Frameworks of Resistance

URBAN DESIGN FOR DEVELOPMENT

PUBLIC SPACES MAPUTO & DAR ES SALAAM

FRAMEWORKS OF RESISTANCE [ M A P U T O ]

2017 / 2018

INDEX: PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM] Chapter 01 Mapping analysis of cities of Dar es Salaam & Maputo

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Chapter 02 Colonial Planning and the foundation of Public Space

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Dar Es Salaam | A Peaceful Harbour Maputo | Foundations, The State and Independence Chapter 03 Contemporary Public Spaces; Economy, Typology and Right to ownership

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Dar Es Salaam | Trading and Informality and the Right to Work Dichotomies of Maputo | The used and unused, the secure and unsecured, the center and the periphery Chapter 04 A contrast of rhythm; Concentrated and decentralized public space

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The Streets of Dar Es Salaam [Manzeze market] Maputo and its spaces of evidence [Carol Anthony, Laura Dore, Aspassia Mitropapa-Danoussi, Chris Luo, Abdalla Mostafa, Abdelrahman Gamil, Alexei Haddad]

PART II - DESIGN PHASE [FRAMEWORKS OF RESISTANCE] Chapter 05 Introduction and Conceptual Digram

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Chapter 06 The Canico

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Chapter 07 The Centro

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[Abdelrahman Gamil, Alexei Haddad]

REFERENCES

MAPPING ANALYSIS [DAR ES SALAAM | MAPUTO]

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PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

DAR ES SALAAM

MAPUTO

CITY LOCATION

CITY BOUNDARIES

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6

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

DAR ES SALAAM

MAPUTO

TIMELINE OF MAJOR HISTORIC EVENTS

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DAR ES SALAAM

MAPUTO

CITY STRUCTURE

GREEN OPEN SPACES

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PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

DAR ES SALAAM

MAPUTO

POPULATION GROWTH

SETTLEMENTS

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DAR ES SALAAM

MAPUTO

INFRASTRUCTURE

MARKETS [DAR ES SALAAM]

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PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

DAR ES SALAAM

MAPUTO

PUBLIC SPACES: FORMAL PUBLIC SPACES

PUBLIC SPACES: BUS STOPS Markets in Dar Es Salaam .

KARIAKOO MARKET

STREET MARKET

KIVUKONI FISH MARKET

MARKET ZONES

SOKOLASAMAKI FERI

FORMAL MARKETS

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general decline of the city, covering activities from the mainland-a railway was constructed connecting Dar Es Salaam to Lake Nassa- as well as inside the city, in which a community of Indian merchants had established.

(Bersani, Bogoni, 2001)

COLONIAL PLANNING AND THE FOUNDATION OF PUBLIC SPACE [DAR ES SALAAM] A PEACEFUL HARBOUR

Divided by 3500 kilometres, Dar Es Salaam and Maputo- respectively the biggest city in Tanzania and the capital of Mozambique- developed along the southern-east coast of Africa to become two of the largest cities in the area. Their proximity to the Indian Ocean led to the establishment of colonial powers between the 19th and 20th century, which set the ground for the cities’ social, political and economical development, as well as the structure of the urban fabric, and the its use as a public space.

Founded in 1862 by the Omani Sultan Seyyd Majid, Dar Es Salaam has developed its first grid-like patterns along a coast of scattered fishing villages, to become the largest city in Tanzania and the main crossroads for commercial activities. The “City of Peace” is in fact situated along a naturally enclosed harbour, which provided vessels easier access compared to the nearby port of Bagamoyo. An initial short period of prosperity was followed by the death of the Sultan and consequent abandonment by the English, which were invested in the political as well as the urban background of Dar. Trade, however, remained active despite the

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In 1887, the German DOAG (German East African Company) occupies the present Burundi, Ruanda and the majority of Tanzania, former Tanganyika. In 1891, German East Africa moves its capital from Bagamoyo to Dar Es Salaam, and the first military constructions along the Harbor progressively expand towards the centre. Within the year the first bauordnung (building regulations) is established following a pattern of racial segregation, justified by the “sanitation syndrome”-which associated the main diseases with the natives. Land extortion affected locals in the centre, forced to leave their house or to sell it for a low price, then banished to the periphery. Along the centre, Europeans and Indians were stably established, respectively on the Ocean’s front and in trading areas; Arabians, like Africans, would sell their property but for a higher price, as they were able to provide documents to prove ownership and therefore to establish a fair value.

While the spatial segregation occurs, strategic sites are built such as the botanical gardens –used to test cash crops- in 1893. The City consolidates its shape around the Harbour, which defines the fort and the Governor’s Palast; other settlements developed from the military Kaserme (barracks) towards the inner land. (Brennan, Burton, Lawi, 2007)

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

The plan also proposed expansion to the North and the development of a ring road along the Indian Bazaar whose main axis converged in the harbour. Stone buildings were imposed for the central areas, however, the Bazaar managed to keep its typology- single-story houses with a shop on the front. The density of the Indian quarter was the highest, followed by the African quarter, at its North and West side, and lastly the Government Quarter, on the East .

In 1902 the Imperial Government takes control of the unoccupied land which the DOAG could previously allocate and use. Land values increase, and the Africans gradually become tenants to the German Landowners.

The second bauordnung, in 1914, further promotes the segregation patterns by establishing a strict division of Dar Es Salaam into zones. The North-Eastern central areas became Zone I, with German and European owners; Zone II, in the South, was a commercial area occupied by Asians and Indians; Zone III, in the outskirts of the city, was occupied by the locals. A fourth, unoccupied area –today Mnazi Moja- was established between the first two zones and the third: a void to secure open space and isolation.

In 1916 the British occupy Dar Es Salaam, two years before the end of World War One. The city ‘s structure and organization was already defined by the Germans, and the Township Rules of 1924 re-confirmed the subdivision of the city into zones: for residential European-typology buildings (I), for residential and trading buildings (II), and for native quarters (III). Among these, Ilala and Kariakoo were regularized and expanded following pressure for housing areas;

the “neutral zone” was progressively cleared of unauthorized constructions and re-established as a separation element. In this area permission papers were necessary in order to construct or even repair buildings: if a portion of any house fell, re-construction was not allowed, and the house would be destroyed given its inhabitability. By 1930, all the Africans had left. In 1922 “Enemy Auctions” were established to reassign former German residences to the British inhabitants, while the less habitable residences were nationalized and then sold at a determined price. The rest of the land is also nationalized and in 1926 the British dispose of other measures to indirectly remove all the Kinwanja tenures, categorized as unlawful land occupation by Africans and Asians. Given the inability to displace the inhabitants, a rent is imposed to the land owners as well as a restriction of use which will eventually displace most of the population.

(Brennan, Burton, Lawi; 2007) The masterplan in 1949 establishes separate functional zones spread all along the territory. A year later Ilala, Kigamboni, Temeke, Magomeni, Kinondoni and Mwananyamala are developed as African quarters, while the Asian quarter of Upanga is completed. (Bersani, Bogoni, 2001) Oyster Bay, which was then outside the city’s boundary, was chosen as a European settlement; a temporary bridge connecting the area to the center was replaced by the Selander bridge in 1929, two years before annexing the northern area into the city.

More efforts were made in racial segregation as this area was kept strictly for European inhabitants, despite not being included in the official zones’ subdivision. (Brennan, Burton, Lawi; 2007) 13

Compared to the German grid model, which included few green areas, the English proposal shows diversity of settlements based on the population: small, dense lots for the African areas, medium density and variable lots for the Asians quarters, low density, large lots and large green areas in the European quarters.

From 1963, two years after the acquired independence of Tanganyika, the Conversion to Rights of Occupancy Act abolishes private property: all existing land owners were to pay rent for the next 99 years. In 1967 a socialist typology political-economic model was adopted.

In 1968, a new Masterplan is drawn from a Canadian Company and financed by their government. The zoning-based plan comprises many different guidelines: the implementation and reinforcement of services; the division into autonomous quarters of maximum 32000 inhabitants; three main directions of expansion and a defined green belt around the areas to prevent irregular settlements. The ambitious proposal was greater than its political, technical and financial resources: its unfeasibility led to its abandonment.

A revised version of the 1968 plan is proposed 11 years later. Based on localized and short-term practical interventions, the masterplan develops along the lines of functional mixes; two thresholds are proposed depending on the population growth and two directions of expansion to the South and the West; unauthorized settlements are taken into account with upgrading programs. Despite being technically still active, the plan required a much greater finantial resources and was never applied.

(Bersani, Bogoni, p.18-19) 14

Right to Work [POPULATION EMPLOYED IN INFORMAL ACTIVITIES: 81%]

Trade and Informality

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

The instruments provided by western culture were proven unfit for a developing city like Dar Es Salaam, with a growing population of migrants attracted by the working possibilities offered by the city.

By mid 1980s the debt of Tanzania with the monetary fund keeps the country from its economical recovery, and by 1992 new political conditions are imposed from its creditor, the International Menetary Fund. A multi-party system is adopted and the city opens up to international investment.

The industrial system disappears; foreign goods and capital appear on the market and start exploiting sectors such as mining, tourism and agriculture. (Bersani, Bogoni, 2001) Meanwhile, all kinds of infrastructure remain insufficient – from roads to water- and the environmental resources are disappearing. To face these issues, in 1992, the Sustainable Dar Es Salaam Project was created with the support of the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements.

Documenting urban reality was at the core of the program: analysis of socioeconomic patterns and urban settlements led to some experimental projects, with effective– the upgrading of Hanna Nassif quarters- as well as negative results – as the creation of specific market sites for trading, which is inherent of the street.(Bersani, Bogoni, 2001)

The 1891 Bauordnung plan of the city

Dar es Salaam Ethnic groups in 1914

In 1999, with the Strategic Urban Development Program, the outcome of seven years of documentation is released, following an Environmental Planning and Management approach. The main focuses include: the development of the existing environment; the establishment of organ15

ized and competent working groups and strategies related to specific issues; a horizontal, inter-agency city management which included a partnership between the City Council, the state, the private sector, non-profit and community-based organizations.

The following year, the Environmental Profiles document provides data on the activity sectors and on existing management of the environment from the city. Furthermore, it emphasizes interaction between the rising of activities and their spatial development, and how different sectors interact with each other and with their primary resources . It has been found that different activities have a great impact on the environment, often causing minor to more impactful hazards. (Bersani, Bogoni, 2001) Despite seven years of documentation, the population keeps growing, and more measures have to be taken to control the expanding city. Numerous planning tools were proposed and imposed to the city, from its colonial history to its independence and its insertion in the global market: their results prove the necessity for an indepth analysis of this exponentially growing city within the context of a developing country. Western models were proven unsuitable as informal settlements have always prevailed over the rigid lines imposed by planning. In particular, the self-employed majority of the population has always managed to use the local resources to live, work, and co-exist within its own city, in which it was often unwelcomed. The city was always shaped by the involvement of the population – even when it was discouragedwhich is its inherent and most valuable source towards the development of Dar Es Salaam.

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1947

1963

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

Right to Work [POPULATION EMPLOYED IN INFORMAL ACTIVITIES: 81%]

1978

1992

2012 City Historical Development

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COLONIAL PLANNING AND THE FOUNDATION OF PUBLIC SPACE [MAPUTO] COLONIAL FOUNDATIONS, THE NEW STATE AND POST INDEPENDENCE

To best understand the urban transformation from initial colonial settlement to the contemporary condition seen today, and in order to engage with the ideologies of each respective stage of development, be it post-war or post independence, an analysis has been structured around the proposed urban plans by each respective government. This enables a look into the ideology and shapes that have formed Maputo, and ultimately what has been considered important and prevalent in the dictation and creation of public space.

Being one of the major Lusophane colonial settlements, Lourenso Marques played an important role in the establishment of the Portuguese empire, and ultimately, through the implementation of euro centric planning tactics (axial monumental, garden city), is a major symbol of the effect of colonial planning in the global south, and its general a priori attitudes toward local territory and environment. It begins with the creation of a Prison, only however being “effected after 1805 with the arrival of a military force” (Mendes 1985). This strategic position of development along the coast allowed the domi-

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nation of the save river to the South.

The first urban area plan, similar to that of a formal settlement, is noticeable in the plan of 1876, just prior to the Berlin Conference. The Berlin Conference (1884-85) symbolised a new era in the colonial relationship between European and African countries (Silva 2015). This led to the consequential development of urban infrastructure, further improving and connecting major trade routes.

The Plans Araujo of 1887 saw the first plan to take shape post Berlin Conference (Morais 2001). The continuation of the grid and major axis of the city is evident as a designated place of expansion, with extensions to the axial planning to its North and West. This place of implementation, as noted by Teixeira and Valla (1999) was selected because of its good natural harbour conditions and protection by the headland.

As a subsequent reaction to the planning principles in the Plana Araujo of 1887, the city, from the period leading up until the end of the second world war expanded in a North and West direction. Varying expansion projects extended the planning principle to the surrounding area (Melo 2013).

The semi urbanised areas in contrast to the urbanised areas, the Canico and ‘City of Cement’ experienced huge growth. This apprehension was marked by the municipal governments decision to regulate the constructed forms of permanent character (Morais 2001). The Estado Novo, or New State marked the beginning of foreign capitol, but looked also to alleviate tensions with indigenous groups (Melo, 2013).

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

The Plana Aguiar, setup by Joao Aguiar with the Colonial Urbanisation Office, set forth varying manifestations in the attitudes of planning in the New State. Melo (2013) notes these attitudes across four points; firstly, the formation of functional zones for services, commerce and leisure; secondly, the formalisation of important public spaces and facilities, within a monumental dialect to reflect the grander of the state, and moderated sized housing spaces (Morais 2001); thirdly, the abandonment of orthogonality and main pathways of articulation. Finally, the logic of blocks is dismantled and or distorted. This planning overhaul of the New state seeks, in “urban terms” to “concretise spaces that would consolidate the image of the power of the regime” (Melo 2013).

Both the Plana Araujo 1887 and the Plana Aguiar (1952-55) were the seminal examples of colonial long term projection and optimism (Silva 2015). This was reflected in the growth and spread of the urban population and investment place into Maputo by the colonial government.

This should be considered, from its conception, an a priori expression of planning for a city, with little consideration to explore discourses outside that of trade and the perpetual exploitation of colonial Africa. Mendes (1985) notes that they reveal a deeper ignorance of socio-cultural realities. Most important, and as a main focus as an example of lineage or legacy of colonial planning in Maputo, Morais (2001) notes these plans as implementing policies of separation between the Cement City and the Canico.

Across Maputo Urban Evolution from 1964 - 2008 Above Settlement conditions in the periphery and centre

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Mozambiques Independence arrived in 1975, and until this point, had retained the duplicity of its two unique urban environments, whilst only generally administering the centre. An initial measure of the new government was to introduce the Canico into its sphere of administration. Independence was met with, as noted by Raposo (2007), the huge loss of capital as a resulting split with the colonial community, the growth of jobs within restructuring of government and nationalisation of companies, and civil wars impact of the rural population.

This however was alleviated during the mid 80s with the opening up of the market economy (Melo, 2013) leading to subsequent urban changes that are especially apparent in Contemporary Maputo.

Within the context of the ten year plan, and recent plans for Maputo restructuring in 2008 and 2010, focus has realigned to the municipal service and their respective economic and formal upgrading. As Melo (2013) notes, and as we have noted through our eventual comparison, the secession of planning all but recognised the formal legacy of Portuguese urbanism. New implementation of nodal zoning and urban mobility schemes such as bus transportation. Jenkins (2012) postulates that although this break has been realised, top down approaches still exist and are viewed as efficient ways of governance, which have like the previous Portuguese occupation, distorted the real growth of the city.

Contemporary Maputo, through the lens of its varying historical conditions and planning, has been raised into the global market, handicapped somewhat with the inability to coor20

dinate the huge growing interest of new foreign actors, faces sustained problems of economic segregation and ‘access to the city’. The clashing ideologies of global capitol; the free market, and municipal government has led, like most embryonic markets, a race to development. Public space as a typology is now influenced by factors of their formal history and the interest of the free market, be it formal or informal. These layers are shaping public space in way contradictory to that of seemingly divisive western typologies, a origin of their formal legacy in architecture and planning.

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

Laurenco Marques Plan Comparison 1876 | 2012 1887 | 2012 1940 | 2012

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Security | MAPUTO: ARCHIPELAGO OF SECURED OBJECTS

1964

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1973

1982

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

OCCUPIED AND UNOCCUPIED Public spaces

1991

2001

2008 City Historical Development

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CONTEMPORARY PUBLIC SPACES: ECONOMY, RIGHT TO OWNERSHIP AND TYPOLOGY DAR ES SALAAM TRADING, INFORMALITY AND THE RIGHT TO WORK

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The common notion of Public Space within a city is deeply rooted within its cultural, economical and social background: places where people meet to share experiences, exchange goods, or simply gather. At the core of this concept is that these spaces are in some way available, and that there is a form of exchange happening within them. This general idea is fundamental to distinguish some intrinsic characteristics of public spaces beyond their western-defined physical appearance- for example, the piazza- and define the types that make a Public Space both in Maputo and in Dar Es Salaam.

It is a strongly centripetal city, with an administrative nucleus, from which the four main arteries- Bagamoyo road, Morogoro Road, Julius Nyerere Road and Kilwa Road- spread towards the main land, connected by the only ring infrastructure, the Nelson Mandela road. The formal, historical center has developed along western models, with large lots- 400 to 600 sqm- surrounded by paved streets; squares and public buildings are well defined and recognizable as public spaces. However, 75% of the residents of Dar Es Salaam live outside the city center, along the pe-

riphery and between the main arteries, where the land is available and accessible. Despite not being officially recognized, these informal unplanned neighborhoods show an internal organization and everyday-life patterns that do not differ from the formal ones. Their public spaces are not as defined, but can be recognizable as the streets; in particular, any path that goes through a height change, such as a staircase, is considered and used as public space.

The few large unoccupied green areas are also used as green spaces.

Cemeteries, for example, are located within the urban context and are common to different religions. The Jangwani area, a large green belt that bounds the city center, is one of the rare open public spaces: crossed by the Msimbazi river, this space is dominated by vegetation, which prevented the expansion of the settlements. The area of Mnazi Moja, the open green space established in colonial period to divide the zones of the city, appears today as a large and open public space with some service facilities. School facilities are used by the public as well, especially the more available open areas and courts. Finally, markets are largely frequented by the public as they host the self-employed workforce ; streets, by consequence, are also important public spaces as they are, themselves, small markets occupied by traders. (Bersani, Bogoni 2001) The residents of these large informal settlements are, low to middle income families, sometimes made up by workers of the formal sector –for example professors or municipality employees- but most often, they work in the informal sector, as street vendors. (Rasmussen; 2013) The city’s formal economy- based on

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

Dar Es Salaam | Public Spaces Typologies [Informal Settlement Market]

agricultural processing, light manufacturing and fishing- involves only 19% of the population, while the rest is self-employed. Informal activities also include manufacture and fishing, and many other sectors such as “urban agriculture, construction; trade; restaurants and hotels; transport; community and personal services; mama lishe (cooked food selling); fish selling; water vending; charcoal selling; tailoring and internet cafes�.

Furniture manufacture is also a local

specialism developed in the areas of Keko Magumburasi and Biafra.

Among these activities, street trading appears to be the most common form of retail and of employment for the city’s residents. Informal vendors on the central business district are more controlled; traders use metal stands or are placed in specific sites. However, even the municipal market in the Kariakoo area-a major trading site with visitors from outside the country- is surrounded by street

vendors. Manzese, a large informal market developed along Morogoro Road, serves more peripheral, low-income housing areas, and most neighborhoods around also developed their own trading sites along the streets. All arterial roads are trading areas; useful items are sold at road junctions or at bus stops. There are also some specialized areas, like Gerezani, for metal and construction supplies, and Samora, for electronic goods. (Brown, 2013) 25

Trading and Informality represent two main conditions that have shaped and keep shaping the public space within Dar Es Salaam: trading sustains the city’s economy and creates employment for the majority of the population, informality is the means through which trading becomes possible and diffused along the street.

Infrastructure, as a general concept, could already be categorized as a public area, defined by its accessibility to everyone; public space, as a specific urban occurrence, is defined by its constant use. In Dar es Salaam, informal trading becomes the main condition that creates public space, as it allows and guarantees occupancy and use of the infrastructure. Informal vendors are spread all over the city’s public infrastructure: the streets are, themselves, markets, and as such they can be considered the most vibrant form of public space.

Tanzania has taken into consideration the informal sector as early as the 1980s, when the Human Resources Deployment Act established the “Right to Work”, “which required every able-bodied person to be engaged in productive activities” (Brown, 2013). The Act established short-term licenses for people to start and grow their activities along the urban areas; harassment was discouraged for those working without a license, instead, fines were established. Later in the 90s, some of the markets were improved and traders were relocated from unsafe sites; by 1997, 240 self-help groups for small businesses were created in support of the informal trading sector.

The priority given to this sector in the 90s, together with the Right to Work, has established a level of protection for street traders: relocations and 26

Typologies

Typologies

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

[Bus Stop]

s [Lampost]

Typologies [Cemetery]

Typologies [Coffee Shop]

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clearances are less likely to happen than in other African countries, and they can only occur when alternative placements are found.

Use rights are set so that nobody would pay occupancy fees , unless established in specific markets. In the most visible central areas, traders pay a business tax and a license – nguvu kazi- but elsewhere informal arrangements occur that let informal traders occupy a portion of the street.

For example, building owners who let raders occupy the space in front of their property receive protection against theft and manage to keep the area clean. (Brown, 2013) The tradition of Urban Public Space in Dar Es Salaam is deeply rooted in its rural traditions, with a prevalence of urban agriculture and fishing as main activities that support trading.

(Brown, 2013) Aside the spontaneous and continuous formation of these activities, their current development has been strongly supported by the research and improvements made along the 80s and the 90s. Street trading is now established within a legal framework, the Right to Work, which allows the continuous occupancy and use of the street. Without legal impediments, traders remain stable in their usual placements; single trading spots define precise patterns and become the elements that bound the public space in the streets.

Along the informal areas in the city it is more difficult to recognize the boundary between public and private space: ownership of the land exists and is commonly known, but the boundaries that define the streets, and the private areas around the houses are not so strictly defined and could change through time.

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Public buildings are very few, and streets are the most used public space in the city, defended by the old inhabitants against the new potential ones, who invade the public areas in the search for available land for housing. Traces of old traditions dominate the imagery and the types of the public spaces: shaded areas close to the trees resemble the former villages’ open spaces. Shade itself is a recurrent element in the creation of public spaces as it guarantees protection against the sun’s radiation.

The placement of different types of trees is crucial as it defines the use of the surrounding space- narrower trees will provide less shade than the denser ones, which create enough shade for a sitting or resting area.

Simple elements- like benches- define the typology within itself. These can be made by any material or common object, like logs. During the day, these are often accompanied by the shade provided by trees, umbrellas, or small shacks. It is also interesting to note the involvement of private companies- for example in the distribution of the umbrellas that are used along the road- whose colors define the general aspect of the roads all around the city. Other public spaces can develop close to main landmarks: meeting places could be near or within a mosque or a kiosk, but even cafes or market places: anchor elements of the urban fabric which are generally frequented, noted and recognizable.

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

In this context, bus stops are very common public areas as they constitute a reference point and ensure the flows of people coming from all parts of the city.

Besides being landmarks, market places are agglomerates that ensure the use of the space, as they host commercial activities which provide for basic needs- such as water or food. Moreover, they ensure a heavy presence of people along the street: the use of the public space is proved by the crowd that occupies it.

During the night, small shops and lampposts define lighted areas where people can gather. It is not uncommon for the roads of Dar Es Salaam to have little to no lights available; public activities are generally carried out during the day, and it’s rare for the street life to continue without the natural light. The lampposts or shops’ illumination at night provide a higher level of safety that is not found in a dark or barely lighted area: the possibility to have clear sight of an open space is a primary necessity to orient oneself within it. Besides allowing vision, therefore being potentially safe, lighted areas are also generally perceived as such: a brighter zone is seen as a secure place from passers-by, and has the potential to ensure a day-to-day continuity to public life. (Bersani, Bogoni, 2001) In the more central areas, the port can be considered a public space as it is also dominated by market functions which are generally accompanied by the described elements of public life-shade, light, possibility to seat. Former botanical gardens established during the German colonial period still appear throughout the city but are rarely used by the public.

Typologies [City Centre]

Typologies [Market]

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where by the primary has a greater sphere of influence over the secondary, although size and mass are not prevalent in the former. Recent advances in planning focus to the periphery, with the creation of major nodes of infrastructure and economy, has tried to emphasise an urban hierarchy around the periphery. This has had a growing impact of the potential independence of public spaces within the setting of the periphery and its independence from the centre.

CONTEMPORARY PUBLIC SPACES: ECONOMY, RIGHT TO OWNERSHIP AND TYPOLOGY DICHOTOMIES OF MAPUTO THE USED / UNUSED, SECURED / UNSECURED, THE CENTRE AND THE PERIPHERY

Maputo today can readily be defined in two different types of urban areas, the concrete city; the cities bay-side downtown area, and the Canico, the urban periphery that houses the majority of Maputo residents and in turn informal settlements. These two aspects of Maputo mark major contrasts, that of the formal and informal, the official and unofficial, and the static and transformative. This is not to say these zones have not changed throughout the cities history, but to begin define their spatial characters. The concrete centre has always changed within its planned spatial boundaries, within the ‘formal’. Whilst the Canico has rapidly expanded and changed throughout planning and lack of, always existing as periphery.

Their relationship can also be clarified within a political framework of focus. The Centro of concrete has remained a main focus of capital and bourgeois settlement within business and housing, whilst the Canico has experienced sub-sequential reactive policy. Although not reflective of the occupation of space or the importance of these spaces, the centre of concrete and the canico can be understood as primary and secondary,

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So for the purpose of understanding the conditions which influence public space, it is necessary to understand within which spatio-political context they exist, the Concrete Center or the Canico. And what each space represents politically and historically.

Public space within the context of the Centro and Canico is now experiencing a change of public and private agency, polarised within their context of the concrete city and the Canico.

Security, and the multiple agents in which ‘secure’, has began to dictate varying degrees of access to public space. This, as noted by Paasche and Sidaway (2010) has had major influence on the socio-spatial transformations of Maputo. Stemming from the governments’ inability to control and respond to this monopoly has led to a reliance on a huge variation of privatised security forces, employed in the private sector formally and informally. Concentrated within the city of concrete and its immediate adjacencies, these companies reflect private interests in the public domain, leverage their agency on public space. Formal spaces like parks, streets and shopping centres are being redefined through this new mode of occupation. The new trans-

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

action of spaces reflects the interest of employer, often at odds with public interest.

Where the government has managed to maintain parts of this civic service, over representation and excessive displays of government forces, police and military, it is influencing attitudes toward the prospective uses of public spaces. Citizens have often described a deep mistrust and fear of the forces in public spaces as a result of institutional corruption, diminishing the prospect of these spaces as being observed as ones open to the public. As noticed in their conclusion, Passche and Sidaway (2010) noticed the damaging effect this has on social inequality, enacting a rise in the rate of crime. The micro scale of urban security as noted by Sidaway (2010) can be noticed across transects, fragmenting the space with the securing of objects. These objects are secured, puncturing the concrete city like an archipelago of guarded and unguarded the spaces.

As a result of the systemic separation of the two zones of Maputo, the Concrete Centre and the Canico have, within the typology of public space, experienced varying levels of usage and occupancy. This is a result of not only the density of occupants within the urban and semi urban areas, but citizens’ access to these public spaces. An abstraction of this access, applicable to a social separation experienced by many Maputo citizens, is defined by the identity of the space.

Which type of citizen do these spaces serve?

Within the Concrete city, the unused as opposed to the used, is a condition that characterises the formal aspects

Dar Es Salaam | Public Spaces Typologies [Informal Settlement Market]

of public space. A spaces’ abundance cannot be identified as its ultimate utility, as some spaces in Maputo centre in contrast to canico offer this space. Layers of affect define these spaces’ usage: the perceived level of security offered, the proximity to new formal and informal economy, and the formal aspect of these spaces.

This abundance is not dictated by its defining characteristics but by the socio-political and colonial legacies that define its usage and area.

Unused space is an important feature of public areas in Maputo, as it is not set across type and typology.

The sterile nature of such spaces within the Concrete city differ greatly to communal space in the Canico, which are incredibly reflexive to the needs of local economies and cultures. These spaces in contrast to one another, have varying architectural perpetrators. Formally, it could

be said that the experience of the square as a type provides far less utility that the forms of the street, elements we aim to define in further analysis.

Noticing the growing agents in spatial occupation, the difference in the used and unused, and more generally the articulation of the two main political focuses of Maputo; the centro and canico, it is important to define not only formal typologies in maputo, but what it is they manifest. For this index, we have represented typologies as portraying two types of spatial recognition, that of the specific and the characteristic. The specific refers to the portrayal of types within a fixed position, one in which its elements may be best understood and then generalised to a wider context. Whilst the characteristic aims to define typical elements of a specific type within a wider context of Maputo.

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Public space and the programs they offer vary drastically in Maputo, with each typology providing function specific to its context, and sometimes programs outside of its typical formal framework.

These conditions, in which our selected typologies occupy is a focus of our comparative analysis, varying from formal and informal spaces, newly developed spaces, spaces of change and new capital, spaces within the concrete city and the periphery.

For the purpose of identifying varying typologies in the operation and formal characteristics of public space, the square, the market, the street, the bay and the ‘grey zone’ have been selected as points of focus.

Within each typology, varying conditions, expressive of the socio-cultural conditions of life in Maputo, can be explored and clarified.

The square signifies a form of understanding in colonial planning and its ideology. A remnant of colonial idealism, the square reflects ideal cultural identity, the square offers a place of homage, a site to represent an aspect of life. As a necessary type in axial monumental planning, the square within Maputo has existed, and still exists physically, as the cities history and legacy. As Milheiro (2012) notes, squares within the context of colonial development strengthen the framework of monumental assembly, a objective important to the New State.

The sea side, or more prescriptively, the sea and its adjacencies has experienced a vast change in economic conditions relative to the surge in tourism and demand for private residential or commercial property. The sea also offers a source of income for fisherman and in hand the informal market. This type marks a place 32

of tension and engagement of the respective agencies of the formal and informal dichotomy. This could be considered an anecdotal representation of the growth of the informal economy in reaction to the growing international investment, with the wider working class responding to a demand for goods and services in newly developed parts of the city.

The market, the place of large cultural significance with the contemporary cities, is a consistent typology of focus for both Dar Es Salaam and Maputo. The market itself, as a incredibly malleable term application to the conditions of the formal and informal, is often distinguished as to where it is located, and to whom it provides service. Markets exist across roads, paths and buildings, perpetuating the recognition and occupancy of new and old spaces of trade. The market, culturally, also represents a place of resistance to global capital and foreign investment; it allows citizens to connect and trade within a local environment, one that supports a local economy.

Typologies [Indep

‘Grey zones’ are what may be characterised as one of the most important post-independent typologies of public space in facilitating community visibility and safe space. These spaces enable a frictionless response to the loss of other civic spaces, allowing development of employment to continue to exist. Stemming from a continuous adaptation of the urban spaces (Simone 2004) these spaces allow visibility and further substance within an environment of economic segregation, thus making them important communal public spaces for people confined or marginalised to and from the cities centre.

Typologies [W

pendence Square]

Water Front]

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

Typologies [University Pitch]

Typologies [Market]

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THE CONTRAST OF RHYTHM: CONCENTRATION AND DECENTRALISATION OF PUBLIC SPACE THE STREETS OF DAR ES SALAAM: MANZEZE MARKET

The general layout and distribution of Public Space in the two cities has shown how Dar Es Salaam has fewer formal public spaces but little to no restrictions in terms of accessibility, whereas Maputo has more availability of formal public spaces but often restrains a part of the population from them. With this comprehensive analysis of the two cities as a whole, it is possible to proceed to “zoom in” into the urban fabric to discover the public spaces’ types descripted and how they are all share a common element: the street.

It’s been noted how Public Space in Dar Es Salaam can be defined by few simple elements: benches, trees that provide shadow, shops that provide small lights during the night, and most importantly street vendors, which ensure the presence of people on the street. Trading is in fact the main mechanic that ensures employment and it’s performed both in spe-

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cific markets and along the road. In the case of Dar Es Salaam, we can find these public spaces concentrated within the same neighborhood: it is possible to focus on a single area to find all these types; particularly, informally-developed neighborhoods are shown to be more representative of the city as they constitute the majority of its urban and suburban extension.

Manzese is an informal neighborhood in which all the elements that form public space in Dar Es Salaam are conjugated as conditions that allow the use of public space.

Streets, marketplaces, bus stops, small shops, benches, trees, shacks, umbrellas, streetlights are the typologies that are present, used, and distributed, along the area. All these are found along the street, a key urban resource for public life and a means of distribution: infrastructures are not only the public core- the res publica-

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

themselves of urban life, but are able to infiltrate and connect the urban fabric.

Streets are public spaces and drivers of urban prosperity.

Public life immerses in the area of Manzese; the Manzese market, at its core, is the physical center and living heart of the quarter, defined by a tight network of streets.

Developed along the main artery of Morogoro Road, The Manzese informal market serves a large peripheral area and develops trading within and around its loosely defined borders.

Along its street patterns, the Manzese market shows some indoor and outdoor shops, whose use is aided by the main bus stop –Manzese .

Trading activities are also carried out around the other main bus stops: Kagera, Manzese Argentina, Manzese Tip Top; Urafiki, along the edge of the area towards the main land, is less involved in informal trading due to the closeness of larger facilities such as the textile mills, the Police Station and the Post offices. Road intersections are also important for trading, but in the case of Manzese, the area appears far away from the

main ring road towards the mainlandNelson Mandela Road – and the major intersections towards the center -Mpiji and Kawana Road-.

Analyzing the street from a closer point of view, Morogoro Road appears like the largest and most traffic-congested road in the area. Despite being one of the major arterial roads of Dar Es Salaam, it is not perceived by pedestrians as a border, instead, it is heavily frequented and used for trading and more generally as a public space. It is a major infrastructure for cars, buses for regional transport, 35

tok-toks- small vehicles that provide local public transport-,trucks and other light vehicles used for the transportation of goods. Bus stops areas correspond to an enlargement of the road (identified easily through a map) with large bus station facilities along the middle that often host indoor services. Bus lanes are only around these stops, and dissolve gradually along Morogoro road. On the sides, sidewalks are sometimes defined by a narrow planted area, nevertheless, small and big vehicles can reach the sidewalk as they are often necessary for trading, or are themselves the trading stands.

Looking at Morogoro Road towards the mainland, some differences are also noticeable from one side of the street to the other. The left side of the road is bounded by formal buildings and a relatively more defined sidewalk area occupied mostly by stands provided with umbrellas and small vehicles. The right side hosts more informal settlements, more heavy duty vehicles and a less defined sidewalk area. Pedestrians are heavily present in both sides and even along the bus lanes, either as workers or just passers-by.

Moving from the main road to the inner streets, there is no progressive width and accessibility reduction; the roads tend to be accessible by a single car or medium vehicle, which leaves space for two minor sidewalks on the sides. These are, however, not defined by a height change as much as by the flows of pedestrians. These one-lane roads are often dead endsat least for cars- and lead to even smaller roads crossed mainly by passers-by. The only vehicle that adapts to the width and general accessibility of these streets is the handcart, often used by the workers as it allows to 36

move through the neighborhoods in which most roads are inaccessible by cars.

The general idea provided by street sections is the recurrent presence of the pedestrians, proof of a determined use of the road as public space. Even if not specifically involved in the trading actions, pedestrians are often gathering around vending charts, umbrellas, trees, or simply walking around these areas.

The presence of the people is the element that gives life to the road as public space; these vibrant and lively streets are therefore provided with all the cited elements that define the public space of Dar Es Salaam. The mutual relation between the pedestrians’ occupancy and the streets itself creates a virtuous circle: the constant use of the infrastructure gives room to its further development, which in exchange provides a better public space.

Finally, the street appears as the most vibrant public space, an urban artifact in which social, cultural and economical exchanges take place, and define the city of Dar Es Salaam.

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

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canico aims to articulate this difference.

THE CONTRAST OF RHYTHM: CONCENTRATION AND DECENTRALISATION OF PUBLIC SPACE MAPUTO AND ITS SPACES OF EVIDENCE

Unlike Dar as Salaam, a complete catalogue of public spaces and their relative thresholds and occupations cannot be observed in one place or zone. Both the Concrete city and Canico display relative case studies in what is a dynamic culture of program and variety of typology. It can be noted that typologies within each distinct context, have a variety of spatial activity and economy. Consequentially, in our analysis of these important typologies, a need to express these difference across the greater urban area was incredibly important.

The demarcation of a site or focus, given the dichotomies previously described, have led to a major contrast in the state in which urbanity and the specific culture can be observed.

Maputo, as a city comprised of a major central and peri-urban areas, required an analysis of conditions specific to these two physical makeups. It was then necessary to specify sites that communicated these dichotomies, resistances, changes and cultures, in an attempt to deliver variance in moments experienced in Maputo. Gathering fragments of the city, two within the Concrete Centro, and two within the every expanding

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Located in the North of Maputo is the Universidade Eduardo Mondlane. The soccer pitch and sporting area; not usually considered as a formal public space, is activated by inhabitants located in the informal housing surrounding. This is an incredibly clear example of occupation in a non-controlled space, allowing recreational activity to exist within it, without private stakeholders opting for a share in the space. This also represents a condition which is more difficult to observe in Maputo; the occupation of private space, or formal space, by the public. Its important to understand that this space is not owned or controlled by the public, but observed as a place with public potential. It is also an important example of private space that provides an allowance to the needs of periphery living and their immediate borders, allowing an emancipatory threshold between formal and informal. This is not an usual occurrence throughout Maputo, especially considering the relocation of informal settlements for private development. Thresholds are often characterised as impermeable, be that because of the presence of security or physical structure.

Maputo Central Market is the other major place within the Concrete city that plays a key role in trade and economy, and is one of the most active public spaces in the central.

This, more importantly, because of its formalisation has led to the informal occupying the periphery. As observable in a macro sense, the ‘formal’ marketplace serves parties of specific interest and wealth, whist the ‘informal’ serves those who serve, or

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

in other words, the majority of working people. It is important to note, as an origin of planning and subsequent colonial legacy, that the Maputo central market was built on the D. Vasco da Game square. This open plot, and allowance of open space planned by the Portuguese has been subsequently transformed.

and unplanned can be drawn simply through section and planned, delineated by physical structure.

In between the street and the Central market is the municipal market.

These three market places across a spectrum of affirmed and formal to ad hoc and non architectural, cater for different layers of demand.

The street surrounding the market enables this to happen, with spatial reprogramming not happening as a result of government intervention but civilian intervention. The planned

This however does not dictate type, as each adjacency seems to operate as either an open lot or street. This context should be recognised as the extension of a centralised formal

place of trade, whereby the subsidiary spaces of trade engage over another strata of society previously excluded from the formal place of trade.

This sprawling market typology and its reflexive ability to engage with varying identities and classes is in deep contrast to the other selected public space of interest with the concrete centre, Independence Square.

Independence square is a historical place of Mozambican identity, both the old and the new. Independence 39

square, is flanked by the Iron house designed by Gustave Eiffel, the cathedral of Our Lady the Immaculate, the North Maputo city hall and a major symbolic space of change, the statue in the centre of the round about. The position of the statue is anecdotal of the governments’ both portugese colonial and socialist Mozambican, attempt to introduce themselves in a place of historical importance.

Originally, it was the statue of Mouzinho de Albuquerque, the leader of Portuguese Mozambique. Come independence this was replaced by Samora Michel, the first president of Mozambique. This space as a place of communication of government and national identity, just like that of the Portuguese colonial government, is void of the same cultural layers of spatial usage that other public spaces experience. in other words, this space does not see the same reflexive spatial occupations that other places of public space see in Maputo. What does make this public though, is the representation, or misrepresentation of idols of national identity, communicated both through architecture and symbol.

In deep contrast to Dar es Salam, the gap between government identity and local identity can be observed through the lack of utility the space offers in a contemporary environment, attributed mostly to the spatial planning and the architectures and symbols that have engaged mozambiquap culture from a period of occupation.

The comparative analysis of Public Spaces in Dar Es Salaam and Maputo can be understood as the result of contrasting dialectics between private and public forces, formal and informal.

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These dialectics begin to define the level of use through occupancy, misuse through corruption and disuse through absence of people in public areas in the two cities. In Maputo, within the concrete city, spaces are both formal and informal, with trade and representation necessitated and identified. In the Canico, informal spaces offer much needed frictionless environments, whilst some formal ones are transitioning to greater permeability.

Dar es Salaam, in contrast, has few central formal spaces in the center which nevertheless guarantee access through social mechanics such as self-employment and the right to work. These same mechanics allow the haphazard occupation of space in the periphery and the creation of a greater quantity of informal public spaces, which are inserted within the urban context and have a public utility and purpose.

These two cities’ spatial conjugations are reconciled within the street, both a conceptual and tangible form of public space in which different distributions, accesses and uses define both Maputo and Dar es Salaam’ greatest resource and its unexploited potential.

PART I - ANALYSIS PHASE [PUBLIC SPACES THROUGH MAPUTO AND DAR ES SALAAM]

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FRAMEWORKS OF RESISTANCE CITY OF MAPUTO ZONE [1]: PRACA DOS HEROIS AND PRACA DOS COMBATENTES. ZONE [2]: PRACA DOS LABOURER AND PRACA DOS INDEPENDENCE

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“IT COULD BE SAID THAT POWER, IN THE CONTEXT OF THE TERRITORY, IS NOTHING OTHER THAN THE MANAGEMENT OF DIFFERENCES WITH THE AIM OF REINFORCING THE CENTRE BY URBANIZING THE LANDSCAPE” - MARCEL MEILI “THE AIM OF URBAN POWER IS, ON BEHALF OF THE CENTRE, TO EXTEND THE TERRITORY AS FAR OUTWARD AS POSSIBLE, AND THE CENTRE DEFENDS THIS AREA AGAINST ANY CLAIMS UPON I T COMING FROM OTHER CENTRES”

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INTRODUCTION CONCEPTUAL / THEORETICAL

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The square as a tool has become a spatial condition where misrepresentation and layers of a complex history of occupation and independence are now rendered impermanent to change, a static moment only open to the imposition ceremony and ritual.

The four remaining squares in Maputo, previously five (Praca 25 de Junho, Previously Praca 7 de Marco now residential developments) enable analysis through the clear spatio-political stratas they illustrate. Trends of security also seem to leverage opportunity to space no matter what context, chiefly with the purpose of securing an exclusive environment, most often an economic one. Squares are an original and ongoing place of representation. Squares, and in turn, the representative tool of the monument, was iterated through a period of colonialism to post-independence in an attempt to place make spaces for the communication of society and its ideals. The square as a typology could be seen as a legacy of colonial occupation of Mozambique.

However, their spatial profile had since been repeated since independence. Considering this, could an attitude, not to the type of the square but

as a existing spatial node, change the way these spaces communicate identity. And if so, what does each square frame and communicate, and how does the immediate context of centrality and sub sequential urbanity effect each square. Urban power, as illustrated in Maputo, is focused on reaffirming the centrality of the city, often at a cost of dispossession to residents of greater Maputo. The Canico could be understood as the urbanized landscape to this fortified, consuming centre. However, this does not remove is ability to act as an interior able to oppose or resist the city. It is important to our scheme, not to understand the programmatic dictations of each structure of the site, but to present a possible sequence of occupation to unfold through the future across each site from the inception of the framework intervened.

This recognition of the structure through an unavoidable timeline of growth hopes to understand different modes of occupation and in turn, new spaces for representation. Our aim with this project is not to create a consistent urban scheme. It is to create a tactic that addresses the acquisition of power from the ‘urbanized territory’ to the ‘centre’, within an environment dictated by the global market, an urbanism that Maputo is experiencing now. We have attempted two varying strategies across both the Canico and centre.

PART II - DESIGN PHASE [FRAMEWORKS OF RESISTANCE]

ZONES OF CAPITAL AND INTERSECTION OF INFORMAL TO FORMALISED

STRUCTURE AS SECURITY PRACA DOS COMBATENTES

RESISTANCE

CENTRALITY

PRACA DOS HEROIS

PRACA INDEPENDANCE

PRACA DOS LABOURERS

POWER

SUPER IMPOSITION

SQUARE AS A THRESHOLD

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Urbanized Map of Maputo

Formalized streets vs Informal streets

The Centre vs Urbanized Territory

Sites of interest and Municipal Jurisdiction

THE CENTRE IS POSITION BY INDUSTRIALIZING THE CONSEQUENTIAL STATE TERRITORY 46

PART II - DESIGN PHASE [FRAMEWORKS OF RESISTANCE]

Tactic: Urban Image understood as the moments experienced across the axis framed by the new monuments to identity

280 m Intervention Position Plan: Voids of Exclusivity and high evaluation; Framework Intervention, and the Monuments

Axonometric: Continuous Framework as an architecture to secure and empower

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[CANICO]

The Praca dos Herois and Praca dos Combatentes frame an axis of opportunity. This axis, although framed within two specific national sites of identity, is losing its balance of representation. A process of Gentrification has been prevalent across this axis. Informal housing is being replaced by spaces of industry and capital and is beginning to represent a new urban picture. The removal of informal housing also removes conditions of visibility and opportunity to employment. This condition is a metonymic condition of the greater urban environment. With both squares, an attempt to celebrate and create a place of reflection may be realised within the framework of its initial spatial boundary. However, the context in which is contextualised by these the spatial places of identity is changing rapidly. It is integral to the communication of identity (whatever that is) across the urban landscape, to be understood as integral. Currently places and zones of capital are evaluated as being more significant to the operations of the street and its economic circumstance. In trying to formally future proof this threshold, that of the contact of informal housing to the avenue of liberation for Mozambique we decided to superimpose a framework across this point of contact. This framework exists essentially as a gateway, an entry and a structure solidifying an access to the street. The dialogue to the structure [Occupation]

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PART II - DESIGN PHASE [FRAMEWORKS OF RESISTANCE]

across the street is secondary to the initial framing of these informal places on the street. The formalisation through structure looks to proof these places from destruction. Although providing no variation in modular size, it can be noted that the size itself may dictate a method of occupation of this monumental like structure.

It is indeed a monument to visibility and change, a meaning reductive to monuments.

Modular occupation was aimed at enabling reflexive spaces of informal commerce, infrastructure and general places of culture, be it discussion or display. However, we cannot imagine, and nor do we want to place specific programs in this site, as we do not have the ability to understand the complexity programmatic demands of these settlements. All we have aimed to do is provide a structure and security to a space. Conceived at day 0, these monuments to settlement are frameworks to be occupied, altered and manipulated to the needs of the settlement. It is our hope that it begins to define and close a gap between the value of large zones of capital and settlement across the settlement.

Sectional Plan

Perspectives Frameworks Pre-Occupation

Framework Section

Elevation: Framework Across extent of Street

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PART II - DESIGN PHASE [FRAMEWORKS OF RESISTANCE]

Frameworks Post-Occupation

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[CENTRO]

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We have attempted to deliver a framework in which address the conditions of the squares within the centre by possibly enabling a future form of growth and occupation.

We understand these squares as, like the grain of the block within the city, a self contained site of representation. Narrative is within the threshold of the square, as also reflected by its city context. The square in this context, can be understood as a self contained timeline of history, an architecture hoping to representation and communicate. The fabric of these squares, comparative to that of the ones within the Canico, have been utilities in the communication of occupation and freedom throughout Maputo’s history. Notably, Independence square experienced three changes of ruler displayed as a monument. Our tactic therefore sought to impose a new rule, or new standard of spatial framework on these sites.

At the Praca dos labourer, formally a monument to the great war, we sought to imply a framework enabling verticality. Across time, framing the monument as interior to the structure, sought o create a dialogue of reflexive occupation and memory. It is our hope with the construction of

the platform that it continues to grow, with program and sequence changing vertically and horizontally across time. It aims to represent a new method of informal occupation within a formalised structure. In contrast, our strategy for the Praca dos independence looked to alter a dialogue between the two main buildings of power, the municipal offices and the monument of Samora Machel. A colonnade of punctured posts, moveable partitions and rotating theatres.

This as opposed to the Praca dos labourers alludes to no condition or future of vertical expansion, but looks to offer a non fixed framework; metonymic of the impermanent conditions across the urbanized territory. Moments and types of occupation may very, with movable structure enabling varying forms of the square. The elasticity of the plan is a stark contrast to static structure that currently occupy the square.

PART II - DESIGN PHASE [FRAMEWORKS OF RESISTANCE]

Plan: Center’s growth and experience dictated by the Grain of each block, a self contained shape just like the square

Plan: Independence Square and Workers Square, their Monuments and their immediate architectural adjacencies

Left Axonometric: Workers Square - Vertical Framework Pliable to vertical expansion in the future Right Axonometric: Independence Square - Framework Types Reflexive to new physical dialogue with the surrounding architectures

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Plan: Praca dos Trabalhadores; Workers Square

Section Through Praca dos Trabaldohares

Frameworks Pre-Occupation

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PART II - DESIGN PHASE [FRAMEWORKS OF RESISTANCE]

Frameworks Post-Occupation

Suggestion modules of activity and programmatic intervention

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Plan: Praca dos Independencia; Independence Square

Section: Praca dos Independence

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PART II - DESIGN PHASE [FRAMEWORKS OF RESISTANCE]

Frameworks Pre-Occupation

Frameworks Post-Occupation

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