that aligns with Amis expectations. The criteria for such land include proximity to the San-Ying settlement and the presence of water, making the search for a suitable resettlement site complex and challenging. Consequently, the impetus for resettlement is less pronounced, with the primary aspiration being the legal recognition and normalization of Nan-Jing.

Sufficient healthcare resources is provided by government. But the problems lie on daily care.

Healthcare A fading future of the settlement is expected.

Decreasing Population

Tribe Maintenance

The aging residents would be less able to maintain the tribal environment and facilities… etc.

Aging Population

No educational environment established for younger generations.

How to consciously develop “Nan-Jing culture” (not “traditional Amis’ culture”) when situating in the urban pattern?

Education

(Conscious) Development

The elderlies are the only group who can speak traditional Amis language (Kids are learning Mandarin and Taiwanese in school)

Sometimes, people just need an input, it could be an idea, an example, or even just a image illustration a possible colorful future. Then, gradually, they realize that they are also able to think boldly, to unleash and fulfill it.

No Input

Cultural Inheritance

Collective Imagine

Language

Legal Format

The aging residents would be less able to maintain the tribal environment and facilities… etc.

Another model for the tribal organization __ different ways to work with external group (regain the scepter) __ Ultimate goal: financially self-sufficient, and be able to accumulate capital for common good

Nan-Jing Problem Redefine_ Fig.regrowth 14. Issue Redefine and Work with the scenario

Degrowth Scenario

On-Site Work

Scenario: Settlement Degrowth

Financial Situation

259

Summer Education Program_Boxing Class

Traditional Weaving Class_Coaster

Activities mixing kids and Elderly

Traditional Crafting Class_Cup

Settlement Tour

San-Ying House VisitingSettlement

Sign-up sheet for elderlies and children

Eat-Together Dinner

Ancestral Spirit House Nan-Jing

Workshop_The History of San-Ying Curated for the Social Science Camp of National Taiwan University

Tribal Wayfinder

The 3 Main Water Tanks beside Adawang

Road to the Adawang

External Road

House and Its Farm

Gathering Space for Annual Festival

Betal Tree and Mesh

Tribal Chaple

Back Deck of Tribal Classroom

Poster of the kids in Nan-Jing On the wall of Nan-Jing muti-function office

Recycling Bag (empty cans of Taiwan Beer)

Mango Trees

Embarkment View

On-Site Work

View of the Lon-En-Pu Social Housing

Fig. 15. Glimpses of Nan-Jing Photo by: Chi-Chia Tsao, 2023 261

3. TAXONOMY OF CULTURAL PRACTICE

3.1

Portable Culture 263

The systematic examination of cultural features within Nan-Jing Settlement has spurred a reorganization of key elements into a taxonomy of cultural practices. This taxonomy encompasses several main features, including the boundary, cultural marks, material collecting, location, agriculture, and gathering practices. The study of these cultural features has provoked contemplation on the mobility of cultures, underscoring the inherently transformative and dynamic nature of culture. This recognition has given rise to the concept of “portable culture,” as previously discussed.

Within the framework introduced at the study’s outset, the taxonomy serves as cultural anchor points. These anchor points aim to facilitate a structured comprehension of the cultural practices within Nan-Jing Settlement, offering valuable insights into the intricacies and dynamics that mold the community’s distinctive identity. Fundamentally, these cultural anchor points are pivotal elements deeply ingrained in everyday life, contributing significantly to the inheritance of cultural practices. The recognition and understanding of these anchor points are crucial, as they constitute the foundation upon which communities coalesce. From an architectural perspective, our role is to discern

these anchor points and comprehend the motivations behind people’s choices to live together. This prompts a fundamental inquiry into the reasons behind communal living and challenges architects to recognize and honor these choices, delving into the essence of community and the cultural tapestry that binds individuals together.

Boundaries

In a traditional Amis settlement, the spatial arrangement comprises multiple buildings and structures, where a house encapsulates several interconnected components. The settlement, formed by a cluster of families, adheres to the understanding that a house corresponds to a blood-related family. However, in the context of an urban indigenous settlement like Nan-Jing, the conventional

This transformation is attributed not only to the reduced spatial distance between buildings but also to the imperative of collective living, particularly during the initial decades of the community’s transition to an urban environment.

Taxonomy of Cultural Practice

equation of a single house to a family undergoes a paradigm shift.

265

Cultural Marks

The gradual relocation of traditional motifs from the interior to the exterior of residential buildings carries dual significance. Primarily, it reflects the impact of migration on the Amis people, prompting the use of symbols as a means to articulate and reaffirm their ethnic identity. Simultaneously, this shift can be attributed to an evolving understanding of the concept of family.

In traditional structures, stories and symbols served as representations of familial spirits safeguarding domestic life. However, as the Amis transitioned from their original tribes, the interconnection among different families strengthened. Collaborative support among families collectively formed settlements, expanding the understanding of a family.

Consequently, the hypothesis posits that this transition from the interior to the exterior constitutes a spatial manifestation signaling cultural changes and increased coherence.

Cultural Marks 01. Motifs : Expending definition of a family house

The Symbols of Ancestor/ Tribal Legends

INDOOR MAIN COLUMN Guarding the “Family”

The Symbol of Health (Illness-Prevention)

18th

2009

The understanding of family has been scaled up

EXTERIOR - FACADE Guarding the “Community”

Cultural Marks 02. Colors : Mixture of different tribes

Taxonomy of Cultural Practice

The Symbol of Health (Illness-Prevention)

Northern Tribes

Malan Amis Taidong, Taiwan

Eastern Tribes

The Mixing Use of Tribal Colors

Adawang (Community Center) Nan-Jing Settlement Completed : 08. 2022

Modern Representation (by one of the tribal kid)

Taxonomy of Cultural Practice

Nanshie Amis Hualian, Taiwan

Taxonomy of Cultural Practice

Fig. 01. Portable Culture: Cultural Marks 267

Another illustrative instance is the incorporation of symbols on the recently constructed Nan-Jing Community Center, with a notable consideration for the chosen color palette.

Traditionally, red, yellow, and black are emblematic of Amis tribes in the northern region of Taiwan. Conversely, blue is associated with the Malan Amis, a substantial tribe in the southeastern part of the island. The deliberate use of blue in the Nan-Jing Community Center’s symbols suggests a nuanced shift, hinting at the gradual blurring of boundaries between different tribes over the past three decades. This color choice symbolically signifies a transformative process wherein distinctions between tribes become less rigid, reflecting an evolving cultural landscape.

Material Collecting

Similar to their ancestral practices, the Nan-Jing Amis engage in the collection of materials such as wood, bamboo, and vines from the nearby urban environment for the construction of their houses. This parallels the traditional approach of the Amis people who sourced materials from nearby forests. The distinction lies in the transformation of the surrounding area from a rural to an urban environment, reflecting the adaptive nature of the Nan-Jing Amis in continuing their traditional building practices within an evolving landscape.

Location

In the manner reminiscent of their forebears, the Nan-Jing Amis engage in material collection for house construction, akin to the traditional practices of

However, a notable shift is observed as the Nan-Jing Amis now collect materials from their urban surroundings. Understanding this requires acknowledging the profound connection between Amis culture and water, exemplified by the

Taxonomy of Cultural Practice

the Amis people who gathered wood, bamboo, and vines from nearby forests.

269

Material Collecting : Use the surrounding resources

Natural Material from Near Area Mountain area with a river around or Rural area by the sea Location : Settlement Beside Water

sea

Pakelang _ Amis Ocean Ritual, Hualian, Taiwan

Recycled Material from Near Area

Urban area with a river around river

Taxonomy of Cultural Practice

San-Yin Settlement Documentary A River in front of my Home

Taxonomy ofand Cultural Practice Fig. 02. Portable Culture: Material Collecting Location

significant ritual known as “Pakelang” or fish-catching festival. This intermediate ritual, conducted by the Amis people after events like weddings or funerals, involves communal fishing and feasting along rivers or coastlines, fostering social reorganization through roll-call activities.

A documentary titled “A River in front of my Home” documents the San-Ying settlement’s protest roughly a decade ago. This protest sheds light on the community’s relationship with water, showcasing the significance of rivers in their lives and underscoring the intricate interplay between cultural practices, environmental factors, and societal dynamics within the Amis community.

The Way of Being Together

the settlement. From the formal setting of the community center to the informal, everyday occupations, the definition of gathering spaces in the Nan-Jing settlement remains fluid and dynamic. The absence of a rigidly defined structure allows for a variety of forms and activities, showcasing the adaptability and

Taxonomy of Cultural Practice

The final feature pertains to the diverse scales and locations of gatherings within

271

responsiveness of the community to its evolving needs. This fluidity in the scales and locations of gatherings encapsulates the dynamic nature of communal activities within the settlement, reflecting the nuanced ways in which residents come together and engage in diverse social contexts. Besides the everyday gathering, I have systematically reorganized the available data into a structured “Calendar of Harvest Festival,” denoted as “I-lli-sin” in the traditional Amis language. This comprehensive calendar meticulously outlines the specific timing and locations for the harvest festivals of various indigenous tribes across Taiwan. In the months of July and August of the current year, an impressive number exceeding 600 distinct tribes celebrated their annual harvest

Fig. 03. Traditional Amis Gathering

festivals. Notably, a discernible trend emerges as the calendar progresses into

Fig. 04. Nan-Jing Open Space Gathering

Aug 2023 ()

⼗四族節慶⽇曆 Mon

Tue

Wed

Thu

AUG

Fri

立德部落豐年祭

Sat

Sun

佳平村收穫祭

原住⺠族⽇

Sep 2023 ()

⼗四族節慶⽇曆 Mon

Tue

Wed

⽉眉部落豐年祭

Thu

SEP

⽔璉部落豐年祭⼒⾥村收穫祭

Fri

⼤溪區豐年祭吉安鄉太魯閣族感恩祭

豐富部落豐年祭

加⾥洞部落豐年祭

桃園市太魯閣族感恩祭 12

瑞芳區豐年祭

⾺⾥旺部落豐年祭

阿多瀾部落豐年祭

⽔璉部落豐年祭

⼠⽂村收穫祭

三地⾨鄉全鄉聯合收穫祭

屋拉⼒部落豐年祭

平和村收穫祭

瑪家鄉全鄉聯合收穫祭

基拉菲婻部落豐年祭

武潭村收穫祭

⿔⼭區豐年祭

東興部落豐年祭

鶯歌區豐年祭

桃園市噶瑪蘭族豐年祭

11 七佳村收穫祭

Sun

巴族耶部落豐年祭

娜魯灣部落豐年祭 8

五股區豐年祭

吉拉格賽部落豐年祭

7 貓公部落豐年祭

Sat

安住部落豐年祭

9 三重區豐年祭

10 中和區豐年祭

桃園市魯凱族收穫祭淡⽔區豐年祭

吉能能麥部落豐年祭 14

⽩鷺部落收穫祭

光榮部落豐年祭

⾼⾒部落收穫祭

吉拉米代部落豐年祭

瑪家鄉全鄉聯合收穫祭

哈拉灣部落豐年祭

⽃⾥⽃⾥部落收穫祭

電光部落豐年祭神⼭部落豐年祭

⽂樂部落收穫祭

阿禮部落⼩米祭

下德武部落豐年祭

苓雅仔部落豐年祭

霧台部落豐年祭

⾺太鞍部落豐年祭

太巴塱部落豐年祭

八德區豐年祭

鹽寮部落豐年祭 23

望嘉部落收穫祭

娜荳蘭部落豐年祭

太巴塱部落豐年祭

泰武鄉聯合收穫祭

宜昌部落豐年祭

奇美部落豐年祭

共和部落豐年祭

滿⾃然部落豐年祭

⼤興部落豐年祭

迦納納部落豐年祭

⽉眉部落豐年祭

⾺太林部落豐年祭

⾺佛部落豐年祭

香草場部落豐年祭 29

24 深坑區豐年祭

達蓋部落豐年祭吉哈蓋部落豐年祭喜瑯宮部落豐年祭

丹林部落收穫祭 28

蘆洲區豐年祭

光榮部落豐年祭

⽉眉部落豐年祭

永和區豐年祭

屏東縣原住⺠族收穫節

桃園市賽德克族歲時祭儀

奇美部落豐年祭 22

17 樹林區豐年祭

八⾥區豐年祭

新店區豐年祭

梧繞部落豐年祭

16 三芝區豐年祭

瑟冷部落豐年祭

林⼝區豐年祭

2 五股區豐年祭

巴族耶部落豐年祭

⼤溪區豐年祭吉安鄉太魯閣族感恩祭

來義部落收穫祭

安住部落豐年祭

⽀亞⼲部落射耳祭義林部落收穫祭

鶯歌區豐年祭

Calendar of HARVEST FESTIVALS (I-lli-sin) all over Taiwan

Weekend: Urban Indigenous Settlements

JULY 332 Tribes

AUG 300 Tribes

SEP 27 Tribes

OCT 9 Tribes

I have systematically restructured the entirety of the available data at my disposal and subsequently generated a "Calendar of Harvest Festival," referred to as "I-lli-sin" in the traditional Amis language. This comprehensive calendar delineates the precise timing and locations at which various indigenous tribes throughout Taiwan intend to conduct their respective harvest festivals.

During the months of July and August of the current year, in excess of 600 distinct tribes observed their annual harvest festivals. It becomes readily apparent that as the calendar transitions into the month of September, a substantial majority of these events are scheduled to occur on weekends. This scheduling phenomenon is primarily attributable to the fact that, in the months of September and October, the majority of festivals are situated within urban areas, which are predominantly inhabited by indigenous communities. Given that the residents of these urban areas typically maintain weekday employment commitments, festival organizers often opt to host these events on weekends. Furthermore, these festivals are frequently open to the general public, as they frequently receive partial financial support from governmental entities and, as a result, seek to enhance their visibility and participation levels.

September, with a significant majority of these events scheduled on weekends.

This scheduling pattern primarily arises from the fact that, during September and October, a considerable number of festivals are concentrated in urban areas predominantly inhabited by indigenous communities. Given the typical

organizers opt for weekend dates. Additionally, many of these festivals, receiving partial financial support from governmental entities, aim to maximize visibility and participation by opening the events to the general public.

Fig. 05. Urban Indigenous Gathering Schedule

Taxonomy of Cultural Practice

weekday employment commitments of residents in these urban areas, festival

273

# Traditional Tribe

# Urban Indigenous Settlements For settlements from all over the New Taipei City

太巴塱 Tafalong (Tai-Ba-Lan)

Ban-Qiao Region, New Taipei City

Guong-Fu County, Hualian Region

New San-Ying Settlement

For settlements in Ying-Ge Region

For settlements in San-Xia Region

San-Xia Region, New Taipei City

Ying-Ge Region, New Taipei City

San-Xia Region, New Taipei City

New San-Ying Central Plaza

Yong-Chong Basketball Court

Hakka Cultural Center Parking Lot

Ban-Qiao First Sports Center

Tafalong Ritual Plaza

680 m² ( 0.17 Acre )

2,150 m² ( 0.53 Acre )

3,400 m² ( 0.84 Acre )

49,095 m² ( 12.13 Acre )

2,470 m² // 155,00 m² (0.6 Acres // 3.38 Acres)

Settlements

200

People

Settlements

400

People

10+

Settlements

500

9,000+

4,000+

People

Comparison

The identified features prompt contemplation on the fluidity of cultures, emphasizing their transformative nature rather than static attributes. This consideration aligns with the concept of “portable culture,” acknowledging anchor points crucial for cultural inheritance deeply embedded in everyday life. As architects, recognizing these anchor points is imperative. The overarching

Fig. 06. Urban Indigenous Gathering Space Analysis

inquiry revolves around why people choose communal living and how we can discern and comprehend these choices.

These features can be broadly categorized into three sectors: the dissolving boundary between groups, the relationship between the tribe and its surroundings, and the mechanisms for communal living. These sectors, fundamental to Nan-Jing and San-Ying Amis based on research and observation, underscore essential aspects. It’s crucial to note that these features are not immutable; they undergo cultural reformations, as elucidated in previous discussions. The adaptability of these features informs a spatial perspective, offering insights into the evolving dynamics of communal living.

Taxonomy of Cultural Practice 275

3.2

What is Identity? When Idendity is Identified

What is identity?

The inquiry into the constituents of an individual’s identity invokes a comprehensive exploration. In recent decades, there has been a growing consensus among comparative political scientists regarding the encompassing nature of ethnic identities. These identities encompass a diverse array of identity categories that may be associated with one or more of the following typologies: religion, sect, language, dialect, tribe, clan, race, physical disparities, nationality, region, and caste. Are there additional factors, such as territorial habitation or the conceptualization of claimed spatial domains by a social group, that warrant inclusion in this paradigm? Furthermore, the examination extends to the temporal dimension, seeking to elucidate the circumstances and motivations behind the

primarily employed to delineate one’s group in absolute terms, to establish comparative distinctions with other groups, or to manifest differentiation from other identity constructs? However, it is noteworthy that despite this consensus, a universally accepted definition that comprehensively encapsulates this classification remains elusive.

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

prominence of these factors in the construction of identity. Are these factors

277

Consequently, many scholars who engage in theoretical discourse pertaining to the influence of ethnic identity find themselves operating without a precise and universally recognized definition. Moreover, the existing definitions that have been proffered within the academic sphere often fail to align seamlessly with the very classifications espoused by their own authors. This disconnect between theoretical constructs and practical classifications underscores the nuanced and intricate nature of the conceptual terrain surrounding ethnic identities not only within the realm of comparative political science, but also, of course, architectural discourse.

One of the multifaceted objectives intrinsic to this project is the examination of the intricate interplay between spatial and territorial dimensions and the formation of identities. This examination sought to illuminate how space and territory intersect with the complex tapestry of identity construction, potentially enhancing, obfuscating, or diluting the essence of identity. Within this framework, it is imperative to tether this discourse to overarching inquiries pertaining to identity, whether they pertain to the construct of nationality or locality in relation to the role of the state in shaping the identities of individuals

encompassed within the purview of a nation or nation-state. The demarcation of ethnic boundaries exerts profound influence on the organization of social life, often necessitating intricate structuring of behavioral norms and social relations. The identification of another individual as a co-member of an ethnic group presupposes a shared set of criteria for assessment and judgment, underscoring the presumption that both parties are fundamentally engaged in a shared socio-cultural milieu, thereby conferring the potential for diversification and expansion of their social relationship across an array of sectors and domains of activity. Conversely, the categorization of others as strangers, or as members of an alternative ethnic group, signifies an implicit acknowledgment of limitations in shared understandings, disparities in evaluative criteria, and a concurrent restriction of interaction to domains presumed to be marked by

In the endeavor to demarcate one’s group from others, what specific markers are employed, and by what means, with what rationale, and in what manifold ways? Does a group possess the capacity to delineate tangible physical boundaries around its entity and designate the encompassed area as its

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

shared comprehension and mutual interest.

279

territorial domain, invoking topological conceptualizations? Alternatively, do these boundaries assume a conceptual or even an imaginary semblance within the cognitive sphere?

Does Ethnicity Matter? They Don’t Think So?

The term “identity,” as utilized in this context, pertains to any social category within which an individual qualifies for membership. Specifically, ethnic identity categories, as posited here, constitute a subset of identity categories in which an individual’s eligibility for membership is contingent upon attributes rooted in descent.

What constitutes ethnic identity? Ever since the seminal work of Donald L. Horowitz, James B. Duke Professor of Law and Political Science Emeritus at Duke University, in 1985, titled “Ethnic Groups in Conflict,” there has emerged a growing consensus among scholars in the field of comparative political science regarding the precise delineation of identities that qualify as ethnic in nature.

According to Horowitz, ethnicity represents a comprehensive and overarching concept that adeptly encompasses a wide spectrum of groups distinguished by factors such as race, language, and religion. This encompassing definition extends to encompass entities such as “tribes,” “races,” “nationalities,” and castes in some regional contexts. Contemporary theoretical discourse on the subject of ethnic politics predominantly adheres to this all-encompassing framework. Nevertheless, some residual debates persist on the periphery, concerning whether considerations of region and clan should be incorporated into this conceptual framework.

When referring to attributes that “determine” one’s eligibility for membership, this denotes attributes that either render an individual qualified for membership within a particular category or serve as indicative markers of such membership. The term

or are believed to be associated with, one’s lineage. These attributes classified as “associated with descent” encompass those acquired through genetic inheritance (e.g., physical traits like skin color, gender, hair type, eye color, height), attributes inherited through cultural and historical lineage (e.g., name, language, place of birth, and the ancestral origins of one’s parents and forebears), or attributes acquired during an

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

“descent-based attributes” pertains to attributes that are intrinsically associated with,

281

individual’s lifetime that signify such lineage (e.g., last name or tribal markings). It is essential to acknowledge that the definition encompasses both subjective and objective elements.

Within the spectrum of identity categories contingent upon descent-based attributes, there exists a broad array. According to what Kanchan Chandra, a political scientist and Professor of Politics at New York University, described in her essay on the Annual Review of Political Science-Vol. 9:397-424, ethnic identity categories represent a subset of this broader set, and they are defined by specific constraints, as follows:

(a)

They are depersonalized in nature, signifying an “imagined

community” wherein members are not inherently part of an immediate family or kin group. (b)

These categories constitute a segment of a country’s populace

rather than encompassing the entire population. (c)

The eligibility for membership within such categories extends to

all siblings if one sibling meets the criteria for membership in a particular place.

(d)

The attributes qualifying for membership are delimited to an

individual’s own genetically inherited characteristics or to attributes such as language, religion, place of origin, tribe, region, caste, clan, nationality, or race concerning one’s parents and forebears.

As an architectural student trying to stepping into ethnographic and sociologic knowledge, I was lucky to encounter with the insightful and content-heavy publication Ethnicity, Insurgency and Civil War by James D. Fearon and David D. Laitin in the second semester of taking courses in anthropology, in which they elucidate the notion of “conceptual autonomy” as signifying that the existence of an ethnic category should not, in principle, hinge upon the existence of any specific ethnic category. Nevertheless, a substantial body of scholarly

assumes and relies upon the presence of ethnic “others.” In fact, the formulation of membership criteria primarily serves the purpose of delineating those who belong from those who do not. The application of the conceptual autonomy criterion, if strictly adhered to, would, in essence, lead to the exclusion of nearly all ethnic groups from the purview of this definition.

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

work has demonstrated that the very definition of any ethnic group inherently

283

What I want to say is not purely against the points mentioned above. Just like Professor Kanchan Chandra also argued right after bringing those out, it may be observed that certain restrictions shaping the subset of ethnic identities may appear somewhat arbitrary, and this observation holds validity. These restrictions include, for instance, the requirement that all siblings must be equally eligible for membership in order for a category to be classified as ethnic and the specific selection of descent-based attributes, to the exclusion of others. It is pertinent to note that this discussion does not provide analytical justifications for these restrictions. Instead, it posits that, thus far, there exists no compelling rationale to demarcate ethnic identities from other forms of descent-based identities. That is to say, at least for the participant groups in my research, the primary objective herein is to identify the defining features of these ethnic identities and, concurrently, acknowledge their inherent arbitrariness, which one of my advisors, Lily Chi, often terms as “anchor points“ during our discussion. As an architect, the ability of recognizing those anchor points is essential but usually ignored in practices. This recognition enables us to revaluate and potentially discard these constraints as deemed necessary.

Applying the scope on Nan-Jing

Now, I would like to draw upon certain observations gleaned from both my research endeavors and interactions with the local community to provide a more detailed elucidation.

The focus of my research, the Nan-Jing Settlement (南靖部落), is an urban indigenous enclave situated on the periphery of the San-Xia Region (三峽區) and Ying-Ge Region (鶯歌區). Predominantly inhabited by the Amis (阿美) people, who represent one of the diverse indigenous groups in Taiwan, NanJing Settlement finds itself within a broader context of ethnic diversity. To date, official recognition has been extended to a total of 13 distinct ethnic groups

populations, numbering approximately 218,700 individuals. Their primary settlements span across significant towns and villages within the Hua-Dong Rift Valley Plain (花東縱谷平原) and the Coastal Mountains (海岸山脈). A smaller contingent can also be found in Mu-Dan Township (牡丹鄉) and ManZhou Township (滿州鄉) in Ping-Tung County (屏東縣).

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

in Taiwan, with the Amis ranking as the third-largest among the indigenous

285

It’s worth noting the inclusion of the term “mainly” when characterizing the composition of the settlement earlier. This qualifier is used because Nan-Jing Settlement encompasses not only the Amis but also more than three different indigenous groups originating from various parts of the island. Remarkably, this diversity in ethnic backgrounds does not impede their sense of belonging to the Nan-Jing family. This deviation from the conventional notion of the interplay between ethnicity and territoriality, particularly in the context of indigenous discourse, presents an intriguing departure from established paradigms.

Spatial and Territorial Influence

Venturing beyond the elucidations of Fredrik Barth, a prominent Norwegian social anthropologist renowned for his ethnographic theories and research grounded in a resolute formalist perspective, as expounded in his seminal work “Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Cultural Differences,” it becomes evident that within the realm of anthropology, the exploration of ethnic formation predominantly hinges on the meticulous scrutiny

of social boundaries. These boundaries, which may have tangible territorial manifestations, take precedence over the elusive “cultural essence” that these boundaries are conventionally assumed to encapsulate. Remarkably, within the landscape of anthropological inquiry, research germane to the role of spatiality and place in the crafting of these boundaries remains conspicuously scarce.

Traditionally, anthropologists were predominantly engrossed in the study of small-scale societies, which, more often than not, exhibited a territorial dimension. In the course of studying the social structures and organizations of such societies, the overarching objective was to furnish a comprehensive, holistic, and well-rounded portrayal of the societies under investigation. The enigmatic cultural essence was the focal point of these comprehensive and exhaustive monographs. Invariably, these societies were intrinsically tethered to their territorial

was taken for granted. Moreover, their very sustenance was inextricably linked to the resources derived from their specific geographical locale. While it is acknowledged that certain socioeconomically marginalized groups engaged in nomadism, semi-nomadism, or transhumance, rarely did any group operate in an entirely unfettered, footloose manner devoid of temporal and spatial patterns in resource acquisition. In essence, even nomadic and semi-nomadic

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

domains, implying an inherent identification with the regions they inhabited, a connection that

287

communities exhibited a sense of territoriality when it came to resource procurement, and any semblance of nomadism was invariably intertwined with seasonality. Therefore, whether these groups were settled or engaged in varying degrees of nomadism, the concept of territoriality, as intrinsically linked to their distinct identity, was an ever-present facet.

In the context of potential nomadic paradigms, it is imperative to highlight the shifting trajectory of the development of the Na-Jing Settlement. This journey of relocation is situated within the broader historical context of Taiwan’s Great Development period, characterized by the government’s implementation of the Ten Major Construction Projects. In the wake of these developments, a considerable number of indigenous inhabitants, around the 1960s, embarked on a mass exodus from their original settlements to urban areas, driven by the lure of employment prospects. Among these migrants were the Amis, who subsequently coalesced to form the Nan-Jing Settlement. The predominant occupation of these individuals within the coal-mining industry is noteworthy.

Regrettably, 1984 witnessed a catastrophic explosion that claimed the lives of numerous laborers and precipitated a precipitous decline in the coal-mining sector. Consequently, the Amis population faced a stark loss of livelihood. In response to this dire predicament, they initiated yet

another move, only to confront the inescapable reality of insufficient financial means to secure rental accommodations. Faced with this insurmountable challenge, the only viable recourse was to appropriate riverside locations and the spaces beneath bridges, ultimately culminating in the fragmentation of their community into several discrete settlements. It is paramount to acknowledge the illegality of these makeshift settlements, a status that effectively precluded them from receiving governmental support, thereby engendering a deleterious cycle of disenfranchisement and socio-economic challenges.

The migration of the Amis people not only physically relocated them but also engendered a profound redefinition of their collective identity. This transformation was necessitated by the imperatives of collaboration and integration among

circumstances. Nonetheless, within this paradigm, an astute examination reveals that certain aspects have endured, underscoring the notion of cultural essence mentioned earlier. For instance, from a spatial perspective, the Amis community has traditionally inhabited the plains and coastal regions of the Hua-Dong area in the eastern part of Taiwan. They have exhibited a propensity

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

disparate tribes and groups in response to the seismic shifts in their urban

289

for relocating to fertile lands conducive to agriculture, preferentially settling in close proximity to streams and rivers to facilitate farming activities. This affinity for agrarian pursuits has given rise to the development of a relatively flourishing farming culture within their milieu. The varied terrain along the eastern coast has, in turn, instigated the emergence of distinct cultural rituals that are rooted in the geographical diversity of the region.

From a cultural vantage point, the Amis people ascribe their ancestral origins to a seafaring legacy, a belief that permeates various facets of their existence. This maritime theme is prominently evident in their rituals, dances, and everyday life, with a substantial proportion of their ethnic beliefs and daily practices featuring elements drawn from the sea. Even during key life events, such as weddings and funerals, members of the tribe collectively engage in fishing activities along riverbanks or seashores, signifying a transitional rite from ceremonial occasions to mundane existence. It is this deep-seated connection to marine elements that guided the Amis in the selection of their new settlement location adjacent to the Da-Hang River, where the Nan-Jing Settlement came into being. This site was chosen as a symbolic continuation of the traditional Amis territorial spirits,

affirming the enduring bonds between the community and their ancestral heritage.

As anthropologists began to explore urban societies around the mid 19 century, veering away from their traditional focus on tribal and small-scale rural communities, they set upon research methodologies predominantly borrowed from the realm of sociology. This transition posed distinct challenges, though navigable, and dropped a hint of the emergence of urban anthropology as a distinct subfield. However, some existing contention that anthropological inquiries into the role of space and place in the formation of boundaries remain limited in scope appears to bear credence. Consequently, it is pertinent to shed light on the multifaceted connotations of “territory” within diverse cultural

Across the annals of human history, numerous ancient and relatively contemporary societies adhered to the notion that true citizenship was contingent upon the ownership of land or other tangible forms of material wealth. Contemporary examples persist wherein certain societies espouse

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

contexts.

291

communal or collective property resources, shared among their members without demarcating distinct areas as private or individually owned property. In such contexts, the collective identity is predicated on communal ownership vis-à-vis a broader conception of territory. Significantly, the tangible component of fundamental group identity, extends beyond the corporeal realm to encompass the profound attachment of a group to the land and the soil, a connection that transcends the literal, historical, and mythological dimensions. Importantly, none of the scenarios discussed herein are characterized by stasis; change occurs at various strata and spheres of human existence, impacting the economic, social, cultural, and linguistic interactions of a given populace. This prompts an intriguing line of inquiry into the ways in which these changes resonate with the identity of the people. Do individuals, in response to such transformations, embark upon the construction of novel identities? It is worth noting that such paradigm shifts are not readily achievable within the span of a single lifetime, rendering them a complex and arduous aspiration.

Visible Culture: Motifs, Symbol, and Patterns

The symbols utilized to demarcate differentiations between various social groups manifest with

striking heterogeneity across distinct strata of identity. A pervasive, overarching identity may be emblematic of linguistic affiliations, whereas a more subtle identity may find expression through behavioral traits, and an even more understated one may predominantly be visual in nature. It is noteworthy that a symbol emblematic of identity, which carries paramount significance within one societal context, may be either dismissed or subject to vastly divergent interpretations within another societal milieu. The interpretational variation hinges upon the configuration and significance ascribed to the foundational criteria underpinning the construct of identity

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

Fig. 01. Pangcah, digital image, Taiwan Cultural Memory Bank

293

Traditional motifs, Amis people are referred to as “pangcah” interchangeably within their cultural context. Central to the core belief system of the Amis people is the reverence for the sun, which they aptly designate as “ina,” signifying motherhood. In Ami cosmology, the sun assumes the role of the ultimate creator, responsible for the genesis of both the celestial and terrestrial realms. Within this cultural framework, totemic symbols hold profound significance, embodying not only representations of ancestral spirits but also the collective aspirations and identity of the Ami nation. Ami mothers, in an expression of their deep affection for their offspring or as tokens of maturation, employ the medium of cross-stitch embroidery to craft these totemic symbols. These meticulously embroidered totems, when affixed to their children’s clothing, serve as tangible manifestations of a mother’s love and devotion. Among the various totemic motifs within Ami culture, the “eight-pointed star” stands out as one of the most emblematic. This particular symbol encapsulates the formidable power attributed to the stars within the cosmic expanse, evoking a reverence akin to that accorded to the nurturing figure of a mother.

Undeniably, the meanings of the abundant traditional symbols are important;

however, the places and surfaces where the symbols are painted or decorated are also critical for a deeper understanding of the culture. Besides clothing and decorations, symbols and motifs could usually be noticed in traditional Amis buildings and structures as the protection and bless from the ancestors.

Drawing from the historical account provided by Rongji Sayama, an administrative officer during the Japanese Colonial Period who primarily engaged in the documentation of indigenous communities at the time, a structural diagram is delineated. This diagram comprises five columns: two shorter columns that lack grounding, a central column, and two wall columns situated on opposing sides, collectively serving as integral components of the overarching roof structure. This architectural design functions as a means to

the ground through the columns, while others are channeled through the beams to the wall columns, ultimately finding their way to the ground. It is crucial to underscore the pivotal role played by the wall columns in providing structural support for both the roof and the entire edifice. This structural emphasis may explain the presence of pillars within the household and community worship

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

distribute and disperse forces, with some forces being directly transmitted to

295

centers, often adorned with geometric and figurative embellishments, symbolizing ancestral lineage and tribal legends.

Upon a meticulous examination of the limited information available regarding traditional Amis constructions and an exhaustive manual mapping of every edifice within the Nan-Jing Settlement, a notable transformation emerges. This transformation manifests as the gradual relocation of motifs from the interiors of traditional Amis dwellings to the exteriors of residential structures within the Nan-Jing Settlement.

Fig. 02. Sketch of a Traditional Amis House

This shift can be attributed to a dual rationale: firstly, the exigencies of migration prompted the Amis to employ these symbols as a means of elucidating their ethnic identity, hence the appellation “identity recall.” Secondly, it can be inferred that this transition may be linked to an evolved understanding of the concept of family. In traditional Amis architecture, narratives and symbols predominantly served as representations of familial spirits, safeguarding domestic life. However, subsequent to their departure from their original tribal habitats, familial connections grew more robust. Various families mutually supported one another, collectively constituting the settlement, thereby expanding the conceptualization of the notion of family. Like I mentioned earlier in this chapter about the concept of portable culture, building upon these findings, it is plausible to advance the hypothesis that the transition from

cultural metamorphosis and enhanced cohesion within the community.

In conclusion, I posit that the construct of identity, particularly within the contemporary discourse, should not be regarded as a rigid notion rooted in common ancestry, language, and geographic origin. Instead, it may be

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

interior to exterior placement of motifs constitutes a spatial system that signifies

297

more aptly perceived as a nomadic and perpetually evolving concept, one that possesses a degree of portability. To fully apprehend its nuances and manifestations, we must adopt a comprehensive framework that acknowledges the uniqueness of each cultural context on a case-by-case basis. I will delve further into this proposition in subsequent sections of this thesis.

What is Idendity? When Idendity be Identified

299

4. HYPOTHETICAL FUTURE

4.1

Planting the Future 301

4.1.1

Plants in Amis Culture

This is an irregular event conducted when there is continuous and unrelenting rainfall. Milikoc, the Reeling Festival: On the eve of harvesting, the entire village observes dietary restrictions, refraining from consuming fish products, and cleaning all fish containers. Minaang, the Grain Storage Ceremony: It is a ritual marking the initial storage of dried millet. Millet Grow Ritual Events

Song for Harvesting Millet

Mikulas, the Weeding Event: Thinning the millet plants and weeding are carried out. Each family conducts a children's ritual, symbolizing the growth of the millet.

Pafraang, the Sowing Festival: This festival marks the planting of millet and involves prayers to the millet deity, Cilohafayaw, to ensure favorable weather conditions for a prosperous millet harvest.

Plants in traditional Amis’ Culture

Mitaoph, the deworming event: This is an irregular event held only when millet is threatened by pests and diseases.

Pakacidal, the Sun-praying Festival: This is an irregular event conducted when there is continuous and unrelenting rainfall. Milikoc, the Reeling Festival: On the eve of harvesting, the entire village observes dietary restrictions, refraining from consuming fish products, and cleaning all fish containers.

Minaang, the Grain Storage Ceremony: It is a ritual marking the initial storage of dried millet. Millet Grow Ritual Events

Plants in traditional Amis’ Culture

The customary utilization of plants among the Nan-Jing Amis community can be delineated into four principal domains.

Health

purposes and alleviation of ailments such as toothaches, stomachaches, fevers, snakebites, and surprisingly, for the treatment of bone fractures. Notwithstanding

Fig. 01. Relationship Diagram of the Growth of Millet and Amis Traditional Ritual

Plants in Amis Culture

The foremost category encompassing the application of plants for medicinal

303

the availability of health insurance and proximate hospitals, specific plant species continue to be cultivated within the settlement. Alpinia Zerumbet (Persoon) Fever_boil its roots and consume the decoction.

⽉桃

Injuries_take the roots, mix them with pine leaves, crush them, and apply the mixture to the affected area, then wrap it with a cloth.

Psidium Guajava Eye Disease_wash the eyes with a decoction made from the leaves or apply it to the eye.

番⽯榴

Neuralgia (Nerve)_heat the leaves in warm water and apply them to the affected area.

Callicarpa Formosana Rolfe Fracture_you can wash the affected area with a decoction made from the leaves. Abdominal pain_rub the leaves in salt, extract the juice, and consume it; crush the leaves and extract the juice for consumption; you can also brew the leaves or new shoots and drink the infusion.

杜虹花

Millettia Pachycarpa Benth Toothache_cut the stem and apply its juice to the affected tooth.

⿂藤

Snakebite_crush the root and apply its juice to the affected area.

Alocasia Odora Tumor_crush its leaves and apply them to the affected area, then wrap it with a cloth.

姑婆芋

Skin Disease_cut the stem and apply its juice to the affected area.

Health Medicine

Asplenium Nidus Amis’ Band-aid!! When there are swollen, toxic sores or injuries due to falls and blows, Amis crush the new shoots of Asplenium Nidus and apply them to the affected area, then wrap it with a cloth.

⼭蘇

Amis’ Traditional Use of Plantation

Eat/ Nutrition

The Amis people exhibit a profound fondness for wild vegetables, humorously identifying themselves as the “people who eat grass” or colloquially as “human lawnmowers.” This nomenclature underscores their comprehensive understanding of wild flora, with academic literature indicating the consumption of over two hundred diverse vegetable varieties, predominantly found in mountainous and coastal regions.

Fig. 02. Plants Used as Medicine

Among the plants integral to the Amis diet, the “Ten Heart Vegetables,” wherein “heart” denotes the tender stems of plants, hold significant representation. Millet, another crucial crop, not only serves as a staple food but also features prominently in the production of alcohol and holds ceremonial importance in agricultural rituals. The tribe’s key events throughout the year revolve around the millet cultivation cycle.

Beliefs: Rituals and Ceremonies

In traditional Amis funerals, four essential botanical elements, namely Mochi, Rice Wine, Betel Nut, and the Banjo Leaf, play pivotal roles. The funeral commences with tribal wizards employing the Musa Basjoo Leaf to beckon wandering souls back. Subsequently, Rice Wine and Betel Nut are utilized to receive and pacify these souls. The final ritual step involves placing the Banjo

between the departed and the living family members, thereby attributing a spiritual significance to these plants.

Plants in Amis Culture

Leaf and Mochi beside the deceased, serving as a conduit for communication

305

⽩茅 White Cogongrass eli’

WALL

五節芒 Labill bunun

Living Building Material

Living

⽵⼦ Bamboo ’aol

黃藤 Yellow Vine ’oway

Structure (+Timber)

Binding Amis’ Traditional Use of Plantation

Living pertains to the construction of traditional Ami houses. Thatch and bamboo compose the walls, with Labill serving as the primary structural material. White cogongrass is employed for decorative purposes on the innermost and outermost layers. Bamboo is utilized for structural reinforcement, woven in three layers with yellow rattan or vines binding them. This intricate construction, approximately 10 to 12 cm thick, fortifies the structure and prevents water seepage. Historically, cogongrass was cultivated on field perimeters, with each family designating a specific planting area.

Fig. 03. Plants Used as Building Materials

Plants in Amis Culture

Fig. 04. The Amis Cultural Connection of Plants

307

Plants in Amis Culture

Fig. 05. Spatial Criteria of Plants in Nan-Jing

309

4.1.2

Plants in Nan-Jing

Health Medicine

Eat Food

Living Building Material

Belief Ritual

Use Tool

Nan-Jing Planting Map N

0 10

50 m

Plants in Nan-Jing

Function Species

Plant Map of Nan-Jing: Plant as a form of portable culture

By documenting in the field, utilizing the photographs captured and enlisted

plant map. Although this endeavor remains a work in progress, dedicating a substantial amount of time appears imperative for the meticulous refinement of

Fig. 01. Plant Map of Nan-Jing

Plants in Nan-Jing

the assistance of a fellow community member to collaboratively devise a

311

the existing drawings and those yet to be created. Presently, we have identified a minimum of 14 emblematic plant species.

I posit that the selection of species for cultivation in this locale, whether intentional or inadvertent, bears a profound connection to the wild plants traditionally harvested or collected by the community. The transition from gathering wild vegetables to deliberate cultivation is intriguing. This shift not only demands a foundational understanding of the targeted plants but also implies an intention to emulate or recreate the familiar natural environment within this urban context as the community embarks on a new chapter in their collective journey. While these identified species hold a degree of recognition, not all of them are adeptly cultivated by the residents.

Where to Plant?

I have delineated the privately-owned gardens within the settlement, designating private ownership based on either proximity to a residence, evident

If expansion of plantation area is permitted: 40670.02 m2 (10.04 Acre)

Private Garden 5464.16 m2 (1.35 Acre) Undefined Field_Potential area for Public Garden 2003.03 m2 (0.49 Acre) Land without Maintenance 5519.87 m2 (1.36 Acre)

The area we can use for public farming

7522.90 m2 (1.85 Acre)

Jersey barrier (planned as flood control area)

2 2 1

Abandoned Structure 1

3 Jersey barrier (planned as flood control area)

Land without Maintenance 5519.87 m2 (1.36 Acre)

Private 1

Undefined

0 10

50 m

Abandoned Structure

Private

0 10

50 m

Undefined Field 2003.03 m2 (0.49 Acre)

0 10

50 m

Land without Maintenance 5519.87 m2 (1.36 Acre) 2

0 10

50 m

Land without Maintenance 5519.87 m2 (1.36 Acre) Fig. 02. Planting Area in Nan-Jing

Plants in Nan-Jing

Private Garden 5464.16 m2 (1.35 Acre)

Undefined Field_(Potential Area for Public Garden) 2003.03 m2 (0.49 Acre)

Private Garden 5464.16Undefined m2 (1.35 Acre)

3 3

313

care by the resident, or the presence of a defining fence. Notably, nearly every house fronting the external road boasts its private garden, with the size varying depending on the respective owner’s preferences and practices.

Moreover, there exist other fields categorized as “undefined.” These spaces may resemble open areas, with some hosting plants, as evidenced by the region depicted on the map and the bamboo-filled section located at the map’s bottom. However, the majority of undefined fields are characterized by an expanse of grass.

The third category of land is distinguishable by its evident lack of maintenance over several years. The reasons for this neglect may include owner abandonment or marginalization of these spaces with no one assuming responsibility for their upkeep. While these areas encompass a considerable expanse, quantifying or precisely defining this type of land poses a challenge.

Consider this circular area depicted on the map (Fig. 02); it lacks agricultural cultivation and is adorned with ruderal vegetation and wild grass. Interestingly,

it has organically evolved into a natural demarcation, serving as a boundary between the inhabited zone and the adjacent river.

Contemplating a prospective scenario, I envision the collective utilization of these plantation areas to establish a communal tribal farming system. By setting aside the privately-owned gardens, the combined area of the undefined fields and the neglected land amounts to 1.85 acres. This expanse is substantial enough to accommodate the collaborative efforts of tribal members and their families engaged in communal farming.

Envisioned as an urban farming initiative, this system could be independently maintained and progressed by the community without necessitating external support. It holds the potential to not only sustain itself but also foster ongoing development through the concerted efforts of the tribal members. I’ll talk about this scenario in the coming chapters. Plants in Nan-Jing 315

4.2

Scenarios for Nan-Jing:

Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

GOVERNMENT LEAD

DESIGN Another Resettlement Project

Insufficient Participation Site Finding

Alternative Participatory Design

CSA MODEL (Community Support Agriculture)

MOVE TO ANOTHER SITE

TRIBAL ASSOCIATION LEAD TOWARDS POTENTIAL FUTURES OF NAN-JING

Low Willingness

ESTABLISH SELF-SUFFICIENCY

Financial Situation

Financial Generational (Attract Younger Generations Back)

GET LEGAL ADMISSION

Cultural (Integration/ Inheritance)

Cultural Inheritance REMAIN ON SITE Environmental Resiliency SETTLEMENT DEGROWTH

Aging Population

SENIOR GO TO CITY WITH CHILDREN

Attract Younger Generations Back

DESIGN PLAN A FADING FUTURE

DESIGN SOCIAL WELFARE SYSTEM

DESIGN URBAN AMIS CULTURAL PROGRAM

Cultivating the plants, the culture, and the social scenes

As expounded upon in the initial chapter’s proposition, design in this project functions as a dialogical medium aimed at fostering diverse options and envisioning alternative futures. Subsequent to the fieldwork and interviews conducted throughout the process, I have put forth a matrix of options that serves as both a derivative of and a vehicle for dialogue.

Fig. 01. Matrix of Options (Came Out of the Conversation with the Tribal People)

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

Towards Potential Future”s” of Nan-Jing: Matrix of Options for the Community

317

IN THE SETTLEMENT

OUTSIDE THE SETTLEMENT San-Xia Public Market

Food supply Reactivate the abandoned space Motivation for the elderlies to exercise Farm becomes the Social Space (Different Scales and Level of Privacy)

Indigenous Plantation Culture

2 km (1.24 mile) 12 min by car

Not just sale vegetables It could be a series of cultural events

Potential: Nan-Jing Weekend Market

Sale by Tribal Organization

Tribal Feature Veg Market — Financial income Bring the Youth back Different generations spending time together (A Form of Cultural Education) Community Urban Farming

Handcraft

Traditional Cuisine

Stories

Cultivating the plants, the culture, and the social scenes. Potential CSV Model: Indigenous Community Urban Farming

The subset of options selected for further exploration and presentation within this book revolves around a Community-Supported Agriculture (CSA) model in urban agriculture. This model proposes a range of scenarios that address community, environmental, and financial sustainability across different scales. The adoption of a CSA model holds significant potential as a ground-breaking initiative. Within the settlement, agriculture currently sustains the local food supply, providing a compelling rationale for reactivating abandoned spaces.

Fig. 02. Potential CSA Circulation Model

Simultaneously, beyond the settlement, the produced vegetables could be sold in nearby public markets.

In effect, this model could mark a historic milestone for the Nan-Jing settlement by establishing its own financial circulation, thereby contributing to cultural sustainability. While substantial income may not be anticipated, the financial model holds the capacity to attract younger generations back to the settlement. These individuals could collaborate with the elderly, engage in land maintenance, and rediscover their cultural heritage through agricultural

Consequently, the envisioned farms become not only spaces for cultivating plants but also arenas for nurturing culture and social interactions simultaneously. This multifaceted approach aligns with the recognition that genuine cultural education transcends conventional classroom settings, finding its most profound expression in cross-generational dialogues and participatory activities. In essence, the overarching objective is encapsulated in the phrase “cultivating plants, culture, and social scene.”

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

activities.

319

L XL 台灣⾥⼭⽣態農村 Taiwan's Satoyama Ecological Area 600,000 NTD (20,000 USD)

Agricultural Marketing Promotion

農村社區綠⾊照護計畫 M L Rural Community Green Care Program

Corporate Legal Entity

1,500,000 NTD (500,000 USD)

L XL

新北市政府辦理社區營造補助 New Taipei City Community Development Subsidies 500,000 NTD (16,500 USD)

Community Development

Individual or Community Group

食農教育補助 S M Agricultural Education Subsidies

新北市政府辦理低碳社區改造補助 M L New Taipei City Low-Carbon Community Renovation Subsidy Energy-related Installation. Facility…

Depends

Individual or Community

150,000 NTD (5,000 USD)

Edo-education (Agriculture)

even the management committee of a apt/ condo counts

Elderly Care. Cultural Succession. Eco-Education

L XL

No Restriction

Community or Non-Profit Group

⽥園城市推廣實施計畫 XL Rural-Urban Promotion and Implementation Plan Community or Legal Entity

Urban Space : agriculture or green infrastructure

Depends

(total annual amount: 100 million NTD 3 million USD)

Chance to earn extra bonus if the project is successful

Community Development

Education

Regional Development

Possible Funds

The establishment of a Community Supported Agriculture (CSA) system involves a strategic approach, and one avenue is the exploration of potential government funding opportunities. Through a comprehensive search, six viable funding sources have been identified as plausible options for community members to pursue. These funding channels exhibit a range of eligibility criteria, with some specifically tailored for community legal groups, while others extend the opportunity to individuals.

Fig. 03. Potential Funding and the Diverse Scales

The identified sources encompass initiatives at the community level, regional development, and agricultural education, thereby aligning with a multifaceted set of objectives. If successful in securing support from these sources, the community stands to acquire a substantial financial allocation, totaling at least 600 thousand US dollars annually. Even if the community were to attain a modest 10 percent of this sum, the resultant financial injection would represent a significant and potentially transformative resource for their endeavors.

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes 321

Irrigation System Water Pipe Installing Drainage Infrastructure

SOIL

WATER

Tribal Association

Water Delivery

Soil Prep (Rehabilitation/ Soil shipping in)

Plant Plants

Cultivation

Harvest

Rain Water Collecting Agriculture Consultant

Broader Connection Other Settlements Educational Facilities Business Model Cultural Succession . . . Project Lead Agriculture Consultant Marketing Organizer Food Organizer Facility Individual Farmers (the resident)

Post-harvest process

Investment on farming

Inner Settlement Use (maintenance, event…) Pay extra labor (contract farmer etc)

Marketing/ Design Settlement Capital

Financial Dividend (individual-based)

Paid-positions

Sale

Weekend Market

Package Transportation

San-Xia Traditional Market Veg Delivery Nearby Indigenous Restaurant

Possible Funds Settlement Cultivation Circle

A flow chart has been drafted for the establishment of a community-supported agriculture (CSA) circulation within the settlement.

The envisioned model resembles a cooperative (CO-OP) system; however, it deviates from conventional property ownership structures, emphasizing collective capital. The primary source of this capital emanates from the proceeds generated by the tribal association through agricultural activities. These funds, in

Fig. 04. Steps toward Potential CSA

turn, are allocated for various purposes, encompassing facilities, maintenance, and occasional requirements such as contract labor.

A noteworthy challenge in typical cooperative communities is the absence of personal income derived directly from communal business activities. However, in the context of this initiative, the objective is to entice younger generations back to the community. To address this, the proposed model introduces paid positions responsible for key tasks such as marketing, food organization, facility management, and individual farmers overseeing specific garden

conventional cooperative structure, incorporating a hybrid model wherein participants have the opportunity to receive an annual dividend. While the quantum of the dividend may vary, its presence is anticipated to serve as an incentive for residents to actively engage in agricultural work and uphold production standards.

Consequently, this hybrid model is designed to ensure sustainability by integrating elements of both collective and individualized incentives.

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

plots and contributing to overall production. This approach deviates from the

323

The Potential Agriculture Framework

The proposed agriculture plan for Nan-Jing Settlement delineates four distinct zones within the farming area, each serving a specific purpose. Commencing with the common area for family activities, the plan extends to an educational zone dedicated to agricultural culture, followed by the primary cropping area and, lastly, tree farms aimed at enhancing future resiliency. The recommendation is to diversify plant species across these zones, with selections guided by cultural significance, expected growth times, and spatial requirements. This collective approach aims to gradually shape the landscape, with farms viewed as an extension of the community center, denoted as Adawang in the local language.

The map integrates a blue dotted line denoting the potential flooding area, derived from historical records of extreme cases, despite the past two decades experiencing comparatively mild floods. While acknowledging the infrequency of severe flooding, this delineation serves as a precautionary reminder of the worst possible scenario.

The hatched area adjacent to the river represents wild trees and vegetation. Rather than clearing and replanting, the proposal advocates preserving these natural elements to bolster stability and resilience. Agricultural activities commence beyond this demarcation.

Zoning Suggestion

Zones 1 and 2 in the proposed development primarily encompass infrastructure

for the incorporation of a water recycling system. The red geometric structure serves as the central hub, acting as the epicenter for various aspects, including water supply, seed distribution, resting shelters, and the point of entry into the field. Positioned as the entrance to the agricultural area, this locale is envisioned as a family garden-style cultivation space. Characterized by a loose arrangement of plants, it facilitates dynamic interactions among tribal groups, providing an energetic space for collaborative activities, particularly those involving elders and children, thereby serving educational purposes.

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

elements such as swales and soil rehabilitation, with a forthcoming consideration

325

Moving beyond the entrance, Zone 3 emerges as the central cropping area, envisaged for the cultivation of millet and Alpinia. These selections hold not only practical utility but also spiritual significance for the Amis people. Phase 2 marks the commencement of the actual cultivation circle, potentially leading to the organic integration of Zones 1, 2, and 3 over successive cycles. In the final section of the field, the suggestion is to plant real trees, offering multiple choices based on practical considerations. Larger trees, requiring greater distance between them, generate spaces for communal use. Furthermore, the introduction of trees in the northern half enhances resiliency, while in the southern half, they serve a dual purpose by providing privacy without obstructing the view, given the proximity to a baseball and football field. This strategic placement enables the tribal community to utilize the interstitial spaces between plants while concurrently ensuring privacy without complete isolation from the surrounding environment.

SPECIES

Baseball Field

Zone 3 Main Crop - CO-OP: Tribal people collectively grow and maintain - Occupation: Depends on the development of the CSA

Da-Han River

Parking Lot

Zone 2. Educational Field - Activity Space (outdoor) - Tradition-related Plants Zone 1. Common Area (As the extension of community center) - Community Space/ Classroom - Resting Shelters - Warehouse - Courtyard…

YEAR (to grow)

SPECIES

AREA

YEAR (to grow)

0.3

0.5

0.3

4-5

Football Court Field Archery

Zone 4. Tree Farms - Trees— Wind-blocking/ Vision-blocking - Mango. Basjoo. Betal Nut…

Nan-Jing Agriculture Framework Programming suggestion

Baseball Field

Fig. 05. Nan-Jing Agriculture Framework_Potential CSA Zoning

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

NanJing Settlement

AREA

327

Nan-Jing Map 2002 (Before the settlement was established) Baseball Field

Da-Han River

Parking Lot

Re-excavate the Original Pond Reactivate the Existing Pond NanJing Settlement

Football Court Field Archery

Baseball Field

Existing Ponds

Ponds

Swale

Spillway (connecting pond and swale) Nan-Jing Agriculture Framework Pond and Swale suggestion

Acknowledging water’s fundamental role in cultivation and soil rejuvenation, the plan emphasizes the significance of swales for field division, rehabilitation, and farming efficiency. T

he proposal advocates for the reactivation of existing ponds, currently disused, alongside the establishment of water ponds based on historical satellite maps predating the Nan-Jing settlement. These measures collectively aim to optimize water management and soil conditioning for sustainable agricultural practices. Fig. 06. Nan-Jing Agriculture Framework _Pond and Swale Suggestion

The construction of the swale is conceived with a keen awareness of the limited resources available to the tribal community. The proposed method involves utilizing the existing soil on the land for its creation. The process begins with the excavation of a trench, and the soil extracted is then stacked to form a mud structure along the trench line. To enhance stability, a layer of mulch is added to the bottom of the trench.

This straightforward and resource-conscious approach simplifies the swale construction process. By employing the soil readily available on-site and

effectively formed. The primary objectives are to collect water and maintain the intended shape of the swale, thereby optimizing its functionality within the agricultural landscape. This method aligns with the overarching ethos of resourcefulness and sustainability within the community.

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

implementing basic techniques such as trenching and stacking, the swale is

329

SWALE CONSTRUCTION

AREA: 51,937.6 m2 (12.8 Acre) VOLUME: 544,030.6 m3 1

Dig Swale and Ponds

5 1

Dig Trench

Build Mud

Add Mulch

Plant

Surface Water Collecting

VOLUME: 535,765.8 m3 Zone 3

2m-4m

Zone 1

8,265 m3 SOIL Build Mud

Fig. 07. Section BB’

Fill some lower areas

SWALE CONSTRUCTION

AREA: 51,937.6 m2 (12.8 Acre) VOLUME: 544,030.6 m3 1

Dig Swale and Ponds

5 1

Dig Trench

Build Mud

Add Mulch

Plant

Surface Water Collecting

VOLUME: 535,765.8 m3 Zone 3

2m-4m

Zone 1

8,265 m3 SOIL Build Mud

Fill some lower areas

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes 331

Fig. 08. Section CC’

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

333

Fig. 09. Aerial Scenario 1

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

335 Fig. 10. Aerial Scenario 2

Fig. 11. Aerial Scenario 3

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

337 Fig. 12. Aerial Scenario 4

Fig. 13. Aerial Scenario 5

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

339 Fig. 14. Aerial Scenario 6

A comprehensive approach has been devised to outline potential funding sources that the tribal association and the affiliated nonprofit organization (NPO) could pursue. This encompassing strategy includes avenues from both governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Each identified fund corresponds to specific facets of the agricultural development project, facilitating a step-bystep progression. Key areas of support include water infrastructure, soil preparation, transportation, marketing initiatives, and the implementation of soft programs such as education and elderly care.

This systematic delineation ensures that resources are strategically allocated to address each stage of establishing the envisioned agricultural future. By securing support from diverse funding sources, the tribal association and the collaborating NPO can holistically approach the project, addressing both tangible aspects, like water infrastructure and soil preparation, and socio-cultural components, such as educational and elderly care programs. This comprehensive funding plan is designed to underpin the successful execution of each stage in the development of the agricultural initiative.

Scenarios for Nan-Jing: Cultivating Pplants, Culture, and Social Scenes

Fig. 15. Funding and Establishment of the Possible Nan-Jing Future 341

4.3

A Broader Network:

CSA of Urban Indigenous Settlements

The overarching concept encompasses a spectrum of engagement spanning from individual involvement to entities beyond the community level. Within the settlement, where the majority of residents are over 60 years old, the primary and tangible benefits revolve around enhanced food supply and financial

A BROADER CONNECTION income. This financial model, derived: from the community-supported agriculture NETWORK WITHIN URBAN INDIGENOUS SETTLEMENTS IN NEW TAIPEI

initiative, is poised to have a direct impact on the family scale. Specifically, it has the potential to attract younger generations back to the settlement, fostering

A Broader Network: CSA of Urban Indigenous Settlements

Cultivating the plants and the social scenes at the same time.

Platform Establishment: Pot Fig. 01. Network: From Individual to Cultural Hubs

343

intergenerational collaboration with the elderly population. This collaborative effort aims not only to ensure the maintenance of the land but also to facilitate a reacquaintance with cultural practices through active participation in plantation activities.

At the broadest scale, the envisioned hub extends beyond the immediate settlement, serving as a nexus that connects not only neighboring settlements but also establishes linkages with markets and educational facilities in the surrounding areas. This expansive network aligns with the project’s aim of creating a multifaceted and sustainable system that resonates across different levels of engagement, from the individual to the broader regional context.

A Broader Network: CSA of Urban Indigenous Settlements

Fig. 02. Platform Establishment: Potential Connection with other Urban Indigenous Settlements

345

Afterword: Writing After the Review

As previously elucidated in the initial sections of this book, the genesis of the entire research stems from my experiences in urban planning and participatory design within an architectural firm before pursuing a master’s degree. Architecture, situated between the environment and humanity; architects, situated between individuals. However, the aspect of “how to communicate” seems to have been conspicuously absent from the educational framework of architects.

I prefer to conceptualize the engagement of architects through the lens of “Co-Theorizing.” Co-Theorizing came out from the conversation with some PhD students and emerged during my enrollment in the anthropology course “Ethnographic Field Methods” at Cornell during the second semester. Interestingly, as I engaged in discussions during future response seminars, I began to believe in this concept. While my professional knowledge might be somewhat rudimentary, I contend that every architectural involvement constitutes an instance of Co-Theorizing. With different participants, the resulting shared consciousness varies. Post-collaboration, architects and other participants carry away this shared consciousness in their own forms, molding Afterwords

it into their own “Theory” for subsequent Co-Theorization experiences.

347

Communication is not without its challenges. Each participant is an individual entity, and dialogues cannot be entirely congruent. Communication barriers are often superficially perceived as a dichotomy between “professional” and “non-professional,” simplistically brushed aside as a common point of criticism to “Critical Regionalism.” Alternatively, rigid implementation processes limit participatory design, leading to the perennially criticized issue of formulaic approaches. As emphasized in this study, the crux lies in how architects consciously confront the transformation of their “Positionality” when dealing with issues of seeing, listening, and acting as outsiders. These aspects align with the concerns of contemporary ethnographers, reminiscent of Wajiro Kon’s phenomenological experiments, which, despite appearing to transcend subjective consciousness, rely on the researcher’s adept navigation between the roles of “insider” and “outsider.”

Communication obstacles are also reflected in the presentation format of this project. As part of the post-professional program in architecture, the current structure of MS.AAD is not immune to the Design Review process before completing the thesis. This design review, a crucial discussion format between

architects and professors focusing on students’ “design works” in architectural training, poses inevitable challenges when directly applied to research or theory-oriented projects, such as the one presented in this book. In such research, the “architecture to be built” is often a secondary concern for the researcher, whereas reviewers expect the physical proposal to be the primary target for recommendations. From a presentation perspective, explaining arguments, issues, and research methods often consumes the majority of the time, leaving the discussion of the actual issues and arguments to the very end of the session. While this undoubtedly relates to the researcher’s expressive ability and presentation design, alternative presentation modes such as lectures or early submission of written reviews may enhance this mutual communication.

Nevertheless, from my own experiences in the review process, the various gaps, questioning, agreement, disagreement, experiential sharing, and even silence in communication more or less addressed the original intent of this research. From the perspective of conversation, I am quite satisfied and find it enriching. Afterwords 349

In addition to the aforementioned thoughts on the overarching theme of “communication,” another reason that compelled me to return to school was the desire to gain a clearer understanding of how to conduct architectural research and to practice the skills of writing and argumentation.

I hold a profound belief in the power of words. While the language of communication for architects is often through drawings, I contend that the importance of words and texts lies in systematically developing ideas, precisely expressing them, and orderly transmitting them.

During my undergraduate years, I had the opportunity to intern at Sou Fujimoto Architects in Japan and later collaborate with the Studio Tng-Te-Tshiu Rural Research in Taiwan through an option studio recommended by Architect TzeChun, Wei upon returning to Taiwan. These experience allowed me to delve deeper into the environment of Japanese architecture. What struck me most was the abundant and powerful publishing resources and discussion platforms in Japan, including TOTO, GA, a+u, and New Architecture Magazine, along with various exhibitions and a well-established generational lineage. With

just a brief research, one could easily grasp the cultural context of architecture spanning generations, as if the entire society were a cultural manifestation through architecture, consolidating resources and consensus across various sectors. While every country has its architectural context, based on my observations growing up in Taiwan, the establishment of architectural cultural genealogy and context is still in its infancy.

This is not to say that writing and argumentation are necessary conditions for architects, but if we consider “architecture as a carrier of culture” as a premise, words become paramount. Half of my internship and work experiences in Taiwan were deliberately selected in workplaces that self-proclaimed or were known for having a “Taiwanese regional consciousness.” The primary goal was to understand how different architects perceive “regionality.” I was fortunate to hear various voices and witness diverse translations under the same concept. However, after the completion of architectural projects, opportunities for dialogue and textual descriptions based on the same concept were scarce, not to mention theoretical discussions. Consequently, individuals with similar Afterwords

ideas found themselves working in isolation, hindering the establishment of a

351

cohesive system. Without this foundational connection, the next generation of architects seems destined to start anew. Thus, I contemplate that at the very least, by nurturing systematic thinking and writing abilities, I can contribute to the establishment of a communication platform in the future, serving as an introduction to architectural cultural contexts. This may diverge slightly from the main topic, but it is a heartfelt aspiration as a professional in the field of architecture.

One week before the thesis review, I happened to read “Ethnographic Movement Methods: Anthropology Takes on the Pesticide Industry” by Dvera I. Saxton, which touched upon the concept of Activism as Research. Differing from ethnographers and anthropologists, architects’ involvement often takes an additional step termed “design intervention,” affording more tangible actions that can bring about change. In contemporary anthropology and archaeology, there is a burgeoning trend referred to as Activism. Reading related articles during the concluding phase of this project made me feel that there are many individuals across the globe contemplating similar matters. This connection provided a sense of reassurance.

Again, I extend my gratitude to Professor Lily Chi and Anna Dietzsch for their guidance, support, and intellectual stimulation throughout the process. Without their assistance, this research would not have come to fruition. Returning to the conceptual framework of this research project, scholarly discussion and exchange in academic realms are also integral parts of a larger system of “CoTheorizing.”

In conclusion, I hope to land genuinely, for you and for me.

Afterwords

Chi-Chia Tsao (Giga) 2023.12.13

353

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List of Figures

0_ 0.1 Fig. 01. Diagram: Ping-Pong Dialogue 0.2 Fig. 01. Spectrum: An Alternative Agency 0.2.2 Fig. 01. Diverse Participation Models Images Source for Examples: a. New San-Ying Settlement_https://www.ner.gov.tw/ news/5fe00d9a9d07950007fef2d2 b. Design Jatra_ https://designjatra.org/ c. Walters Way_Walters Way & Segal Close: the architect Walter Segal and London’s self-build communities : a look at two of London’s most unusual streets, Alice Grahame, Taran Wilkhu, 2017 d. La Borda_https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/buildings/ sustainable-building-sustainable-living-la-borda-barcelona-bylacol

https://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20190527000536260114?chdtv https://piyenchen.blogspot.com/2011/10/5.html Fig. 05. Nan-Jing History 03. 1996 Government Forced Demolition From the documentary: There is a River in front of my Home Fig. 06. Nan-Jing History 04. 2008 Protest Images Sources: From the documentary: There is a River in front of my Home Fig. 07. Nan-Jing History 05. 2007 Resettlement_A Social Housing Project Fig. 08. Nan-Jing History 06. 2016 Resettlement_Participatory Design Project Fig. 09. Nan-Jing History 07 Images Sources: SODA-LAI Architects: New San-Ying Settlement Fig. 10. Nan-Jing History 08. The Construction Process of the new community center of Nan-Jing Settlement (Adawang in Amis language), 2022 Images Sources: 南靖聚會所重建影片https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=oSafckineJA Fig. 11. The Framework of the 333 Model_New San-Ying Settlement 2016 1.2.2 Fig. 01. Satellite Image of Nan-Jing and Surrounding Area

1_ 1.1 Fig. 01. A View from Nan-Jing Muti-Function Classroom Fig. 02. Satellite of Nan-Jing 1.2.1 Fig. 01. The Migration Route of Nan-Jing Tribe Fig. 02. Nan-Jing History 01 Fig. 03. Nan-Jing History 02 Fig. 04. Nan-Jing History 03 Images Sources:

1.3.1 Fig. 01. Names of the Elements in the Standard Revised Amis Housing in Japanese Colonial Era1895 - 1945 Image Source: Research of the Transformation of Amis’ Residential Buildings, Yi-Ying Wu, National Culture and Art Foundation, 2014 Fig. 02. Changes of Spatial Arrangement of the Traditional Amis Housing A Fig. 03. Changes of Spatial Arrangement of the Traditional Amis Housing B Image Source: Research of the Transformation of Amis’ Residential

Buildings, Yi-Ying Wu, National Culture and Art Foundation, 2014 Fig. 04. Analysis of the Traditional Amis House Fig. 05. Analysis of the Traditional Amis House Fig. 06. Analysis of the Directions in Traditional Amis House Fig. 07. Arrangement of the Tools in the Traditional Amis Funeral A Fig. 08. Arrangement of the Tools in the Traditional Amis Funeral B 原英子 Hara, Eko. “台灣阿美族的宗教世界 Religious World of Taiwan Amis”. 2005 Fig. 09. Analysis of Spatial Arrangement in Traditional Amis House Image Source: 松城號 Song Cheng Funeral Parlor https://www. youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=BcQ68goErfE Fig. 10. Amis Traditional Motifs Image Source: 蕃族慣習調查報告書, 臺灣總督府臨時臺灣舊慣調查會原著, 1915

List of Figures

1.3.2 Fig. 01. Taiwan Indigenous Survey Report, Suketarō Chijiiwa 臺灣蕃族調查報告書, 千千岩助太郎 Image Source: 蕃族慣習調查報告書, 臺灣總督府臨時臺灣舊慣調查會原著, 1915 Fig. 02. Amis in the Japanese Colonial Era Image Source: 臺灣歷史博物館典藏 National Taiwan Museum of History https://collections.nmth.gov.tw Fig. 03. Sketch of Amis Traditional Residential Building Fig. 04. Analysis of Amis Traditional Housing Plan Image Source: 佐山融吉 Sayama Yukichi, 千々岩助太郎 Chijiiwa Suketarō 1912 Fig. 05. Analysis of Amis Traditional Housing Plan Image Source: 佐山融吉 Sayama Yukichi, 千々岩助太郎 Chijiiwa Suketarō 1912 Fig. 06. Main Pillar with Motifs in Amis Traditional Housing Fig. 07. Floor in Amis Traditional Housing Image Source: 財團法人空間母語文化藝術基金會 Spatial Native Language Foundation of Arts and Culture https://kjmu.org.tw/阿美族傳統建築/ Fig. 08. Analysis of an Amis House Built Around Shiu-Gu-Luan

River (Mid-East Part of Taiwan) Image Source: 臺灣歷史博物館典藏 National Taiwan Museum of History https://collections.nmth.gov.tw Fig. 09. Amis House_Side Entrance Type Image Source: Characterization of Amis Tribe’s Traditional Houses, Master Thesis, Jung Han Lin, 2017 Fig. 10. Analysis of Traditional Amis Housing Plan The entrance in both of the two types never aligned with the central line of the plan Fig. 11. Roof Structure of a Japanese Improved Amis House Image Source: Characterization of Amis Tribe’s Traditional Houses, Master Thesis, Jung Han Lin, 2017 Fig. 12. Picture of a Japanese Improved Indigenous House Image Source: National Taiwan University Library Fig. 13. Elevation of a Amis House Under Chinese Government Image Source: Characterization of Amis Tribe’s Traditional Houses, Master Thesis, Jung Han Lin, 2017 Fig. 14. Elevation of a Amis House Mixing Han and Japanese Improved Elements Image Source: Characterization of Amis Tribe’s Traditional Houses, Master Thesis, Jung Han Lin, 2017 Fig. 15. Elevation of a Concrete Amis House in 70s Image Source: Characterization of Amis Tribe’s Traditional Houses, Master Thesis, Jung Han Lin, 2017 Fig. 16. Elevation of a Amis House with Concrete Structure and Tile Roof Image Source: Characterization of Amis Tribe’s Traditional Houses, Master Thesis, Jung Han Lin, 2017 Fig. 17. Concrete Amis Residential Building with Motifs Painted on the Facade, Hualian, Taiwan Fig. 18. Amis Cultural Exhibition Hall, Gi-An Village, Hualian, Taiwan Image Source: Ji-An Township Official Website https://www.ji-an.gov.tw/attraction/detail/24 Fig. 19. Transformation of Amis Housing in the 20th Century

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2_ 2.1 Fig. 01. Potential Connection Between Architecture and Ethnography Fig. 02. Ethnographic/ Modernologic Note on Traditional Amis Clothing and Tools 2.2 Fig. 01. Elements in the Settlement Series 01 Fig. 02. Elements in the Settlement Series 02 Fig. 03. Elements in the Settlement Series 05_Public Furniture Fig. 04. Elements in the Settlement Series 07 _Fence X Blocks X Boundaries 2.3 Fig. 01. A Broader Connection_Recycling Construction Material Map of Nan-Jing Settlement Fig. 02. Recycled Material Sources Fig. 03. Typhoon Evacuation Map Fig. 04. Recent Evacuation History and Emergency Safe Spots for Nana-Jing Tribal Group Fig. 05. Flood Affecting Area Fig. 06. Distance to Work of Nan-Jing Residents 2.4 Fig. 01. Another Map 01 Fig. 02. Another Map 02 Fig. 03. Another Map 03 Fig. 04. Another Map 04 Fig. 05. Another Map 05 Fig. 06. Another Map 05-2 Fig. 07. Another Map 06_A Spatial Relationship and Priority Fig. 08. Another Map 07 Redraw_Drew After the On-Site Work 2.5 Fig. 01. Picture of Nan-Jing Settlement

Photo by: Chi-Chia Tsao, 2023 Fig. 02. Nan-Jing’s Relationship with External Groups Fig. 03. Framework of the On-Site Work with External Groups Fig. 04. Field-Work Collage Fig. 05. Daily Schedule of the Field Work Fig. 06. Daily Schedule: Switch between Nan-Jing and San-Ying Fig. 07. Nan-Jing Children Playing on the Embarkment, the infrastructure that isolated the settlement from the urban context, Photo by: Chi-Chia Tsao Fig. 08. Field Note: Daily Route the World Ha-Ha Fig. 09. Nan-Jing Commute Map Fig. 10. Canvas with Brief History of Nan-Jing Made by Tribal Children, Photo by: Chi-Chia Tsao Fig. 11. Brief History of Nan-Jing (Translated from the Canvas Hanging in the Adawang) Fig. 12. Potential Tribal Legal Format and Relationship Fig. 13. Diagram of Age and Family Structure Fig. 14. Issue Redefine and Degrowth Scenario Fig. 15. Glimpses of Nan-Jing, Photo by: Chi-Chia Tsao, 2023

3_ 3.1 Fig. 01. Portable Culture: Cultural Marks Fig. 02. Portable Culture: Material Collecting and Location Image Source: https://www.namr.gov.tw/userfiles/A47040000A/files/06蔡政良-東海岸阿美族海祭的社會與生態意涵.pdf https://www.books.com.tw/products/D020038753 Fig. 03. Traditional Amis Gathering Image Source: National Taiwan Library (https://tm.ncl.edu.tw) Fig. 04. Nan-Jing Open Space Gathering Image Source: The Reporter (https://www.twreporter.org) Fig. 05. Urban Indigenous Gathering Schedule Fig. 06. Urban Indigenous Gathering Space Analysis

3.2 Fig. 01. Pangcah, digital image, Taiwan Cultural Memory Bank Image Source: https://memory.culture.tw/Home/ Detail?Id=3966&IndexCode=member_material Fig. 02. Sketch of a Traditional Amis House

4_ 4.1.1 Fig. 01. Relationship Diagram of the Growth of Millet and Amis Traditional Ritual Image Sources: https://memory.culture.tw/Home/ Detail?Id=599936&IndexCode=Culture_Object Fig. 02. Plants Used as Medicine Fig. 03. Plants Used as Building Materials Image Sources: https://kjmu.org.tw/阿美族傳統家屋植物/ Fig. 04. The Amis Cultural Connection of Plants Fig. 05. Spatial Criteria of Plants in Nan-Jing

Fig. 10. Aerial Scenario 2 Fig. 11. Aerial Scenario 3 Fig. 12. Aerial Scenario 4 Fig. 13. Aerial Scenario 5 Fig. 14. Aerial Scenario 6 Fig. 15. Funding and Establishment of the Possible Nan-Jing Future 4.3 Fig. 01. Network: From Individual to Cultural Hubs Fig. 02. Platform Establishment: Potential Connection with other Urban Indigenous Settlements

4.1.2 Fig. 01. Plant Map of Nan-Jing Fig. 02. Planting Area in Nan-Jing

List of Figures

4.2 Fig. 01. Matrix of Options (Came Out of the Conversation with the Tribal People) Fig. 02. Potential CSA Circulation Model Fig. 03. Potential Funding and the Diverse Scales Fig. 04. Steps toward Potential CSA Fig. 05. Nan-Jing Agriculture Framework_Potential CSA Zoning Fig. 06. Nan-Jing Agriculture Framework_Pond and Swale Suggestion Fig. 07. Section BB’ Fig. 08. Section CC’ Fig. 09. Aerial Scenario 1

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Appendix 1. Interview Transcripts 230415 0900 - 1000 EST 訪問紀錄受訪者：賴澤君建築師（以下簡稱賴）訪問者：曹記嘉（以下簡稱曹）

曹：可以請建築師稍微談一下當時接觸三鶯參與式設計重建案的過程嗎？賴：我從2000年開業，開業的第一個案子就是三鶯部落。剛進入時也碰到參與式設計的意識抬頭，所以我們就希望能嘗試類似參與式設計的一個過程，比如說包含了解他們的需求到陪他們去找土地…等等，而設計上能參與的部分包含了外觀啊，或者是一些文化特色的設計，但老實說這個案子一開始其實是我蠻挫敗的。我們從學生時代就開始參與弱勢，如921的重建，那為什麼會參與三鶯部落？ 921 的時候，我們有一個這樣的一個經驗，所以我可以用比較短的時間來幫他們去 catch到他們想要的，甚至協助他們找到資源。原鄉原住民的弱勢家務的重建，這個經驗是有關係的，所以也是讓我可以進一步的來跟這些原住民合作，應該說是陪伴他們一起。大家講參與式設計嘛，對不對，就是參與式設計就是想說啊，那我們帶著群眾帶著居民，然後一起來做參與的過程啊，我可以從頭，然後肯跟著群眾、跟著居民，然後一路這樣陪伴，一直到他們把這件事情完成嘛，對不對？可是為什麼我講挫敗是因為，我們在這個過程中，卻有一個其他的角色卻進來，那就是政府的角色，也就是因為他透過一個所謂的公開招標的過程。這個過程中，其實我們也邀請了居民一起去爭取，讓政府的這個案子最後委託給我們來做，等於是政府出設計費。

230415 0900 - 1000 EST Interview with Ze Jun Lai Architect Subject: The Participatory Design Process in the New San-Ying Re-settlement Project in 2016 Lai _ Ze Jun Lai Architect G_ Giga G: Can you please talk about the process of being involved in the San-Ying participatory design reconstruction project? Lai: I started my business in 2000, and my first project was the San-Ying Tribe. When I started, participatory design was gaining popularity, so we wanted to try a process similar to participatory design, which included accompanying them to find land. In terms of design, we included the appearance and cultural characteristics that could be involved in the process. But honestly, this project was initially a bit frustrating for me. We have been involved with vulnerable groups, such as the reconstruction after the 921 Earthquake, since our student days. At the time of the 921 Earthquake, we had an experience like this, so I was able to help them figure out what they wanted faster and more accurately, even helping them to find resources. The experience of rebuilding homes for indigenous people in their hometowns was relevant, so it allowed me to further cooperate with these indigenous people and accompany them throughout the process. I think those are the reasons why we got involved in the San-Ying Tribe.

Lai: Everyone talks about participatory design, right? That is, we bring in the public and the residents and then participate in the process together. I can start from scratch, stand with the community, and accompany them until they complete the task. G: Can you share the point of frustration you mentioned?

Appendix 1. Interview Transcript

G: What did you and your colleagues think about participatory design?

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曹：可以分享一下您說的挫敗點嗎？賴：臺灣的公開招標模式，聽起來是一個很公平的程序，是很透明的，可是你如果去接觸就發現完全不是這麼一回事。就是因為有審查，所以它可以被控制，所以說我們建築師就變成很弱勢，等於說我們與居民合作了那麼久，最後要動工時還要別人來給我們評分。當時很不幸，招標之後馬上就換成另外一組設計團隊了，所以我覺得在這方面也是非常挫敗的。我覺得那個血淋淋的部分是一般人沒辦法了解跟感受的好，作為一個建築師，你會發現說啊，原來設計不是完全不是這麼一回事，這也是所以這這過程其實是三鶯部落就是我一個不太順利的經驗。臺灣體制內對專業者的不尊重與制度問題，我們沒有辦法改變，我們的獨立性被消磨掉了這樣子。而對三鶯的居民來說也是很挫敗，當他們開始重建的時候，就發現說當時說好要自力造屋的配套錯失沒有設計好，結果就是找不到可以協助他們的營造廠。曹：自力造屋這點就我收集的資料來看，是為了經費考量，在333模式底下的權宜之計，在建築師您們的經驗中，是怎麼思考三鶯的自立造屋呢？賴：三鶯部落其實也連接到我做921的時候一個經驗，那當時921的時候也有人做自力造屋。曹：謝英俊建築師？賴：對對，謝英俊建築師，其實我們也系出同源啦，我剛畢業時候也在那邊工作。但是

Lai: Why do I say it was frustrating? Because in this process, there was another role that came in, which was the government. This was because they went through a so-called open tendering process. In this process, we also invited residents to fight for the commission to continue this project, which meant the government would pay the design fee. Taiwan’s open tendering model sounds like a fair and transparent procedure, but if you got a chance to get involved, you will realize that it is not the case at all, especially when it comes to the participatory process. Because there is a review, it can be controlled, so architects become very vulnerable. After we worked with the residents for such a long time, we still had to be evaluated by others when it was time to start construction. Unfortunately, we didn’t win that, which beat us immediately. As an architect, you will find that participatory design is not completely what you thought it was. We cannot change the lack of respect and institutional issues for professionals in the system. For the residents of San-Ying, it was also a great disappointment when they began to rebuild and found out that the supporting plan to build their own houses had not been designed properly, resulting in them being unable to find any construction factories to assist them. G: From the data I collected so far, I found that the self-building process was a compromise due to the budget. And the government proposed the 333 cooperation model for it. As an architect, what did you think about San-Ying’s self-built housing? Lai: The San-Ying tribe is connected to my experience during the 921 Earthquake. At that time, there were also people building their own houses.

Lai: Exactly. You know what? We actually came from the same background, and I worked with him when I graduated from university. But at that time, he used C-shaped steel to build houses. His idea was to use the cheapest or most resident-operable method to build the house. However, unlike post-disaster reconstruction, in the experience of the San-Ying, it was

Appendix 1. Interview Transcript

G: Like Atelier 3?

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他當時是用C型鋼去蓋房子。他的想法是，用最省錢的或者是居民可以自己操作的模式去蓋那個房子。但是跟災後重建不同，在三鶯的經驗裡，需要考量到臺灣人的普遍價值觀，經驗就是臺灣人其實會對輕型鋼的這個材料有一種負面觀感。雖然說他其實很好很好用很好用，可是當臺灣人從RC造要過渡到用Ｃ型鋼會有很大的排斥性，大家想的是鋼料是不是比較cheap？畢竟鐵皮屋在台灣太氾濫，你了解吧？所以用C型鋼去蓋房子，對他們來說是更低階的，可能有這樣的一個既定印象。曹：這個觀感差異的確可能是溝通時的一個大問題，那三鶯後續是如何討論材料的問題呢？賴：當時已經到發包的那一套標準圖不是我設計的。那不那標準圖則是用Ｃ型鋼去做，但是這位建築師，他對於自立造屋的精神不瞭解，所以他的設計是用焊接的，這對居民自力營造是個很大的問題。所以第一，他們找不到這個非規格品的鋼材，所以造成居民找不到這個材料；第二，他們找的營造廠通常都是沒辦法給出理想價格，所以他找不到一個可以跟合作的對象。你說333模式，的確，當時他們有也有官方的貸款啦，可是額度其實不太夠的。曹：聽起來是一個很大的障礙，但為何實際上是Ｈ型鋼與Ｃ型鋼各半？這也是讓我非常疑惑的部分之一。賴：我有一個比較長年跟我合作的營造廠。他們也算蠻有心，而且有在做相關的構造研究。他們當時知道這個案子公開招標之前的規劃是我做的，所以有興趣參與，然後就回頭來找我，說他們願意來作為協助的角色，當時討論解套方案是可能會用H鋼的模式取代Ｃ型鋼，那H鋼是比較容易操作的。其實當年災區重建做那個C型鋼的自力造屋想法是：現場可以裁切，加上自攻螺絲，居民就可以現場操作，不需要仰

necessary to consider the general values of the Taiwanese people. The experience was that Taiwanese people have a negative impression of this lightweight steel material. Although it is very good and easy to use, when Taiwanese people transition from RC to C-shaped steel, there is a strong resistance. People think that steel materials are cheaper, especially since corrugated iron houses are so prevalent in Taiwan, as you know. Therefore, using C-shaped steel to build houses is even lower in their perception, the stereotype extend the discussion but also led us to another direction. G: This gap in your perception was indeed an issue in communication. How did San-Ying discuss the issue of materials afterward? Lai: At that time, the standard drawings for the government tender had already been published, and they were not designed by me. Those were designed with C-shaped steel, but the architect did not understand the spirit of self-building, so his even proposed welding techniques, which was a big problem for residents who wanted to build their own houses. First, the materials in the drawing sets were not standard specification, so residents could not find this material easily. Second, the construction factories they found couldn’t offer acceptable prices, so they could not find a partner to cooperate with. As for the 333 Model, although they had official loans, the amount was not sufficient enough. G: That must be a difficult obstacle, but why it turned out to be half I-Beam and half C-shaped? That made me very curious.

At the time, there was discussion of using I-beams as a replacement for C-shape. H-beams are easier to work with. In fact, the idea behind using self-built houses with C-channel steel in the post-disaster reconstruction was that the community could cut the materials on site and assembled with self-tapping screws without construction contractors. However, when

Appendix 1. Interview Transcript

Lai: A construction factory that has been working with me for a long time. They are quite enthusiastic and have been doing related structural research. They knew that I had designed the plan for this project before the tender, so they were interested in participating and came back to me, saying they were willing to assist.

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賴營造廠商。但對於真正在操作的時候的居民，又覺得因為工序上過多的細節，反而沒有那么簡單，C型鋼相對增加了很多的工序跟困難度，居民對Ｃ型鋼的掌握力比較弱。所以後來在三鶯設計，營造廠商願意在工廠裡裁切好材料，然後讓大家在現場就把它組裝起來，而且我們也協調廠商訓練居民，因為都市原住民的朋友，大多從事營建工作，比如說模板工人等相關工作，他們有很強的工地經驗，那剛好趁這個時候銜接上來，就是在技術上有去協助，他們就是。去訓練那個就是他們去自立造屋，我覺得這在都市原住民議題上其實是蠻有意義的。我自己其實也有自力造屋的經驗，因為921地震的時候，我們家也是受災戶，當時自己設計也是用H鋼來做。記得當時組裝鋼骨3天就裝好了，這個經驗也讓我判斷這在三鶯也是可行的方案。曹：後來是如何回到賴建築師這邊的呢？賴：而這一方面是部落居民的意志，我們一開始其實本來是用H鋼，但後來那組設計團隊完全改成C型鋼的時候，部落居民不太認同，便來找我，我們就和市政府做一個協調，溝通後決定我們這邊再給出一套施工標準圖，變成Ｈ剛和Ｃ型鋼各一套，讓居民都可以同時去選擇。曹：可以請您稍微詳細談一點當時的情況嗎？我很好奇當時的溝通過程為何賴：實際上，當時的標準圖紙有兩套，第一套是由前一位建築師所製作，他們使用的是 C型鋼。然後，我們採取了一個行動，將C型鋼更換成H型鋼。這樣的改變等於有兩套相似的結構，因為當初的設計已經進行了承包。這個圖示不是我原初的設計，而是後來修改的標準圖。當時，我們已經開始施工，當他們找到我們時，我不太可

residents actually tried to work with the steel, they found that the complex procedural details made it more difficult than they had thought, and C-shape steel increased the number of steps and level of difficulty. It took too much time for them to master the material. Therefore, in the design of San-Ying settlement, the construction company was willing to prefeb the materials, making it easier for the residents to assemble on site. We also coordinated with the company to train the residents, who were mostly urban aboriginal people with construction experience, such as formworkers and other related jobs. It was a way to help with the technical aspects, so that they could learn how to build their own homes independently. I think this was quite meaningful in terms of this long-lasting urban aboriginal issues. My family was affected by the 921 Earthquake, and we used I-beams to rebuild our homes at that time. I remember that it only took three days to assemble the frame. This experience made me believe that it was a feasible solution in San-Ying Settlement. G: How they returned to you? Lai: Not all of them. We originally designed with I-beams, but when the design team completely switched to C-shape steel, the tribal residents were confused, so they came to me. We then coordinated with the municipal government. After a series of complicated communication, we decided to provide another set of construction standard drawings for the community, so that they can choose between the I-beam version and the C-shape version.

Lai: Actually, at that time, there were two sets of standard drawings. The first set was created by the previous architect, and they used C-shaped steel. Then, we took action and replaced the C-shaped steel with H-shaped steel. This change resulted in having two sets of similar structures because the initial design had already been contracted. The diagram was not my original design; it was a later modified standard drawing. At that time, we had already

Appendix 1. Interview Transcript

G: Can you please elaborate a bit more on the situation at that time? I’m curious about the communication process during that period.

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能再去改變設計，所以我們只進行了一個動作，就是改變構造方式。因此，由於同時併列為標準圖，這個程序就完全省略了中間複雜的審查過程。所以，這種參與式的過程實際上是一個很完整的過程，不僅僅是看到最終結果，參與式設計雖然看似偉大、成功，但實際上背後包含了很多失敗經驗的累積。這是一個曲折的過程，超乎我們的預期。我當時參與投標，當我未得標時，感到非常失望，甚至曾經認為自己可能再也不會踏進原住民部落。然而，他們最終找到了與我們合作的營造廠商，因為他知道我曾參與過這個項目，了解他們的狀況，所以願意協助。整個過程非常奇妙，經歷了一大圈，最終回到我們身上。這個結果得到大家的認同嗎？我覺得這是一個很有趣的結果。所以，我認為參與式設計或者地方治理這樣的主題，實際上包含了許多深層次的探討，例如文化差異、權力關係、主流與非主流之間的對立，以及統治者和被統治者之間的關係。如果進行這樣的研究，可以有更深入的了解。曹：您認為在政府領導的參與式設計過程，建築師的角色有什麼尷尬點嗎？賴：哈哈，沒錯，我後來完全沒有參與，他們甚至連標準圖都沒有收費。確實，由於公共建設的過程很長，從2011年一直到2015或2016才真正蓋房子。在這期間，雖然我最終並未完全免費參與，但營造廠商也確實有一些未收到的費用問題。嗯，專業者都市改革組織 (OURs)，對，這個專業組織參與了整個過程。至於部落的討論，實際上在這個過程中有很多曲折。特別是對於三鶯部落，它在2008年是一個特別的時刻。當時，我們在爭取保存樂生療養院，這也是一個曲折的案子。有些人可能已經忘記了，因為時間過去很長，大家對這個過程的了解也越來越少。樂生是一個反迫遷的運動，也是一個年輕人與體制之間的拉鋸。政府對這個案子的處理一直拖拉，並且在台灣政壇上也有不同聲音。對於這些年輕人，政府的語言充滿了歧視，認為他們妨礙了國家的發展。這是一個特殊的案例，因為這些人犧牲了自己的青春，埋葬在這個地方，政府是否能夠賠償他們失去的青春？這是一個特殊

started construction, and when they found us, it was not feasible for me to change the design again. So, we only made one move, which was to change the structural method. Because it was concurrently listed as a standard drawing, the entire review process in the middle was completely omitted. Therefore, this participatory process was actually a very complete process. It’s not just about seeing the final result. Participatory design, although it seems great and successful, actually involves a lot of accumulated experiences from failures. It was a winding process, beyond our expectations. I participated in the bidding at that time, and when I didn’t win the bid, I felt very disappointed. I even thought I might never step into the indigenous tribe again. However, they eventually found a construction company to collaborate with us because he knew I had participated in this project, understood their situation, and was willing to assist. The whole process was very miraculous, going in a big circle and ultimately coming back to us. Does everyone agree with this result? I think it’s an interesting outcome. So, I believe that topics like participatory design or local governance actually involve many in-depth discussions, such as cultural differences, power relations, conflicts between mainstream and non-mainstream, and the relationship between rulers and the ruled. If you study these aspects, you can have a deeper understanding. G: What do you think is the awkward point for architects in the participatory design process led by the government?

Appendix 1. Interview Transcript

Lai: Haha, that’s right. I didn’t participate at all later, and they didn’t even charge for the standard drawings. Indeed, because the process of public construction is very long, from 2011 until 2015 or 2016 to actually build the houses. During this time, although I didn’t completely participate for free, the construction company did have some unpaid fee issues. Well, the Urban Reforms Organization (OURs), yes, this professional organization participated in the entire process. As for the tribe’s discussion, there were actually many twists and turns in this process. Especially for the Sanying tribe, it was a special moment in 2008. At that time, we were fighting to preserve the Losheng Sanatorium, which was also a convoluted case. Some people may have forgotten because a long time has passed, and people’s understanding of this process has diminished. Losheng was an anti-relocation movement and a tug-ofwar between young people and the system. The government’s handling of this case was always dragging, and there were different voices in Taiwan’s political arena. For these young

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的議題。最終，三鶯部落在2008年的時候，因為樂聲的反迫遷運動，取得了一些成果。對，這是一段很特殊的歷史。曹：當時的這個重大決策事不是間接的影響了您參與原住民議題？賴：重大的決策？就是要將樂生拆除嗎？這發生在2008年的228事件。當天，也就是2月 28日，政府貼出告示，宣稱明天就會派遣挖土機來執行拆除樂聲的任務。當時發生了一場規模相當龐大的抗議行動，年輕人集結起來，儘管熱身，最終未能阻止拆除的執行。這項決策引起社會極大的關注，甚至舉行了一場5000人的大遊行。隨後，政府再度做出決策，這次是拆除三鶯部落和溪洲部落。這引起更多人前來聲援，導致了一系列的抗議行動。當我進入三鶯時，正值2008年，那時三鶯部落已經經歷了七次拆除七次重建的過程。有人評論說，這是對三鶯部落的不公，形容它為「垃圾」。拆除七次、重建七次，情況讓人感到震驚。同時，社會運動者紛紛協助，參與反對迫遷的行動。我和我先生也加入其中，協助聲援山櫻的拆除反對行動，這持續了一段時間。與此同時，在臺大，我們與夏鑄九校老師等年輕社運者一同協助三鶯部落。夏老師與溪洲部落有著特殊的關係，因此我們參與了這場社運的過程。曹：原來是夏鑄九老師作為起始點啊！所以當時是先接觸溪洲部落的嗎？賴：當時有一組由博士班和碩士班學生組成的團隊，其中包括我先生是夏老師的3位學生，他們主要是從溪洲部落這一端入手，協助他們進行相關研究。當轉移到三鶯部落時，是在2011年，也就是我開業的那一年。我記得那一年有一個重要的事件，我們在這個過程中實際上與三鷹也有一些共同的合作。雖然不完全是OURS的團隊，但實際上我們是先開始的。我先生在城鄉所的吸收方面起了先導作用，當時三鶯部

people, the government’s language was full of discrimination, thinking that they hindered the country’s development. It’s a special case because these people sacrificed their youth, buried in this place. Can the government compensate them for the youth they lost? It’s a special issue. In the end, the Sanying tribe in 2008, because of the Losheng anti-relocation movement, achieved some results. Yes, it’s a very special history. G: Did this major decision at that time indirectly affect your involvement in indigenous issues? Lai: Major decision? You mean the demolition of Losheng? This happened during the 2008 228 Incident. On that day, February 28, the government posted a notice, claiming that they would send excavators the next day to carry out the task of demolishing Losheng. There was a significant protest action at that time, and young people gathered, although it was intense, ultimately, they couldn’t prevent the demolition. This decision attracted considerable attention, even leading to a 5,000-person march. Subsequently, the government made another decision, this time to demolish the Sanying tribe and the Xizhou tribe. This prompted more people to come and support, leading to a series of protest actions.

G: So, Professor Xia Chu-Jo was the starting point! Did you initially engage with the Xizhou tribe at that time? Lai: At that time, there was a team composed of doctoral and master’s students, including my husband, who was one of Professor Xia’s three students. They mainly started from the Xizhou

Appendix 1. Interview Transcript

When I entered Sanying, it was in 2008, and by then, the Sanying tribe had already undergone seven demolitions and rebuildings. Some commented that this was unfair to the Sanying tribe, describing it as “garbage.” Seven demolitions and rebuildings were shocking. At the same time, activists assisted and participated in actions against forced relocation. My husband and I also joined in, assisting in the opposition actions to demolish the Shan Ying, which lasted for some time. Meanwhile, at National Taiwan University, we, along with Professor Xia Chu-Jo and other young activists, assisted the Sanying tribe. Professor Xia had a special relationship with the Xi-Zhou tribe, so we participated in the process of this social movement.

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落不希望完全找城鄉所的人，因此他們轉而找了OURS，希望我們能提供協助。然而，對於部落來說，外來者的加入往往會引起警覺，因此他們不是說任何人都可以進入，這也是因為他們信任我和我先生，知道我們有一系列的前期合作經驗。這樣的信任是建立在時間和對話的基礎上的。談到我們參與設計過程，這實際上是一個獨特的過程。甚至三鶯部落與香港的泰源村事件有所聯繫。香港的經驗影響了他們的反迫遷行動，他們向香港政府爭取土地用於異地重建，這與溪洲和三鶯部落有關。這段時期是相當重要的，有一系列的重大決策和關係發展。由於當時他們找了 OURS，他們與我們的距離相對遠，因為他們在臺北市上班，而我恰好住在鶯歌。他們需要一位專案經理，我剛好是考上建築師，所以我成為了這個角色。我們每一兩週開一次會議，進行多次討論，提出需求和我的設計構想，這樣的溝通方式相當順暢。然而，當進入後期的發包階段後，整個過程變得複雜且不協調。曹：了解，接著想請問2009年隆恩埔的失敗案例，有一大部分原因在於原鄉文化與所謂現代建築居住形態之間的落差，導致居民無法融入甚至文化傳承的擔憂，那新三鶯聚落是如何解決這個問題？而這個問題是否也是南靖未來會面對到的？賴：當我們參與參與式設計時，我們有一些設計概念，例如建築物的外觀形式，甚至當時討論了一些細節，例如他們的服裝和綁腿的方式。我們考慮了一些設計，但當我投標的時候，我也與居民一起帶著這些設計概念參與投標。然而，我們得到的回應卻讓我感到受挫，有人說我的設計似乎不夠臺灣風格，因為顏色比較繽紛。這是一種語言的問題，當時我無法反駁，因為這是主觀的評價。後來的建築設計完全沒有服飾圖案，並且使用了單一的白色，這可能是為了給予更多的彈性，可以根據需要添加顏色。在現場發現有兩套建築物，一個是用優點項目所選擇的材質，另一個是白色的建築物。至於木作，我們當時的初步選擇是使用實木而非鋼骨結構，因為標準圖已經完成，而且在有限的時間內完成，材料的選擇也受到了限制。

tribe, assisting them in related research. When we shifted to the Sanying tribe, it was in 2011, the year I started my practice. I remember that year had a significant event, and we actually had some common collaborations with Sanxia in this process. Although it wasn’t entirely OURs’ team, we were actually the ones who started first. My husband played a pioneering role in absorbing them into the Institute of Urban Planning and Design. At that time, the Sanying tribe didn’t want to exclusively hire people from the institute, so they turned to OURs, hoping we could provide assistance. However, for the tribe, the entry of outsiders often raised concerns. Still, they trusted me and my husband due to our previous collaborative experiences. This trust was built on time and dialogue. Speaking of our involvement in the design process, it was actually a unique process. Even the Sanying tribe had some connection with the Tai O Village incident in Hong Kong. Their experience in Hong Kong influenced their antirelocation movement, as they sought land from the Hong Kong government for relocation, which was related to the Xizhou and Sanying tribes. This period was quite crucial, involving a series of major decisions and relationship developments. Because they chose OURs, they were relatively distant from us as they worked in Taipei, and I happened to live in Yingge. They needed a project manager, and since I had just become a licensed architect, I took on that role. We held meetings every one or two weeks, engaging in numerous discussions, presenting requirements, and discussing my design concepts. Communication was quite smooth in this manner. However, when it came to the later stages of the contracting phase, the entire process became complex and uncoordinated.

Lai: When we participated in participatory design, we had some design concepts, such as the appearance of the buildings, and even discussed some details like their clothing and the way they tied their legs. We considered some designs, but when I submitted the bid, I

Appendix 1. Interview Transcript

G: I see. Next, I’d like to ask about the failure of the Longenpu project in 2009. A significant part of the reason was the gap between indigenous culture and the so-called modern architectural living form, leading to residents being unable to integrate and even concerns about cultural inheritance. How did the new Sanying settlement address this issue? Is this also a challenge that Nanjing will face in the future?

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曹：當時材料的選擇也是與居民討論的嗎？賴：基本上都是部落自己挑選的建材，他們傾向於暖色系，有種木製的感覺，儘管實際上不是真正的木製建築。就個人而言，他們在建築中使用了隔熱層，效果相當不錯，部落的居民覺得隔音和隔熱的效果在”Discovery”的報導中確實受到了肯定。是的，這就是指的隔熱效果達到預期，這樣講對了。哦，好的，是的。那你是從哪裡得知這個環境資訊的？嗯，這是多久以前的報導？2018年。好的，我了解了。換句話說，事實上南靖部落在三鶯部落之後大約一年左右進行了相似的建設。差不多是一年左右，因為後來，由於某些原因，我沒有繼續參與那個案子，然後有人希望我繼續協助南靖部落。當時外面有很多不正確的謠言，關於南靖部落的一些說法，有些議員怎麼說了等等。當時因為各種原因，大家可能不太願意參與，有人問我要不要去了解，然後我就去了解，後來發現，南靖部落實際上是一個很友善的部落，我很欣賞並喜歡他們的文化。他們和三鶯部落的特色相當不同。曹：既然提到南靖部落，因為我目前也是專注在南靖，想請問建築師：新三鶯聚落的落成，透過333的合作模式讓政府與居民達成共識，在外部媒體表面上看似為一種圓滿的結局，請問這樣的結果是否對南靖聚落造成影響？例如，333模式是否為完美解答？南靖居民是否也想複製三鶯經驗呢？有任何相關的討論正在發生嗎？賴：是的，就是這樣。然後，可惜的是，因為那時候我已經替他們找到了一塊土地，本來也已經找到一塊，希望可以進行重建。確實有這樣的期待，但這件事情牽涉到了溪洲和聲音兩個部落之間的一些分歧。當時已經完成了三鶯的部分，接著又在已經找好的那塊地上進行了三鶯的建設。他們希望等能夠累積足夠的資金之後，再去重建那片土地。應該是等到南靖的部分完成後，我們就可以順利進行，但後來這塊土地，政府實際上有很多不同的計劃。就是說，他們打算建造社會住宅。這個時候，部落內部就對於存款這一事有了一些不同的聲音。

also presented these design concepts together with the residents. However, the response I received was frustrating. Some said my design seemed not Taiwanese enough because the colors were too vibrant. It was a language issue, and at that time, I couldn’t argue because it was a subjective evaluation. The later architectural design had no clothing patterns and used a single white color, which might have been to provide more flexibility to add colors as needed. On-site, there were two sets of buildings, one using the materials chosen by the advantageous project, and the other was a white building. As for woodworking, our initial choice was to use solid wood instead of steel structures because the standard drawings were already completed, and there were limitations on material selection due to the constrained time. G: Was the choice of materials discussed with the residents at that time?

Cao: Since you mentioned Nanjing Tribe, and as I’m currently focusing on Nanjing, I’d like to ask the architect: the completion of the New Sanying Settlement, through the 333 cooperation model, seemed to have achieved consensus between the government and residents, appearing as a satisfactory outcome in external media. Does such a result have an impact on Nanjing Tribe? For example, is the 333 model a perfect solution? Do Nanjing

Appendix 1. Interview Transcript

Lai: Basically, the tribal members selected the building materials themselves, and they preferred warm colors, aiming for a wooden feel, although the buildings were not actually made of wood. Personally, they used insulation layers in the construction, and the effect was quite good. The residents felt that the sound insulation and insulation effects were indeed acknowledged in the “Discovery” report. Yes, that refers to the expected insulation effect; that’s correct. Oh, okay, got it. Where did you get this environmental information? Well, how long ago was the report? In 2018. Okay, I understand. In other words, the construction in Nanjing Tribe occurred approximately a year after the completion of Sanying Tribe. It was about a year later because later, for some reasons, I didn’t continue with that project, and then someone wanted me to continue assisting Nanjing Tribe. There were many incorrect rumors at that time, various statements about Nanjing Tribe, what some legislators said, etc. Due to various reasons at that time, people might not be very willing to participate, and someone asked if I wanted to go and understand. So, I went to understand, and later found that Nanjing Tribe was actually a very friendly tribe. I appreciated and liked their culture. They are quite different from Sanying Tribe.

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曹：您覺得這套模式對於南靖也是很有機會的嗎？賴：嗯？對，還有一點需要注意的是動能的概念。動能即表示，我們這樣的角色有時候會如何運作。當然，我也可以像三鶯部落一樣，帶領這些部落的族人去與政府對抗或爭取資源。但是我無法永遠擔任這個角色，對吧？對，所以說南靖部落後來的那個能量的部分，實際上是由他們的領導人，那一批類似他們的長老來領導的。他們非常有經驗，也很期待能夠找到一塊適合永久居住的土地。但是你會發現政府部門的態度，因為事實上，我現在也聽到一些說法，就是說他們認為三鶯部落是得天獨厚的，擁有如此大的土地。他們認為，新北市政府已經協助了兩個部落進行公共建設，再加上溪洲部落，共有兩個大的部落。他們會認為政府已經花了這麼多資源，而在臺北都市區土地有限，不太可能再有第三個或第四個類似的部落。這種態度有點明顯，嗯，然後我們在進行市政府社會住宅評估時，也有訪問了新北市的七個原住民部落。當時的當事人都表示，如果能有類似三鶯的模式，他們非常期待。曹：意思是就您的觀察，異地重建是南靖族人期待的嗎賴：他們非常能夠接受，因為他們感受到擁有自己土地、領域和部落歸屬感的重要性。當地環境優美，但要再找到這樣的土地相當具有挑戰性。一開始，七個部落的居民可能難以接受居住在社會住宅中，就像你提到的隆恩埔。然而，隨著時間推移，他們漸漸發現社會住宅也有其需求，尤其是對於其他族群的成員，例如北漂族，他們可能更願意與相同原住民身分的人一同生活，以獲得更多的自在感。在協助部落的過程中，一些第三方組織的參與是有益的，因為他們的支援可以提供更多資源和專業知識。然而，需要謹慎協調各方的關係，確保部落仍然能夠保有主體性和自主性，不受外部介入的影響。這需要建立信任，同時尊重當地居民意願。

residents also want to replicate the Sanying experience? Is there any relevant discussion happening? Lai: Yes, that’s right. Unfortunately, by that time, I had already found land for them, and there was one ready, hoping to proceed with reconstruction. There were such expectations, but this matter involved some differences between Xizhou and Shengyin tribes. The part for Sanying had already been completed, and then construction for Sanying proceeded on the ready land. They hoped to rebuild that piece of land after accumulating enough funds. It should be smooth after the completion of Nanjing’s part, but later, this piece of land actually had many different government plans. They planned to build social housing. At this time, there were some different voices within the tribe regarding depositing money. G: Do you think this model has a good chance for Nanjing as well?

G: So, from your observation, is off-site reconstruction something Nanjing residents are looking forward to?

Appendix 1. Interview Transcript

Lai: Huh? Yes, there is also the concept of momentum to consider. It indicates how roles like ours sometimes operate. Of course, I could lead the people of these tribes to confront the government or fight for resources, just like Sanying Tribe. But I can’t play this role forever, right? Yes, so the energy part for Nanjing Tribe later was actually led by their leaders, a group of elders similar to them. They were very experienced and looked forward to finding land suitable for permanent residence. However, you’ll find that the government’s attitude, because, in fact, I’ve heard some opinions now, is that they think Sanying Tribe has natural advantages, with such large land. They believe that the New Taipei City government has already assisted two tribes with public construction, plus Xizhou Tribe, making it two major tribes. They would think that the government has already spent so many resources, and in the limited land in the Taipei metropolitan area, it’s unlikely to have a third or fourth similar tribe. This attitude is somewhat apparent. When we were conducting social housing assessments for the city government, we also interviewed the seven indigenous tribes in New Taipei City. The people involved at that time all expressed that if there could be a model similar to Sanying, they would be very eager.

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此外，部落面臨的挑戰也涉及政府態度的改變。有時政府可能認為某些部落擁有天然優勢，例如地理位置，而對其進行支持。但是，這種態度可能會造成其他部落難以獲得相同的支援。在處理這些複雜的人際關係和政府態度時，需要謹慎而靈活的方法。總的來說，部落的建設和發展是一個綜合性的挑戰，需要在多方參與中找到平衡點，確保每個部落都能夠獲得適切的支援和發展機會。曹：抱歉拖了您一點時間，非常謝謝您今天的分享！我會好好消化這些寶貴的經驗的！賴：不會不會，或許是因為你也是建築背景，因為有時候不同的人可能切入的模式不一樣，希望有幫助。

Lai: They can accept it very well because they feel the importance of having their own land, territory, and tribal belonging. The local environment is beautiful, but finding such land again is quite challenging. Initially, residents of the seven tribes might find it difficult to live in social housing, as you mentioned, like Longenpu. However, over time, they gradually realized that social housing also has its needs, especially for members of other tribes, such as the “northern drift” people. They might prefer to live with people of the same indigenous identity for more comfort. In the process of assisting the tribes, the involvement of some third-party organizations is beneficial because their support can provide more resources and professional knowledge. However, careful coordination of relationships is needed to ensure that the tribe still maintains autonomy and is not influenced by external intervention. This requires building trust while respecting the wishes of local residents. Additionally, challenges faced by the tribes also involve a change in government attitudes. Sometimes, the government may think that certain tribes have natural advantages, such as geographical location, and support them. However, this attitude may make it difficult for other tribes to obtain the same support. Dealing with these complex interpersonal relationships and government attitudes requires a careful and flexible approach. In general, the construction and development of tribes are comprehensive challenges that require finding a balance among multiple participants to ensure that each tribe receives appropriate support and development opportunities. G: Sorry for taking a bit of your time. Thank you very much for your insights today! I’ll digest these valuable experiences thoroughly! Lai: No problem, perhaps because you also have a background in architecture, and sometimes different people may have different entry points. I hope it helps. Appendix 1. Interview Transcript 381

Appendix 2. Research Framework: Schedule and Structure

SUMMARY OF THE WORK TO DATE Study of Amis’ Culture and History Theory Building Colonial and Contemporary Studies of Amis in Taiwan

Topic Research Problem Definition

•Study of theories of critical regionalism •Study of different models of participatory design •Identity and architecture •Study of ethnography •Working experience on Community engagement

Nan-Jing and San-Ying Settlement Study

•History of Amis in Taiwan •Thesis about traditional Amis’ culture •Interview with Sociology scholars •Interview with the architects of the

On-Site Work with NGO

Drawing Experiments

Question Re-Ask

•Drawing Experiment as a way •Summer educational collaboration to read and re-read the context) •Children/ elderly caring •Settlement cultural tour •Study of the Modernology •Engaging everyday life •Formal and informal Interviews

San-Ying resettlement project

(pre-MSAAD: 2018-2022)

•The issues of Urban Indigenous Settlement in Taiwan (mostly New Taipei City)

•Settlement development •The transformation of the Amis’ architecture (from traditional tribes to urban settlement)

2022. Jan PART 1

RESEARCH

March

May

July SUMMARY

Fig. 01. Research Structure made for Interim Review in September

PART 2

August

SUMMER FIELD WORK

September PART 3

NOW

WORKING PROPOSAL

SELF-RESEARCH

ON-SITE

DESIGN AS A CONVERSATIONAL VEHICLE RESPONSE

Fig. 02. Research Structure Revised After Final Review_Ping-Pong Dialogue

RESPONSE A Ping-Pong Dialogue

Appendix 2. Research Framework

INTERVIEW/ OBSERVATION/ PARTICIPATE IN EVERYDAY LIFE Serve the Ball (Research/ Ask Questions/ Design Tools) Receive the Ball (Community response)

BACK TO SITE

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