3 Chapter 3 - Methodology

3.1 Introduction

The extensive accounting and methodical as well as a thorough intensive study that has gone into understanding the issues faced by often-isolated local communities in terms of access to physical and social infrastructures is one of the most significant characteristics of case studies (Connell and Waddell, 2011). The dissertation is an attempt to understand the challenges faced by the lowincome minorities in segregated neighborhoods of Bengaluru. It seeks to comprehend the processes through which Shivajinagar is conceived and depicted., following an ethnographic approach to examine the people and the relationship of their space.

3.2 Shivajinagar the case and its significance

Shivajinagar is one such example of many such ghettos and enclaves which are present not only in Bengaluru but across India that portray similar characteristics to each other. The segmented and deteriorating areas of Juhapura in Ahmedabad and Shivajinagar in Mumbai, where marginalization seems to deepen after each religious violence, are two outstanding instances of this viewpoint (Adukia et al., 2019 The developed theory shows that a similar pattern of minority settlement is formed throughout India. However, of course, there are dangers in making claims about larger processes based on a single project if the area is in its infancy. Still, as we know, Shivajinagar is known to be a historical place and emerged during the British rule over India. Shivajinagar is more than just a little neighborhood; it has well-connected ties and networks to markets around Bengaluru and even India. As such, it supports the claim that a single location may provide context for understanding a system more broadly. Many different groups from government and politics to non-governmental organizations and local communities, as well as religious institutions and commercial enterprises contribute to the neighborhood's rich tapestry of life. It's possible this case will serve as a precedent; thus, it merits its own investigation.

3.3 A comparative neighborhood

Ihave been living in Bengaluru since my childhood and as a resident of thestate, have been largely dependent on Shivajinagar as one of the most significant marketplaces in the city. Another reason for choosing Shivajinagar is that I've witnessed the region in disrepair for a long time and felt compelled to highlight the people's plight. The neighborhood’s boundaries are clearly marked by poor infrastructure and accessibility, unlike its surrounding localities. After realizing the differences between the neighboring area, I decided to pick another locality, Benson town, located right next to it, to understand their situation, challenges, and differences, which would give me a better understanding of my main study. Benson town can be termed a citadel, populated mainly by the upper middle class and also dominated by minorities. This idea of comparison evolved from the sustainable goals of having an inclusive city where there are stark comparisons between different areas of the varied classes This small comparison can help us uncover patterns of explanations Assuming that the two locations are examples of the same phenomenon's evolution, contrasting their differences is a method based on the belief that their commonalities can be easily refuted and any effort to identify the reasons for those differences will soon link directly to the findings (Dilworth, 2020).

3.4 Philosophy and framework

In a rapidly urbanizing economy, urban infrastructure, along with the interventions it generates, increasingly influences people's daily lives in ways that may not always take the individual city inhabitant into consideration. To complement these critical studies, I have decided to take an ethnographic approach to study urban infrastructure, especially by highlighting the lives of the residents affected by it. The first one is an observation that would help us understand the urban spaces’ place and space-making. In this research, I used both planned and naturalistic observation techniques in this study to evaluate the region's physical characteristics (Byrne, 2021, pp.127 149). This method also discovered non-visual observations such as soundscapes, smell, and pollution. For the interviews, the participants were questioned with the same open and closedended series, which facilitated an answer or further discussion. After the public interviews, further questions were prepared to ask the governing authorities based on the situation of the people and the area.

Another critical aspect was language. Most of the interviews were conducted in the native language, which is Urdu. Multiple factors influence the interactions, including the researcher's and the respondents' language competence and language choice and usage (Marschan Piekkari and Reis, 2004). Speaking the local language made interviewees more comfortable, leading to more open discussions and cooperation, improving data quality. (Marschan Piekkari and Reis, 2004) Using triangulation, researchers may combine multiple research strategies, strengthening the validity and reliability of their findings (Turner, 2015). It is a method often used in qualitative data collection. The qualitative nature of both methodological approaches enabled the data obtained to be unique (Noy, 2008) and current to the circumstances in Shivajinagar. Residents and shop owners are the target population in this structure, and their identities are formed in response to the intervention.

3.5 Data collection

3.5.1 Observation

Bengaluru would be where I call home. It is the place with which I am most connected and at home. I landed in Bengaluru on the 29th of June to initiate my research project and started to conduct my fieldwork from July 2022 to September 2022. As a resident of Bengaluru and living in the neighboring area of Shivajinagar I thought that the process of the fieldwork would be easy work. Researching the neighborhood was deeply frustrating. I faced difficulty gathering basic information due to a lack of data from the government, problems in setting interviews, and challenges during my observation of the area. I started my research by observing urban settings to comprehend my surroundings better

On July 18, I met with a local informant and social worker to learn about Shivajinagar. The informant arrived at my office at 11 am, and we described my project to him. He quickly saw a political component to my concept and stated that it would assist the governing party in obtaining information on what the people felt about the MLA. I added that it was for academics and wouldn't engage in conversation. Later, we agreed to explore the region, and he showed me around Shivajinagar, where I was astonished by the situation of the people and its infrastructure. He then described how each section operates in Shivajinagar, which is separated into two parts controlled by various criminals. He even showed me their offices, which Ididn't believe. Visiting the location helped me organize future interviews and observations.

On the 19th of July, as I was observing the site and taking pictures, I came across an incident in Shivajinagar, a place called Gujri (a market where spare parts are sold). As my friend and I were moving down the area, taking pictures of the roads, we were immediately stopped and surrounded by a group of people asking what we were doing in the area and why we were taking pictures. It was a terrible scenario, and I saw weapons since the locals are renowned as butchers. I was informed I couldn't take photographs in that location and had to pay 5000 rupees (about $60) to the road committee, but we managed to persuade them it was for a study project but had to erase the photos taken there. Later, I went back to the guy who led me to the neighborhood and was told those regions are under certain criminals and one cannot take photographs or recordings without his prior approval, which worried me about the interviews I needed to do with people.

3.5.2 Interviews

Doing interviews in Shivajinagar was a murky business. I had to adopt the snowball effect (Noy, 2008), which helped ease the interview recruitment after understanding the area’s situation. The first situation I encountered in interviews was that the routine of the people in the area was quite different from other areas. Most people wake up after noon and sleep very late at midnight. This automatically pushed all my time for the interviews to later in the evenings of the day. Meeting theinformants was achallenging taskas theyareswampedin theirday-to-daylife,andthemoment they hear the word interview, they tend to get suspicious and immediately deny it. The interviews which took place had an average time of 25mins each, a little shorter than the ideal interviewing conditions outlined in books on anthropological methods (Weiss, 1995). To meet face-to-face, I had to adjust to their routines. Some contacts ignored me for days or weeks before agreeing to my terms. Some pulled out even after being assured that the interview wouldn't be released and was for academic purposes alone.

After a few days, I had the chance to meet the MLA, the elected leader of Shivajinagar. He visited my house owing to my family’s reputation in Bengaluru. I was shocked when he spoke about all the characteristics of urban infrastructure. I did not expect the knowledge he gave me on the topic, which was helpful and oriented toward sustainability I brought up the issues of criminals in the area, but even he suggested I would take someone along with me and avoid where they reside. He also pointed out a few slums where I can go and take interviews that are safe to visit. On the 18th of august, I had an interesting discussion in one of the slums inside Shivajinagar. I entered the slum along with an informant, and immediately when I explained the project was surrounded by people wanting to present their situations which led to a critical group discussion inside the slum area; as the interview was going on immediately, a person from the political party came down and influenced everyone to stop the interview smartly by telling them that their problems would be solved but until then I had gotten quite a lot of information. It was not only the government authorities who were secretive but also the area’s residents Living in a society where data is sold for money and the exchange of information may disrupt both the course of events and the lives of people in this region serves as an illustration of the power hierarchies inside the neighborhood.

Observation and interviews of Benson town

It was averystraight forwardssituationin Bensontownwhere Ifacednochallenges when it came to the observation of the area. As far as the interviews the informants were easy to access and agreed easily to give interviews. The interviews with the people of Benson town were more professional as most of the people were educated and were not hesitant to discuss the situation.

3.6 Ethics

Essential elements of ethics include respect for individuals' right to privacy and discretion and the ethical implications of various data-access techniques. My research aim led me to examine and understand many practices that sometimes felt unethical. These were mainly about the allegations of corruption made by the people on the government authorities and the intervention of illegalities within the system All my interviews were recorded with the verbal consent of the interview, the project was explained beforehand, and I reminded them that the recorder could be turned off. They could withdraw at any given time. Also, I ensured that my phone used to record was visible during the interview. My identity as a researcher was made clear to all the interviewees and all the group discussions. Research misconduct was minimized by obtaining ethical approval before conducting the interviews.

3.7 Conclusion and Limitations

This chapter discussed how the project was framed and designed to answer the research questions. The process led to understanding the critical elements of achieving a sustainable urban infrastructure. Shivajinagarareawas usedto study thelow-incomeminority groupto movebeyond the common trend of urban poor. A separate layer within the poor who are at times regarded to be abject residents of the country. I identified vital places within the area for a detailed analysis. The following chapter will outline the ethnography of the accessibility of the urban infrastructure of the area.

I had the opportunity to interview 25 people from various groups (locals, NGOs, social workers, and government officials) who all were directly involved with the work. I discontinued interviewing once I reached saturation, and it got tough to find additional residents, given the neighborhood's circumstances. The criminal angle of the area was a significant setback for conducting interviews in many parts of Shivajinagar. The project's time was limited in many aspects, and the techniques utilized included observations and interviews that provided a profound insight into the condition of the area and its people.

Definitions of elected members

MLA (member of legislative assembly) – is elected by the people of the constituency in this case the constituency is Shivajinagar.

Corporator – an elected member who manages and runs the local corporation of the constituency such as BBMP in the case of Bangalore for a particular ward of the area.