Core Studies
History & Theory
COLONISATION OF THE DOMESTIC SPACE BY TECHNOLOGY Re-defining the House-Home Shanna Sim Ler Chung Tutor: Nerma Cridge
Stages & Spaces of Colonisation Kitchen – ‘Domestic’ cooking technology Living Room – Television Bedroom – Laptop & phone
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Img. 1 Buckminster Fuller’s proposal for the Dymaxion House (1927)
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colonisation: the establishment of control over a person or group when governing a place or area
Pre-Colonisation Houses of the Past – Autonomous Homes To be colonised signifies the submission of one’s control to another individual or group, known as the colonisers. 1 Unlike the intrusive and discernible act of colonisation in the scale of a country or territory, the colonisation of the most private aspects of our lives have been invaded by technology. Technological devices have unsuspectingly begun breaching the domestic space, becoming an essential component of our daily lives. Adversely, the lineage of the house as a primitive hut, before the settlement of technology, was considered as archaic. In this narrative, technological advancement was necessary in, ironically, ‘saving’ us from our barbaric state. Within the current post-digital context, the prevalence of technology in the house-home is undeniably evident; however, its initial establishment within the domestic space can be traced back to the end of the Industrial Revolution. During the 1830s, a centralised gas supply was introduced from factories to houses, which seized the household’s autonomy. 2 Centralisation of heating and lighting shifted the control over the house from the individual flame of the candle to the gas industry, from the household inhabitants to an external system. This reliance was marked as a loss in independence in terms of self-sufficiency to produce its own heat and light. 3 From that moment, the house would never be self-sufficient and autonomous again – the dependency of an individual house to an external source for electricity, water, and internet connectivity was normalised at the end of the twentieth and beginning of the twenty-first century. Buckminster Fuller was the best-known architect that attempted to introduce futuristic self-sufficient dwelling through his proposal of the Dymaxion House. 4 Although it was designed to be mass-produced and globally shipped as a ‘living machine of the future’ 5, these ideas were not implemented. Instead, the house-homes of today still embodies an ‘archaic’ shell while its internal social structures continue to be reconfigured. The colonisation of technology in the domestic space follows the chronological development of technological innovations, from domestic to digital. Through the stages of colonisation, it reprogrammes the domestic space and its inhabitants, influencing and facilitating the production of docile subjectivities.
Oxford University Press, “Colonize,” 2020, https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/american_english/colonize. Wolfgang Schivelbusch and Angela Davies, Disenchanted Night: The Industrialization of Light in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: The University of California, 1998), 4 3 Ibid, 28. 4 Gili Merin, “AD Classics: The Dymaxion House / Buckminster Fuller,” ArchDaily (ArchDaily, February 9, 2019), https://www.archdaily.com/401528/ad-classicsthe-dymaxion-house-buckminster-fuller. 5 Ibid. 1 2
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Img. 2 Walls used as container for household appliances and storage space (1956)
Img. 3 The interior kitchen space of House of the Future by Alison and Peter Smithson (1956)
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I Kitchen – ‘Domestic’ cooking technology Domestic appliances mark the first act of technological colonisation into the space of the nuclear family. Within the house, the kitchen eventually became a space dominated by the products of the commercial industry that architects could not control. 6 Consequently, the house was now at the mercy of these domestic cooking technologies, unsuspectingly adopted by its inhabitants. Among many appliances, the most successful infiltration was through the microwave oven. This time-saving technological device that was normalised within the household altered behavioural ritualistic eating practices. The promise of speed, efficiency and instantaneity is a direct reflection of society’s desire to buy more time. Particularly, its service is attributed to use by housewives as cooking fell quintessentially under the housewife’s unpaid labour of love. It is worth noting that the microwave oven – nor the other two colonising technologies that are later discussed in this essay – was never initially designed for the domestic realm. Not only were women, the device’s primary user, seen as passive consumers, but they were also disenfranchised in the development of these products. 7 The development of microwave ovens initially began through military research and adopted in wide scale commercial avenues, such as restaurants and airplanes, before entering the house. 8 As the domestic market grew, it was adapted for domestic use, reappropriating itself in the kitchen and reprogramming the house-home. The convenience seemingly relieved the housewife of her laborious duties within the house: her time could be relocated outside of the house and into the workforce, especially during the Second World War. 9 This notion was later debunked as women adopted both reproductive and productive labour to the point of exhaustion, disguising exploitation as liberation. Furthermore, the introduction of domestic technology resulted in a rise in standards in terms of quality. 10 The reduced time taken resulted in an increase in output and quantity; thus, it did not ‘save’ time, but rather used the same quantity of time to yield more and higher standards of hygiene. The microwave also redefined routine patterns that allowed for uncoordinated and unsynchronised times within the household. 11 As mealtimes were shortened and separated, eating together, as a household ritual, has been increasingly fragmented. 12 Although this phenomenon cannot be attributed to just a singular explanation, the dissipation of an organised family mealtime is not a surprise. Arguably, it marks the dissolution of the dining table’s association with symbolic hearth that gathered people together after dark. The unity in the hearth – and primeval fire – that once provided cooking, heating, and lighting services was separated into its individual categories with its own specialised device. 13 Eventually, not only was the act of communal cooking designated to the role of a single housewife, the act of dining also was reduced to a single family member. With the settlement of microwaves and other devices, such as the refrigerator, the emphasis to coordinate daily meals became less urgent. This reprogramming of the nuclear family and its architectural consequence is most evident as the lack of time and space resulted in the eradication of dining rooms and separate kitchens. The figurative shrinking of the nuclear family size is also represented in a physical form, where families are fragmented and live in physically smaller apartments. The integration of appliances in the house is most evidently shown in Alison and Peter Smithson’s House of the Future, which was displayed at the Daily Mail’s ‘Ideal Home Exhibition’. The House was a fusion of architecture and appliances, where the shape of the walls was determined by standard appliances. 14 Using the walls as an ‘elaborate container of appliances and storage space’ to furnish for human needs, household appliances shaped the architecture of the house, becoming the main component of design. 15 Furthering Jurjen Zeinstra, “Houses of the Future,” 25 Years of Critical Reflection on Architecture OASE, no. 75 (2008): pp. 203-214, 211. Richard Harper, Inside the Smart Home (London: Springer, 2003), 18. Judy Wajcman, Pressed for Time: The Acceleration of Life in Digital Capitalism (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2016), 122. 9 Richard Harper, Inside the Smart Home (London: Springer, 2003), 19. 10 Ibid. 11 Judy Wajcman, Pressed for Time: The Acceleration of Life in Digital Capitalism (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2016), 122. Judy Wajcman, Pressed for Time: The Acceleration of Life in Digital Capitalism (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2016), 124. 12 Luke Yates and Alan Warde, “Eating Together and Eating Alone: Meal Arrangements in British Households,” The British Journal of Sociology 68, no. 1 (2017): pp. 98118, 113. 13 Wolfgang Schivelbusch and Angela Davies, Disenchanted Night: The Industrialization of Light in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: The University of California, 1998), 4. 14 Jurjen Zeinstra, “Houses of the Future,” 25 Years of Critical Reflection on Architecture OASE, no. 75 (2008): pp. 203-214, 205. 15 Ibid, 208. 6 7 8
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Img. 4 Plan and elevation of the Appliance House, showing the cubicles containing the appliances (1957)
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their investigations of the relationship between household appliances and furniture with the architecture of the house, the Smithsons experimented with the Appliance Houses in 1957. Within the house, cubicles are used to hide and maintain control over appliances, from cooking, to washing and storage. This sectioning of space segregates these ‘fashion driven’ appliances from the interior as they are subjected to obsolescence beyond the control of the architect. 16 The Appliance Houses becomes a plug-in unit that is a capitalist receptacle to updating and disposable devices. In these examples, the inevitability of the colonisation of domestic appliances are addressed. As a response, the Smithsons attempted to establish control towards the settlement of these elements within the house through the designated cubicles. However, within the ‘future’ houses of today, these technological devices were left unchecked and unregulated. Under the guise of efficiency and time saving, ‘domestic’ cooking technologies re-organised social structures and redefined the notion of a modern household. Hence, the first act of colonisation marks the destruction of existing familial structures, relations, and interactions.
16
Jurjen Zeinstra, “Houses of the Future,” 25 Years of Critical Reflection on Architecture OASE, no. 75 (2008): pp. 203-214, 213.
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Img. 5 Relocation of the family meal from the dining room to the living room (2017)
Img. 6 An example of the normalised integration of the television within the house-home (2019)
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II Living Room – Television Televisions, as a technological device, began populating homes since its invention in the twentieth century. Over the course of the next epoch, the television embedded itself within the house as a transmitter of information and entertainment. Its presence was elevated to the extent that the term ‘living room’ is used interchangeably or replaced by the ‘TV room’, as a space dedicated towards viewing and consuming media solely from this technological device. When it was first released, the television was regarded as a must-have ‘time-using’ good that occupies and enhances discretionary time and its perceived quality. In competition for the time allocated to its use were ‘time-saving’ goods, such as microwaves, used to reduce time taken and increase discretionary time. 17 As the amount of time spent watching the television increased, a decline in time allocated to housework can be seen in the twentieth century. 18 As the dining table was resolved of its significance and correlation to the hearth, the television assumed that responsibility. The relocation of the representational site of the hearth to the locality of the television begins its colonisation of time spent with family within the house-home. The television, with its projection of the public into the private realm, shifts the relationships of the users from a citizen to a viewer. 19 Jonathan Crary refers to it as the ‘24/7 “attention economy” of the twenty-first century’, the site of the television deautonomises the house-home from a national to global scale. During the early introduction of televisions in the 1950s, cable systems and channels conformed to the behavioural patterns of its viewers with nightly sign offs. 20 However, the inevitability of transition into continuous 24-hour streams denoted its regulatory power in controlling behavioural patterns, from the biological perspective of sleep to the mental realm of thoughts. This subjugation of power was reversed and naturalised as human time and activity was reorganised and regulated around the new televisual hearth and no longer the other way around. The accompaniment of eating a meal and watching the flicking light source channels the mundane ‘family time’ to an external televisual world. During the narrowed window of sensory responsiveness, the perceivable space of the television is blurred 21, and ‘real space’ is decontextualised. Consequently, the physical intimate closeness between individuals is infringed by the relocation of internal consciousness. Thus, the familial intimacy associated with the physical domestic space in relation to the concept of the home is challenged and further amplified by social media platforms that fosters other relations unbounded by geographical location. In his book published in 1987, Domestic Animals, Andrea Branzi described society as a ‘single great organism’ that experiences the world simultaneously, using the eye and the remote-control device to flip through various ‘channels of reality’. 22 Branzi proposed of a society where the television becomes a system of decoration, where information ‘circulates like air-conditioning: light and unintrusive’. 23 In the 1986 Triennial Exhibition in Milan, Branzi designed a remote-controlled house, where a television set displayed an image of boiling pasta. While the television was used as decorative flowers, the inhabitants would adopt other patterns of consumption; hence, suggesting the emancipation from television use. However, it also suggests the constant conditioning of occupants as they are subjected to the uncontrollable and homogenous information that is on the screen – whether that is boiling pasta, or something else entirely. Similar to decorative flowers, perhaps it is its near-invisible presence that its invasion of our time usage and organisation of familiar structures is not regarded as intrusive. Televisions have re-positioned itself from a technological device to becoming part of the wallpaper backdrop. However, it is worth noting that home shopping channels as a television program facilitates the Richard Harper, Inside the Smart Home (London: Springer, 2003), 20. Ibid, 21. Jonathan Crary, 24/7: Late Capitalism and the Ends of Sleep (London, London: Verso, 2014), 79. 20 Ibid, 82. 21 Ibid, 81. 22 Andrea Branzi, Nicoletta Branzi, and Pierre Restany, Domestic Animals: The Neoprimitive Style (London, England: Thames and Hudson, 1987), 71. 23 Ibid, 72. 17 18 19
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Img. 7 The interior model of the “Remote-Controlled House” by Andrea Branzi in Domestic Animals (1987)
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recruitment of other intrusive technological colonisers, such as the microwave oven and other domestic appliances. As a result, the structure of the nuclear family within the house-home is further dissipated as familial relations are renegotiated. This dissolution of intimacy and the nuclear family structure can be seen in goshiwons, a small living space for an individual that is part of a dormitory. As a symptom of South Korea’s social and economic crisis, goshiwons are the fastest growing resident typology due to its low rent prices. 24 A goshiwons is a small room that is rented out as ‘off-campus dormitories’ for a single occupant. This typology of domestic space reflects the fragmentation of the household and shifting of the definition of a house. If notions of intimacy were removed, the physical shell of the house-shelter as a place of refuge and rest will be all that remains post this era of settlement. However, in the final act of colonisation, even this notion of the house as a physical shelter will be reconstructed.
24
Maria S. Giudici, Alone Like the Horn of a Rhino: Reproduction, Affective Labour and the Contemporary Boarding House in Korea (Harvard University Press, 2018), 35.
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Img. 8 Remote-working, turning the home into a workspace (2020)
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III Bedroom – Laptop & phone In its latest pursuit, the house is infiltrated by portable mobile colonisers, reprogramming the house from an ‘unproductive’ space to productive. While the house has always been a productive space for the housewife as she engages in (re)productive work, the dissipation of physical work-home boundaries indicates that the house is becoming an extension of the workplace as a mode of production. With the domestication of mobile devices, such as smartphones and laptops, the entire house was reprogrammed. Prior colonisers were restricted to the boundaries of a single room due to its un-portability; however, the mobility of the devices expands its reach and habitability in all areas of the house. This results in the colonisation of all aspects of space and time within the home. Karl Marx’s analysis of capitalism invokes the concept that ‘where time is money, faster means better’; hence, there is a constant need to accelerate production that makes speed an inherently positive characteristic. 25 Faster means more work gets done and, thus, more money made. This abstract relation of work and time, and the strive for instantaneity to generate the fastest circulation for capital means that constant connectivity is important. This can be evidently displayed in the fifth-generation mobile internet service, that is ‘superfast’ and allows for increased upload and download speeds that will make our current device capabilities ‘faster and better’. 26 Portable mobile devices allow for that connectivity to be enhanced in the workplace, but also redirected outside of the working environment. As a result, these devices can also be synonymously regarded as the portability of the workspace. A clear example of this, as outlined by Judy Wajcman in her book on digital capitalism, Pressed for Time, is the renegotiation of communication through deployment of digital technologies. Due to the asynchrony characteristic of emails, the response time is not limited to the designated working hours. 27 While other areas of the day are congested with synchronous activities of meetings, conferences and phone calls, the figural build-up of emails results in an extension of the workday associated with overload. 28 The dyssynchronous property of emails coupled with multimodal connectivity reshapes our personal autonomy. Andrew Barry describes this as the ‘autonomy paradox’, where flexibility and accessibility means ‘anytime’ and ‘anywhere’. 29 The author explains that this continuity of accessibility and connection extended work engagements to the twenty-four-hour realm of day and night – and into the domestic – as everywhere becomes the workspace. As a result, the bedroom is exploited as a flexible space to foster productivity. Asynchronous methods of communication in the workplace created new work rhythms and multidimensional time practices through technological innovation and devices, 30 and this temporality shift exists within the house-shelter. With Covid-19 and the global pandemic, it accelerated occurring shifts in processes, turning the house into the locality of the workspace, restaurant, gym, and park. The physical space that was once designed with a specific function has been misused and reappropriated as it was adopted to suit our spatial needs. As a result, the house becomes a miniature twenty-four-hour city, containing the twenty-four-hour inhabitant that is no longer dictated by external and physical boundaries. The asynchronous workplace not only extends from the day into the night, but it also stretches across different time zones. Depending on each institution or organisation, the individuals that are part of the system would have to adhere to a singular time zone, dictated, usually, by the country the institution is situated in. Hence, to adhere to these schedules, Judy Wajcman, Pressed for Time: The Acceleration of Life in Digital Capitalism (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2016), 17. BBC, “What Is 5G and What Will It Mean for You?” January 28, 2020, https://www.bbc.com/news/business-44871448. Judy Wajcman, Pressed for Time: The Acceleration of Life in Digital Capitalism (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2016), 96. 28 Ibid, 97. 29 Andrew Barry, Political Machines: Governing a Technological Society (London: The Athlone Press, 2014), 212. 30 Judy Wajcman, Pressed for Time: The Acceleration of Life in Digital Capitalism (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2016), 103. 25 26 27
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Img. 9 Pervasiveness of books, magazines and appliances on the bed until the bed has become unrecognisable (1966)
Img. 10 Portable devices have resulted in the exploitation of work-leisure boundaries (2020)
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many operate asynchronously to the time zone they are physically situated in. With artificial light, either from the ceiling or from laptops and mobile phones, there is a shift in temporality within the house. In that sense, our living conditions can be likened to remote places, such as Antarctica. Long periods of total darkness and light means that the researchers living at the stations must adhere to a ‘pseudo’ time that disregards the sun’s position in the sky, often dictated by their operation country. For example, to facilitate communications with the UK, Halley Research Station established their own operation time, following Greenwich Mean Time from February/March to November/December and GMT -3 during the rest of the year. 31 Time zones have become obsolete as they converge and are compressed within the dimensions of a screen, disregarding physical location. Remote work, with the assistance of these mobile devices, has exacerbated the workspace/time extension into the domestic space and exploited the ability to shift time zones and temporalities: turning unproductive time productive; turning night into day. The colonisation of mobile devices transformed the home into a miniature twenty-four-hour city that enabled the reality of constant production and consumption. These global infrastructures that were already in place more intensively coincides with the human subject, 32 especially within the context of the house. A key difference in this stage of colonisation lies in the mobility. While the desktop remains in the office or study in the office or house, the laptop, as a portable device, was able to invade the bedroom – the space of reproduction. 33 This blur prioritises the productive above the reproductive, and there is a shift in temporality towards a constant state of stimulation, where leisure time is constantly interrupted with notifications and online engagements. In this context, sleeplessness became a viable lifestyle option. Sleep, as the definitive state of non-production, is the antithesis to contemporary capitalism and its conflict within the locality of the bedroom has observed an increase in sleep deprivation, with only 65% of adults obtaining sufficient sleep requirements. 34 With the final act of colonisation performed by portable devices, the occupation of the bedroom marks the completion of the current stage of colonisation within the house-home. These acts of colonisation can be invisible in its seamless situation, with its unsuspecting users facilitating its progression. Despite the unchanging external façade, the house-home and the human subjectivities inhabiting it has deviated under the regulation of these colonising devices. As the private space of the bedroom, living room, dining room and kitchen is colonised, the public space begins to reside in the space of the house. Not only did technology dictate how we spend our time and mediate family relations, but it also shrunk our notion of public and private spaces into the house-home. The locality of the house can be now reduced and condensed in a single physical space: a room. It would not be unreasonable to claim that we now occupy a dwelling the size of not a house, but a single room, literally and metaphorically.
Josephine Arendt, “Biological Rhythms During Residence in Polar Regions,” Chronobiology International 29, no. 4 (2012): pp. 379-394, https://doi.org/10.3109/07420528.2012.668997, 381 Jonathan Crary, 24/7: Late Capitalism and the Ends of Sleep (London, London: Verso, 2014), 3. 33 Maria S. Giudici, “Counter-Planning from the Kitchen: for a Feminist Critique of Type,” The Journal of Architecture 23, no. 7-8 (2018): pp. 1203-1229, https://doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2018.1513417, 1216. 34 Vijay Chattu et al., “The Global Problem of Insufficient Sleep and Its Serious Public Health Implications,” Healthcare 7, no. 1 (2018): p. 1, https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare7010001, 3. 31 32
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Img. 11 Using sensors and computer technologies to sample, process, suggest and motivate behaviour (2004)
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‘Post’ Colonisation Houses of the Future – Smart Homes
Smart homes can be described as the epitome of domestic technology, using computing and information technology to anticipate and respond to the comfort, convenience, security, and entertainment needs of its occupants as a residence. 35 This involves the study of relationship between spaces, behaviours of people and the role of computing technologies to motivate and teach certain behavioural habits, controlling domestic environmental conditions. 36 The technological devices not only colonise the spaces within the house-homes, but also become the location of residence, situating itself in the surrounding walls and furniture. As a result, the house-home is no longer invaded and colonised, but turned into the coloniser that placed the household occupants under a fully regulated environment. Even though the concept of smart homes only departed from science fiction and entered popular culture in the 1990s, concerns over the preserving control over technology was raised. Several examples of experimental projects of the smart home in the past, such as The Adaptive Home, sought to program and automate the house. Particularly, this project explored the concept of a self-programming house, which monitored, controlled, and tried to predict actions of its inhabitants to carry out tasks for them. 37 Meanwhile, House_n by MIT Media Lab uses algorithms to interpret and predict activities, using a ‘pervasive computing system presenting information at the point of behaviour’ to recommend courses of action for the occupants. 38 This vision of the house of the future as a large-scale technological device is contradictory to Alison and Peter Smithon’s Appliance Houses, in their architecture approach to reinforce the importance of the dwelling space by keeping the appliances ‘under control’. 39 The architectural solution of cubicles to hide the appliances from the interior dwelling space have been fully inverted as the technological device becomes interior space. Without the full implementation of smart homes, the transition can already be seen through smaller “smart” – always-on listening – appliances and devices, such as Amazon Alexa. Ultimately, the smart home permanently incorporates technology into the fabric of everyday life, using automation to abolish the mechanics of home life to supposedly increase leisure time. This redelegation of home management from the inhabitants to the house itself use technology to emancipate the individuals from the mundanity of everyday tasks, like buying groceries, to create an optimal personalised environment. Perhaps, with the creation of this meticulously regulated ecosystem, the house-home will entirely submit itself to the neo-colonialism realm of the future. The question becomes not how we are regulated, but why – and for who, if not ourselves?
Richard Harper, Inside the Smart Home (London: Springer, 2003), 17. “Designing a Home of the Future,” IEEE Pervasive Computing 3, no. 1 (2004): pp. 80-86, https://doi.org/10.1109/mprv.2004.1269117, 81. Richard Harper, Inside the Smart Home (London: Springer, 2003), 22. 38“Designing a Home of the Future,” IEEE Pervasive Computing 3, no. 1 (2004): pp. 80-86, https://doi.org/10.1109/mprv.2004.1269117, 82. 39 Jurjen Zeinstra, “Houses of the Future,” 25 Years of Critical Reflection on Architecture OASE, no. 75 (2008): pp. 203-214, 217. 35 36 37
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Arch ite c tur a l Ass o ci ati on 2 0 2 0 -2 0 2 1 , History & Theory Studies
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