Sheer Gritzerstein - Hagnash - Feb-16: Sprawling Frontiers and Band-Aid Solutions by AA School

HTS2 Term 2 Submission by: Sheer Gritzerstein Tutor: Eleni Axioti March 2020

Hagnash Feb-16:

Sprawling Frontiers and Band-Aid Solutions

Studying in the international hub of London, when being asked where I am from I proudly reply “Tel Aviv — the best city in the world”. Yes, I admit using superlatives quite often and irresponsibly. Yet, I promise you that my beloved city has rare magic to it. Being lively and busy and fast and diverse, it is also easy going, pleasant, and intimate. The hassle of the streets is tightly entangled with the idleness celebrated on the beaches. The ceaseless warmth radiates not only from the strong Mediterranean sun but also from the houses. If not in the coffee shops, Tel Avivians spend most of their free time on their balconies or rooftops — embracing the street into their homes and allowing the outside world a constant glimpse of their lives. Tel Aviv is bestowed with graceful niches, from the kind that transforms the experience of a journey into one of a string of destinations, and stretches time. Isn’t that the most truthful index of a flourishing city?

Tel Aviv rooftops and balconies as seen from my parents' apartment. Image by me. July 2019.

Let me tell you about one of these spectacular spots. As high school students in the city centre, we used to sneak out into a vacant plot of land, two blocks away from school. The program of the site, which was one of the few open spaces in the area, regularly changed between an illegal parking lot to a community gar-

The West-most corner of Kiryat Sefer Garden, and a military base in the background. Image by Ram Eisenberg Environmental Design.

den. Finally, one year after graduation it was transformed into a beautifully designed and well-kept public parkâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Kiryat Sefer garden1. The slightly sloped and meadowed terrain is well shaded by monumental ficus and eucalyptus trees, set with two water bodies filled with fish and water plants. Besides various birds, the garden attracts a diverse audience â&#x20AC;&#x201D; neighbours, workers from surrounding offices, dogs and their owners, loving couples, groups of friends, young and old. All-day long and also in the evenings the garden feels cheerful, and still it is never overflowed by visitors â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a pleasant spot could be found for everyone. Wandering around and inside the site, throughout my whole adolescence period, I had never paid much attention to the facility adjacent to it. Its opaque tall fence, ornamented with intimidating barbed wire, stands in complete contrast to the openness and liveliness of the garden. Only at the age of 18, when I was drafted to the IDF2, I learnt that this facility was an army base. A military enclave constantly guarded by young soldiers, whose

gaze constantly drifts from the CCTV control screen onto the happening in the garden. I was about to be positioned in this very base as part of my military service for the next three years. The new discovery might had been a surprise, but not that much of a shocking one. For us Israelis, soldiers in uniform in the urban landscape — hanging out in coffee shops, riding electric scooters or lying lazily on the grass in parks — are a completely ordinary spectacle. These uniformed young persons are our acquaintance, friends, partners, siblings, sons and daughters. Some of them are sent to serve in distant and isolated locations around the country, while many others occupy office-based jobs in military buildings scattered inside cities — just as I did. The civil and the military have been inseparably entwined in Israel, even prior to the establishment of our state. This relationship was and still is crucial for the security of the country. But as far as I am concerned, it was also perpetuated in an exaggerated and mythical manner3 over many years of Zionist enterprise4. This morning, as in every other weekday over the past two years I am riding my bicycle in my uniform from my parents’ house to the base, in a similar route to the one I used to ride to high school. I greet the shop owners as they open up their businesses and the cooks on their way to work. I know the timing of the traffic lights by heart, trying to adjust myself to their rhythm of green wave. But this morning unlike any other morning my bag is bigger and bulkier, packed with equipment for a week away. So I ride slower. Arriving at the base the poor solider on guarding duty has to manually open the car-gate for me, since my bicycle won't fit through the electric pedestrian gate. I park my bicycle in the usual spot below the two-storey office container, but instead of proceeding as usual to my office I turn to the armoury to borrow out an m-165. I join three other colleagues walking to the canteen where we are about to participate in a safety brief regarding the proper use of rifles. The brief is handed by one of the higher-ranked veteran officers, who is highly aware of our lack of experience and probably inability to operate a weapon. On the way out of the canteen we cannot help but joke that if anything frightening would happen around "computer rats" such as us, we would just drop our weapons on the ground and run for our lives. It’s February 2016 and in the past four month over two hundred terror attacks occurred in Israel,6 almost 170 of them in the West Bank7. Neither I nor my colleagues feel comfortable carrying a rifle

Images by Alex Farfuri | Street Photography Tel Aviv 3

for self defence c, let alone guarding other individuals. Our feeling is not rare — it was shared with so many other fellow office-based staff sergeants and lieutenants, who were sent to the same week-long mission each week, probably for decades. The mission is called Hagnash8, and its aim is securing Jewish settlements in the West Bank. And I — am being sent to Mount Hebron9. I’ve been preparing my closest friends for weeks now for my expected mental breakdown, asking them to increase the frequency and length of phone calls over my mission time. They were all very lovely to accept the request, although some of them kept asking why I didn’t just declare Seruv Pkuda10. I did considered such an act, whatever the legal implications could be. Yet, thinking about it thoroughly I figured that this mission has to be done whether I like it or not, and that I do not wish to refuse responsibility. Usually, crossing the Green Line11 has been far off my limits for the sake of my own safety as well as my political beliefs. But, in this case — the thing is, most Israeli citizens did not move to the West Bank for the ideological purpose of occupying the Promised Greater Land of Israel12. I am aware that settlements were and are established beyond the Green Line as a physical mean for biting into the chaotic territory of Judea and Samaria13, to proving Jewish sovereignty over the land — slowly but surely, piece by piece. Yet, many of the residents in these settlements were purely moving there seeking for an affordable and convenient living in natural settings — encouraged by the government. They put their trust in the government’s hands, particularly in its military arms, to ensure they live the quality lives they were promised.14 I am quite sceptic about my own or my colleagues ability to contribute in this regard, but unfortunately as soldiers our duty is to try. To ease my discomfort I also try to adopt a fresh approach which aligns better with my moral chords — I am about to catch a glimpse of what life on the other side of the Green Line looks like from up close, without the filter of opportunistic political organisations and news agencies. How bulky it is to carry a rifle on top of my immense bag. The four of us must look so very bewildered walking throughout Kiryat Sefer garden to the bus station. Hopping on the bus there are no available seats. Nonetheless a distance which could be covered by a 20 minutes walk becomes an half an hour long ride, passing Iben Gavirol street to the East15 through Ha'Shalom Junction16 which connects Ayalon highway to Tel Aviv. Final-

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ly we arrive at the outskirts of the general staff base. There, our armoured coach17 is waiting for about 30 soldiers to arrive from several smaller bases around Tel Aviv and its neighbouring cities. We store our bags in the trunk and climb to the coach while our m-16s are staying with us, as well as two spare magazines. The engine starts and there we go. The journey starts like any journey to the airport, riding along highway 1. Once we pass Ben Gurion airport the landscape starts becoming less familiar to me. I was riding these roads before when traveling to the desert, but not often at all. I think we must have one and a half hours left until the next stop. It is a decent amount of time to take a nice nap, but I am too curious about the unfamiliar views to close my eyes. The fields around here look quite pastoral, if one can ignore the scenery that frames them — fragmented, unbeautiful clutters of mid-to-high-rise buildings roughly two kilometers away from the road. I have never laid a foot in the neighbourhoods I see now, but I can imagine perfectly what they look like. They are usually clones of other developments which I did visit, built according to a governmental office’s prefabricated master plans.18 They always look new — since living in an old building is beneath the dignity of an Israeli household. After enduring so much establishing a state and defending it, Israelis feel entitled to an intact permanent place to dwell. For them new means intact. The residential extensions are brand new indeed — replacing agricultural land19 rather than being built upon or connected to existing neighbourhoods. These developments’ newcomers are lured in,

Iben Gavirol street, Image by Lowshot areal photography. Ha'Shalom Junction. Image by Mapio.net.

An Israeli manufactured armoured coach, 2016 model. Image by Israel Transportation Managers.

Top to bottom: Construction in Kfar-Yona. Image by Aviad Bar-Ness / The Israeli Pavilion /Venice Biennale 2014 Hadera. Image by Sarale GurLav / The Israeli Pavilion /Venice Biennale 2014 Construction site, Netanya. Image by Edith Kofsky / The Israeli Pavilion /Venice Biennale 2014

dreaming of windows and balconies observing scenic natural landscapes and breathing clearer air. They sign the license agreement oblivious to the fact that most of the apartments would merely face another dull tower. The lucky, more expensive, apartments would have openings facing outwards, but those would most certainly observe only a few domesticated pieces of open land, bordering a noticeable additional clutter of mid-to-high rise suburbia. The towns lack character, not to mention culture. If the residents seek some entertainment they will do so driving out of town. They depend on private cars to bridge home to a convenience store, home to working places, home to school, and home to home. I miss Tel Aviv already. The city, whose expansion was restricted to a certain degree by the sea and adjacent sprawling city-scale-sleeping-towns, never attempted to shake off its urban nature. It embraces it. The city was born in 1908 as an external Jewish neighbourhood of Arab Jaffa (later it swallowed, but this is a story for another occasion20). At first is was growing ambiguously, following uncoordinated needs and wishes of residents. Later, when the city needed to respond to its rapid growth of population — Geddes Plan was drafted. Its implementation conveyed a structure to Tel Aviv's amorphic existing neighbourhoods without destructing their textures. It connected them while keeping their distinction, and defined new areas and patterns for the city's expansion.21 The Zionist enterprise, which operated almost in parallel to the establishment of Tel Aviv under the British Mandate, denounced the urban.22 The Zionist utopia was based on an agrarian de-centralised society, and such was planned in the newly born state of Israel. Yet, once the over-planned utopia had touched the ground — reality killed its magic. Sustaining it required an unrealistic amount of resources and vacuum conditions.23 Meanwhile, the urban and dense Tel Aviv which arose from bottom-up appropriation and private entrepreneurship — keeps prospering. In my city planning was used as a complementary complementing tool which validates its promising name, marrying Tel and Aviv — the old and the new24. Despite my judgemental feelings towards the view seen from my coach seat, I can understand how these fragmented clutters came to be. My irritation does not concern the mentality that led to the clutters' creation. It concerns the fact that this mentality has remained static for the past four to five decades, refusing to evolve according to the changing context.

Travel directions from Tel Aviv to Teneh Omarim. Google Maps.

In the making of Mandatory Palestine into our permanent home, we es-

Tel Aviv Beersheba railway over Highway 6. Image by Yosef Even Caspi

tablished an archipelago of settlements, attempting to occupy the sea of wilderness in between. But the sea was not a wilderness — it was composed of rich natural landscapes, as well as prosperous rural Arab communities.25 Likewise, the domestication of the sea has been done poorly — new points of settlement kept rising and existing ones sprawling. Rather than densifying, thickening and renewing existing neighbourhoods and communities, new residential projects keep consuming and corrupting natural and agricultural lands. We did all to avoid the rising of new metropolitan cities, which could spoil the Zionist ethos. The outcome is these residential clutters across the fields — a manifestation of an over-priced, atrophied lifestyle. I can imagine what chased over one hundred thousand secular Jewish Israelis to seek better homes on the other side of the Green Line, where living has been idealised. The idealisation has been feeding out of the pairing the habit of settlement sprawling, with the notion of increased security. This pairing has been disproportionated, distorted, and used to serve religious ideologies and political propaganda — on the expense of both Israeli and Palestinian members. In practice, both in the early days of the state and today, distant and isolated settlements which are established on a controversial land, require tremendous national resources to maintain the settlements and protect it. Nevertheless the settlements are a provocation which worsen the Israeli-Palestinian conflict — especially when they abduct Palestinian property.26 The despair of Palestinians is the most effective catalyst of terror acts against the civilian Israeli population as a whole, even within the Green Line borders. Rather than implementing a change of policy, the best solution that the state has found for this paradox is sending scared and incapable soldiers, like myself, to guard these nucleation points of strife. We turn to road 6. As we proceed southwards the clutters’ density lessen, the fields multiply, and actual pieces of desert emerge occasionally. I can picture how beautiful an actual wilderness could look, longing for the coach to proceed South — deeper into the tranquil Negev27, instead of turning East in Dor Alon junction towards the outskirts of Judea Hills. We drive through Meitar Crossing28 into the West Bank, All I can think of is how smoother and quicker than I expected was the crossing. We now ride

North-East in a dry hilly landscape. The road is built mostly along valleys and occasionally branching out uphill, leading to besieging villages. A threatening red sign is placed on the foot of one of every several branching roads. Since we crossed Meitar the coach accelerated its speed, probably to keep up with all the wild driving vehicles around us. Some of the vehicles’ number plates are white and green, which I’ve never seen before. It takes passing a few of these signs until I manage to read the content: “This Road Leads To ‘area A’ Under The Palestinian Authority. The Entrance For Israeli Citizens Is Forbidden, Dangerous To Your Lives And Is Against The Israeli Laws”. We already passed a few roadside totem-like piles of rubbish or wrecked cars, which intensify the wild-west atmosphere of our settings. Sometimes it is difficult to distinguish immediately between these piles and the improvised looking scattered houses along the way. The rapid, unceasing change between bare hills to bizarre human traces is highly confusing. The journey around Judea valleys roads takes half an hour before the coach is climbing on of the hills to get to the regional staff military base. We park, enter a spacious hall inside a container-like construction, and get an additional procedures and safety brief. The brief is handed by a combat unit officer, who emphasize that our mission is to supply an initial response to security-related events. Each settlement has its own Ravshatz — a civilian security officer which we should call via a walkie-talkie in case of emergency, as well as a combat regional patrol crew on duty.

From top to bottom: Meitar Vehicle Crossing in off-pick hours. Image by Israel Terrestrial Border Police \ Meitar Pedestrian Crossing. Image by AP (Mako news) \ Area A warning sign. Image by huffpost. \ Judea Hills, Parawar Gas station roundabout. Image by Google Earth user Ariel K. Area A red sign can be seen in the center.

Top to bottom: Judea Hills, near Mizpe Eshtamo'a. Image by Google Earth user Ariel Avraham Brazilai. Mizpe Eshtamo'a. Image by Google Earth user Ariel Avraham Brazilai. Susya's red rooftops. Image by Susya Facebook page.

The whole deal feels too surreal, and I am not sure whether the new information helps me to compose myself. Anyway, we go back to the coach to start the drop-off round of one guarding team per settlement. Each team is composed of four to five soldiers, men and women separately, when the men get to guard the more troublesome locations. In this moment I am very thankful for the gender based discrimination. The settlement allocated to me is the last in the drop-off round, so I get to get a glimpse of all of the recognised settlements29 around Judea district which do not hire private guarding services. All of the settlements are built on hilltops.30 All of those where the female teams are positioned have some sort of a fence. Most of them consist of stone built and red roofed private houses. As for the settlements allocated for male teams, some of them have no fence, and are actually composed of temporary buildings. The worst of

them was Mitzpe Eshtemoa â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a ten containers assemblage on a exposed shallow hilltop adjacent to highway 60. I was shocked to see its guard-post â&#x20AC;&#x201D; an empty Mifal HaPais32 booth which was undoubtedly uprooted from the sidewalk of one of the towns within the recognised borders of Israel. 31

Teneh Omarim entrance gate. Image by me. February 2016.

With every team that gets off the bus comes up a team which completed the mission, usually in a state of euphoria — happy to return home. My team consists of five female soldiers including myself, and we are allocated to guard Tene Omarim33. I am relieved to find out that it is only ten minutes driving away from Meitar Crossing, that the hilltop it is covering is quite high and steep, and that its fence looks almost reliable. We meet our Ravshatz, who tells us that the settlement is a cooperative community inhabited by secular, traditional and religious Jewish Israelis. He explains how the settlements is quite safe, and that the only incident in the past months was a Molotov Cocktail34 thrown by Palestinians on a car climbing Tene’s access road — nothing within the fences. Yet, we should always be on guard, especially during our shift in the outpost next to the gate. When in the outpost, we should allow only yellow number plated cars or IDF vehicles through the electric gate. The residents always leave and arrive by vehicles, while Palestinians can only come by the gate by foot. The authorised Palestinian are construction workers, who must present on arrival their Palestinian ID and working permit. Fifteen Palestinians or less can go through each time, if escorted by an armed, Israeli working manager. If they arrive by coach, the Palestinian will get off it outside the gate, and walk inside. We should register the entrance and exit of every Palestinian,

including full name and ID number, in the outpost’s logbook. If there are still Palestinians inside by night time we should report the Ravshatz immediately. He concludes by mentioning that if we came here in summertime we could have used the settlement’s pool on our time off. The days pass by, and guarding shifts only become frightening at night, when everything outside the settlement is pitch black. When I get to do a morning shift I try to greet every construction worker who passes through the gate, feeling uneasy when the Israeli working managers shout in Arabic trying to rush them. The workers sometimes get us gummy bears, which some of the other girls in our team refuse to eat out of fear. The residents here also bring us some snacks in appreciation of our effort pausing our lives and coming here. One family even invited us over for a Shabbat Dinner35. Sometimes during the night shifts, the combat regional patrol crew which is on duty would come visit us, either to use the outpost’s kettle to have warm tea, to park the patrol vehicle and nap inside it, or to flirt with us the girls. The longer the stay for whatever reason the happier we are — knowing that if anything bad is about to happen they could operate the situation instead of us. In the afternoons I seat in the outpost, trying to read without anyone noticing me “breaking a shift”. Every afternoon at some point, one of the settlement’s teenagers join me sitting in the outpost for about twenty minutes when he is on a trip with his dog, declaring how bored he is. He studies in a school in Be’er Sheva across the other side of the Green Line, and he barely has anyone in his age group to hang out with in the settlement. One day he showed me a selfie that he took with his junior high literature teacher — and I was taken by surprise recognising the face of my seventh-grade home class teacher on the screen! Apparently she moved back to her hometown from Tel Aviv a few years ago. He sent my regards to her the next day, and came back to me reporting how excited she was to hear I am around, saying she wants to come visit me — but too afraid to cross into Judea.

Me sitting in Teneh Omarim outpost with a rifle, trying to read a book discretely. Image by me. February 2016.

It took seven days, six nights, two books, one TV series and three films, for the armoured coach to return to Tene Omarim and pick us up — dropping off a new mission team which would take or place. We are the last team to be picked up — which means we get to miss the coach’s ride throughout other settlements in the district on our way back to Tel Aviv’s outskirts.

Tel Aviv at night. View from East to Iben Gavirol to the West. Image by me. August 2015.

We get to Meitar Crossing in no time, which feels peaceful and empty again. This time I am not surprised, having learnt that it only gets crowded and tense when Palestinians cross to work inside Israel in the early mornings, and come back in the late afternoon once the working day has ended. Although the crossing was not particularly eventful, I send dramatic text messages to my family and friends declaring that I’m back within the safe borders of the legitimate state of Israel. I am so ready to go back to Tel Aviv — to the humidity arising from the which will swell my breath, to the light pollution which won’t allow any evil spirit to remain under cover, and to the comfort of the hassle which will fill in the charged silence of Hebron Mountain. It is hard to believe that the parallel universe I have just exited exists within an-hour-and-a-half driving distance from the physical centre of my life. The past week has been so odd. And, the oddest thing is that I somehow accustomed myself to this parallel universe’s odd routine — one that is disconnected from the atmosphere in Tel Aviv, or in any other place I have ever visited. I suppose my accustomedness was only enabled due to my awareness of the defined timespan I had to spend there, at least I hope so. I struggle to understand how anyone could choose to try sustain a thriving and calm life under a perpetual threat. I struggle to understand how a state could allow its residents to live under such threats, especially when there is an alternative for living within the recognised borders of the state. How could it be that the state, as well as most Israelis, overlook the fact that the remoteness, isolation and insecurity of the West Bank settlements harm not only the settlers. Every major protest which was addressing this issue had quickly died out, usually on the verge of a new war — not reaching any significant reform.36 The cost we all have to pay for the settlements’ maintenance is great in financial and material resources, additionally to the physical risk of soldiers and citizens within the Green line — who fall victim to counter attack of despaired and provoked Palestinians. It all should not be. Yet it was all likely to evolve, given the methods and ideas that the Zionist enterprise established our state upon. But it should not be, and it should not continue. The habit of sprawling through fortifying has been imprinted in our cultural DNA for about a century now. And still, we refuse to try acknowledge and foresee the consequences. The threats have changed, and the nature of our wars as well. Expanding is no longer the solution to our problems — but a source of harm. And yet, we keep sprawling.

Endnotes:

1 Kiryat Sefer garden:

Kiryat Sefer Garden, and a military base in the background. Image by Ram Eisenberg Environmental Design

A public park in the heart of Tel Aviv, which was erected instead of a planned high-rise building following a 15 years long community campaign. The park spread over 12 dunam between Yehuda Halevi and Sa’adia Ga’on streets, on a site where the German Templers Colony once stood under the Ottoman regime. Later it was occupied by the British Mandate’s government, which established in its southern end a Survey of Israel regional office. These days Survey of Israel shares its facility with a military base. Eventually, after the establishment of the state of Israel, the site’s ownership was transferred to the state under the Israel Land Administration. Most of it remained vacant while a part of it was used as a parking lot of the Israeli Police, and another became an extension of the military base. In the 1990’s a group of citizens demanded the plot would be transform into a public park, and the major of Tel Aviv promised to do so. Yet, after the police evacuated the site in 2007, Israel Land Administration along with Tel Aviv municipality started to advance a new building plan for the plot — including two high-rise building and a reduced-size public park. Thanks to residents and neighbours determination, as well as their regular use of the vacant plot for communal activities — the building plan was discarded in favour of the erection of an extensive park. Dvir, Noam. “Putting the Public in Public Park” Haaretz, February 10, 2011. https://www. haaretz.com/israel-news/culture/1.5120314. World Landscape Architecture. “Kiryat Sefer Park - a ‘Hidden Treasure’ in Tel Aviv, Israel |,” January 12, 2016. https://worldlandscapearchitect.com/kiryat-sefer-park-tel-aviv/. “REED | Ram Eisenberg Environmental Design” Accessed March 18, 2020. https://www. reed.co.il. Issuu. “Me’oravut ha’Chevra ha’Ezrachit beTichnun Admot haTemplerim” (from Hebrew: Civilian Participation in Planning the Temlers’ Lands) Accessed March 18, 2020. https://issuu.com/eilam79/docs/templers_tlv_civil_society. Accessed March 19, 2020. https://www.mapi.gov.il/en/Heritage/Pages/default.aspx. 2 The IDF and Mandatory Military Service in Israel: (as described in the IDF website) “The Israel Defence Forces is the military of the State of Israel. Its activities are subject to

the authority of the democratic civil government of Israel. The purpose of the IDF is to preserve the State of Israel, to protect its independence, and to foil attempts by its enemies to disrupt the normal life within it... The State of Israel requires every Israeli citizen over the age of 18 who is Jewish, Druze or Circassian to serve in the Israel Defence Forces (although there are some notable exceptions). Other Israeli Arabs, religious women, married individuals, and those deemed unfit medically or mentally are exempt from compulsory military service. Regardless of those exemptions, many of those exempt from military service do volunteer to serve in the Israel Defence Forces. Once enlisted, men are expected to serve for a minimum of 32 months and women are expected to serve for a minimum of 24 months.” About the IDF. “Who We Are”, Monday, January 28, 20195:29 PM. https://www.idf.il/en/ who-we-are/. 3 Shiran, Osnat. Nekudot ʻoz: Mediniyut Ha-Hityashvut Be-Zikah Li-Yeadim Politiyim U-Bithoniyim Be-Terem Medinah U-Reshitah. (from Hebrew: Stronghold Settlements: The Settling Policy With Propensity For Political And Security Aims Before The State's Establishment And In Its Inception) [Tel Aviv: ha-Merkaz le-toldot koaḥ ha-magen ha-”Haganah” ʻal-shem Yiśraʼel Gelili ; Miśrad ha-biṭaḥon, 1998. 4 The Zionist Enterprise: Zionism is the title of the nationalist Jewish movement, as well as an ideology which sees Judaism not only as a religious but also a nationality. The biblical meaning of the term “Zion” is the hill in Jerusalem where king David built his capital city, and was borrowed by the Zionists, referring to the promised land of Israel. The Zionist enterprise promoted the establishment of a Jewish country in the biblical Jewish homeland — Palestine. 5 M-16 Rifle — currently the most commonly used rifle in the IDF. 6 (From Hebrew:) “Shin Bet Data about the Wave of Terror: 228 Terror Attacks, Half of the Terrorist are under the age of 20”. Accessed March 19, 2020. https://www.haaretz.co.il/news/ politics/1.2852082. 7 The West Bank: In the Six-Day War in 1967 Israel managed to not only push away the attacks of its Arab neighbours armies, but also occupy the half island of Sinai from Egypt, Golan Heights from Syria, and the West Bank from Jordan. Sinai returned to Egypt as part of the Egypt-Israel 1979 peace agreement. Golan Heights were annexed by Israel in 1981. The West Bank hasn't returned to Jordan even after the 1994 Jordan-Israel Peace Treaty, neither fully annexed to Israel's territory. Until this day it remained a "disputed territories" under a military control of the IDF. Following Oslo Agreements in 1994 the Palestinian Authority (PA) was established as an interim governmental body until a permanent agreement between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) could be reached. The Oslo Agreements divided the West Bank to three area types: A — full civil and security control of the PA, B — civil control of the PA and joint PA-Israel security control, C — full Israeli civil and security control. Although the IDF is restricted from Area A it still operates there if the command see a need. Encyclopedia Britannica. “Two-State Solution" Accessed March 20, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/topic/two-state-solution. Encyclopedia Britannica. “West Bank” Accessed March 19, 2020. https://www.britannica. com/place/West-Bank. Encyclopedia Britannica. “Palestinian Authority” Accessed March 20, 2020. https://www. britannica.com/topic/Palestinian-Authority. 8 Hagnash — a Hebrew acronym for Haganat Yeshivim, meaning "defending of settlements"/ 9 Hebron Mountain (Hebrew: Har Hevron) is a geographic region in the South-most part

of Judea mountains. It is also the name of a regional council in the area administrating Israeli settlements. 10 Seruv Pkuda is the Hebrew term for insubordination. 11 The Green Line: Am armistice line drawn between Israel and Jordan as part of the 1949 Armistice Agreements post Israeli-Arab War. The armistice line was functioning as a temporary border between the two states "until the final peace comes", as said by the first prime Minister of Israel — David Ben-Gurion. (Yablonka, Hanna, and Zameret, Zvi. “The First Decade, 1948-1958.” in Bar-On, Mordechai. "The Struggle over the Achievements of 1948: Israel's Defence Policy", [Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi, 1997]). Zvi Efrati describes the 1949 Armistice Lines as such: "On the ground, the border was loosely marked by painted barrels, columns, signs, and occasional mine fields — only rarely by a continuous fence. Meanwhile, the lines drawn on the maps were often translated, depending on the topographical circumstances, into strips with a width of 250 to 300 meters, which created territories of undefined sovereignty, a sure cause for a border dispute... The most problematic border was that between Israel and Jordan, the Green Line, along the West Bank: 360 kilometers, bending and twisting, with no natural boundaries." (Efrat, Zvi, "Borderline Disorder", in The Object of Zionism: The Architecture of Israel. Leipzig: Spector Books, 2018.) 12 The Promised Greater Land of Israel: "The Promised Land" is a biblical term referring to Cana'an — the land which God promised Abraham and his descendants (Genesis 15). Biblical Cana'an spread over most of Israel's territory (excluding parts of the Negev), including the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and also portions of Sinai in Egypt, and Lebanon.

1949-1967 Armistice Lines. Map by Israel Ministry of Foreign Affaris.

A large sector of Dati'im Le'umi'im (from Hebrew: "national religious", also known as "religious Zionists") advocate Israeli sovereignty over the area of the "Promised Land" — and particularly over Golan Heights, the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Other Israeli citizens, usually identified as political right-wing members, advocate Israeli Sovereignty over the Greater Land of Israel (Golan Heights, the West Bank and Gaza Strip in particular, similarly to national-religious members) for security considerations. They believe that the partition of the Land of Israel to a Palestinian and Jewish states would risk the Jewish people in the state of Israel, and wish to sustain a physical "strategic depth" within Israel's boundaries, by thickening its territory between the Mediterranean Sea and Eastern boundary. Avruch, Kevin A. “Traditionalizing Israeli Nationalism: The Development of Gush Emunim.” Political Psychology 1, no. 1 (1979): 47–57. https://doi.org/10.2307/3790850. Ben-Simhon, Coby. “Neo-Zionism 101.” Haaretz, June 5, 2009. https://www.haaretz. com/1.5061073. “Gush Emunim.” Accessed March 20, 2020. https://www.knesset.gov.il/lexicon/eng/gush_ em_eng.htm. Segal, Rafi, Eyal Weizman, and David Tartakover, eds. A Civilian Occupation: The Politics of Israeli Architecture. Rev. ed. Tel Aviv : London ; New York: Babel ; VERSO, 2003. “Strategic_depth.Pdf.” Accessed March 20, 2020. https://en-social-sciences.m.tau.ac.il/sites/

socsci-english.tau.ac.il/files/media_server/government/pdf/strategic_depth.pdf. Simchoni, Avner. Strategic Depth and the Eastern Front. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 2006. Accessed March 20, 2020. https://www.idi.org.il/media/12268/%D7%9 4%D7%99%D7%9E%D7%99%D7%9F-%D7%94%D7%97%D7%93‫ף‬%D7%A9%D7%9E%D7%A6%D7%A2.pdf. 13 Judea and Samaria are the biblical names of the two regions which form the West Bank (excluding East Jerusalem). 14 Israeli Sprawling Beyond the Green Line: For background information about the West Bank see endnote 7. Despite the West Bank being a "disputed territory" under a military control of the IDF, it became an arena of the Israeli project of "civilian occupation" as explained by Rafi Segal and Eyal Weizman. Segal and Weizman describe the project as such: "In a strange ans almost perfect correlation between latitude, political ideology and urban form, each topographical strip became and arena for another phase of the settlement project, promoted by politicians with different agendas to appeal the settlers of different ideologies in different settlement typology." The three phase are those: 1.

Jordan Valley (1967-1977) — the first decade of Israeli rule under Labour governments. New agrarian settlements were formed in Jordan Valley along the border with Jordan, to establish a civil-dependant security border.

Judea and Samaria (From the 1977 Political Turnabout) — the new governing party, Likud, was permitting gradually settling efforts of national religious members who advocate Israeli sovereignty over the area of the "Promised Land" (see endnote 12). One of the most eminent national-religious organisations in Israel was Gush Emunim (from Hebrew: The Bloc of Faith), which established many Jewish settlements in the West Bank against the state's policy. The Gush had manage to push the government to approve some of their settlements, support them and even establish new ones.

Along the Green Line (1980's) — non-ideological settlers, seeking for a better life quality in more natural settings than those within the Green Line. Many of the settlements were defined as "areas of national preferences", meaning their residents enjoy tax benefits. These settlements are promoted by the government under the direction of political parties which support "the Greater Land of Israel" (see endnote 12).

Segal, Rafi, Eyal Weizman, and David Tartakover, eds. A Civilian Occupation: The Politics of Israeli Architecture. Rev. ed. Tel Aviv : London ; New York: Babel ; VERSO, 2003. “Teneh Omarim.” Accessed March 21, 2020. https://www.hrhevron.co.il/912/. “About YESHA Council.” Accessed March 21, 2020. http://myesha.org.il/?CategoryID=167. “Gush Emunim.” Accessed March 20, 2020. https:// www.knesset.gov.il/lexicon/eng/gush_em_eng.htm. Segal, Rafi, Eyal Weizman, and David Tartakover, eds. A Civilian Occupation: The Politics of Israeli Architecture. Rev. ed. Tel Aviv : London ; New York: Babel ; VERSO, 2003. 15 East of Iben Gavirol Street Iben Gvirol is a North-South major street in Tel Aviv. It forms a border between different quarters of the city as well as the East-most border of Geddes Plan for Tel Aviv, which attempted to halt the uncoordinated sprawl of the city in 1929 while keeping the existing urban texture (see paragraph 12 and endnote 19). East to Iben Gavirol street one could find almost immediately high-rise buildings popping out in a great contrast against the Geddes Plan area — the cultural and historical heart of Tel Aviv.

Nahum Cohen, An Urban Miracle; Geddes @ Tel Aviv (Tel Aviv: Doron Books, 2011) Haim Fierberg, Honei Hama'agal, Tel-Aviv - Yafo; And it's Many Colours (Tel Aviv: Vilensky Publication, 2011). Architecture in Israel: Building and Demolishing- Israel Gudovich. Accessed March 11, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PGVgk3ri4Do. 16 Ha'Shalom Junction and Ayalon Highway in Tel Aviv: One of the main entryways to Tel Aviv from Ayalon highway, and one of the busiest junctions in Israel. A long section of Ayalon highway, including Ha'Shalom junction, separates between central Tel Aviv and its Eastern neighbourhoods. In 2016 Tel Aviv Municipality approved a master plan to build a park above Ayalon highway — which will connect East and West Tel Aviv. “Plan Approved to Cover Ayalon Highway.” Globes, July 13, 2016, sec. News. https:// en.globes.co.il/en/article-plan-approved-to-cover-ayalon-highway-1001139393. 17 Armoured Coach: Ayalon highway in Tel Aviv and its planned coverage. Image by Tel Aviv Municipality.

A bulletproof type of coach. Commonly used in the West Bank by both public and private transport operators. 18 Governmental Planning in Israel: The Israeli's state development in its early years was directed by the Sharon Plan — a national mega-project initiated by the governmental planning department and drafted by the architect Arieh Sharon and approved in 1951. The top-down approach of the plan was based on "scientific models" such as the Garden City Movement and the Central Place theory. The aim of the plan was — in accordance with the Zionist ethos — "to shift the political, cultural and economic weight from the city to the countryside and from the center to the periphery", as described by Zvi Efrati in the essay "The Plan: Planning the Israeli National Space". A main motivator of this approach was the perception of the whole country as a frontier — spreading out and filling the territory was a tool claiming sovereignty in the form of "facts on the ground", drawing the state's borders with the positioning of strongholds settlements rather than political agreements. The plan directed the erection of different types of semi-rural medium size towns, implementing them through the New Towns project. These rapidly built 30 New Towns quickly failed realising their initiators' vision, as Zvi Efrati described: "The detached, sparsley populated, ready-made towns weighted disproportionately on the national budge due to the huge amount of infrastructure they demanded. The supply of capital and entrepreneurship (both from public and private sources) required the creation of jobs in those out-of-the way locations and lagged behind the pace at which the immigrants were sent to the New Towns." The New Towns grew old but remained underdeveloped, while most of their current residents remained eligible for tax-reduction benefits for being "areas of national preference". Over the years, following changing political interests, new New Towns were added to the list of "areas of national preferences", within and outside the Green Line (see endnote 13). Both Sharon Plan and its top-down rigid and political planing approach remain valid many decades after its implementation. The architect Israel Gudovich shared his experience as a planner in the Housing Ministry in the early 1960's as such: the job's sole requirement was opening drawers to fetch pre-fabricated plans, assigning them to locations in need of transformation. Very soon after starting the job, Gudovich was appointed as the head architect of the new Settling Department in the Ministry, where he stayed for ten years. He resigned after Yom Kipur war, when his effort to shift the settling enterprise to one which respond to the needs of the residents was postponed. Additionally, he couldn't bare the thought that with his projects he had supported political moves which did not matched his beliefs.

Even today, it seems that Housing Ministry insist to keep sustaining the approach of Sharon Plan, although the life condition in the state has changed tremendously. According to prof. Neta Ziv — the state's planning process is directed by Excel sheets calculations, seeking to ensure that the amount of new flats in a development project is greater than the number of the flats to be demolished. Ziv claims that the state finds this method brilliant for its alleged efficiency, despite its proven failure in practice — the spaces are never renewed, leaving the old infrastructure to collapse under the growing demands. It seems that the recently established (2014) National Committee on Residential Construction (NCRC), which aims to find solutions for the housing crisis, even radicalises the disconnection between planning in Israel and the needs of residents. The committee was established to accelerate approval of planning applications — depriving local authorities from their control over developing processes in their regions'. See map in p. 26-27. Segal, Rafi, Eyal Weizman, and David Tartakover, eds. A Civilian Occupation: The Politics of Israeli Architecture. Rev. ed. Tel Aviv : London ; New York: Babel ; VERSO, 2003. Efrat, Zvi. The Object of Zionism: The Architecture of Israel. Leipzig: Spector Books, 2018. (From Hebrew:) “The State is on Track for a Huge-Planning-Disaster, People will get Stuck in Residential Corrals.” TheMarker. Accessed March 21, 2020. https://www.themarker.com/realestate/.premium-1.8492599?fbclid=IwAR1WuLwY1Q0Gnm3LTnh3f9EU2fwoPkqY8VYJGuW1STMWFmpYBWcNQaP2rFU. Architecture in Israel: Building and Demolishing- Israel Gudovich. Accessed March 11, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PGVgk3ri4Do. "Venice Biennale 2014: Israel Explores The Urburb, a Neither Urban nor Suburban Landscape" 13 Mar 2014. ArchDaily. Accessed 21 Mar 2020. <https://www.archdaily.com/486059/the-israel-pavilion-at-the-2014-venice-biennale-urburb-neither-urban-nor-suburban/> ISSN 0719-8884 Zur, Shlomit. (From Hebrew:) “The price of the destructiveness of NCRC: In Two Decades a Fifth of Israel's Agricultural Land will Disappear.” Globes, November 19, 2018, sec. https://www.globes.co.il/news/article.aspx?did=1001261092. Duminitz, Amir. (From Hebrew:) “National Committee on Residential Construction.” Sfat Rehov (blog), September 19, 2018. https://www.stlanguage.com/‫למתו‬/. 19 Duminitz, Amir. (From Hebrew:) “National Committee on Residential Construction.” Sfat Rehov (blog), September 19, 2018. https://www.stlanguage.com/‫למתו‬/. Zur, Shlomit. (From Hebrew:) “The price of the destructiveness of NCRC  : In Two Decades a Fifth of Israel's Agricultural Land will Disappear.” Globes, November 19, 2018, sec. https:// www.globes.co.il/news/article.aspx?did=1001261092. 20 For more information about the relationship between Tel Aviv and Jaffa see: Rotbard, Sharon. White City, Black City: Architecture and War in Tel Aviv and Jaffa. 1. English-language ed. London: Pluto Press, 2015. Haim Fierberg, Honei Hama'agal, Tel-Aviv - Yafo; And it's Many Colours (Tel Aviv: Vilensky Publication, 2011). 21 Tel Aviv-Jaffa and Geddes Plan: More than a decade later, the British planner Patrick Geddes was invited to draft a master plan for the city, which struggled responding to its rapid growth of population. In 1925 Geddes Plan was published. The city's scale was restricted to allow pedestrian mobility, directed the preservation and creation of mixed-use streets, and created

public spaces and monuments in key locations. Private land was divided to small plots to suit the local economy, and only 30%-40% was intended for building — according to the Garden City principals. Although the city has outgrown the dimensions of the plan, Geddes's Tel Aviv remained the historical and cultural heart and soul of the city — and dictated to a certain extent the spirit of its expansion. Nahum Cohen, An Urban Miracle; Geddes @ Tel Aviv (Tel Aviv: Doron Books, 2011). Haim Fierberg, Honei Hama'agal, Tel-Aviv - Yafo; And it's Many Colours (Tel Aviv: Vilensky Publication, 2011). Efrat, Zvi. The Object of Zionism: The Architecture of Israel. Leipzig: Spector Books, 2018. “Tel Aviv-Yafo" Episode 1. Accessed March 17, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=gOeSc5QNI7g. Architecture in Israel: Building and Demolishing- Israel Gudovich. Accessed March 11, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PGVgk3ri4Do. 22 David Ben-Gurion and the City: "Read about the internal situation of Carthage in the days of Hannibal and you will find the image of Tel Aviv: the same disconnected culture, the same rootlessness, the same dependence on an alien, antagonist, rural environment, the same ostensible independence — does the same end awaits us?". Ben-Gurion, David. "Zionist Players and Their Role at this Time", in Our Settlements: Collected Writings, 1915-1965, ed. Menachem Dorman (in Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuhad, 1986), pp. 63-64. 23 See endnote 18. 24 Tel Aviv — the Name: Tel — a Middle Eastern term for an artificial mound formed by the accumulated remains of former settlements. Aviv — from Hebrew: spring. The father of Zionism, Theodor Ze'ev Benjamin Herzel, called his book in which he envisioned the Jewish state Altneuland (from German: Old-New Land). Tel Aviv which originally called Ahuzat Bait, inherited its current name from an Hebrew interpretation of the book's title: the burrow of spring — Tel Aviv. 25 "Conquering the Wilderness": ("Conquering the Wilderness" was a phrase commonly use as part of the Zionist enterprise, referring to the act of settling in Palestine.) The Jewish people, immigrated to Ottoman and Mandatory Palestine from the 1880’s and on, trusting it to be our best possibility for a home, ploughing sporadic pieces of land. Towns where Jewish communities lived attempted to either chase them away or wipe them out (Kishinev pogrom, the Jewish Holocaust), so the Zionist enterprise tried to form a substitute. In some periods the Aliya (from Hebrew: "going-up", meaning immigrating to Israel) was a subject of nationalism, and others of survival. The Zionist strategy was opportunistic — forming territorial enclaves on top of any plot of land that could purchased. The settlers set a boundary first, as broad as possible, only later considering how to appropriate the land. Bounding first, planning inwards as an afterthought. Following the 1929 Palestinian riots, the settling pattern became more and more structured, guided by security and defence considerations. Yet, new settlements were still established in the form of enclaves. Between 1936 and 1939, this planning

method wore its most literal form. The British Mandate had forbidden establishing new settlements, fearing of an escalation of the Arab Revolt. Reckoning on an originally Ottoman law which prohibited the demolition of completed buildings, the Zionist settlers built a wall and a tower over one day, and repeat 57 times. These walls were to host settlements, announcing an annexed territory, observing over and protecting against Arab attacks. The settlements were merely planned as “settling points” — strategic locations on a map, drawn by Hahagana (a Jewish paramilitary organisation, established by the Jewish Agency). The act of building was an actual military operation, which sometimes was not only guided by a military group — but also executed by it. Some of the new settlements failed to evolve prosperous social routine. Yet, all of them contributed to the myth which entangled the terms “settling” and “security-advantage” tightly together. In fact the security of Jewish settlements were highly dependent on the aid of the British authorities, as well as hired local Arab guards. The myth was probably sustained to increase the motivation of the settlers who faced rough conditions attempting to domesticate the land. Directed by three Zionist organisations — the Jewish Agency, Hahistadrut and the Kibbutz Movement — settlements replaced instruments that express territorial sovereignty, such as borders and military facilities. Under these organisations’ management, sprawling became a preparation project which would legitimise a future establishment of a Jewish state in Mandatory Palestine. Their guideline was that: as the archipelago of Jewish settlements spread further and further, the chances to occupy the sea of “wilderness” in between would increase. On November 29 1947 the United Nations voted in favour of Resolution 181 (II) to divide Mandatory Palestine to a Jewish and an Arab states. The Arabs objected to the plan, and the Israeli-Arab war commenced. At first Israel pushed away and initiated attacks, intending to protect and swallow existing Jewish enclaves, to create a territorial continuity. While the war was still going on, once the establishment of an Israeli independence state was declared, the newly born state slowly blurred the borders drawn in the United Nations resolution. Israel started annexing cities and villages of Arabs who had fled from their homes — due to forced expulsion or fear of expulsion. The political borders of the state of Israel were never officially set or declared, and the government kept founding new settlements to form a physical border, and mark its sovereignty over un-appropriated regions. Very often the IDF’s defence and offence operations were launched from the settlements. The success of the settlements-based combat model in the first years of the Israeli state was perceived as one that would ensure the security of the state in the future.

Wall and a Tower settlement. Image by Zoltan Kluger (1939).

Shiran, Osnat. Nekudot ʻoz: Mediniyut Ha-Hityashvut Be-Zikah Li-Yeadim Politiyim U-Bithoniyim Be-Terem Medinah U-Reshitah. (from Hebrew: Stronghold Settlements: The Settling Policy With Propensity For Political And Security Aims Before The State's Establishment And In Its Inception) [Tel Aviv: ha-Merkaz le-toldot koaḥ ha-magen ha-”Haganah” ʻal-shem Yiśraʼel Gelili ; Miśrad ha-biṭaḥon, 1998. See map in p. 26-27 26 “Conquer and Divide.” Accessed March 22, 2020. http://conquer-and-divide.btselem.org. Peace Now. “Annual Settlement Report 2018 - A Glance at 10 Years under Netanyahu,” May 13, 2019. https://peacenow.org.il/en/annual-settlement-report-2018. 27 The Negev Desert: The Negev is desert region, spanning over almost 60% of Israel's area (within the Green Line borders).

The Zionist enterprise saw the desert as a site in need for redemption by settling, as well as an establishing tool of Israel's sovereignty over the land: "Without the settlements of the South and the Negev this country cannot be secure, and we shall not succeed in attaining economic independence. They cannot be settled without the of our transformation of the facts of Nature, which is not beyond the capacity of science in our days or the pioneering energy of our youth. Sience and pioneering will enable us to perform this miracle." (David Ben-Gurion, 1944). The Negev has indeed been through tremendous transformations including the development of national infrastructure and establishment of settlements and even cities. Yet, vast parts of it remained and are protected as natural reserves. The Negev Desert. Image by Eduard Marmet (2016)

Ben-Gurion, David. "The Imperative of the Jewish revolution" (1944), in The Zionist Idea, ed. Arthur Herzberg (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1997), p. 209. “National Parks and Nature Reserves.” Accessed March 22, 2020. https://www.parks.org. il/en/map/. 28 Meitar Crossing: One of the 28 crossing between Israel and the West Bank. It permits vehicle crossing of Israelis and international citizens at all times, and pedestrian crossing of authorised Palestinians five and a half working days a week. About 12,000 Palestinians cross it a day, with no suitable pedestrian infrastructure — which brings the crossing to an almost complete standstill twice a day, during pick hours. The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com. “Settlers: West Bank Meitar Crossing an Accident Waiting to Happen.” Accessed March 22, 2020. https://www.jpost.com/Israel-News/SettlersWest-Bank-Meitar-Crossing-an-accident-waiting-to-happen-564407. “Crossings | Terrestrial Crossing Authority - Ministry of Defence.” Accessed March 15, 2020. http://www.maavarim.mod.gov.il/he/CrossingPoints/Pages/Meitar.aspx. 29 Not all the settlements in the West Bank are officially approved or recognised by the Israeli government, and therefore not eligible for Hagnash soldiers. Yet, if there is a urgent need or a danger to the settlers lives — the IDF regional staff unit would intervene. Some of these settlements are renting private guarding services, and others try to secure themselves. 30 See "The Mountain: Principles of Building in Heights" in Segal, Rafi, Eyal Weizman, and David Tartakover, eds. A Civilian Occupation: The Politics of Israeli Architecture. Rev. ed. Tel Aviv : London ; New York: Babel ; VERSO, 2003. 31 Mitzpe Eshtamoa: A settlement under Har Hebron regional council, which was established by national religious settlers in 2002 as an external neighbourhood of the adjacent settlement Shim'a (From Hebrew:) “Mitzpe Eshtamoa.” Accessed March 22, 2020. https://www.facebook. com/pages/category/Community/%D7%9E%D7%A6%D7%A4%D7%94-%D7%90%D 7%A9%D7%AA%D7%9E%D7%95%D7%A2-1697453290542689/.. “MITZPE ESHTAMOA.” Accessed March 22, 2020. http://www.amana.co.il/?CategoryID=100&ArticleID=227. 32 Mif'al HaPais: The Israeli national lottery. 33 Teneh Omarim: According to Har Hebron regional council website:

" Teneh Omarim is a cooperative community where non-religious, religious and traditional Jews, young couples and established families, all live together in harmony. This large involved and caring community is constantly aspiring to improve its general quality of life, both social and personal. The human tapestry of the community and the personal background of each and every family contribute to its unique diverse character which provides everyone with their own special place here, whether culturally or in the education of the younger generation. Teneh has many charming spots from which one can enjoy the beautiful primordial desert landscape all around. The weather is quite comfortable and there is a pleasant breeze virtually all year long! Interesting to know: Pursuant to government ruling the residents are entitled to a tax break of 7%." The settlement was establish in 1983, as a counteraction of Israel to the death of its citizen Esther Ohana. Her death was caused by a rock which was thrown at her car by Palestinians, while passing the Arab village Dahariya. The settlement was first established as a military outpost of the Nahal unit (which combines community and military service). By 1986 permanent infrastructural work had began there, and civil residents built there permanent homes. Israel National News. “Tene Omarim: For Quality of Life - Israel: Sites and Sights.” Accessed March 22, 2020. http://www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/147708. “Teneh Omarim.” Accessed March 22, 2020. https://www.hrhevron.co.il/912/. 34 Molotov Cocktail — a crude incendiary device typically consisting of a bottle filled with flammable liquid and with a means of ignition. (Oxford dictionary) 35 Shabbat Dinner — Shabbat is the holly week-day in the Jewish religious, starting from sunset on Friday evening through sunset on Saturday night. On Friday night families get together to eat a festive meal and have Kidush (special blessings over the food, the wine and Shabbat candles). 36 Main chapters in Israeli protest against the state of Israel settling policy: The Israeli Black Panthers and the Tents Movement — in the 1970's-1980's the two movements were opposing the Ashkenazi (European oriented Jews) Labour government discrimination of Sfaradi Israelis (North African and Middle Eastern oriented Jews). Most of the Sfaradi population were living in underdeveloped and neglected New Towns, any of them in great poverty. The two movements condemned the settling outside of the boundaries of the Green Line, claiming that the expansion and sprawling of settlements which serve purely religious ideology is coming on the expense of the development of neighbourhoods and communities in actual need. Despite the fact that representations of the Black Panthers joined the Knesset (the Israeli Parliament) in 1973, they didn't reach significant achievements. Both Yom Kipur war (1973) and First Lebanon War (1982) disrupted their attempted reforms. Israel Social Justice protest (2011) — protesting against there rise in cost of living and the deepening housing crisis. Although the leaders of the protest were elected to the Knesset, no significant subversive reforms were achieved. On of the solutions implemented by the government was the establishment of the NCRC (see endnote 18). (From Hebrew:) "The Right of Shout, Chapters in Israeli Protesting — Chapter 1". Accessed March 10, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oraZNHhg-so&list=RDCMUCox5OAXbuivHAI9j8NH4Pyw&start_radio=1&t=1315.

Settlements and Borders, by Ilan Potash. In: Segal, Rafi, Eyal Weizman, and David Tartakover, eds. A Civilian Occupation: The Politics of Israeli Architecture. Rev. ed. Tel Aviv : London ; New York: Babel ; VERSO, 2003.

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“‫ עומתשא הפצמ‬- Home.” Accessed March 22, 2020. https://www.facebook.com/pages/ category/Community/%D7%9E%D7%A6%D7%A4%D7%94-%D7%90%D7%A9%D7 %AA%D7%9E%D7%95%D7%A2-1697453290542689/. “‫הדוהי תייסולכוא ינותנ‬, ‫ תנשב ןדריה תעקבו ןורמוש‬2019.” Accessed March 14, 2020. http://myesha.org.il/?CategoryID=335&ArticleID=9569. “‫רורטה לג לע כ"בש ינותנ‬: 228 ‫םיעוגיפ‬, ‫ ליגל תחתמ םילבחמהמ תיצחמכ‬20.” Accessed March 19, 2020. https://www.haaretz.co.il/news/politics/1.2852082. ‫רוצ‬, ‫תימולש‬. “‫ ל"מתוה לש תונסרודה ריחמ‬: ‫יחטשמ תישימח םירושע ינש ךותב‬ ‫ומלעיי לארשיב תואלקחה‬.” Globes, November 19, 2018, sec. ‫ץראב‬. https://www. globes.co.il/news/article.aspx?did=1001261092. ‫לת תייריע רתא‬-‫ביבא‬-‫ופי‬. “‫ןולייא יוריק‬.” Accessed March 21, 2020. https://www.telaviv.gov.il/Residents/Development/Pages/Ayalon.aspx. “‫ רתוכב וארק‬- ‫ לאירא‬: ‫ לארשי ץרא תעידיל תע בתכ‬- ‫ בגנה לא םינפה םע‬- ‫קלח‬ ‫ב‬.” Accessed March 22, 2020. https://kotar.cet.ac.il/KotarApp/Viewer.aspx?nBookID=99361090#14.8561.6.default. “‫ רתוכב וארק‬- ‫ הנומשו םיעבראל םישימח‬: ‫תנידמ תודלותב םייתרוקיב םיטנמומ‬ ‫לארשי‬.” Accessed March 22, 2020. https://kotar.cet.ac.il/KotarApp/Viewer.aspx?nBookID=94748125#2.5580.6.default. “‫ הביבס בוציע גרבנזיא םר‬Ram Eisenberg Environmental Design - Posts.” Accessed March 19, 2020. https://www.facebook.com/reedoffice/photos /a.743235105820916/743235262487567/?type=3&theater. “‫לת‬- ‫ קרפ ”ופי ביבא‬1. Accessed March 17, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gOeSc5QNI7g. Accessed March 19, 2020. https://www.mapi.gov.il/en/Heritage/Pages/default.aspx.