Archer M. Huntington, the Hispanic Society of America and American Museums, c. 1900 patrick lenaghan
On 20 January 1908 a group posed for a picture at the entrance of a museum about to open in New York City (fig. 2).1 The New York Times had already previewed the event in an article entitled ‘Scholarly Research Backed by a Fortune Has Brought Together a Collection of Priceless Value to Students of Spanish Lore. Archer M. Huntington Places His Spanish Library and Art Treasures in New and Costly Building for Use of Hispanic Society.’2 Comprising a library and museum, the new Hispanic Society of America displayed the culture of Spain and Latin America in the broadest sense. Its manuscripts and rare books attested to the achievements of Spanish writers from the Middle Ages onwards, while it also boasted a major selection of Old Master paintings by El Greco, Diego Velázquez and Francisco de Goya. Perhaps most strikingly, its scope ranged from the prehistoric era to the early twentieth century.3 Under the direction of its founder Archer M. Huntington (1870–1955; fig. 3), the Hispanic Society became one of the world’s most comprehensive collections of Spanish art objects, including antiquities, decorative arts and Islamic works, as well as superb canvases by nineteenth- and twentieth-century masters. As a child, Huntington had developed an abiding love of Hispanic culture while also falling under the spell of museums and libraries, so not surprisingly he decided to create one of his own devoted to this world of arts and letters. Even more remarkably, he carried out his project so resourcefully that its holdings are exceptional for their depth and richness. Although noteworthy for its founder’s extraordinary vision, the new institution doubtless stood out more in 1908 when New York City boasted only a handful of other museums, most notably The Metropolitan Museum of Art, the New York Historical
Society and the Museum of Natural History. At that time, others that have since taken on emblematic status – MoMA, the Guggenheim, the Frick and the Morgan – had not yet been founded. Considered from this point of view, the Hispanic Society was both a pioneering experiment and part of a trend sweeping across the nation. An understanding of how Huntington’s goals corresponded to the era and how they differed requires closer examination of the institution and its context.
Fig. 2
The inauguration of the Hispanic Society of America, 20 January 1908, with Archer M. Huntington standing at far right Fig. 3
Archer M. Huntington, 1903. Photogravure by Ernest Walter Histed opposite Fig. 1
The inauguration of Joaquín Sorolla’s first exhibition at the Hispanic Society, 4 February 1909
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Archer M. Huntington, the Hispanic Society of America and American Museums, c. 1900 patrick lenaghan
On 20 January 1908 a group posed for a picture at the entrance of a museum about to open in New York City (fig. 2).1 The New York Times had already previewed the event in an article entitled ‘Scholarly Research Backed by a Fortune Has Brought Together a Collection of Priceless Value to Students of Spanish Lore. Archer M. Huntington Places His Spanish Library and Art Treasures in New and Costly Building for Use of Hispanic Society.’2 Comprising a library and museum, the new Hispanic Society of America displayed the culture of Spain and Latin America in the broadest sense. Its manuscripts and rare books attested to the achievements of Spanish writers from the Middle Ages onwards, while it also boasted a major selection of Old Master paintings by El Greco, Diego Velázquez and Francisco de Goya. Perhaps most strikingly, its scope ranged from the prehistoric era to the early twentieth century.3 Under the direction of its founder Archer M. Huntington (1870–1955; fig. 3), the Hispanic Society became one of the world’s most comprehensive collections of Spanish art objects, including antiquities, decorative arts and Islamic works, as well as superb canvases by nineteenth- and twentieth-century masters. As a child, Huntington had developed an abiding love of Hispanic culture while also falling under the spell of museums and libraries, so not surprisingly he decided to create one of his own devoted to this world of arts and letters. Even more remarkably, he carried out his project so resourcefully that its holdings are exceptional for their depth and richness. Although noteworthy for its founder’s extraordinary vision, the new institution doubtless stood out more in 1908 when New York City boasted only a handful of other museums, most notably The Metropolitan Museum of Art, the New York Historical
Society and the Museum of Natural History. At that time, others that have since taken on emblematic status – MoMA, the Guggenheim, the Frick and the Morgan – had not yet been founded. Considered from this point of view, the Hispanic Society was both a pioneering experiment and part of a trend sweeping across the nation. An understanding of how Huntington’s goals corresponded to the era and how they differed requires closer examination of the institution and its context.
Fig. 2
The inauguration of the Hispanic Society of America, 20 January 1908, with Archer M. Huntington standing at far right Fig. 3
Archer M. Huntington, 1903. Photogravure by Ernest Walter Histed opposite Fig. 1
The inauguration of Joaquín Sorolla’s first exhibition at the Hispanic Society, 4 February 1909
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the Philadelphia Museum of Art (1876) and the Art Institute of Chicago (1879). The economic and social prominence of these cities goes a long way to explaining the phenomenon.31 But the contents of these new institutions differed markedly from the encyclopaedic art collections they boast today. When the Boston Museum of Fine Arts inaugurated its first building on Copley Square, it housed many casts, which the founders hoped would function as educational tools for industrial artists.32 Almost twenty years passed before the museum began to acquire original works in significant numbers, such that their addition doubtless led to the move in 1909 to its present, imposing building on Huntington Avenue. Events in Philadelphia followed a comparable route. In 1876 the city celebrated the centennial of American Independence with a fair showcasing the industrial arts. For this, it chartered the Pennsylvania Museum and School of Industrial Art, which opened the following year in a pavilion on the fairground. Nonetheless, it took decades to evolve into today’s encyclopaedic display and it moved to its current building only in 1928. The Art Institute of Chicago also conforms to this pattern, having begun as a museum and art school. In general terms, one sees how Huntington was developing his plans for the Hispanic Society at a moment when the nation experienced a quickening rate of this activity. The expansion of these institutions over the following decades (1890–1930) results from underlying social and economic trends. As the nation recovered from the depression of the early 1890s, a public willing to spend leisure time visiting these venues emerged. With the expansion of cities, local pride fuelled the drive, since municipal leaders appreciated the prestige of organising art exhibitions as part of urban promotion. To achieve this, they needed a museum, which in turn called for a collection and a consensus on which works to display. If, however, the interest in Old Master paintings corresponds to cultural trends of the period, it took on Fig. 10
The Main Court of the Hispanic Society, 2016
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the Philadelphia Museum of Art (1876) and the Art Institute of Chicago (1879). The economic and social prominence of these cities goes a long way to explaining the phenomenon.31 But the contents of these new institutions differed markedly from the encyclopaedic art collections they boast today. When the Boston Museum of Fine Arts inaugurated its first building on Copley Square, it housed many casts, which the founders hoped would function as educational tools for industrial artists.32 Almost twenty years passed before the museum began to acquire original works in significant numbers, such that their addition doubtless led to the move in 1909 to its present, imposing building on Huntington Avenue. Events in Philadelphia followed a comparable route. In 1876 the city celebrated the centennial of American Independence with a fair showcasing the industrial arts. For this, it chartered the Pennsylvania Museum and School of Industrial Art, which opened the following year in a pavilion on the fairground. Nonetheless, it took decades to evolve into today’s encyclopaedic display and it moved to its current building only in 1928. The Art Institute of Chicago also conforms to this pattern, having begun as a museum and art school. In general terms, one sees how Huntington was developing his plans for the Hispanic Society at a moment when the nation experienced a quickening rate of this activity. The expansion of these institutions over the following decades (1890–1930) results from underlying social and economic trends. As the nation recovered from the depression of the early 1890s, a public willing to spend leisure time visiting these venues emerged. With the expansion of cities, local pride fuelled the drive, since municipal leaders appreciated the prestige of organising art exhibitions as part of urban promotion. To achieve this, they needed a museum, which in turn called for a collection and a consensus on which works to display. If, however, the interest in Old Master paintings corresponds to cultural trends of the period, it took on Fig. 10
The Main Court of the Hispanic Society, 2016
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12
U N K N OW N A RT I ST (Manises, Valencia)
Deep Plate, 1370s Tin-glazed earthenware with cobalt and lustre, 48.2 × 6.7 cm E634
Muslim potters introduced several important artistic techniques to the Iberian peninsula, among them the manufacture of tin- and lead-glazed earthenware, commonly known as maiolica, and the application of metallic oxides to create an iridescent effect. Abbasid lustreware was imported as early as the tenth century, when much of Spain was under Muslim rule. By the thirteenth century, lustreware was being made in Andalusia, and potters from the southern cities soon began to migrate north to the region of Valencia, where they opened workshops from the early fourteenth century. Valencian lustreware soon found its way into some of the grandest noble, royal and ecclesiastical palaces of Europe, such as that of the Despujol family, one of the oldest aristocratic dynasties from Catalonia, whose arms appear at the centre of this plate. Such examples were luxury showpieces that saw little use. The two holes at the plate’s top suggest it was designed to be hung on a wall as a work of art. M C M
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U N K N OW N A RT I ST (Manises, Valencia)
Deep Plate, 1370s Tin-glazed earthenware with cobalt and lustre, 48.2 × 6.7 cm E634
Muslim potters introduced several important artistic techniques to the Iberian peninsula, among them the manufacture of tin- and lead-glazed earthenware, commonly known as maiolica, and the application of metallic oxides to create an iridescent effect. Abbasid lustreware was imported as early as the tenth century, when much of Spain was under Muslim rule. By the thirteenth century, lustreware was being made in Andalusia, and potters from the southern cities soon began to migrate north to the region of Valencia, where they opened workshops from the early fourteenth century. Valencian lustreware soon found its way into some of the grandest noble, royal and ecclesiastical palaces of Europe, such as that of the Despujol family, one of the oldest aristocratic dynasties from Catalonia, whose arms appear at the centre of this plate. Such examples were luxury showpieces that saw little use. The two holes at the plate’s top suggest it was designed to be hung on a wall as a work of art. M C M
34
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17
CIRCLE OF WILLEM VRELANT (Bruges, Belgium, active 1454–81)
Black Book of Hours, c. 1458 Illuminated manuscript on parchment, 15.2 × 10.7 cm B251
Dating from the second half of the fifteenth century, this illuminated book of hours is one of only three known examples on parchment that is stained or painted black. The text, executed in silver and gold ink, is in a careful gothic hand but the manuscript remains unfinished: the borders have no touches of colour and the artist left space for a miniature on the pages facing the beginning of each office. The book was probably commissioned by or for María of Castile upon the death of her husband, Alfonso V of Aragon, but was never completed, perhaps because María herself died only three months later. JO’N
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17
CIRCLE OF WILLEM VRELANT (Bruges, Belgium, active 1454–81)
Black Book of Hours, c. 1458 Illuminated manuscript on parchment, 15.2 × 10.7 cm B251
Dating from the second half of the fifteenth century, this illuminated book of hours is one of only three known examples on parchment that is stained or painted black. The text, executed in silver and gold ink, is in a careful gothic hand but the manuscript remains unfinished: the borders have no touches of colour and the artist left space for a miniature on the pages facing the beginning of each office. The book was probably commissioned by or for María of Castile upon the death of her husband, Alfonso V of Aragon, but was never completed, perhaps because María herself died only three months later. JO’N
46
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18
U N K N OW N A RT I ST (Valencia)
Dalmatic, fifteenth–sixteenth century Gold and red silk velvet brocade, applied embroidered panels with metallic threads, polychrome silk and applied pearls, 220.2 × 115.5 cm H3922
This opulent dalmatic – the outer liturgical vestment worn by the deacon at Mass – is made of crimson velvet decorated with large, undulating pomegranates highlighted with gold threads. While the velvet may have come from Granada, the embroidery is Flemish in style. The two vertical bands at the front and back and the horizontal band that links them contain eighteen figures, identifiable (on the front) as St Helena in the centre; St Peter, St Luke, a pope (perhaps Gregory the Great) and a saint with a diadem on the left; and St Paul, St Matthew, a bishop and another saint on the right. On the back, the central band features St Francis of Assisi. The remaining figures are bishops, popes and military saints as well as abbots or abbesses. CDA
overleaf left: cat. 18 (detail), back right: cat. 18 (detail), front
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18
U N K N OW N A RT I ST (Valencia)
Dalmatic, fifteenth–sixteenth century Gold and red silk velvet brocade, applied embroidered panels with metallic threads, polychrome silk and applied pearls, 220.2 × 115.5 cm H3922
This opulent dalmatic – the outer liturgical vestment worn by the deacon at Mass – is made of crimson velvet decorated with large, undulating pomegranates highlighted with gold threads. While the velvet may have come from Granada, the embroidery is Flemish in style. The two vertical bands at the front and back and the horizontal band that links them contain eighteen figures, identifiable (on the front) as St Helena in the centre; St Peter, St Luke, a pope (perhaps Gregory the Great) and a saint with a diadem on the left; and St Paul, St Matthew, a bishop and another saint on the right. On the back, the central band features St Francis of Assisi. The remaining figures are bishops, popes and military saints as well as abbots or abbesses. CDA
overleaf left: cat. 18 (detail), back right: cat. 18 (detail), front
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24
U N K N OW N A RT I ST
(Teocaltiche, Jalisco, Mexico)
Map of Tequaltiche, 1584 Watercolour and ink on paper, 86.3 × 124.5 cm K61
The Mapa de Tequaltiche was produced by an indigenous artist as part of the Relaciones geográficas compiled between 1579 and 1585, on the orders of Philip II, by local Spanish officials in the Viceroyalty of New Spain. Printed questionnaires were issued through the Council of the Indies and each local official was also required to supply a map or pintura (picture) of his jurisdiction. Complemented by this map, the geographical and historical information concerning the lands controlled by the indigenous, nomadic Caxcan, their tributes and their customs was compiled by lieutenant mayor Hernando de Gallegos. Senior members of the indigenous community had explained that in the language of the province, Tequaltiche, which was founded before the arrival of the Spaniards, meant ‘the house of prayer of the Devil (god)’. They credited the founding of the Spanish village of Tequaltiche to Nuño de Guzmán at the time of the conquest of the province in 1530. The valuable ethnohistorical information contained in the Relación is essential for the interpretation of the map. That said, numerous scenes found on the map are not detailed in the Relación, the most notable being the confrontation at lower left between Spanish soldiers and indigenous warriors, a depiction of a battle from the brutally supressed Caxcan rebellion, known as the Mixtón War, which lasted from 1540 to 1542. MAC
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24
U N K N OW N A RT I ST
(Teocaltiche, Jalisco, Mexico)
Map of Tequaltiche, 1584 Watercolour and ink on paper, 86.3 × 124.5 cm K61
The Mapa de Tequaltiche was produced by an indigenous artist as part of the Relaciones geográficas compiled between 1579 and 1585, on the orders of Philip II, by local Spanish officials in the Viceroyalty of New Spain. Printed questionnaires were issued through the Council of the Indies and each local official was also required to supply a map or pintura (picture) of his jurisdiction. Complemented by this map, the geographical and historical information concerning the lands controlled by the indigenous, nomadic Caxcan, their tributes and their customs was compiled by lieutenant mayor Hernando de Gallegos. Senior members of the indigenous community had explained that in the language of the province, Tequaltiche, which was founded before the arrival of the Spaniards, meant ‘the house of prayer of the Devil (god)’. They credited the founding of the Spanish village of Tequaltiche to Nuño de Guzmán at the time of the conquest of the province in 1530. The valuable ethnohistorical information contained in the Relación is essential for the interpretation of the map. That said, numerous scenes found on the map are not detailed in the Relación, the most notable being the confrontation at lower left between Spanish soldiers and indigenous warriors, a depiction of a battle from the brutally supressed Caxcan rebellion, known as the Mixtón War, which lasted from 1540 to 1542. MAC
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30–33
U N K N OW N A RT I ST (Tonalá, Mexico)
Bowl, c. 1650 Black micaceous clay, 13 × 10 cm LE1967
Bowl, c. 1650 Black micaceous clay, 7 × 14.8 cm LE1966
OV E R L E A F
30
Turkey Sculpture, c. 1650 Black micaceous clay, 18.5 × 23.6 × 10.8 cm LE1969
Fish Sculpture, c. 1650 Black micaceous clay, 14.2 × 29.4 × 9.6 cm LE1970
This pair of two-handled bowls or drinking vessels from Tonalá (cats 30, 31), unusual examples of the highly prized burnished red-, white- and blackslipped earthenware storage and drinking vessels known as búcaros de Indias, appear inspired by the French ceramicist Bernard Palissy (1510–1590). One has a swamp of aquatic plants inhabited by frogs and other amphibious creatures surrounding a fish. Centred in the bottom of the other is a turkey hen, or pípila, with applied vegetation around it. These decorations served to double the surface of the exposed clay so as to further infuse the water within with its earthy flavour and aroma. The bowls are accompanied by two larger sculptures on pedestal bases – again of a fish and a turkey hen – that complement the designs of the bowls (see overleaf). Among extant búcaros from Tonalá, black-ware pieces are the rarest; here, the metallic sheen of the black micaceous clay enhances the incised and carved decoration. The sculptures are extremely detailed, with the scales of the fish and the feathers of the turkey hen individually carved and slightly raised in relief. Although these sculptures are the only known examples of their type, the eighteenth-century Mexican historian Matías Ángel de la Mota Padilla commented that animal figures were among the most esteemed products from Tonalá. MAC
31 77
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30–33
U N K N OW N A RT I ST (Tonalá, Mexico)
Bowl, c. 1650 Black micaceous clay, 13 × 10 cm LE1967
Bowl, c. 1650 Black micaceous clay, 7 × 14.8 cm LE1966
OV E R L E A F
30
Turkey Sculpture, c. 1650 Black micaceous clay, 18.5 × 23.6 × 10.8 cm LE1969
Fish Sculpture, c. 1650 Black micaceous clay, 14.2 × 29.4 × 9.6 cm LE1970
This pair of two-handled bowls or drinking vessels from Tonalá (cats 30, 31), unusual examples of the highly prized burnished red-, white- and blackslipped earthenware storage and drinking vessels known as búcaros de Indias, appear inspired by the French ceramicist Bernard Palissy (1510–1590). One has a swamp of aquatic plants inhabited by frogs and other amphibious creatures surrounding a fish. Centred in the bottom of the other is a turkey hen, or pípila, with applied vegetation around it. These decorations served to double the surface of the exposed clay so as to further infuse the water within with its earthy flavour and aroma. The bowls are accompanied by two larger sculptures on pedestal bases – again of a fish and a turkey hen – that complement the designs of the bowls (see overleaf). Among extant búcaros from Tonalá, black-ware pieces are the rarest; here, the metallic sheen of the black micaceous clay enhances the incised and carved decoration. The sculptures are extremely detailed, with the scales of the fish and the feathers of the turkey hen individually carved and slightly raised in relief. Although these sculptures are the only known examples of their type, the eighteenth-century Mexican historian Matías Ángel de la Mota Padilla commented that animal figures were among the most esteemed products from Tonalá. MAC
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46–49
AT T R I B U T E D TO M A N U E L C H I L I , C A L L E D C A S P I C A RA
the soul would be purified to become worthy of Heaven; and if it had died free from sin, it would enjoy the bliss of Heaven. The first figure, a skeleton, represents death, and the three subsequent figures each display one of the three possible outcomes for the soul. They were most likely carved for private devotion within a small altar. Although the statues present their Christian meaning clearly, their authorship has raised questions. The most plausible candidate is Manuel Chili called Caspicara, the leading sculptor in Quito at the end of the eighteenth century, since the figures reveal an exquisite mastery consistent with his style. In addition to impressive skill on a small scale, the artist shows significant powers of invention by departing markedly from his print sources to create such vividly graphic scenes. While nothing comparable survives, the group corresponds to the preference in later Ecuadorian sculpture for such small-scale works. P L
(Ecuador, c. 1723 – Quito, Ecuador, 1796)
The Four Fates of Man: Death, Soul in Hell, Soul in Purgatory, Soul in Heaven, c. 1775 Polychrome wood, glass and metal, 17.9 × 11.8 × 8.4 cm, 17.9 × 14.5 × 8 cm, 16.9 × 11.1 × 12.3 cm, 17.6 × 11 × 12.3 cm LD2413, LD2416, LD2415, LD2414
These remarkable polychrome sculptures from eighteenth-century Quito present Catholic teaching on eschatology, the fate of man after death. At the time, it was believed that death marked the separation of body and soul. After death, one of three judgements was passed on the soul: if it had died in mortal sin, it would suffer the pains of Hell; if it had died in grace but not free from fault, it would be assigned to Purgatory, a place of suffering where 104
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46–49
AT T R I B U T E D TO M A N U E L C H I L I , C A L L E D C A S P I C A RA
the soul would be purified to become worthy of Heaven; and if it had died free from sin, it would enjoy the bliss of Heaven. The first figure, a skeleton, represents death, and the three subsequent figures each display one of the three possible outcomes for the soul. They were most likely carved for private devotion within a small altar. Although the statues present their Christian meaning clearly, their authorship has raised questions. The most plausible candidate is Manuel Chili called Caspicara, the leading sculptor in Quito at the end of the eighteenth century, since the figures reveal an exquisite mastery consistent with his style. In addition to impressive skill on a small scale, the artist shows significant powers of invention by departing markedly from his print sources to create such vividly graphic scenes. While nothing comparable survives, the group corresponds to the preference in later Ecuadorian sculpture for such small-scale works. P L
(Ecuador, c. 1723 – Quito, Ecuador, 1796)
The Four Fates of Man: Death, Soul in Hell, Soul in Purgatory, Soul in Heaven, c. 1775 Polychrome wood, glass and metal, 17.9 × 11.8 × 8.4 cm, 17.9 × 14.5 × 8 cm, 16.9 × 11.1 × 12.3 cm, 17.6 × 11 × 12.3 cm LD2413, LD2416, LD2415, LD2414
These remarkable polychrome sculptures from eighteenth-century Quito present Catholic teaching on eschatology, the fate of man after death. At the time, it was believed that death marked the separation of body and soul. After death, one of three judgements was passed on the soul: if it had died in mortal sin, it would suffer the pains of Hell; if it had died in grace but not free from fault, it would be assigned to Purgatory, a place of suffering where 104
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53
F RA N C I S CO D E G OYA
(Fuendetodos, Zaragoza, 1746 – Bordeaux, France, 1828)
Manuel Lapeña, 1799 Oil on canvas, 224 × 140 cm A99
Manuel Lapeña y Ruiz de Sotillo (1762–1820) was a career military officer of aristocratic origins and a member of the powerful social and intellectual circle around the Duke and Duchess of Osuna, Goya’s great patrons. His portrait was probably commissioned by the duchess for the picture gallery at their estate, the Alameda de Osuna. Lapeña, one of the duchess’s favourites, stands in front of the barracks of the Royal Walloons and Spanish Infantry Guards, west of the Plaza de Parejas and the Royal Palace of Aranjuez. Lapeña’s indecisive personality finds expression in a certain wary caution and sidelong glance, as well as in his awkward stance, with his weight pushed forward. The rather schematic background, with its stick-figure soldiers drilling under Lapeña’s command and laundry hanging out to dry, seems to add a satirical element but may simply have been intended to represent the realities of military life. Lapeña’s face and particularly his hands are sensitively rendered, and Goya has used the dusting of powder falling from his wig onto his shoulders to enhance the dramatic effect of ambient light coming from behind. M B B
112
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53
F RA N C I S CO D E G OYA
(Fuendetodos, Zaragoza, 1746 – Bordeaux, France, 1828)
Manuel Lapeña, 1799 Oil on canvas, 224 × 140 cm A99
Manuel Lapeña y Ruiz de Sotillo (1762–1820) was a career military officer of aristocratic origins and a member of the powerful social and intellectual circle around the Duke and Duchess of Osuna, Goya’s great patrons. His portrait was probably commissioned by the duchess for the picture gallery at their estate, the Alameda de Osuna. Lapeña, one of the duchess’s favourites, stands in front of the barracks of the Royal Walloons and Spanish Infantry Guards, west of the Plaza de Parejas and the Royal Palace of Aranjuez. Lapeña’s indecisive personality finds expression in a certain wary caution and sidelong glance, as well as in his awkward stance, with his weight pushed forward. The rather schematic background, with its stick-figure soldiers drilling under Lapeña’s command and laundry hanging out to dry, seems to add a satirical element but may simply have been intended to represent the realities of military life. Lapeña’s face and particularly his hands are sensitively rendered, and Goya has used the dusting of powder falling from his wig onto his shoulders to enhance the dramatic effect of ambient light coming from behind. M B B
112
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62
J OAQ U Í N S O R O L L A
(Valencia, 1863 – Madrid, 1923)
Vision of Spain (sketch), 1912–13 Gouache on kraft paper, 107 × 771 cm A1525/1–4
Among the great surprises in Sorolla’s oeuvre are approximately 80 gouache studies for his large mural cycle Vision of Spain (figs 8, 9), painted between 1911 and 1919 and installed posthumously from 1923 to 1926 in a new gallery at the Hispanic Society. In these works, a more expressionist side to Sorolla emerges, along with the employment of overtly Modernist techniques such as the use of papier collé as an integral part of the composition process. The remarkable colouristic images and their sheer size indicate an artist fully in touch with contemporary artistic advances. While some of Sorolla’s early, much smaller installation studies were painted on the pieces of cardboard that stiffened his shirts when they came back from a New York laundry, the compositional studies were made on large rolls of kraft paper, which could be spooled out to whatever width was required.
Sorolla started planning Vision of Spain from May 1911, while in New York, continuing until November that year, when he and Archer Huntington signed the contract, and into 1912 and 1913. At first he considered a series of portraits of notable Spanish and Latin American men and women installed beneath a cycle of landscapes and city views, but he ultimately decided not to include the portraits. The first view he painted, in 1913, was a large panorama of Castile. The gouache sketch (showing Old Castile and New Castile) is particularly impressive in its frieze-like composition. Here Sorolla begins at the left with the Cantabrian coast, moves through Asturias (called ‘Green Spain’, along with Galicia and the Basque Country) into Old Castile and León, featuring the massed geometric forms of architectural monuments, before spilling out onto the plains with figures from Salamanca and Astorga, and finally ending on the edge of New Castile in the areas west of Toledo. M B B
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J OAQ U Í N S O R O L L A
(Valencia, 1863 – Madrid, 1923)
Vision of Spain (sketch), 1912–13 Gouache on kraft paper, 107 × 771 cm A1525/1–4
Among the great surprises in Sorolla’s oeuvre are approximately 80 gouache studies for his large mural cycle Vision of Spain (figs 8, 9), painted between 1911 and 1919 and installed posthumously from 1923 to 1926 in a new gallery at the Hispanic Society. In these works, a more expressionist side to Sorolla emerges, along with the employment of overtly Modernist techniques such as the use of papier collé as an integral part of the composition process. The remarkable colouristic images and their sheer size indicate an artist fully in touch with contemporary artistic advances. While some of Sorolla’s early, much smaller installation studies were painted on the pieces of cardboard that stiffened his shirts when they came back from a New York laundry, the compositional studies were made on large rolls of kraft paper, which could be spooled out to whatever width was required.
Sorolla started planning Vision of Spain from May 1911, while in New York, continuing until November that year, when he and Archer Huntington signed the contract, and into 1912 and 1913. At first he considered a series of portraits of notable Spanish and Latin American men and women installed beneath a cycle of landscapes and city views, but he ultimately decided not to include the portraits. The first view he painted, in 1913, was a large panorama of Castile. The gouache sketch (showing Old Castile and New Castile) is particularly impressive in its frieze-like composition. Here Sorolla begins at the left with the Cantabrian coast, moves through Asturias (called ‘Green Spain’, along with Galicia and the Basque Country) into Old Castile and León, featuring the massed geometric forms of architectural monuments, before spilling out onto the plains with figures from Salamanca and Astorga, and finally ending on the edge of New Castile in the areas west of Toledo. M B B
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