Exposing the Modern Vernacular

EXPOSING THE MODERN VERNACULAR Adam McFall / 2015 Architecture Dissertation MA (Hons) Architecture Edinburgh School of Architecture and Landscape Architecture

EXPOSING THE MODERN VERNACULAR Adam McFall / 2015 MA (Hons) Architecture Edinburgh School of Architecture and Landscape Architecture

Cover Image Torre David Facade / Iwan Baan

CONTENTS

04

ABSTRACT

07

01 / DEFINING ‘VERNACULAR’

22

02 / CHARACTERISTICS

31

03 / SLAB CITY: THE LAST FRONTIER

44

04 / TORRE DAVID: URBAN NEST

60

05 / CARBETH: HUTTING

72

06 / FINAL THOUGHTS

76

NOTES

86

BIBLIOGRAPHY

90

IMAGE CREDITS

ABSTRACT

Exposing the Modern Vernacular explores the current state of a building approach practiced by regular people – those who have not been expressly trained to design or engage in architectural thinking. By analysing the building designs of the non-specialist population it may be possible to gain a more fundamental understanding of architectural design, and what factors affect how design is approached. First, an examination of how vernacular architecture is defined by the key writers on the subject provides a platform for comparison to other similar terms such as bricolage, adhoc, and informal architecture. By highlighting the nuances of these terms, the core elements of what comprises vernacular architecture can be extracted.

The second chapter categorises these core elements under the 04 / ABSTRACT

labels; Of the Land, Affordances, and Appropriations. Each of these categories is a distillation of the various definitions. They are the scope for analysing the case study sites and act as a common base for comparison.

Three diverse case study sites have been identified. Spanning three continents and bridging differing scales of density and proximity to the urban, the sites share a network of similarities and differences which provide a rich platform for analysis. The first site, Slab City, is located in Southern California near the Mexican border. Formerly a World War II military installation, the land was reinstated as property of the state in 1961 and stood empty, save an array of concrete foundation slabs for many years.

The desert climate and infrastructure of flat, concrete platforms made the area particularly attractive to owners of mobile homes seeking a stable place to park. The area currently comprises a largely migratory population with a small group of permanent settlers. The second site, Torre David in Caracas, Venezuela is an incomplete office tower intended as the centrepiece of the city’s financial district. Construction began in 1990, however, a chain of events including the death of the eponymous investor David Brillembourg in 1993 and the 1994 Venezuelan banking crisis halted the construction of the tower. Today, the tower stands in the same state as it was twenty years ago – lacking lifts, plumbing and electricity. In 2007, a group of squatters led by preacher Alexander Daza began occupying the unfinished \ 05

structure, forming a self-policing society based on making the tower their home. The final site, Carbeth, Scotland is a ‘hutting’ camp north of Glasgow. Occupied by ‘hutters’, those who own and build small huts as a means of escape from the city, the site was heavily contested with a history punctuated with disputes between the settlers and the Laird, Allan Barns-Graham.

Hutting in Carbeth started in the just after the first World War as a retreat for ex-servicemen and their families, with the site currently containing around 140 huts.

It is through these sites that the investigation will be framed: by analysing their history, context and the architecture conceived by the occupiers, the dissertation aims to attentively observe patterns that emerge in how the circumstances of the occupiers have influenced how they have appropriated the space and acted as unconventional and untrained designers.

06 / ABSTRACT

01 DEFINING ‘VERNACULAR’

The origin of the word vernacular is in the form of a literary analogy: in language, to express yourself formally in speech and the written word is in stark contrast to the vernacular which is identified as the language of the common people. It encompasses both the colloquial and the ordinary – an adhoc means of representation which is unpolished, roughly appropriated, yet curiously efficient.[1] The term comes from the Latin vernāculus, meaning domestic, native or indigenous. It first appeared in the English language in 1601 as a description of someone who writes or speaks the native language of a country or district.[2] The identity vernacular has assumed in current use within language can be projected onto what we understand as \ 07

vernacular architecture; an architectural phenomenon which can be defined in a number of ways, but the core meaning resonates with its origin in language: a native, local architecture specific to its location. The first recorded instance of the term vernacular architecture in a published work was in Remarks on Secular and Domestic Architecture, Present and Future by G. G. Scott in 1857. The intended meaning was of an ‘architecture concerned with ordinary domestic and functional buildings rather than the essentially monumental’.[3] This definition was not expressly stated but rather evidenced by the context in which it was written.

A detailed definition is given for vernacular architecture in the World Encyclopaedia of Vernacular Architecture by Paul Oliver, a leading writer and thinker on the subject. He writes that vernacular architecture can be defined as: ‘Comprising the dwellings and all other buildings of the people. Related to their environmental contexts and available resources they are customarily owner or community built, using traditional technologies. All forms of vernacular architecture are built to meet specific needs, accommodating the values, economies and ways of life of the cultures that produce them.’[4] Oliver’s definition expressly refers to a dialogue between the environmental context, the people living within it, and the resources which are available to them – an implication that the vernacular is concerned with the builder-building relationship, 08 / DEFINING VERNACULAR

and how that building mediates and works with the surrounding environment. Oliver provides an abridged definition as ‘The architecture of the people, and by the people, but not for the people.’[5] This shorthand definition is telling as it tacitly defines the line between architecture and vernacular architecture. For Oliver, architects do ‘popular architecture’ - architecture designed for popular use by the public and does not fall within the scope of vernacular architecture.[6] In his work, Oliver includes definitions of vernacular architecture by prominent architects to help frame his own definition. To support his definition above, Oliver juxtaposes his own thoughts with those of Frank Lloyd Wright, who states that vernacular architecture is: ‘Folk building growing in response to actual needs, fitted into environment by people who knew no better than to fit them with native feeling.’

This definition is in line with Oliver’s thinking with regards to a sensitivity to the surrounding environment and its status as a responsive, necessary architecture, however, Wright’s definition lends a sense of naivety to the intentions of the vernacular architect: by describing them as ‘people who knew no better’ ascribes a lack of thought or process. Wright goes on to suggest that intuition, rather than intelligence, guides the vernacular \ 09

builder.[7] This is not necessarily contradictory to Oliver’s definition as the language used by Oliver is ambiguous. He states that vernacular architects respond to their contexts, but no comment is made as to whether this response is instinctive.

In a similar line of thinking to Wright, Adolf Loos commented on the subject of vernacular architecture: ‘As every animal which allows itself to be led by its instincts, succeeds.’ [8] This view is aligned to Wright’s, however, the extension of instinct onto animals suggests a more primitive, animalistic level of instinct to Wright who frames his definition as ‘Folk building’, which implies some sense of community or society.

This distinction is important as it opens a debate as to whether the processes responsible for vernacular architecture are fundamental, inherent abilities which we are born with, or whether they are stimulated by external factors - by living in a particular place with specific constraints and opportunities.

On the subject of design theory, Nigel Cross states that everyone can, and does, design - that everyone is capable of design as it is inherent; part of what makes us human.[9] Juxtaposing Cross’s point of view with Wright’s comment that vernacular architects ‘knew no better’ is interesting as Cross would argue that, even in craft-based societies where there is little difference between designing and making, there is still a design process.[10] 10 / DEFINING VERNACULAR

Bernard Rudofsky, curator of the 1964 exhibition Architecture without Architects at the Museum of Modern Art and author of the book by the same title, prefaces his thoughts on vernacular architecture with an observation. Primates on the islands of the Far East and Africa are known to construct basic platforms on which to sleep. Although these islands are geographically disconnected, both species follow the same habit. Rudofsky claims this could be due to instinct, but is more likely a product of the two species sharing similar powers of reasoning.[11] The assertion that the power of reasoning can translate to ‘design’ decisions is complementary to Cross’s idea of inherent design ability.

Rudofsky describes vernacular architecture as ‘un-pedigreed’ architecture - that which is anonymous, spontaneous, indigenous and rural. He also states that: ‘Vernacular architecture does not go through fashion cycles. It is… unimprovable, since it serves its purpose to perfection.’ [12] Rudofsky differs from the other authors mentioned in this chapter as he suggests a preference for vernacular architecture. Oliver’s description of examples of vernacular architecture being ‘built to meet specific needs’ is quite different to Rudofsky’s emotive use of language such as ‘unimprovable’ and ‘perfection’. It appears that for Rudofsky, vernacular architecture should be highly \ 11

regarded, even coveted. This is evidenced in his statement that ‘The philosophy and knowhow of the anonymous builder is the greatest source of architectural inspiration for industrial man.’ [13] Rudofsky sees vernacular architecture as a relevant reference for architects today rather than as relic of a more primitive civilisation.

John May, author of Buildings without Architects: A Global Guide to Everyday Architecture cites Oliver as the definitive writer on the subject of vernacular architecture, however, he states that his personal interpretation of vernacular architecture is: ‘The architecture of the people, designed and built by communities, families and individual builders.’ [14] May emphasises the community aspect of vernacular architecture, which links to Oliver’s definition of an ‘owner or community built’ architecture. May, like Rudofsky, however, has an appreciation for the importance of vernacular processes in contemporary architecture. May claims that 80% of all buildings on the planet are estimated to be vernacular, meaning what is traditionally understood as ‘architecture’ is a misrepresentation of the sum of all man-made constructions.[15] May cites the rush to modernisation and rapid urbanisation has caused an influx of improvised housing in developing population centres. Many migrants to the city find they are forced to squat or construct shelter from whatever scrap materials they can salvage - May 12 / DEFINING VERNACULAR

calls this roughly improvised urban dwelling the ‘new vernacular of our time.’ [16] Given the diversity of the definitions so far, it is clear that the scope of vernacular architecture is wide reaching. Oliver states that no area of study exists for the ‘larger compass of vernacular architecture’, and that it would likely be an interdisciplinary study with elements from architecture, anthropology, geography and history. This is evidenced both by the broad range of definitions, but also the fact that each definition places a different emphasis on a particular aspect of vernacular architecture.

There are a number of other terms which have commonalities with the various definitions of vernacular architecture described above. Many of these terms have been coined more recently. The first, defined by Charles Jencks in 1968 as a tool for architectural criticism is Adhoc, specifically the idea of Adhocism.

ADHOCISM

The adhocist manifesto, written by Charles Jencks, outlines his personal interpretation of adhoc. It is not exclusively an architectural term, as detailed by his book Adhocism: The Case \ 13

for Improvement. One can apply the adhoc method to everything from product design to disaster relief.[17] The heart of adhocism is the junction of necessity and existing systems - a clearly defined assemblage of parts based on immediate needs and with emphasis on swift resolution.[18] The key elements which separate Adhocism from other, similar descriptions are the express desire to solve a problem quickly, and the flexibility allowed in the efficiency and effectiveness of the solution. With regard to the desire for immediacy, Jencks describes the difference between an adhoc solution and a scientific solution as a shift in the ‘appropriateness to urgency’ ratio. Where a ‘scientist’ will wait for appropriate tools and resources to become available, adhocism advocates using whatever is at hand in order to complete the task. Jencks admits that solutions formed in this way will likely include parts which are superfluous, extraneous and redundant, but this adds to the value of adhoc solutions: by adding ‘fresh elements’ which may not have otherwise been considered, this may change the way in which the design problem is considered.[19] In terms of appropriateness, Jencks uses the everyday action of using a ruler in place of a shoehorn as a perfect example of rough appropriation providing a solution to a problem.[20] He states that adhocism ‘...is about a general and loose solution to a problem rather than a tight and systematic one’ [21] 14 / DEFINING VERNACULAR

Jencks stratifies the adhoc into two levels: the lower, popularist level is radically democratic and pragmatic. It is effective in situations with limited materials, appropriating whatever is at hand. The higher elitist level is an efficient and perfected assembly of parts. Jencks cites the Mars Rover as an example of this: a vastly complex object built without compromise - the function is mapped exactly to the form.[22] With regard to vernacular architecture, May’s comments on mass urbanisation and the creation of improvised shelter in the city may refer to an ‘adhoc’ solution, one which is roughly appropriated with what is at hand: families moving to the city do not have the luxury of holding out for quality building materials - the necessity of shelter takes precedence over all other motives.

May describes the process of shelter construction in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro: one room huts constructed from scrap and ‘urban waste’ are gradually upgraded, with parts being replaced with more durable materials as and when they become available.

(Figure 1)[23]

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01/ FAVELAS IN RIO DE JANEIRO

BRICOLAGE

Bricolage, French for ‘do it yourself’ is a design and construction process outlined by Irénée Scalbert. Those who practice bricolage, known as the bricoleur are characterised in a similar way to adhocists. Scalbert describes the bricoleur as simultaneously a designer, builder and user - someone who is concerned with making things rather than simply consuming them. For Scalbert, there is no distinction between habitation, 16 / DEFINING VERNACULAR

construction and design.[24] Where in Adhocism there was an emphasis on immediacy, this is not a concern for the bricoleur - however, working with ones surroundings and whatever materials are at hand is a large part of bricolage. Scalbert refers to the anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss in his writing, citing a particular line in his 1962 book La Pensée Sauvage which reads: ‘...the savage mind is neither the mind of savages nor that of primitive or archaic humanity, but rather mind in its untamed state.’[25] Scalbert’s reading of this passage is that it describes a transition from nature to civilisation by identifying the foundation of thought. For him, bricolage is a means by which our minds put things in order: a sequence of thought available to all.[26] This line of thinking compliments that of Cross who believes that design thinking is intrinsic to our biology.

The idea of working with what is at hand is elaborated by Scalbert. Bricolage is partly concerned with limitation and resource management: the bricoleur has to work with what is at hand not simply because it is convenient or appropriate to the surroundings, but because it is all he has.[27] Scalbert admits these materials are not directly related to the task at hand as they are part of a previous system, either as a previous construction or a natural resource. Levi-Strauss defines materials salvaged from man-made constructions as ‘pre-constrained’ as their form is \ 17

intimately related to a previous construction. Scalbert does not see this as a constraint; he highlights the distinction between natural and salvaged materials to make the statement that the ends of a previous project become the means for the next.[28] Natural materials are seen inversely - Scalbert states that as natural materials are not tainted with a past use, they have nearlimitless potential. A tree can be said to conceal the form of a boat, a library of books, a hut, a pile of sawdust etc.

The true essence of Bricolage is the mixing of these two types of material, the natural and the ‘pre-constrained’. Scalbert uses a literary example to define the perfect bricoleur: Robinson Crusoe takes resources from a shipwreck and moves them to a desert island. He is not selective in what he takes - grabbing material both immediately useful or otherwise. The items Crusoe has salvaged is added to the resources available on the island to create an inventory of materials. Over time the salvaged items are mixed with natural resources to the point where they are indissociable.[29] It is this desire to recycle and integrate materials from a wide range of sources which forms the identity of bricolage - Scalbert advocates a culture of modding, reconfiguration and personalisation by the user.

18 / DEFINING VERNACULAR

INFORMAL ARCHITECTURE

The term informal architecture is different from those stated above as it is an observable urban effect rather than a design process or methodology. Informal settlements are those positioned on the fringes of large urban centres, much like the improvised shelters May discusses. They are defined as settlements which transgress building code, conditions of land tenure, urban design, planning, and construction.[30] Informal in this context means counter to formal architecture sanctioned by the various institutions involved in planning and construction, rather than improvised or roughly appropriated.

Informal architecture occupies interstitial spaces in the city, often near transport infrastructure such as escarpments, waterfronts and easements lining highways and railway lines.[31] It is possible to draw elements from Oliver’s definition of vernacular architecture which bear similarity to ‘informal architecture’ as these informal settlements are ‘built to meet specific needs’. They are carefully planned and incorporate a high level of design efficiency: due to spatial limitations, every remnant square metre of developable area is used to its full potential in which \ 19

space, material and sunlight are devices which are considered carefully to maximise their utility.[32] One of the key factors which sets informal architecture apart from the other definitions is its reliance on existing urban centres. Informal settlements are built in response to rapid urbanism, therefore they are part of the wider urban context. One of the definitive attributes of informal architecture is the existence of a micro-economy: a flow of assets which produce income for the area. Using the societal definitions outlined by Levi-Strauss, the presence of an economy based on basic transaction and exchange is one of the essential parts of what he terms a ‘primitive’ society.[33] The definition of informal architecture includes a distinction between slums and the informal. Much like the insistence that adhocism is not necessarily sloppy or lazy,[34] informal architecture is initially very basic and roughly improvised, but follows process of incremental improvement and modification as materials become available.[35]

20 / DEFINING VERNACULAR

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02 CHARACTERISTICS

Evidenced by the wide range of descriptions for vernacular architecture and related phenomena, it is productive to aggregate these descriptions into a discreet number of terms which act as tools for analysis of the case study sites. These terms are formed from similar lines of thought from the descriptions and sorted into themes. The first, ‘Of the Land’ broadly encompasses the surrounding context of a place, including all resources both natural and man-made. The second, ‘Affordances’ refers to the technology available to vernacular builders, the processes of construction and how the unique opportunities afforded by the context translate into architectural expression. The final, ‘Appropriations’, refers to the people who live in these vernacular communities. It examines the culture and intentions of vernacular architects and their motives for self-building.

22 / CHARACTERISTICS

OF THE LAND

Scalbert uses Robinson Crusoe as a device to explain the synchronisation between man-made, salvaged materials and those which exist naturally. In this constituent characteristic ‘Of the Land’, the distinction between natural and manmade materials is removed, with the vision that all contextual environments, encompassing the natural, rural and urban can be considered in equal standing. If this characteristic is reserved exclusively for physical matter, it creates a clear delineation from people, technology and ideology.

Much like the blurred boundary between natural and ‘preconstrained’ material in Scalbert’s analogy, it could be said that vernacular architecture masks the separation between manmade interventions in the surrounding environmental context and the context itself. Buildings constructed using adobe, a type of sun-dried earth brick, could be considered a direct extension of the natural landscape, as the materials used do not leave the immediate ecosystem. Interventions formed by manipulating the ground directly, such as farming terraces and natural amphitheatres, have an even more intimate relationship with the ground plane. From Oliver’s definition, vernacular architecture is defined as being ‘related to their environmental contexts and available \ 23

resources’. It could be argued that this applies broadly to all sites on which a vernacular settlement could form, regardless of its history. A previously undeveloped forested area is quite different to a scrap piece of land on a railway easement, however, both sites offer a unique set of constraints and opportunities which are reflected in the interventions of those who settle there. A wooded area may be rich in timber, but the easement is in close proximity to a major transport vein and may be rich in utilisable scrap and urban waste - they are both landscapes of opportunity.

It could be argued that although historic vernacular architectural interventions such as the terraces of Kathmandu, were formed from a previously untouched landscape, the hills were likely chosen as they presented the opportunity for development.

Similarly, naturally occurring resources such as timber and stone have inherently useful properties in construction, but in an urban setting is this not also the case? May cites the favelas of Rio de Janeiro as being gradually constructed and improved from locally available material - is this comparable to using timber from a local forest? Urban waste may not occur naturally in the traditional sense, but as it is an intrinsic part of the context it should be considered an equivalent. In the same line of thinking, a structure built from urban waste is an extension of the surrounding context in the same way an adobe house is in its own context. This characteristic ‘Of the Land’ dispels any preference or prejudice towards the context of a site.

24 / CHARACTERISTICS

02/ KATHMANDU FARMING TERRACES

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AFFORDANCES

The characteristic Of the Land refers exclusively to physical material where Affordances is concerned with the relationship between physical parts, as well as the construction technology employed. As part of the adhocist manifesto there is an emphasis on how parts are assembled and to what end rather than the nature of the individual parts. Similarly, Scalbert states the bricoleur has no control over their material inventory, therefore the materials bear no relation to the task at hand. It is the technological level and experience of the vernacular architect which controls how eloquently parts are assembled.

Rudofsky, on historical vernacular architects, claims that they: ‘...demonstrate an admirable talent for fitting their buildings into the natural surroundings.’ [36] He goes on to attribute construction technologies such as prefabrication, flexible structures, underfloor heating and air conditioning to the vernacular architect. These builders, who build for themselves and their local communities, are more attuned to the particular requirements of the local context.

There is evidence to suggest that the building technology 26 / CHARACTERISTICS

underpinning vernacular architecture evolves up to a certain point and then plateaus. As Rudofsky states that vernacular architecture is ‘unimprovable’, he elaborates by saying: ‘The shapes of houses, sometimes transmitted through a hundred generations, seem entirely valid, like those of their tools.’[37] In much the same way Jencks sees the highest level of adhoc construction as a form which perfectly represents its function, Rudofsky sees the vernacular dwelling as a tool rather than a piece of architecture. This is more likely the case in ancient, historic vernacular settlements which have gone unchanged for generations, but what of contemporary settlements? This issue can be framed by Scalbert’s claim that natural materials are the sum of their potential forms: ‘If a timber beam conceals the form of a tree, a tree conceals the form of a boat.’ [38] For a society to take advantage of the limitless potential of the material however, they would have to be aware of every possible use. A tree can only usefully conceal a form of a boat if the society cutting the tree down are aware of the very idea of a boat.

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A P P R O P R I AT I O N S

The choice to depersonalise the characteristics Of the Land and Affordances was not arbitrary: creating this divide provides a distinction between how something was built and why something was built. Although the level of technological sophistication covered in Affordances can be a metric for society, Appropriations is concerned with the culture of those living in a vernacular settlement, with emphasis on how social, political and economic relationships are reflected in architecture.

At the most basic level, humans are drawn to find shelter just as primates instinctively create platforms to sleep on. Oliver cites the comments of Egyptian architect Hassan Fathy on humanenvironment interaction, positing that cultures are formed through the environment the population finds themselves in.[39] Within the context of contemporary vernacular architecture the propensity to self-build is an interesting characteristic. In historical vernacular societies there was no alternative to the practices underpinned by generations of tradition. In modern society, as is the case with the case study sites, vernacular settlement is a clear alternative to formal civilisation. The reasons why these groups of people have made this choice, and 28 / CHARACTERISTICS

how their philosophies affect their environment is the remit of Appropriations.

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NOTES ON CASE STUDY SITES

The case study sites have been chosen in a way to maximise the number of conditions in the study as a whole. The sites cover three continents, are of different scales, environmental contexts and age. The one constant, aside from being settlements composed of self-built architecture is that they are communities rather than isolated examples by sole practitioners. Each case study site originates from a group of people with a certain philosophy: be it a search for personal liberty, an escape from the pace of modern life, or simply a last resort, these settlements are indissociable from the people who live there and gave it form.

30 / CHARACTERISTICS

03 SLAB CITY ‘THE LAST FRONTIER’

In 1862 the US Homestead Act was created as an incentive for those venturing into the western frontier lands to settle and create towns. Today the border between the US and Mexico has been formally reconciled, voiding the concept of the American frontier land. To some, however, a frontier is not limited to the pursuit of an expanded national border: those looking to escape the strictures of modern life occupy a social frontier. On a parcel of desert land in Imperial County, California, flanked by the Coachella Canal and the Salton Trough, one such frontier exists [40] . Straddling the historic frontier line and occupying a former military installation, Slab City is a community based on an alternative way of living. \ 31

BEGINNINGS

Due to its close proximity to the Salton Sea, the site of Slab City was historically occupied by native American camps. The first modern structures to occupy the site were constructed much later, during the Second World War when the parcel of land was acquired by the US military in 1941 through the War Powers Act [41]. Camp Dunlap was constructed and used as a marine training camp from 1942-46. The area was seen as ideal for military training due to its remoteness; artillery could be fired at a high angle, up to six miles high.[42] The desert landscape was ideal as it was intended to simulate the environment the marines would face in North Africa. This was reflected in the architecture: the majority of the camp was tent based, with the few permanent buildings housing administrative functions and various services. The camps existence brought basic services, including water, electricity and sewage treatment to the area as well as a simple network of roads.[43] Most of these services were quite limited, designed to satisfy the needs of those stationed at the camp, with little capacity for expansion.

After the war the camp was disbanded: most permanent structures were dismantled and taken to the nearby town of 32 / SLAB CITY

03/ CAMP DUNLAP MAIN ENTRANCE

Niland and the land the camp occupied was parcelled back to the state in 1961[44], officially making it public land once more.

After the military had left, the only structures remaining on the land were a number of bunkers and, most notably, a series of flat, concrete foundation slabs to which Slab City takes its name.

The presence of these slabs may seem inconsequential, however, they are uniquely suited to act as a platform for large mobile homes known as recreational vehicles or ‘RVs’ in the US. This infrastructure of concrete platforms, paired with the arid desert climate made the area very popular with a very specific type of RV user known as the Snowbird. These campers drive from Canada to Slab City during the winter months in order to \ 33

escape the inclement weather.

In terms of Of the Land the desert punctuated with concrete slabs is interesting as for many it provides no use, but for the snowbirds it becomes a landscape of opportunity. These snowbirds do not necessarily embrace bricolage as they have complete control over their surroundings: they have complete mobility as their dwellings are on wheels - to move to Slab City or any other location is entirely their prerogative. There is a level of intent which sets apart the actions of the snowbirds from the serendipity of bricolage or adhocism.

04/ ‘COOKIE’, A SNOWBIRD IN SLAB CITY Photographed by Jessica Lum as part of the ‘Slab City Stories’ project.

34 / SLAB CITY

Snowbirds comprise the largest proportion of the total population. The migratory population is estimated at around 2,000, whereas the permanent residential population is just over 200.[45] These permanent residents did not move to Slab City to escape from the harsh northern winters, but many are escaping from something. One Slab City resident puts it quite cynically: ‘They’re [Slab City residents] all running from something. Either running from the law, running from a mental disability and they don’t know where to go, they don’t fit in. It’s like the Isle of Misfit Toys.

That’s good, that people like that have a place to go.’[46] Described as the ‘last free place in America’, Slab City is seen as a frontier - one which delineates two ways of life. Slab City residents have adopted a society which puts precedence on personal liberties, with the philosophy that any action can be justified as long as it does not impinge on the personal freedoms of another resident.[47] In an academic study on the permanent residents Dorothy Anne Philips defines two categories. The first, Bush Bunnies are those who barely manage to sustain their existence. They live in a particular forested area, south of the main slabs. The other group largely comprises families that have chosen to make the slabs their home. The homes of these families are characterised by carefully constructed compounds, often adorned with ‘Keep Out’ signs.[48]

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For permanent residents, the right to live on the land is partly contested. Formally under the control of the Bureau of Land Management, squatters have the right to settle on the land.[49] The area however, was defined as a Long Term Visitor Area (LTVA) in 1983 in order to make a specific allowance for the snowbird population. One of the restrictions of LTVAs is that campers must move every 14 days to a new site at least 25 miles away.[50] This legal grey area means the relationship between the Slab City community and the local government is strained. Some residents have reported being mistreated by local authorities: Tommy, owner of a car-lot in Slab City had his stock repossessed and crushed by the Highway Patrol on the suspicion he was handling stolen cars. As Tommy had no right to the land the car-lot occupied, the Highway Patrol were free to do as they wished. He went on to comment that this type of situation is very common for permanent residents.[51] Despite Slab City being an unauthorised settlement in the eyes of the local government, it has a comprehensive network of services available to its residents.

Services and the micro-economy of Slab City are closely linked as fundamental services such as water and power are largely provided by small local businesses. Water is provided by the water man who sells water for $0.15 a gallon. Water is transported into town by very basic means - the water man drives to the local town of Niland and fills up large containers for free at the petrol station.

36 / SLAB CITY

Power is provided by Solar Mike, who rigs photovoltaic cells to the homes of permanent residents. The almost uninterrupted sunshine during the day means many settlers have complete energy independence, a freedom very few city dwellers have.

[52] Access to these services is achieved through a band radio interface and is the key mechanism for communication within the slabs. Different channels are assigned to different services: Channel 5 is reserved for water orders whereas Chanel 3 is an advocacy group for the bush-bunny community.[53]

05/ SMALL BUSINESS SELLING PV CELLS

The micro-economy of the slabs is not limited to the provision \ 37

of services. In terms Of the Land the area around Slab City affords a unique means of income for the area. Gleaning is the practice of trawling through the naval bombing range, collecting scrap metal such as copper casings which hold a high value with local traders. Gleaning causes friction between the military and the slab residents as it requires trespassing on military controlled land and is extremely dangerous.

TAKING OWNERSHIP

The traditional image of the American frontier camp is a convoy of wagons: travelling in a line during the day and forming a semicircle when parked at night: the shape of the ‘wagon wheel’ camp is designed to create a protective barrier from the outside.

Slab City lends an abstracted form of the wagon wheel in its layout in the form of localised clusters based on use.

[54]

There is a loose hierarchy of dwelling type: bunkers are difficult to acquire as they are in limited supply and solidly constructed.

The lower levels of the hierarchy are occupied by trailers, vehicles and tents respectively. New residents report that the existing population can be extremely territorial. Borders within the camp are aggressively managed - if you happen to wander into the wrong camp it is not unusual for the owner to 38 / SLAB CITY

06/ BACKGROUND: SLAB CITY / FOREGROUND: SALVATION MOUNTAIN

07/ BUNKER APPROPRIATED AS A DWELLING \ 39

put a gun to your head.[55] This is to be expected in a society which values personal freedoms above all else: if privacy is to be maintained, it is the responsibility of the individual resident to protect that right. Paradoxically, many slabbers are quite lax in securing their property. Doors are purportedly never locked and those who operate businesses which deal in scrap and miscellaneous items lay their stock out in the open.[56] One such proprietor, Floyd, does not fear for his possessions. He claims that because the community is so concentrated, everyone knows what everyone else has. If a neighbouring child tries to pilfer something, everyone would know where it came from.[57] Another resident, Scot, created a mechanical screening device for his compound: a simple trick for opening the door was created so only his friends and those who called in advance would be able to enter. A stepladder was left near his garage which would be taken to the fence so that those wishing to enter could reach a concealed length of string which, when pulled, would release the latch.[58] This is an excellent example of adhocism in practice - the solution is roughly applied, however, it serves its purpose satisfactorily.

This is poignant in terms of Appropriations as there is a culture of honesty. For everyone’s freedoms to be protected, every resident has to work together. If a particular resident is a known thief, the community is quick to publicise that fact, ostracising them from the community. It is in stark contrast to how crime is managed 40 / SLAB CITY

in cities: architecture plays a role in separating public and private materially, however, it appears in Slab City that personal borders are demarcated by different means: instead of a visual barrier or fence, the limits of private property is shared knowledge. In such a small community it is possible to simply recognise what is public and what is private based on experience and cultural cues.

08/ SLAB CITY RESIDENTS Many residents leave their possessions outside.

It is worth noting that Slab City exists within a much wider geographical context. Due to its position, described as ‘as close to nowhere as it comes’, it is easy to forget that Slab City is part of \ 41

the state of California, to which it shares a civic relationship.

The slabs are served by the local school district, police force and fire department in nearby Niland.[59] Slab City is not a lawless enclave - it is part of a nation which fosters a civilised, ordered society.

Slab City is difficult to define. The characteristics which make it attractive to its residents are based on absence: slabbers are drawn to the area because of a community which promotes a relaxed lifestyle, however, this lifestyle is afforded by a lack of public services and infrastructure. Because of this, Slab City is not a bricolage or adhocist construction as the context provides little more than a series of concrete slabs. Everything else: building materials, water and food are imported. As it lacks an urban context the settlement can’t be considered an example informal architecture. The siting of Slab City is not arbitrary, however, it does not rely on the surrounding context for support. To some extent the naval firing range contributes to the microeconomy however, this is the strongest connection Slab City has to the informal. In terms Of the Land, perhaps it is irrelevant that the context is devoid of any resources as absence itself could be considered a valuable resource. If communities are said to come together based on their environmental contexts, then an environment with no immediate context should logically foster a community which values freedom; the freedom to appropriate a space to suit personal specifications.

42 / SLAB CITY

\ 43

04 TORRE DAVID ‘URBAN NEST’

Venezuela in the 1990s had a very different economic climate to Venezuela of today. As an oil rich nation the country was one of the most affluent in the continent, however, this affluence lead to profligacy: a physical symbol of this was the proposed Centro Financiero Confinanzas, a complex of towers in the burgeoning financial district located in west Caracas.[60] The Centro was envisioned as the centrepiece in the city’s new financial infrastructure. It would comprise five blocks: an apartment building, a dedicated stair core, a parking structure, a grand atrium and a 45-story tower housing a luxury hotel and the main offices of the Grupo Confinanzas, a major banking group in Venezuela. It is this last block, labeled ‘Edificio A’ in the planning drawings[61] which is more commonly known as ‘Torre David’.

44 / TORRE DAVID

BEGINNINGS

In 2014, the tower was home to around 800 families - an estimated 2500-3000 people.[62] Just seven years earlier the tower was completely abandoned with the exception of a sparsely staffed guard post. The shift from empty skyscraper to mass squat is a detailed story of social and economic struggle.

The original scheme, backed by banker David Brillembourg and designed by Enrique Gómez[63] was expected to reach completion in 1994. The design was punctuated with signs of optimism in the economy: atop the 30,000sqm of high specification office space a helipad was positioned to allow high-profile guests and business associates to enter and exit the tower without having to traverse the dangerous and crowded streets below.[64] The interior of the grand ‘Hotel Luxe’ was to use 21,000sqm of Italian marble, and the complex would be served by 23 high-speed elevators.[65] The project, which was budgeted at $82m ($135m in 2015) was grand both in terms of scale and material - it was a monument to the future, a signal to the rest of the world that Venezuela was a growing global economic power. The hopes the tower represented were dashed in a series of events which started in 1993 when the driving force of the project, David Brillembourg, \ 45

died unexpectedly.[66] As principal investor and key member of the Grupo Confinanzas, the project lost direction. It may have been possible for the project to recover under the care of a new leader however, when Banco Latino, the second largest bank in Venezuela collapsed in 1994 the project’s fate was sealed.[67] The collapse of Banco Latino lead to a nation-wide domino effect of bank closures and resultant economic recession - property of the financial arm of Brillembourg’s estate was seized by FOGADE, a government agency dedicated to liquidating assets.[68] The tower has remained in the government’s possession since 1994 and, until relatively recently, untouched and undeveloped.

The large, mostly complete structure was not enough to entice those looking for shelter in the years immediately after its seizure.

Equipment and materials were looted from the site by those looking to make a quick profit, but nobody had the ambition to make the tower their home. The situation changed in 1999 when newly elected Hugo Chavez proposed a new constitution which included the following article: ‘Every person has the right to adequate, safe, comfortable and hygienic housing with essential basic services, including a habitat which humanises the family, the neighbourhood and community relations.’ [69] This article effectively made living in slums or barrios where there is limited access to basic services unconstitutional.

46 / TORRE DAVID

09/ DENSE BARRIOS IN CARACAS The provision of services in these informal neighbourhoods is often very poor.

This, paired with a presidential decree by Chavez which gave the right to slum dwellers on the fringes of the city to ‘appeal to the government for the title to the land’ fostered an attitude of cooperation between the people and the state and afforded a legal precedent for the habitation of government controlled land. Some politicians, in reaction to the floods affecting the barrios in 1999 expressly suggested invading unfinished and abandoned buildings. This attitude was put into practice on 17 September 2007 when a number of families displaced from the barrios by heavy rain collected at the gates of the empty Centro Financiero Confinanzas with the intent to seek shelter from the \ 47

inclement weather. Lead by Alexander Daza, former convict and converted evangelist preacher, the settlers spent their first night in makeshift tents on the ground floor before venturing to the upper floors of what was soon known as Torre David.[70] The formation of a basecamp is interesting when considering the characteristic Of the Land as the Torre is treated like a mountain, a natural obstacle to overcome rather than a man-made structure which sits on the ground.

TAKING OWNERSHIP

After the site was closed and transferred to the state, architect Enrique G贸mez commented that the complex was approximately 90% complete. Services such as electricity and water were part-installed and non-functioning at the point of arrival. The curtain-walling only fully covered some of the facades and the lift shafts were sheer voids. The structure was complete but the building was little more than an empty shell. When the first families pitched their tents, the building served as a cover from the heavy rain and little more. Following tendencies which pre-date architectural history, the tower acted as man-made equivalent of a cave, a vacant subtraction in the urban fabric providing a platform for settlement. This is of particular note when considering Of the Land as the building was vacant for 48 / TORRE DAVID

such an extended period, its abandoned status became an intrinsic part of the architecture. It could be said that with no use, the building is simply a form which exists in the city - part of the urban landscape, no different to a natural landform. The Torre, much like a landform, has a unique set of constraints and opportunities which made it attractive for settlement.

In the beginning the residents were wary of their potentially illegal occupation - the wording of the presidential declaration were open for interpretation. Although their imminent eviction was a concern the first wave of settlers began to make adjustments to the site: marking plot boundaries, repairing services and moving people and furniture from their old homes in the barrios.

The main priority was to create access to water and electricity.

The building had been connected to the grid, but the supply had been disconnected after the sites closure. When considering Affordances it is worth noting that those who chose to settle at the Torre were united by little more than a desire to find shelter: a random group of slum-dwellers who, as individuals, had a limited scope of construction knowledge but as a collective they had enough experience to begin establishing basic services.

Those who had training in plumbing and electrics were among the first group of settlers: they hacked the circuit breakers to gain access to the electrical grid and installed pumps to access the water supply.[71] The unused elevator shafts were appropriated as \ 49

sewage outflow pipes, with an access point on each floor leading to the partially flooded basement level.[72] This is of particular note as it is a good example of how the form of the Torre afforded an opportunity. The elevator shafts were never intended to be used to carry sewage, but due to their incomplete state it presented an ideal solution to the problem of waste management. The empty lift shaft in this case can be likened to a strategic landform: a hill or river, something natural which is discovered and made productive through the means of intervention and adaptation.

The services were far from perfect, but they were managed locally and afforded the residents a certain quality of life they were used to living in the barrios.

The first wave of settlers were advantaged when choosing a plot.

The upper floors of the Torre had no partition walls, only a set of central cores dedicated to services and lifts. This allowed the early settlers a high degree of freedom in choosing their own living spaces. Due to the height of the tower there was a high demand for plots on the lower levels: settlers would stake out their plots, taking turns guarding it from new waves of settlers coming from the barrios as word began to spread. The relationship between value and height from the ground is interesting as it has seen a relatively recent inversion. Historically, the upper levels of a building were cheaper to rent as there were no stairs and posed a significant risk in the event of a fire. The affluent population lived on the first floor, the piano noble as it was 50 / TORRE DAVID

raised from street level without being onerous to access. Today, the idea of a penthouse suite as the most desirable position in a high-rise structure is accepted and understood - however, in the Torre, the lack of lifts inverts the relationship once again.

Some residents mediated the problem of access by using the parking structure, a 10 story building connected to the Torre through a series of improvised walkways. Settlers would pay the local moto-taxi drivers to take them to the 10th floor for a small fee[73], effectively creating a makeshift elevator.

After plots were defined, boundary walls were constructed from traditional red clay brick. This brick is ubiquitous in the barrios as it is inexpensive and readily available. As former residents of the barrios, the clay brick was a familiar material. Within the barrios the red clay brick acted as a symbol of ownership and privacy: only ‘established’ slum-dwellers used red clay brick as it implies permanence - an advancement on using scrap and urban waste to create a makeshift shelter.[74] It is interesting the way the architectural language and methods employed in the barrios were applied to the Torre and of particular note when considering Appropriations. The clay brick is a material familiar to the dwellers of the barrios - its properties and material limits will be common knowledge to those who have built with it previously. Regardless of the fact the Torre is a vastly different contextual condition to the barrios, the same construction methods are applied. Is this because the Torre dwellers do not know any other method, or \ 51

could it be that the dwellers do not make a distinction between the two contexts?

10/ USE OF RED CLAY BRICK

The design task of subdividing a floor into a number of apartments is very different from the more organic, additive nature of living in the dense barrios on the fringes of the city. The floor-plate of the Torre is fixed, therefore using the same spatial efficiency as the structures of the barrios, the settlers of the Torre maximised the potential of each plot as best they could.

52 / TORRE DAVID

11/ TYPICAL EXISTING PLAN (LEVEL 10)

12/ TYPICAL OCCUPIED PLAN (LEVEL 10)

\ 53

Plots were arranged so that, outside of the services core, one of the walls was the glass curtain wall in order to let natural light into the space. Within the services core, the living space was more cramped - these spaces were oddly shaped as they were not intended for habitation and therefore frequently lack natural light.[75]

13/ EXAMPLE APARTMENT PLANS

The plan on the left is located (Figure 13) in the central core and is intended for two occupants, and makes use of a mechanical store. Due to its location it does not benefit from natural light, ventilation or sewage connection. It is a shelter on a fundamental level - protecting against the weather and little more. In contrast the plan on the right is on the outer face and has a more generous set of services. The apartment houses a small family, with a 54 / TORRE DAVID

14/ TORRE DAVID FACADE

The Torre is a good example of a bricolage as the process of settlement has blurred the line between existing structure and user intervention. \ 55

clearly defined separation between service space, living, and sleeping. The curtain wall provides natural light to the space, however, as the windows are inoperable some dwellers were driven to breaking some window panes for ventilation.[76] For Scalbert, the lack of ideal construction materials is not a serious issue as the Bricoleur has no control over their material palette.

The settlers of the Torre could be described as Bricoleurs as they synthesise solutions which adapt the existing structure by adding new elements.

15/ TYPICAL APARTMENT INTERIOR Furniture is often very basic.

56 / TORRE DAVID

The plans are uniform across every level, with a number of apartment layouts available on each floor. The plan (right) above is a corner unit - the apartments mid-row are more uniform with fewer awkward angles. The uniformity of the plan suggests it was arranged with fairness in mind - for no family to have a plot bigger or better than any other. This attitude may be consciously in-line with the socialist government, however, it is likely the answer is more local.

Alexander Daza, as instigator of the initial occupation of the site, assumed the role of leader of the settlers, making decisions on the day-to-day organisation of the camp. As more settlers moved to the Torre, a more sophisticated micro-government was established. Retaining the position of director Daza and his associates comprised the directive, passing down orders to the head of each service, who in-turn pass information down to a representative from each floor.[77] The government collects ‘tax’ in the form of rent - a fixed charge of $15 a month to maintain site amenities and pay ‘government’ employees such as security guards. It is interesting to consider the establishment of a local ‘government’ as a piece of design in itself. The organisational structure seen in the Torre is a clear hierarchical system which has a fixed ‘cabinet’ at the top with increasingly localised representatives on each layer. Due to Daza’s previous incarceration the structure has been likened to the way Venezuelan jails are organised.[78] Much like the way red clay \ 57

bricks are used to express a specific and locally understood meaning, the settlers of the Torre have taken from their past experiences in the appropriation of their new home.

On the subject of design theory, Nigel Cross states that design decisions at every level are informed by ‘pools of experience’ which we accrue over the course of our lives.[79] For many of the settlers, key life experiences would be growing up in the Barrios and, for some, spending time in prison. These, in turn, are reflected in design decisions, be they architectural or organisational design.

This resonates with the characteristic of Appropriations as the culture of the settlers directly affects the approach to architecture, but also the structure of the community.

From the formal definitions outlined in the first chapter the Torre has the closest affinity to Informal Architecture. Given its urban siting, the settlement of the Torre has a wide reaching context. On consultation with the residents it was found that the most attractive aspect of living in the Torre is its central location.[80] In much the same way as a railway easement or escarpment, the Torre was an interstitial patch of developable land in a strategic location. The improvised form given by the dwellers of the Torre is similar to the urban experiments of John Habraken who envisioned a frame system with residential in-fill.

[81] In a way, the settlement within the Torre can be likened to a nest - something which relies both on a predetermined support 58 / TORRE DAVID

structure and appropriation by the user. The partially complete shell acts as a tree, with the settlers constructing appropriately scaled dwellings within it.

\ 59

05 CARBETH ‘HUTTING’

In 1920 Allan Barnes-Graham, Laird of a 1,000 acre estate north of Glasgow, set aside a part of his estate for ex-servicemen to camp as a means of escaping the city. Three huts were erected on the land that year, rising to five in 1927. The outbreak of the Second World War propagated hut construction, with 106 huts having been built by 1940.[82] At this time the site was occupied by evacuees of the nearby industrial town of Clydebank. Today, the site is populated by a community of hutters, maintaining and inhabiting their part-time dwellings with the motive of escape to temporarily live a calmer pace of life.

60 / CARBETH

BEGINNINGS

The action of Allan Barnes-Graham to open his estate to exservicemen was not an isolated incident. All around Scotland, Lairds allowed the public to settle temporarily on their land. A possible reason for this is the status of feudal law in Scotland.

Unlike many European countries, the law surrounding land ownership has not been reviewed since it was brought into place in the medieval period.[83] Today, over 85% of Scotland is owned by around 1,500 Lairds who hold absolute control over their estates.[84] Those looking to camp in most of the Scottish countryside are at the mercy of these Lairds and their individual sets of rules. In Carbeth, Allan Barnes-Graham allowed the public to construct small dwellings on a portion of his land in return for a modest ground rent. In this ownership structure the hutters own their hut and everything enclosed by it, but not the ground it sits on.[85] Within the scope of the case study sites, the Carbeth hutters have the most admissible claim to their property as there a legitimate agreement between the land owner and the occupier. The hutters, however, are not protected by any law or regulatory body as the Laird has unequivocal control over the land, meaning the hutters \ 61

future right to stay on the site is not guaranteed. Exercising his power over the hutters, the grandson of the original Laird, also named Allan Barns-Graham proposed a sharp increase in the ground rent making it unaffordable for many of the settlers.

[86] The settlers, whose huts did not receive any basic services, did not understand what prompted the 42% increase and led a rent strike in retaliation.[87] Some residents speculated that Barns-Graham was using the ground rent to force the hutters from the land in order to build a high-end holiday complex.

As hutting is a primarily working-class tradition, it was thought Barns-Graham was fully aware many residents would be unable to absorb the increase in cost.[88] During the rent strike the hutters were threatened with eviction. As tensions escalated, some huts were subject to arson and vandalism. The community decided it wanted to be autonomous and to have legal entitlement to the land: in 1998 a community buyout was proposed following the success of a similar community in the Highlands. The Assynt Crofters purchased the land they had settled on in Sutherland, formally taking title to the land in 1993.[89] In a similar effort the Carbeth hutters sought to purchase 180 acres of the 1,000 acre estate.

After over a decade of negotiation, the buyout was a success and, in 2013, the Carbeth Hutters Community Company took control of the land.[90]

62 / CARBETH

TAKING OWNERSHIP

After the title to the land was transferred to the Hutters, they were no longer under the jurisdiction of the Laird - however, this did not prompt a change in use, nor was it reflected in the architectural form of the huts themselves: the buyout was a mechanism for preserving the way of life the community had forged, a tradition nearly a century in the making.

The first huts constructed on the site in 1920 were to comply with a number of conditions set out by the Laird. The overarching design principle underpinning the form of the huts was to minimise their impact on the estate. They were to be of a certain size, painted green and hidden from view by trees and hedges.[91] After the hutting movement gained popularity, these original huts became the benchmark for future settlers, cementing the style in history. A design guide was written as part of the planning process by Stirling Council, making the aesthetic an express requirement.

The design guide highlights a number of interesting attributes the huts must include or exclude, many of which reveal something about the history of the hutters. The first of which is \ 63

that the huts should have an aesthetic which separates them from bungalows or houses.[92] Their architectural expression must suggest temporality, despite the fact the structures would be permanent. This requirement highlights the nature of the huts as second homes: a feature which is unique to Carbeth within the scope of the case study sites. Hutters frequently visit their huts - many families use it as a weekend escape with the ageing population potentially visiting more frequently, however, the huts were never intended for permanent settlement, something which is reflected in their composition.

A notable quirk within the design guide is the expression of

16/ HUT IN CARBETH 64 / CARBETH

extensions to huts. Hutters are free to extend their huts in order to increase the usable internal area with the caveat that any extension must be clearly defined and visually distinct from the original structure. It is possible this effect creates the illusion of a smaller overall hut, however, it may be an attempt to mimic the style of existing extensions. When the original huts constructed during the Second World War were extended, this patchwork ‘lean-to’ style of extension would have been common practice as it would have been easier to roughly add on a new room instead of rebuilding the entire hut. For modern huts this seems an odd restriction, as the design guide defines a number of strategies expressly for maintaining the identity of the original hut unit.

17/ PLANNING GUIDANCE Certain design decisions are expressly stated in the documentation from Stirling Council. \ 65

There also guidelines restricting the use of certain cosmetic elements such as mock-Georgian front doors as they are anachronistic - the original huts had panelled doors, therefore all new huts have to mimic this choice.

18/ RESTRICTED DOOR STYLES

As the original huts were to be visually discreet all new huts are confined to a choice of two external finishes, green or natural/ stained timber. These guidelines are similar to those enforced in a conservation area, however, this is not surprising as there is a conscious effort to increase the number of huts in Scotland and as the huts in Carbeth are emblematic of the hutting philosophy and are considered worth preserving.[93] As the huts are not intended for permanent residence, the interior space is much more basic than in the other case study sites. Many huts are 66 / CARBETH

comprised of one flexible, open living space and one bedroom.

There are no on-site sanitation facilities - hutters must use composting toilets and rely on generators for electricity. This practice of light-touch services is so ingrained that the design guide suggests which generators are most suitable.[95] [94]

19/ PLANNING GUIDANCE The planning documentation provides guidance in the form of a pattern book for every element of the hut. \ 67

In terms of Appropriations it is interesting to consider tradition within contemporary vernacular communities. The Carbeth hutters are the oldest community within the case study sites - the practice of building and inhabiting these huts is several generations old. It is clear from the design guide that the community values its origins and the architectural forms the first hutters employed.

In newer settlements such as Slab City and Torre David, the first settlers are doing something more significant than simply meeting needs when they create interventions - they may be initiating a style which is mimicked for generations.

Similarly in terms of Affordances, the simple form of the huts is partly due to the limited construction experience of the first hutters. As the site is very remote, the huts had to be constructed from recycled materials found on the estate, or those which could be easily brought in. Some hutters chose to buy pre-fabricated packs whereas others would build from scratch. To build a brick foundation for their hut, one resident carried bricks on the bus from Clydebank two or three at a time.[96] Many hutters claim that building and maintaining their huts is an attractive part of hutting life: the secretary of the Carbeth Hutters Community Company puts it poetically: ‘The garden holds a small orchard of native apple trees, the first five fertilised by my mother’s ashes. I am never done renovating this wee hut in the woods. A new wall this year, a new roof to the kitchen (there’s 68 / CARBETH

only the kitchen and one other room) some years back. The outside cludgie was built by me – it’s a two-seater – with wood from a dismantled fence.

The floor and door are of pitch pine rescued from a Glasgow shop-cellar.

There’s part of me in every corner here; just like all the old hutters and their huts. There’s also part of Carbeth now lodged permanently in me...

I’ll never leave.’ [97] It is clear that the Carbeth Hutters are not simply trying to get by, something which sets Carbeth apart from the other case study sites. This is largely due to the fact that the hutters have fully serviced permanent homes in the city to return to if the novelty of escaping the city wears off. Why do these city dwellers wish to challenge themselves by living in such basic conditions?

Bernard Rudofsky states that ‘More sophisticated people are attracted by rugged country’.[98] He elaborates, observing that we ‘vacate’ our cities of holidays in search for ‘primitive surroundings’, and that ‘despite his [modern man’s] mania for mechanical comfort, his chances for finding relaxation hinge on its very absence’ [99] This is certainly the case for Carbeth: when asked what the main benefits of hutting were, the most consistent responses were ‘escape’ and ‘tranquility’.

[100] Much like the reason for settlement at Slab City, Carbeth is attractive for what it lacks rather than what it comprises.

In terms of how Carbeth can be characterised, it is difficult to assign a label. The act of using reclaimed materials and blending the huts into the landscape gives the practice of hutting an \ 69

affinity with bricolage, however, as many elements are purposely brought in from the city the user has full control over their material palette. Carbeth differs from the other case study sites as there was no existing platform for development. Slab City was built on the slab infrastructure and Torre David was developed from a structural shell, but Carbeth was a wooded estate, devoid of any previous man-made intervention. With regard to the definition of Of the Land however, these starting points can be seen as equal. The environmental context of Carbeth was not chosen arbitrarily: it is heavily forested, wet and rocky, which meant it was unsuitable for agriculture but ideal for camping.

The trees provided cover when tents were used, and a valuable building material as huts were being constructed. Despite the pre-settlement context of Carbeth being entirely natural, devoid of any man-made intervention, it still presented a landscape of opportunities to the hutters.

70 / CARBETH

\ 71

06 FINAL THOUGHTS

In investigating the case study sites a number of links have emerged, however, the most prominent is that for every case study site there has been some difficulty aligning the architecture and nature of the community to the current definitions of vernacular architecture and its related terms. It could be the case that these sites are highly nuanced, and therefore it is unrealistic to expect them to perfectly match with the existing terminology - for each of the sites there was a clear overlap with at least one of the terms.

There is, however, certainly a gap in the terminology for describing contemporary vernacular architecture. The current terms do not go into detail with regards to the cultural 72 / FINAL THOUGHTS

reasons for settlement, specifically those which are socially or politically oriented. As Oliver describes, traditional vernacular architecture was ‘built to meet needs’, but in contemporary society those needs extend beyond responding to climatic conditions or protecting food surplus: in each of the case studies the ‘needs’ which underpinned the drive for settlement were not purely based on finding adequate shelter. In Slab City the wish to live a life without restriction drove people into the desert, where in Carbeth the desire to live a basic, quiet life ignited a bitter legal battle between a Laird and the common people. This theme is less evident in Torre David, however, those families leaving the barrios that night in 2007 left their homes behind in search of a better life - looking to the Torre as a symbol of hope. If this investigation has revealed anything, it is that regular people, when given the opportunity, will come together to achieve a collective goal even if it means potentially putting themselves in danger. A study of historical vernacular architecture will show settlements which have cleverly appropriated technology to mediate the environment in intelligent and forward-thinking ways, using what was locally available and methods perfected over the course of hundreds of years. A study of the contemporary vernacular shows something quite different: communities based on conviction - on creating a space which uniquely defines their culture.

Of the case study sites identified the largest is Torre David, \ 73

with just over 2,500 residents. It is worth noting that these communities are relatively small; if Slab City had a population of 10,000 residents, it would be impossible to keep track of what every resident possessed - one of the key mechanisms of its trading culture. Similarly in Carbeth if there were 1,000 huts it would not likely be ‘tranquil’ or ‘serene’. These settlements, much like walled cities, only work at a specific scale. As Rudofsky states, ‘a town which aspires to be a work of art should be as finite as a painting’.[101]

10,726 Words 74 / FINAL THOUGHTS

\ 75

NOTES

[1]

Paul Oliver, Dwellings (New York, 2003), 12

Oxford English Dictionary. ‘Vernacular Architecture’ Accessed April, 2015 http://www.oed.com/view/ Entry/222608?redirectedFrom=Vernacular#eid [2]

[3]

Ibid.

[4]

Paul Oliver, Dwellings (New York, 2003), 15

[5]

Ibid.

[6]

Ibid., 13

[7]

Ibid., 9

76 / NOTES

[8]

Ibid.

[9]

Nigel Cross, Design Thinking (London, 2011), 3

[10]

Ibid., 4

Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture without Architects (New York, 1964), iii [11]

[12]

Ibid., v

[13]

Ibid., x

[14]

John May, Buildings Without Architects (New York, 2010), 42

[15]

Ibid.

[16]

Ibid.

Charles Jencks and Nathan Silver, Adhocism: The Case for Improvement (Massachusetts, 2013), xix [17]

[18]

Ibid.

[19]

Ibid., 16

[20]

Ibid., 105

[21]

Ibid., 16

[22]

Ibid.

[23]

John May, Buildings Without Architects (New York, 2010), 173 \ 77

[24]

Irénée Scalbert, “The Architect as Bricoleur” Candide 04 (2011):

71 [25]

Ibid.

[26]

Ibid.

[27]

Ibid., 73

[28]

Ibid

[29]

Ibid., 75

Kim Dovey, “Informalising Architecture: The Challenge of Informal Settlements” Architectural Design 83 (2013): 83 [30]

[31]

Ibid., 83

[32]

Ibid., 85

Alan Jenkins, The Social Theory of Claude Levi-Strauss (London, 1979), 16 [33]

Charles Jencks and Nathan Silver, Adhocism: The Case for Improvement (Massachusetts, 2013) xix [34]

Kim Dovey, “Informalising Architecture: The Challenge of Informal Settlements” Architectural Design 83 (2013): 85 [35]

Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture without Architects (New York, 1964) p. vii [36]

78 / NOTES

[37]

Ibid.

[38]

Irénée Scalbert, “The Architect as Bricoleur” Candide 04 (2011):

81 [39]

Paul Oliver, Dwellings (New York, 2003), 11

Charlie Hailey, Campsite: Architecture of Duration and Place (Louisiana, 2008), 180 [40]

[41]

Ibid.

[42]

Ibid.

Travis Du Bry and Dominique Rissolo, “Slab City: Squatters’ Paradise?” Journal of the Southwest 43 (2001): 703 [43]

Charlie Hailey, Campsite: Architecture of Duration and Place (Louisiana, 2008), 180 [44]

Anne Wyatt, “Slab City Squatters Seek Permanent Residency” American Planning Association 80 (2014): 7 [45]

Heather Quinn, “Slab City: Life on the Fringes” Cutbank 75 (2011): 123 [46]

Travis Du Bry and Dominique Rissolo, “Slab City: Squatters’ Paradise?” Journal of the Southwest 43 (2001): 707 [47]

[48]

Ibid., 705

[49]

Ibid., 703

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Charlie Hailey, Campsite: Architecture of Duration and Place (Louisiana, 2008), 188 [50]

Travis Du Bry and Dominique Rissolo, “Slab City: Squatters’ Paradise?” Journal of the Southwest 43 (2001): 706 [51]

Heather Quinn, “Slab City: Life on the Fringes” Cutbank 75 (2011): 122 [52]

Charlie Hailey, Campsite: Architecture of Duration and Place (Louisiana, 2008), 191 [53]

[54]

Ibid., 189

Heather Quinn, “Slab City: Life on the Fringes” Cutbank 75 (2011): 127 [55]

Travis Du Bry and Dominique Rissolo, “Slab City: Squatters’ Paradise?” Journal of the Southwest 43 (2001): 707 [57] Ibid.

[56]

Heather Quinn, “Slab City: Life on the Fringes” Cutbank 75 (2011): 129 [58]

[59]

Ibid.

Jean M. Calderion, “From a Skyscraper to a Slumscraper: Residential Satisfaction in ‘Torre de David’ Caracas, Venezuela” The Macrotheme Review 02 (2013): 140 [60]

Urban-Think Tank, Torre David: Informal Vertical Communities (Zurich, 2013), 87 [61]

80 / NOTES

Jonathan Mosley, “Architecture and Transgression: An Interview with Bernard Tschumi” Architectural Design 83 (2013): 35 [62]

Urban-Think Tank, Torre David: Informal Vertical Communities (Zurich, 2013), 87 [63]

[64]

Ibid., 34

[65]

Ibid., 87

Lydia Kallipoliti, “Torre David / Gran Horizonte” Journal of Architectural Education 67 (2012): 159 [66]

Urban-Think Tank, Torre David: Informal Vertical Communities (Zurich, 2013), 89 [68] Ibid.

[67]

[69]

Ibid., 94

[70]

Ibid., 99

Jean M. Calderion, “From a Skyscraper to a Slumscraper: Residential Satisfaction in ‘Torre de David’ Caracas, Venezuela” The Macrotheme Review 02 (2013): 141 [71]

[72]

Ibid.

Urban-Think Tank, Torre David: Informal Vertical Communities (Zurich, 2013), 141 [73]

[74]

Ibid., 208

[75]

Jean M. Calderion, “From a Skyscraper to a Slumscraper: \ 81

Residential Satisfaction in ‘Torre de David’ Caracas, Venezuela” The Macrotheme Review 02 (2013): 149 [76]

Ibid.

Urban-Think Tank, Torre David: Informal Vertical Communities (Zurich, 2013), 148 [77]

Jean M. Calderion, ‘From a Skyscraper to a Slumscraper: Residential Satisfaction in ‘Torre de David’ Caracas, Venezuela’ The Macrotheme Review 02 (2013): 141 [78]

[79]

Nigel Cross, Design Thinking (London, 2011), 10

Jean M. Calderion, “From a Skyscraper to a Slumscraper: Residential Satisfaction in ‘Torre de David’ Caracas, Venezuela” The Macrotheme Review 02 (2013): 145 [80]

Kim Dovey, “Informalising Architecture: The Challenge of Informal Settlements” Architectural Design 83 (2013): 87 [81]

“Building a Hut”, Carbeth Hutters Community Company, accessed March 2015, http://www.carbethhutters.co.uk/code/build1. html [82]

The Carbeth Hutters, 1999 [Video] Scotland: Undercurrents Alternative News Video [83]

[84]

Ibid.

[85]

Ibid.

[86]

Shirley English, “Highland Clearance Rouses Rebels” Times,

82 / NOTES

May 5 1998, 6 [87]

Ibid.

Fi Martynoga, “Hut Life: The Stories of Three Communities” Reporting Scotland 43 (2011): 13 [88]

Assynt Crofters Trust, accessed April 2015, http://www. assyntcrofters.co.uk/ [89]

Carbeth Hutters Community Company, accessed March 2015, http://www.carbethhutters.co.uk/index.html [90]

Fi Martynoga, “Hut Life: The Stories of Three Communities” Reporting Scotland 43 (2011): 14 [91]

“Building a Hut”, Carbeth Hutters Community Company, accessed March 2015, http://www.carbethhutters.co.uk/code/build1. html [92]

Scottish Government, Hutting in Scotland: Expanding the Possibilities (Edinburgh, 2013), 3 [93]

The Scottish Executive Central Research Unit, ‘Huts’ and ‘Hutters’ in Scotland (Edinburgh, 2000), 11 [94]

Carbeth Hutters Community Company, accessed March 2015, http://www.carbethhutters.co.uk/index.html [95]

Fi Martynoga, “Hut Life: The Stories of Three Communities” Reporting Scotland 43 (2011): 14 [96]

[97]

Ibid. \ 83

Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture without Architects (New York, 1964), vi [98]

[99]

Ibid., x

The Scottish Executive Central Research Unit, ‘Huts’ and ‘Hutters’ in Scotland (Edinburgh, 2000), 28 [101] Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture without Architects (New York, 1964), vii [100]

84 / NOTES

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Assynt Crofters Trust, accessed April 2015, http://www. assyntcrofters.co.uk/ Carbeth Hutters Community Company, accessed March 2015, http://www.carbethhutters.co.uk/index.html Calderion, Jean M., 2013, ‘From a Skyscraper to a Slumscraper: Residential Satisfaction in ‘Torre de David’ Caracas, Venezuela’, The Macrotheme Review, 02 (2013) Cross, Nigel., Design Thinking (London, 2011) Dovey, Kim., ‘Informalising Architecture: The Challenge of Informal Settlements’, Architectural Design 83 (2013) Du Bry, Travis and Rissolo, Dominique, ‘Slab City: Squatters’ Paradise?’, Journal of the Southwest 43 (2001) 86 /

English, Shirley, ‘Highland Clearance Rouses Rebels’, Times, May 5 1998 Hailey, Charlie, Campsite: Architecture of Duration and Place (Louisiana, 2008) Hutting, 2012 [Video] Scotland: William Roberts Jencks, Charles and Silver, Nathan, Adhocism: The Case for Improvisation, (Massachusetts, 2013) Jenkins, Alan, The Social Theory of Claude Levi-Strauss (London, 1979) Kallipoliti, Lydia, 2012, ‘Torre David / Gran Horizonte’, Journal of Architectural Education, 67 (2012) Martynoga, Fi, ‘Hut Life: The Stories of Three Communities’, Reporting Scotland, 43 (2011) May, James and Reid, Anthony, Buildings Without Architects (New York, 2010) Mosley, Jonathan, ‘Architecture and Transgression: An Interview with Bernard Tschumi’, Architectural Design, 83 (2013) Oliver, Paul, Dwellings (New York, 2003) Oxford English Dictionary. ‘Vernacular Architecture’ Accessed April, 2015 http://www.oed.com/view/ Entry/222608?redirectedFrom=Vernacular#eid Quinn, Heather, ‘Slab City: Life on the Fringes’, Cutbank 75 (2011)

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Rudofsky, Bernard, Architecture Without Architects (London, 1964) Scalbert, Irénée, ‘The Architect as Bricoleur’, Candide 04 (2011) Scottish Government, Hutting in Scotland: Expanding the Possibilities (2011) Shepherd, Paul, What is Architecture? An Essay on Landscapes, Buildings and Machines (London, 1999) The Scottish Executive Central Research Unit, ‘Huts’ and ‘Hutters’ in Scotland (Edinburgh, 2000) The Carbeth Hutters, 1999 [Video] Scotland: Undercurrents Alternative News Video Urban-Think Tank, Torre David: Informal Vertical Communities (Zurich, 2013) Wyatt, Anne, ‘Slab City Squatters Seek Permanent Residency’, American Planning Association 80 (2014)

88 /

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IMAGE CREDITS

[01] Favelas [https://thehundreds.com/shaynabatya-worldcup2/] [02] Farming Terraces [http://i1.trekearth.com/photos/12597/terrace_erosion. jpg] [03] Camp Dunlap Entrance [http://www.slab-city.com/] [04] Cookie the Snowbird, Jessica Lum, [http://slabcitystories.com/] [05] Slab City Solar Cells [http://www.wanderingnotlost.org/wp-content/ uploads/2011/03/IMG_0199.jpg] [06] Slab City Aerial [http://www.worldmag.com/media/images/ content/540_360_/slabcityaerial.jpg] [07] Bunker in Slab City [http://www.wanderingnotlost.org/wp-content/ uploads/2011/03/IMG_0176.jpg] [08] Slab City Residents, Jessica Lum, [http://slabcitystories.com/] 90 /

[09] Barrios in Caracas [http://elcieloacaballo.blogspot.co.uk/2014_10_01_ archive.html] [10] Red Clay Brick, Iwan Baan [11] Torre David / Floor Plans, Urban-Think Tank, Torre David: Informal Vertical Communities (Zurich, 2013), 172 [12] Torre David / Floor Plans, Urban-Think Tank, Torre David: Informal Vertical Communities (Zurich, 2013), 172 [13] Apartment Plans, Calderion, Jean M., 2013, ‘From a Skyscraper to a Slumscraper: Residential Satisfaction in ‘Torre de David’ Caracas, Venezuela’, The Macrotheme Review, 02 (2013): 16 [14] Torre David Facade, [http://www.dezeen.com/2012/09/01/whyshould-the-poor-live-in-the-slums-if-there-are-empty-office-towers-in-thecity-asks-justin-mcguirk/] [15] Typical Interior / Torre David, Iwan Baan [16] Typical Hut, [https://c1.staticflickr. com/5/4142/4783283179_5fa82ecd52_b.jpg] [17] Planning Policy, Stirling Council [18] Planning Policy, Stirling Council [19] Planning Policy, Stirling Council [Cover] Torre David Facade, Iwan Baan

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