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FROM THE PUBLISHER’S Desk

Dr. Ken Giami Founder, African Leadership Magazine UK

The Africa I Wish for My Children

In Africa, a continent rich not only with natural and human resources, but also rich in its history and culture, lies my hopes and aspirations for the future of my children. The Africa of my dreams—a land where the sun rises over vast savannahs and possibilities are endless.

In the Africa of my dreams, unity is the thread that weaves together a diverse tapestry of cultures, languages, and traditions. Here, my children grow up in a society that celebrates its differences, where every tribe and ethnicity is a vibrant color in the grand mosaic of our nation. They learn from an early age that strength lies in diversity, and that by embracing each other’s uniqueness, they can build a stronger, more resilient community.

The Africa I envision is one where every child has access to quality education. Schools are wellequipped, teachers are passionate, and learning is a joyous adventure. My children, along with their peers, are encouraged to explore their curiosities, to ask questions, and to dream big. They are taught not just to memorize facts, but to think critically, to innovate, and to lead. In this Africa, education is the key that unlocks the door to endless opportunities.

In this dream, Africa is a beacon of environmental stewardship. My

children play in lush, green parks, breathe clean air, and drink pure water. They learn the importance of preserving our natural resources and protecting our wildlife. Renewable energy powers our homes and cities, and sustainable practices are the norm, while we harness responsibly all our natural resources including fossil fuel, for the benefit of our people.

The Africa I wish for my children is a land of thriving economies and boundless innovation. Entrepreneurs and innovators are the heroes of this story, driving growth and creating jobs. My children witness the rise of African tech hubs, where brilliant minds come together to solve local and global challenges. Agriculture flourishes with modern techniques, and industries thrive, providing a stable and prosperous future for all.

In this Africa, healthcare is accessible and affordable for everyone. My children grow up in a society where no one is left behind, where hospitals and clinics are well-equipped, and healthcare professionals are dedicated and compassionate. Preventive care and wellness are prioritized, ensuring that every child has the chance to lead a healthy and fulfilling life.

The Africa of my dreams is a land of peace and justice. Conflicts are resolved through dialogue and

understanding, and the rule of law prevails. My children live in a society where their rights are protected, where they feel safe and secure. They are taught the values of empathy, respect, and fairness, and they grow up knowing that they have the power to make a difference.

In this Africa, there is a renaissance of culture and the arts. My children are immersed in the rich heritage of our continent, from the rhythms of traditional music to the vibrant colors of local art. They learn the stories of their ancestors and are inspired to create their own. Festivals and celebrations are a testament to the enduring spirit of our people, and creativity flourishes in every corner.

As I look into the eyes of my children, I see the future of Africa—a future filled with hope, promise, and endless possibilities. The Africa of my dreams is not just a distant vision; it is a goal we strive for every day. It is a legacy we build together, one step at a time, for the sake of our children and the generations to come.

In this Africa, my children grow up knowing that they are part of something greater than themselves. They are the torchbearers of a bright and beautiful future, a future where dreams are not just imagined, but realized. This is the Africa I wish for my children, the Africa of my dreams.

Silencing the Guns: A Critical Analysis of the AU’s Peace and Security Journey

Keynote Address by H.e. Dr. Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, Former President of the United Republic of Tanzania During The African Persons Of The Year Awards Ceremony 2024, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Governance and Accountability in Africa: Progress and Road Ahead

Peace and Security in Africa: The Role of Traditional Rulers in Peacebuilding

AFRICOM: A Decade of Security Engagement in Africa

Balancing Tradition and Change: The Influence of Western Ideologies on African Nations

Africa on the Cusp of Economic Boom: Driving Forces and Future Prospects

Silencing the Guns: A Critical Analysis of the AU’s Peace and Security Journey

After a decade since the adoption of the African Union’s (AU) Security Sector Reform (SSR) Policy Framework, it is a moment for critical reflection on the strides made and challenges faced in the quest for peace and security across the continent. The AU’s efforts, encapsulated in the ambitious vision of “Silencing the Guns by 2030,” are central to its peace and security agenda. Recent remarks by H.E. Ambassador Bankole Adeoye, delivered by H.E. Dr. Mohamed Ibn Chambas, underscore the essential role of comprehensive security sector reforms in achieving sustainable peace.

The SSR Policy Framework, adopted in January 2013, was a pivotal step towards transforming African defence and security forces into professional, accountable institutions. Over the past decade, the AU Commission has worked diligently to promote and support the framework’s implementation, focusing on providing direct assistance to member states, developing knowledge tools, and fostering coordination among regional and international actors. This multi-faceted approach has

been crucial in addressing the underlying causes of conflict and enhancing governance structures across the continent.

However, the journey has not been without its obstacles. The cyclical nature of conflicts, exacerbated by terrorism, violent extremism, and unconstitutional changes of government, has posed significant challenges to fully realising the SSR Policy Framework’s goals. These issues, deeply rooted in security governance deficits, highlight the need for continued and enhanced efforts in security sector reform.

The AU’s commitment to inclusive and gender-sensitive approaches has been a notable aspect of its SSR initiatives. The Operational Guidance Note on Gender Mainstreaming in Security Sector Reform is a testament to the Commission’s efforts to ensure that women play a central role in security governance and peacebuilding. Additionally, the AU has actively engaged civil society organisations to foster broader participation and support for SSR processes, reflecting a holistic approach to peace and security.

A recent high-level conference on the SSR Policy Framework provided a platform for member states to share their experiences and lessons learned, emphasising the importance of finding African solutions to African security challenges. The outcomes of these discussions are expected to inform strategic guidance for the AU Peace and Security Council, reinforcing the collective resolve to build a peaceful and secure Africa.

Looking ahead, it is clear that the vision of silencing the guns and achieving a conflict-free continent requires sustained commitment, innovative strategies, and robust

international cooperation. The AU’s decade-long journey, marked by significant achievements and persistent challenges, offers valuable insights and a strong foundation for future efforts in promoting peace and security in Africa.

Analysis of the Event and Speech

In a milestone event reflecting on a decade of transformative efforts, the African Union (AU) convened a high-level meeting to evaluate the implementation of the Security Sector Reform (SSR) Policy Framework. This pivotal gathering,

held on November 21, 2023, and attended by esteemed dignitaries and representatives from across the continent and international community, marked an important moment for the AU’s peace and security agenda.

Delivered by H.E. Dr. Mohamed Ibn Chambas on behalf of H.E. Ambassador Bankole Adeoye, Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace, and Security, the opening remarks set a resolute tone for the conference. Dr. Chambas underscored the crucial role of SSR in the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), highlighting it as a cornerstone for

Over the past decade, the AU Commission has actively supported SSR processes in various contexts, including countries undergoing political transitions and post-conflict reconstruction such as the Central African Republic, Ethiopia, and South Sudan. These efforts have been multifaceted, encompassing the design, implementation, and coordination of nationally led SSR processes with a significant emphasis on gender mainstreaming and the inclusion of women in security governance

good governance, conflict prevention, and post-conflict reconstruction.

“Security sector reforms and the repurposing of security institutions and agencies are critical enablers of the efforts required ‘to silence the guns’ in Africa,” remarked Dr. Chambas, emphasising the AU’s ambitious vision encapsulated in Aspiration 4 of Agenda 2063. This aspiration envisions a peaceful and secure Africa, free from the scourges of conflict and violence that have long plagued the continent.

A Decade of Strategic Implementation

The AU’s SSR Policy Framework, adopted at the 20th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the Union in January 2013, has since been the blueprint guiding reforms across member states. The policy’s implementation revolves around three strategic pillars: direct assistance to member states, the production of knowledge tools and capacity building, and facilitating coordination among regional and international actors.

Challenges and socio-political hurdles

Despite these commendable efforts, the journey has not been without its challenges. Dr. Chambas candidly acknowledged the socio-political and technical obstacles that have impeded the full realisation of the SSR Policy

Framework’s goals. Issues such as terrorism, violent extremism, and unconstitutional changes of government have continued to pose significant threats, exacerbated by deficits in security governance.

“The limited progress in transforming African defence and security forces into professional and disciplined national security institutions has often led to the eruption of, or relapse into, conflicts,” he noted, highlighting the cyclical nature of violence that disrupts stabilisation and peace-building efforts.

Engaging Civil Society and Enhancing Collaboration

A key theme of the conference was the importance of engaging civil society in SSR. The AU has bolstered collaboration with entities like the Economic, Social, and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) and the Africa Security Sector Network (ASSN). These partnerships have been instrumental in the policy’s development and its ongoing implementation.

Dr. Chambas expressed gratitude for the contributions of civil society organisations and international partners, including the UN, European Union, and the Geneva Centre for Security Governance (DCAF). Their roles in supporting the AU’s SSR initiatives have been invaluable, providing both technical and material assistance to member states.

Looking Forward: Strategic Guidance and Future Perspectives

As the conference progressed, participants delved into comprehensive discussions on the successes, challenges, and future perspectives of the SSR Policy Framework. Insights from member states like The Gambia, Lesotho, Madagascar, Mali, and South Sudan, who shared their SSR implementation experiences, were particularly enlightening. The outcomes of these discussions are

expected to shape strategic guidance for the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC). An upcoming briefing to the PSC in early 2024 aims to provide the necessary strategic directions to further enhance security sector governance and effectively address the evolving security threats on the continent.

In closing, the conference reiterated the AU’s commitment to finding African solutions to African problems, reinforcing the collective resolve to create a peaceful, secure, and prosperous continent.

As we reflect on this decade-long journey, it is clear that while significant progress has been made, the path ahead requires sustained commitment, innovative approaches, and robust international cooperation. The vision of a peaceful Africa, where guns are silenced and communities thrive in security, remains within reach—guided by the principles of good governance and collaborative action.

For further details and updates on the AU’s SSR initiatives, visit the African Union’s Peace and Security Department website.

The limited progress in transforming African defence and security forces into professional and disciplined national security institutions has often led to the eruption of, or relapse into, conflicts

DR. JAKAYA MRISHO KIKWETE

Former President of Tanzania

A Legacy of Peace and Economic Diplomacy

By King Richards

Over his tenyear tenure as president, Kikwete’s leadership was marked by significant diplomatic and economic achievements, and his reflections provide a deep insight into the complexities of governing a diverse nation like Tanzania.

A lot came to light during an intriguing dialogue between the Publisher of the African Leadership Magazine (ALM), Dr. Ken Giami, and the Former President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete of Tanzania, who recently received the prestigious African Peace and Security Leader of the Year award during the ALM Person’s of the Year Ceremony that took place in Ethiopia. Over his ten-year tenure as president, Kikwete’s leadership was marked by significant diplomatic and economic achievements, and his reflections provide a deep insight into the complexities of governing a diverse nation like Tanzania. Honoured for his contributions to peace and security, Kikwete shares his journey from a young political activist to a revered statesman.

President Kikwete recounts his time as Tanzania’s Foreign Minister, where he played a pivotal role in mediating several regional crises, including the Burundi and Congo conflicts. His diplomatic efforts, characterised by collaboration with influential leaders like Nelson Mandela and Julius Nyerere, highlight his commitment to resolving tensions and fostering stability in Africa. Kikwete’s experiences and the principles that guided

him through these challenges are not only a testament to his diplomatic prowess but also an inspiration for future leaders on the continent.

In addition to his political and diplomatic career, Kikwete opens up about his personal interests and daily routines. He discusses his passion for music, his love for traditional Tanzanian dishes, and his enjoyment of reading. This lighter side of his life offers a glimpse into the man behind the title, providing a wellrounded perspective on a leader who has left an indelible mark on Tanzania and beyond. As he shares his advice for young Africans and reflects on his presidential legacy, Kikwete’s words resonate with the wisdom and experience of a leader dedicated to the progress and unity of his nation.

Exerpt:

Let me take you back a little to your journey to being the stateman you are today. What was the beginning like for you? What were the guiding principles?

I cannot talk of guiding principles because there is no textbook

We grew up at a time of progressive politics in Africa, in the 1960s, when the father figures were Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, and Ben Bella, but also, internally, we were just getting our independence. So, internally, during the independence struggle, I was part of the Youth League, just joining the cheering and singings

where you refer to to pass an exam. I had an interest in politics from a very young age in secondary school. We grew up at a time of progressive politics in Africa, in the 1960s, when the father figures were Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, and Ben Bella, but also, internally, we were just getting our independence. So, internally, during the independence struggle, I was part of the Youth League, just joining the cheering and singings. Yes, I was just a kid, about eight or nine. So, before the independence, we were just singing and enjoying the music. But it was inculcating in us a consciousness because we were singing against the traitors who were siding with the British, against the independence of the countries. So you know, these are the kinds of songs the elders were writing, and we were doing the singing. Of course, that was when I got interested, and in school I was a prefect. I later joined the University of Dar es Salaam and those university days were really the beginning for. It was like a melting point of politics; all the progressive teachers in the world were there. So it was a revolutionary university because there were the normal classes, and then there were what was called

Sunday lectures, different from the normal classes. People were coming

to discuss revolutionary ideas and liberation struggles, and that was what we called Sunday metaphysics. We used to invite leaders from the liberation movements to attend. I remember when I was a student leader, we had Angela Davis and Stokely Carmichael just linking us with the others; and we also had the Augustino network, and also Julius Nyerere. Nyerere was in a teaching class; and he would just be there asking questions, and then he would leave. So we were brought up in this kind of environment, and then we became political cadets, and after the university, I decided to go and work with a political party.

I was also very active in the youth movement. I was a member of the Central Committee of the Tanzanian youth, and later, the CCM Youth League and the frontline states advancing liberation in southern Africa. We also had our own meetings to mobilise young people to support the liberation struggle, and there used to be the representatives of the Tanzania youth in those meetings. We met in Angola, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique just fighting for the cause. I was later told to go and join the army. I trained and became an officer, a lieutenant, and then one day I was called by the

President, and I was appointed Member of Parliament and Deputy Minister for Energy and Minerals. Of course, it shocked me because I never thought of it. My interest was to develop my career at the party and in the military, but then, this is another line, and that was when I took to the path that later took me to the presidency.

You talked about progressive politics in those days and its impact on you; even when you were just singing, something was getting in. Is that happening at this time?

Not much. I think what we have now is more a liberal democracy.

From your story, I see active participation, loyalty to the party, and supporting the leadership at the time. When you became minister, what guided the kind of politics you ran?

Of course, even before that, among those progressive years at the university, I used to read a lot of books by Kwame Nkrumah and the other nationalist leaders most passionately, but of course Frantz Fanon is one of my other mentors; I was a profusive reader. I remember one of the quotes of Amcar Cabral, “Theory without practice is empty, and theory without practice is blind,” in his chapter on the devotion of Guinea. Amcar Cabral’s books were loaded, as was The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon.

Looking back, are there any defining moments or decisions that stand out in your journey?

When the President called me and told me that he has appointed me to be a member of parliament, because ours is the Westminster model, where you had to be a member of parliament to be able to administer. The president had 10 seats out of nominations and gave me one of those nominated seats. I liked the idea of going to Parliament but

I was also asked to go to the Ministry of Energy and Minerals and assist the Minister there. I had not worked in a government office before then; I worked in the party and military, and that’s all I knew then. I didn’t know anything about energy and minerals, but the president said ‘you are young and bright; you will manage; best of luck’.

So I leave his office, and then the following morning the swearing-in ceremony. I went to the office. The shock of my life, however, was when I was told in the next few days that I’d be going to China. I told them, I know nothing about this ministry; how do I go and represent the ministry? In China, of course it was a big delegation, and the Minister of State in Finance was leading the delegation. Well, I made the trip and came back, but it went on well because I had notes and so on. So that’s how I really started.

Then two years later, I became Minister. The President had merged two ministries, the Ministry of Water and the Ministry of Energy and Minerals, when I became minister. This was the first big challenge I had because I had three big sectors under my ministry. Today, these three sectors of the ministry, each of them is a ministry on their own.

Then, from there I was moved to the Ministry of Finance. Well, I’m an economist by training from the university, but it did not compare. I came into that administration at a time when donors had suspended Tanzania, and the instructions I had from my president were that the first thing was to bring them back.

The donors were saying, ‘we are giving you money from our taxpayers, but you guys are not bringing enough in terms of tax collection in your country’. So the other thing that we were to do now was to strengthen the tax revenue system in the country. So these were two big challenges. At that time, the President had actually dissolved the parliament;

I used to read a lot of books by Kwame Nkrumah and the other nationalist leaders most passionately, but of course Frantz Fanon is one of my other mentors; I was a profusive reader. I remember one of the quotes of Amcar Cabral, “Theory without practice is empty, and theory without practice is blind,

he had appointed the vice president, the prime minister, and I was the second minister that was appointed, sworn in, and asked to go to Paris immediately and talk to the donors.So, it was quite challenging, but of course we had to do the meetings and we were determined to do it differently. And then, of course, back home we had to deal with the expenditure side. I came up with what we called a cash budget, that we would not spend more than what we had collected the previous month. It was tough, I can assure you. There was nothing you could do; as we had to reorganise the revenue systems. The other thing was that we came up with the registration of the central bank, giving the bank the powers on monetary policy - the power to say no to the government if they want to borrow as we were really depending on government borrowing, and because of that, it is just pushing inflation. We had to do a lot of work on reorganising the macroeconomic environment at that time.

Let’s talk about your presidency. You were president for 10 years. What would you consider your proudest achievements?

When I was nominated candidate of the party, I established a team of advisers, even though the party had its own manifesto. I had my own team headed by the Vice Chancellor of the University of Dar es Salaam, one of the brightest minds ever. I had another team on health headed by the Vice Chancellor of the medical school. So the first thing I considered as important was holding the country together. That was my first priority. We were a country made up of two countries. People’s Republic of Zanzibar and the Republic of Tanganyika came together in 1964, forming the United Republic of Tanzania. So holding the country together is itself a challenge because there were a lot of issues relating to the union arrangement, particularly there were complaints from the Zanzibar side and, of course, from the other side, Also, we are a country of

120 tribes, subscribing to all the major religions—Muslims, Christians, Hindus, Indians, and so on—and we also had a sizable population of Tanzanians who belonged to no religion, roaming the country, doing their own things. So the ratio was that they were Africans, Arabs, Indians—yes, and a few white men were also there. I made clear that this to me is a priority - how to keep the country unified and peaceful. That was my first item on the agenda.

The second was the Economy. Of course, having been a finance minister, I have had that experience and the problems that we had gone through. So these were my general focus, and I’m glad the team really helped me a lot, to come up with ideas. Of course, there were general instructions from the party that you should produce this and this, but I also do my own thing. This was the message that I announced when I was opening the Parliament on the 30th of December 2005 upon taking over as president.

On achieving the objectives, well, I did a lot. On health, of course, we build hospitals; we expanded and modernised the National Hospital. The idea really was to reduce the number of people we were referring abroad for treatment, and one of the prevalent diseases had been cardiological-related diseases, so we built a state-of-the art heart facility. If somebody wanted to go to India, it was their choice, but not for want of facilities. We build capacities in the neurosurgical area, in the area of nephrology and so on. We also upgraded the regional and district hospitals and increased the number of dispensaries. The policy we had was for people to have a health facility within a radius of five kilometres. Of course, our biggest challenge then was for doctors. We had one doctor for thirty thousand people and one nurse for twenty-three thousand people, so it was quite a challenge. So we had to expand on training because we needed more doctors.

When I was nominated candidate of the party, I established a team of advisers, even though the party had its own manifesto. I had my own team headed by the Vice Chancellor of the University of Dar es Salaam, one of the brightest minds ever. I had another team on health headed by the Vice Chancellor of the medical school. So the first thing I considered as important was holding the country together

On education, our first challenge was that only 6% of our boys and girls could transfer from primary school to secondary. In the party manifesto, we had instructions to build a secondary school in every ward. Yes, and how did we do it? We had to work with the communities and mobilise the communities, over three thousand five hundred (3500) wards, using public people partnerships (PPP)

On education, our first challenge was that only 6% of our boys and girls could transfer from primary school to secondary. In the party manifesto, we had instructions to build a secondary school in every ward. Yes, and how did we do it? We had to work with the communities and mobilise the communities, over three thousand five hundred (3500) wards, using public people partnerships (PPP). We talked to the communities to build the school structures, and the government handled the roofing, took over the teachers wages and the teaching materials. It was amazing because the response of the people was phenomenal. At some point, the response was so big and we had problems, as the Minister of Education came to me and said the secondary schools had been built like mushrooms all over the place. At that time, our universities were only producing five hundred teachers in total, and we now had over one thousand schools built. By the time I left, we had over three thousand new secondary schools. Then we had to do something about that. But one of the decisions that I took, which was not

part of the party’s manifesto, was to build a university. Because when we sat with this advisory team, we looked at higher education; they said we also had to expand higher education in existing universities, and it was agreed, but we had to build a new university and a big one with one of the big schools there as the School of Education so that we can manufacture more teachers. There were also private universities, mainly built by faith-based organizations. So I convened a meeting with the Christian Council of Tanzania. I met them because they are the owners of private universities. I told them, ”Let’s get a contract.” You will establish faculties of education, and my undertaking is that the government is going to employ teachers even though they were private universities. We also expanded our own universities, and that was how we were able to close the gap.

On infrastructure, one of the campaign promises I made was that we were going to connect all the regional headquarters with tarred roads. When I said this, people started calling me a presidential candidate of promises. But

In the 10 years that I had been president, we were able to do so much. I don’t see the reason why somebody should think of going beyond 10 years. If you get there organised, and you have an agenda before coming in, and you pursue that agenda, there is so much that you can do, and you leave the rest to others

I’m glad by the time I left office, this had been accomplished.

In the 10 years that I had been president, we were able to do so much. I don’t see the reason why somebody should think of going beyond 10 years. If you get there organised, and you have an agenda before coming in, and you pursue that agenda, there is so much that you can do, and you leave the rest to others. I left and the others continued to finish what I started, and they are now doing much more.

Looking at education on the continent, what can be done to make education in Africa work for the future?

The first thing is to increase the budget for education. When we had the fundraiser for GPE in London and then Boris Johnson was the Prime Minister because this institution was created by the G7, all the fundraising was done by them. The last one was chaired by Macron, and the London one was chaired by Johnson. Now we are working on another round of replenishment, with a new track established - a track on domestic financing, encouraging countries also to increase budgets for education. The idea was to let them set aside 20% of the national budget for education,

and President Kenyatta at that time, who was president of Kenya, was the champion of that.

And then, of course, after Kenyatta left, we brought in Nana Akufo Addo, who took over the meeting we had here during the AU meeting. We had a sideline to discuss this domestic financing to encourage leaders, that look, these children are not children of the donors; we have to contribute to their future. We are talking of 2050, where nearly half of the children under the age of 18 in the world are going to be Africans—one billion in fact. When you combine those with the age of thirty-five, I think it’s going to be 1.4 billion young people. Of course, the advantage is that this is human capital. So it’s a human resource that has to be developed and properly prepared, and education is the way to go, and we need to impact them with the skills and technical capacities needed for today and the future. Many jobs these days are being lost to automation and artificial intelligence. Today you have driverless cars, you order a taxi, and a taxi will come to your home. Drivers have lost jobs. These days, computers are taking over jobs of accountants; there are so many jobs that are being lost to automation now. There may come a time when the shop attendants may be robots.

If we can’t invest in the education of our young people now and give them the skills that are needed for the future, then we have lost out. We will have 1.4 billion people and the majority of them will be jobless. This is going to be a recipe for disaster. This is a crowd to be rented. It can be rented to cause instability in nations; the demagogues can use it in politics, and the extremists can use it. So really, education is the answer. That is what we really have to do to be remain competitive. So my humble appeal to African leaders is to set aside adequate educational resources, because that is where our future is.

You were recently honoured with the African peace and security leader of the year in Addis Ababa. How was the experience for you?

It was a wonderful experience for me. I did thank the African Leadership Organisation for organising Persons of the Year polls. As I said then, I didn’t know that there was anything like that going on. And when you wrote to me, informing me, that’s when I got the message. I also thank the people who voted for me to make me the African peace and security leader of the Year. Of course, before I was president, I spent some time as foreign minister you. First, we started with the Burundi crisis, and when the Congo crisis broke out, we had discussions in-house with the past president, Benjamin Mkapa.

I was appointed foreign minister in December after the elections. The first meeting we had was in the 90s, and I think President Carter was instrumental in organising the meeting, so President Carter was there, Mobutu came, Nyerere and a number of our leaders in the region came to that meeting, and the suggestions from him were that Nyerere should look after the Congolese and the Burundi docket, and the then president of Mali should look at the Rwanda docket.

On coming back, President Nyerere said, “Look here; I can try to help with Burundi, but I can’t do it on instructions from Jimmy Carter.” because if it is the African leaders asking me that sounds right. So that’s how we went to Burundi, and we met all the major players in the political class there. At that time, they had the government of national unity.

On a lighter note, we know that in Tanzania there are lots of delicious dishes; is there any particular one you love the most? What are your favourite pastimes?

My pastime is music. A place where there is no music to me is like being in a pit. When I was the Foreign Minister and Minister for Energy, and I’m travelling to Europe or America, my biggest luggage were videos and CDs; these days, we download them. The other pastime is reading; whenever we travel, I buy a lot of books. In terms of food, I grew up with my grandfather. My father was a civil servant and was always travelling, and at some point, he decided I should go back to the village and stay with my grandfather. He was a local, traditional ruler. I don’t know why they did that. But my grandfather loved sorghum meal, and we have a traditional vegetable which you cook with beans or cowpeas; and that was my favourite

In the afternoons, I like eating sorghum meal or the maize meal, but in the evening I will have a little rice. When I’m in Nigeria and Ghana its Jollof. I eat a lot of tubers, cassava, sweet potatoes, and pumpkins - those are my favourites. I’m not much into rice, but where there is rice and plantains, I will eat. If there is no sorghum, plantain is my number one.

Much more when I was younger, I used to play basketball. I am a member of the basketball association in Tanzania and I love the game.

It was a wonderful experience for me. I did thank the African Leadership Organisation for organising Persons of the Year polls. As I said then, I didn’t know that there was anything like that going on. And when you wrote to me, informing me, that’s when I got the message. I also thank the people who voted for me to make me the African peace and security leader of the Year

DR. JAKAYA MRISHO

KIKWETE

Former President of Tanzania

Keynote Address by H.E. Dr. Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, Former President of the United Republic of Tanzania During The African Persons Of The Year Awards Ceremony 2024, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Let me begin by thanking the African Leadership Magazine for having me here this evening at this auspicious event of the African Persons of the Year Ceremony, which celebrates the achievements and contributions of outstanding African leaders. I thank you Dr Ken Giami, Chairman of the Magazine, for this wonderful idea of establishing the Awards and for the magnificent organisation of this event.

At the outset, I must say, I received the news of this award with mixed feelings of surprise and gratitude. Surprise because, as a retired President of my dear country, the United Republic of Tanzania, I was just minding my own business –doing most of my activities in low profile – and allowing those in authority to bask in the spotlight. Until I received your official letter Dr. Giami that notified me of my winning, I had no knowledge of the awards’ nomination and selection process. It was only after reading your letter that I learned about it and that I had emerged ahead of others in the category of the Peace and Security Leader of the Year.

I am grateful because these prestigious awards afford us a moment to take a pause, contemplate and reflect on the collective progress we have made so far in the advancement of our beloved continent, Africa.

The truth is, it is with great honour

that I accept this Award. I accept it, not just for myself but on behalf of countless Africans – be they political leaders, economic influencers, religious figures, members of the security forces, dedicated civil servants, and ordinary individuals – who wake up every day and do their part in making the African continent a better place to live.

As we mark this opportune moment that underscores the role of individual agency in fostering positive change in Africa, we, as Africans are duty bound to acknowledge the urgent issues that continue to impact our continent. Considering the theme of this event, that is Building Resilient African Economies, I recommend

that today’s event extends beyond just recognising achievements by notable Africans but also serve as an opportunity to reflect on responsibilities that come with leadership.

Poverty, food crisis, climate change, diseases and illiteracy, political crisis and conflicts, are among other challenges which, still continue to confront Africa and demand our unwavering attention and concerted efforts and actions.

Although my award is in the Peace and Security category, allow me to reflect on the theme of the event and share some insights on various issues that characterize the current state of our continent. This is

because it is hard to ignore the complex interplay between these issues and how they relate to peace and security especially when one positions Africa in the global context.

First, the Economic challenge:

The increased global food and energy prices have triggered inflation in numerous regions of the continent, with some countries facing doubledigit inflation. This, in turn, has exerted additional pressure on governments

The 2023 African Economic Outlook sheds light on the present status of African economies while emphasizing on their resilience in navigating through various shocks. It shows how African economies have rebounded from the devastating effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. The report further shows how the economies are compelled to navigate the uncertain global landscape marked by the tightening of global financial conditions, spill-over effects of the prolonged Russia-Ukraine war, and subdued global economic growth, not to mention persistent climate threats.

This is a testament to the fact that our African continent is not immune to tensions and uncertainties that are prevalent in the international arena. The increased global food and energy prices have triggered inflation in numerous regions of the continent, with some countries facing doubledigit inflation. This, in turn, has exerted additional pressure on governments as they expand public budgets to accommodate

increased social spending, aiming to shield vulnerable populations from the ensuing impacts.

As a result of these shocks, we are witnessing reduced economic opportunities, increased lack of access to key resources and high levels of unemployment in some regions of our continent. This scenario has compelled many of our people to migrate in pursuit of better prospects abroad. The migration has resulted in the depletion of our essential workforce that is much needed for the continent’s development. It is saddening to watch in the Television how many lives are being lost during the migration process, particularly among those who undertake illegal journeys across the Sahara Desert and the Mediterranean Sea.

In response to this reality, governments in Africa must adapt so that they are able to remain competitive and foster sustainable growth. Our continent, Africa, possesses numerous advantageous factors, including abundant natural resources, a youthful population, and the ingenuity of our people. This is one area where Africa’s potential is limitless. In my view, what is required at this pivotal moment is visionary leadership, innovation, and a revitalized commitment to the principles of unity and solidarity.

I am glad to note that apart from traditional interventions at national and regional levels, there are already talks of involving the private sector in financing Africa’s climate action and green growth ambitions. I have also heard about the potential to harness Africa’s vast and untapped natural resources as a supplementary means of financing this endeavour

Second, the climate change challenge:

Climate change as a global crisis disproportionately affects Africa. Rising temperatures, changing rainfall pattern and extreme weather events all pose a real threat to agriculture and food security, water resources availability and quality, the emergency and prevalence of diseases, and our biodiversity. In recent years, in countries such as Mozambique, we have witnessed the destructive power of hurricanes and storms to human life, key infrastructure and socio-economic wellbeing of a nation.Various reports such as the African Economic Outlook 2022 and the 6th Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) have reiterated that the climate crisis is likely to get worse, and that the time for action is now. Africa has no choice but to actively engage in the current global initiatives aimed at mitigating the effects of climate change. In practice, this calls for more investment by nations in climate action and green growth.

I am glad to note that apart from traditional interventions at national and regional levels, there are already talks of involving the private sector in financing Africa’s climate action and green growth ambitions. I have also heard about the potential to harness Africa’s vast

and untapped natural resources as a supplementary means of financing this endeavour. Such forward-thinking and innovative approaches are welcome and deserve commendation. They should be actively promoted, especially given the substantial resources that are required for climate action and green growth. This figure ranges from 2.6 to 2.8 trillion USD by 2030.

Third, the education challenge:

I will speak in length on this. I am aware many of us have heard the saying “The future is African”. Well, this is not just a populist statement, it is a statement supported by facts. By the year 2050, 1 in every 4 people in the world will be African. Last year in 2023, the continent recorded the largest population of young people on the planet, 14 percent, and it is estimated that by 2050, 40 percent of all people below the age of 18 years (which is about 1 billion people), will be in Africa.

I favour the argument that this expanding youth population on our continent holds the potential to become a crucial and transformative power. But this will be true, only if we make deliberate efforts to equip them with the knowledge and skills necessary to align their capabilities with the opportunities and challenges already apparent.

The founding leaders of our continent recognized the transformative power of education right at the dawn of independence. Depending on their national conditions, they were quick to prioritize education on their development agendas. There was a move across the continent to encourage universal primary education as one way to help the postindependence Africa lift itself out of abject poverty. In fact, the education agenda was institutionalised during the very first Organization of Africa Unity Summit in 1963, championed by Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. He called on the continent to launch a massive effort in education so that “to raise the level of literacy and provide the cadres of skilled and trained technicians requisite to our growth and development. I am glad to note that the AU has carried the baton and adopted the African Union’s Continental Education Strategy for Africa (CESA 2016– 2025). This is the strategy that sets a path for learning that will transform Africa’s youth into agents of change for sustainable development as envisioned in the Agenda 2063, the Africa We Want. We need a successor strategy beyond 2025.

Today, some six decades since independence, Africa has made substantial progress in education. Statistics indicate that completion rates between 2000 and 2022 have risen from 52 to 69 percent in primary, 35 to 50 percent in lower secondary and 23 to 33 percent in upper secondary education. During that period, the number of tertiary education students has risen from fewer than 800,000 in 1970 to well over 17 million. Today, 1 more girls are in school than ever before.

However, these gains are insufficient to prepare Africans for the 21st century. You will agree with me that the 31 percent of primary, 50 percent of secondar and 67 percent of upper secondary school students not completing their education is simply too high. It is not acceptable, and it is a major drawback to Africa’s development endeavours. Also, only one in five children achieve minimum proficiency level in reading at the end of primary education. It means we still have a long way to go in eliminating illiteracy and providing our children the skills they need for today and tomorrow. For instance, in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, about 107 million children, adolescents and youth were out of school in our continent. Moreover, data shows that while girls are particularly disadvantaged, subSaharan Africa remains the only region in the world not to have achieved gender parity in enrolment at any level in the education system. Sadly, 1 in 3 girls is being married early.

I talk passionately about this subject because I am not

only passionate about education but also because I am also the Chairman of the Board of Directors for the Global Partnership for Education (GPE). I am also a firm believer that education is the foundation of all economic development activities. Education can lay the foundation for tolerance, inclusivity and a shared sense of identity. Education can also serve as a powerful tool in preventing the rise of extremism and fostering a culture of peace.

It is heartwarming indeed, to note that the African Union (AU) has proclaimed 2024 as the Year of Education. This marks a historic milestone that reinstates education at the forefront of the policy agenda. We maintain optimism that the AU, in collaboration with key development partners, will successfully achieve enhanced outcomes throughout the entire education spectrum. These include improved education financing, evidence-based policies, and inclusive systems that prioritise quality foundational learning. Moreover, it is expected that there will be increased investment in education financing and collaboration with teachers, placing them at the core of these efforts. I feel proud that GPE played part in the Year of Education at AU Summit.

Fourth, the health challenge:

Our continent has made positive strides in the health sector lately. The recent World Health Organization’s (WHO) reports on the State of Health in the African Region reveals significant improvements in health and life expectancy. Positive trends in deaths reductions due to communicable diseases has also been observed. Sadly, emerging challenges posed by noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) are on the rise. Today, young people are dying of diabetes, cardiac arrests, and other lifestyle related diseases.

The report has also established that our health systems are displaying suboptimal performance, operating at 49% of their potential capacity, with specific shortcomings in ensuring access to services and resilience to outbreaks. These outbreaks, such as the Ebola Virus and the COVID – 19 underscore our continent’s interconnectedness to the world and our vulnerability in the area of health security.

To overcome these challenges, it is imperative that we adopt a holistic approach to health. Nations must consider evolving health trends and the specific needs of special groups such as adolescents and the elderly. We ought to strengthen our health infrastructure, invest more in research and improve coordination

mechanisms with international health organisations for disease prevention and response. These interventions are important for addressing immediate health threats and building resilient healthcare systems for the future.

I am happy with the AU’s decision to establish of the African Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC). So far, the institution has been playing a crucial role in coordinating continental efforts to combat diseases, including pandemics. I appeal to the African Union to ensure its strengthening so as to be able to deliver on the objectives of its establishment.

Fifth, the democratic challenge:

On democracy, I think it is important to begin by recognising the positive strides that many African nations have made in embracing democratic principles. Over the past few decades, we have witnessed an increasing number of countries holding regular and competitive elections which have allowed their citizens to voice their opinions and choose their leaders. This commitment to the democratic process is a testament to the aspirations by African nations to build societies founded on justice, equality, and participatory governments.

Given the fact that Africa comprises 54 countries, each with a distinct political history, making a broad generalization about the state of democracy on the continent is an unjust undertaking. Each country embarked on its democratic journey independently, progressing at its own pace and influenced by local conditions. One thing is evident that all nations in Africa have adopted multi-party democracy. In most countries it is work in progress to build and consolidate the system. But there is notable increase in political parties and their ability to engage the electorate to seek support. The parties provide platforms for the masses to exercise their civil rights during elections. Certainly, there is increased participation of people in the parties of the nation. The other good thing we are seeing is increased political engagement of the young people. This is heathy and something to be proud of because the youths are the leaders of tomorrow and some are already leaders today. They need mentorship and grooming and engaging them and getting them involved, is the best way to do it. It guarantees nations a promising future. One thing that is a bit worrisome in African politics is the desire by some leaders to change the term limits permitted by the constitutions of their countries.

In a number of countries in Africa, management of e

stuffing and other irregularities in the electoral process. For a functioning democracy, peace, security, and stability, these are issues that deserve a serious attention in our young democracies.

Rule of law: There is definitely work to be done in the area of rule of law. Apparently, not so many governments can willingly allow room for formal and informal institutions and practices to limit the state power. It is, nevertheless, promising to witness some countries making remarkable advancements in this area, especially in judicial independence. We have vivid examples of people and groups that have successfully challenged the government in the court of law. This is not something you would hear every day in Africa in the recent past.

Human and people’s rights: There is significant improvements in the area of human and people’s rights but more remain to be desired. Many African countries still struggle in terms of deteriorating civil liberties such as freedoms of expression, association, assembly, religion and movement. Definitely, we still lag behind in gender equality in politics despite an encouraging trend of having female leaders in top executive positions and in the parliament. The World Economic Forum Gender Gap Report of 2023 indicates that at the current rate of democracy, it would take a century to close the gender gap in Sub – Sahara Africa.

The undemocratic change of government: Military coups is a matter of deep concern for all of us. The recurrence of coups is a relapse in our democratic journey as the continent. These unfortunate events are a threat not only to individual nations but also to the ideals of democracy and good governance that we collective strive to uphold as a continent.

I am privy to the fact that just as a democracy, each coup has its unique circumstances which we, as external observers, we must also take trouble to understand. But whatever the reasons and circumstances, it is anti- democratic governance of nations. It should not be condoned nor encouraged. We should uphold and promote democratic values.

At this juncture, I applaud the endeavours by the African Union, regional entities, and the wider international community for their collaborative actions in condemning coups and coup attempts. I applaud their efforts in providing diplomatic solutions and support for the restoration of democratic governance in countries affected by this menace.

In the pursuit of economic emancipation, AfCFTA also serves as a route to rectifying economic inequalities in our continent. This can happen as AfCFTA ensures a level playing field for all member states, where both large and smaller economies can participate actively in the continental market and thrive

I am delighted to note the unwavering commitment by the African Union (AU) to democratic governance and the advancement of human rights. We have all witnessed how the organization has played a pivotal role in facilitating transparent and fair elections in member states. This has contributed to the promotion of accountable and transparent governance throughout the continent. By instituting the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the AU has demonstrated its dedication to championing the rights and dignity of every African citizen.

The question of regional integration:

I am a firm believer of the regional integration project. Regional integration makes sense for our continent not only due to its composition of small economies, and small markets but also because of being interconnected by geography, shared challenges and aspirations, and a common history.

The importance of the eight regional economic groupings (AMU, CEN– SAD, COMESA, EAC, ECCAS, ECOWAS, IGAD, and SADC) cannot be overstated in this endeavour. RECs are catalysts for progress and vehicles for fostering our continental unity. They serve as platforms for innovative policies and projects that can be scaled up for the benefit of the entire continent. The RECs afford us the opportunity to pilot initiatives at the regional level; derive lessons from them and identify best practices; and enhance our capacity to address shared challenges collectively.

The shared projects such as transportation networks and energy grids that are implemented through regional integration can help us bridge connectivity gaps and unlock new opportunities for economic growth and social development. The ambitious Programme for Infrastructure Development in Africa (PIDA) is a shining example of the collaborative spirit driving us towards the continent

with seamless connectivity.

On top of that, the flagship African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is a testament of our shared vision. It builds upon the foundation laid by regional economic blocs, promoting a single market that spans the entire continent. By creating the vast and integrated market of 1.2 billion people, AfCFTA will allow African nations to trade in goods and services freely across borders. This is unprecedented. AfCFTA will address challenges of poor intra – African trade and low industrial production in Africa that have persisted for decades. Moreover, with AfCFTA, countries will be able to diversify their economies and reduce overreliance on just few commodities for their economic sustenance.

We also anticipate that the AfCFTA will address the popular paradox where its is said that Africans “produce what they don’t consume and consume what they don’t produce.”

The AfCFTA is the vehicle to take us to greater economic growth and development. However, to unlock these advantages and fully realize the potential of the AfCFTA, member countries must collectively commit to concerted efforts. Countries must pledge to open their borders by simplifying complex customs procedures; harmonise product standards and licensing requirements; and eliminate bureaucratic red tape. It is also important to address infrastructural challenges and build institutional capacity so that to facilitate smooth trade. I propose that the

private sector remains a crucial actor in implementing these interventions. Sixth and lastly, Africa’s relation with the outside world:

Our continent does not exist as an island of isolation separate from the rest of the world. On the contrary, Africa is one of the six continents, and we live in a globalised world where no one part of the world can be separated from the other. We live in in a world of global trade, the global movement of people, and global communication.

We live with the global benefits that science and technology bring, and, at the same time, we live with the global burdens that pandemics and climate change bring. Global powers, including the United States of America, China, United Kingdom, France, Russia, and the European Union have substantial investments and strategic interests in our region. This can create both opportunities and pressures.

In light of the above realities, there have been talks about Africa finding its own solutions to its own problems. I am not indifferent to such a perspective. There is profound wisdom in acknowledging that challenges faced by African nations are nuanced, context – specific, and often deeply rooted in our historical legacies. Solutions imposed from external sources, while well – intentioned, may not fully grasp the intricate dynamics of our African societies. One can, therefore, rightly say that solutions to most of our challenges, just as those I have mentioned above, must emerge from withing our own communities and societies.

On the other hand, it is my belief that finding own solutions is not a call for isolationism or exclusion. On the contrary, it entails working from a position of independency to inviting others to collaborate, share experiences and learn from one another. In this 21st century, international partnerships are not only key, but also inevitable. The

global community can offer insights, resources, and support but the solutions themselves must be born from our understanding of our unique context.

Before I conclude my remarks, let me thank again the African Leadership Magazine for organising these Awards. It speaks volume to your commitment to play your part in building the future of our continent that reflects its true greatness. Through your media agency, you have a crucial role to play in spreading positive narratives about Africa. I urge you to continue focus on the narratives that celebrate African achievements, innovations, and success stories from across our beloved continent. Please continue to do the good work of highlighting the positive aspects. That way you will help create a sense of pride and unity among Africans, here in our continent and beyond.

I would like to extend many thanks to the main sponsor, the Ethiopia Custom Commission, for your efforts in facilitating trade, development, and cooperation across the continent.

To my fellow awardees and runnersup of various award categories, I congratulate you. I make a special mention of His Excellency Dr. William Samoei Ruto, President of the Republic of Kenya for winning the category of the African of the Year 2023. I pray that all your stories continue to inspire generations to come and may your contributions continue to shape the narrative of a prosperous, united and thriving Africa.

To my fellow Africans, I call upon you to be the agents of change. Wherever you are, each one of us has role to play. May we rise to the challenge. It is through our collective efforts that we will truly realise the Africa we envision. A continent of progress, prosperity and peace.

To my fellow Africans, I call upon you to be the agents of change. Wherever you are, each one of us has role to play. May we rise to the challenge. It is through our collective efforts that we will truly realise the Africa we envision. A continent of progress, prosperity and peace

Governance and Accountability in Africa: Progress and Road Ahead

By Antoinette M. Sayeh, Deputy Managing Director of the IMF

The issue of good governance and transparency is more than just about wasted money – it is about the erosion of a social contract and the corrosion of the government’s ability to grow the economy in a way that benefits all citizens

Remarks by Deputy Managing Director Antoinette M. Sayeh at the High-Level Conference on the Promotion of Good Governance and Fight Against Corruption, Gaborone, Botswana

A very good morning to all. On behalf of the IMF and its Africa Training Institute, I welcome you to this conference, jointly organized with the African Union Commission.

Let me start by thanking Governor Moses Pelaelo and the Botswanan authorities for hosting this forum and for their generous hospitality.

It’s especially appropriate that we are gathered in Botswana for this conference. Botswana has an excellent story; its trajectory— from one of the world’s poorest economies, to now an upper middleincome country—is a testament to your prudent macroeconomic

management, strong governance, and good institutions. I am confident Botswana can leverage this strong foundation by continuing to uphold the highest standards of governance.

The issue of good governance and transparency is more than just about wasted money – it is about the erosion of a social contract and the corrosion of the government’s ability to grow the economy in a way that benefits all citizens.

Of course, corruption has long been an issue. But today, as we face multiple crises at once – the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and the ongoing challenges of climate change and the security situation in the Sahel – the need for good governance has only become more urgent.

These multiple crises have made it very clear that countries that have strong economic institutions could respond more effectively to these challenges and better prepare for a resilient recovery — and that is true across any level of development. We also recognize that addressing corruption is an international issue, given the role of professions that enable corruption and jurisdictions that provide safe harbor for the proceeds of corruption.

So today, I’d like to talk about three things. First: how we, at the IMF, are stepping up our engagement with the region on governance and anti-corruption issues. Second, some of the success stories we are seeing across Africa. And finally, what are the key elements of good governance and accountability that stand out in these examples – and that the region as a whole must focus on to truly seize Africa’s potential.

Let me begin with the IMF’s increasing emphasis on this issue.

The Fund’s enhanced framework on governance and corruption, approved in 2018, builds on lessons we learned in over 20 years. Our efforts focus on reducing vulnerabilities to corruption by strengthening governance in six core state functions: central bank governance, financial sector governance, fiscal governance, market regulation, rule of law, and anti-money laundering.

In our policy dialogue with member countries, we look at the strength of their anticorruption framework— especially whether it is aligned with the specific issues confronting a country—and work with them on policy options to strengthen governance and anticorruption frameworks. But we go beyond policy advice. At the request of country authorities, we also provide technical assistance and training to policymakers in this area.

Much of this effort is coordinated by the IMF’s network of 17 capacity development centers around the world. In fact, we have six such centers in Africa—including the Africa Training Institute—

that work closely with countries and development partners to help develop and implement comprehensive governance reform strategies in areas from fiscal management and central banking and support capacity building programs in anticorruption and rule of law.

The IMF also adapted and stepped up this work in response to the Covid crisis. When the pandemic first hit, the IMF took immediate steps to help member countries save lives and livelihoods. Our message was: “spend what you must, but keep the receipts,” -prioritize urgent financing while preserving accountability and transparency.

We set out a few parameters:

First, countries receiving IMF emergency financing must commit

to transparency and accountability safeguards. This included publishing COVID-19 related procurement contracts—including beneficial ownership of companies, conducting and publishing audits, and detailed reporting on COVID spending.

Second, in cases of severe governance weaknesses, we worked with authorities to ensure remedies would be taken.

And finally, for countries receiving emergency assistance that have, or have sought, multi-year IMF financing arrangements, we continue to closely engage with them on longer-term structural governance and corruption matters. We also engage with non-state actors, which can often provide valuable insights into governance issues.

These efforts are vital for Africa – especially as the continent looks to the future.

We know that the big economic opportunity before us is Africa’s demographic dividend. To earn that dividend, however, we need to meet the aspirations of the new generation. A critical element to doing that is ensuring that public resources are used effectively and contribute to shared and lasting prosperity of the people.

And Africa’s leaders are stepping up to this challenge – with some ranking even higher than many developed economies in the area of governance.

We saw it in Rwanda as it adopted more advanced institutions to rebuild from a devastating conflict.

We saw it in Seychelles as it undertook comprehensive economic and institutional reforms to decisively tackle its 2008 debt crisis.

And here in Botswana, we saw the development of a good policy framework to prudently manage the wealth from mining resources.

Today these countries lead the region in sound governance, but many others are also taking decisive steps.

We have seen good fiscal governance reforms in countries such as Gambia, and Senegal.

Botswana, Zimbabwe, Mauritius, and Ghana have enacted anti-money laundering frameworks.

So, what lessons can the region learn from these examples?

First: the most successful countries in this area have a high level of political commitment to good governance and transparency. You can see that in a number of ways. How their budgets are

formulated and presented – they have open access about proposed policy actions. The independence of their central banks from political pressures. Their commitment to declaring the assets of key public officials.

Their resolve to publishing timely audits and following up on findings to hold organizations and individuals accountable.

A second important element we see: respect for the rule of law and property rights. When foreign investors invest in a country, they do so, knowing that the government will respect the contracts, and property rights will be enforced.

A significant priority—and an important third element many of these countries bring—is ensuring efficiency, transparency and public oversight of such investments. In a book that the IMF recently launched on good governance in Sub-Saharan Africa, my colleagues point to studies that tell us that when there is not enough government oversight on the public procurement process, the cost of the projects tends to be higher.

We see a massive need to increase public investment in Africa across infrastructure, health and education -- in a way that is more efficient and transparent.

Fourth, access to information. When we speak to civil society organizations, this is one of the areas they emphasize, so citizens can be informed and can hold their governments accountable for their actions.

And finally, innovation and technology, which we believe can play a big role in helping government deliver on these priorities. In fact, we saw countries rapidly adapt to the pandemic with innovations that helped governments across the continent serve their people more transparently and effectively.

We know that the big economic opportunity before us is Africa’s demographic dividend. To earn that dividend, however, we need to meet the aspirations of the new generation. A critical element to doing that is ensuring that public resources are used effectively and contribute to shared and lasting prosperity of the people

Integrating new technology into areas like financial management, procurement, or monitoring of natural resource management can revolutionize how government works. It can also transform relations between government, private sector, and civil society – reducing unnecessary interactions, and enabling more dynamic and inclusive forms of oversight and monitoring

For instance, Sierra Leone launched online applications to improve the government’s ability to track quarantine periods and other services like food delivery.

Togo used technology to identify and validate the needy, and mobile money to deliver direct cash transfers to them. And South Africa used chatbots to reduce the spread of false information on COVID-19.

These are just a few examples that show us why it is essential for policymakers to expand the use of technology to improve the efficiency of government processes – and also enable greater transparency. Integrating new technology into areas like financial management, procurement, or monitoring of natural resource management can revolutionize how government works. It can also transform relations between government, private sector, and civil society – reducing unnecessary interactions, and enabling more dynamic and inclusive forms of oversight and monitoring.

Let me close by saying that improving governance and accountability in Africa is not only possible; but it is actually happening – as you heard from my many examples. Of course, we have miles to go in our efforts. And it is a long process that requires strong political will and consistent efforts over time.

As each of our member countries move in that direction, I want to reinforce that the IMF is firmly committed to being a trusted partner in your efforts. This conference is a stepping stone in the effort toward what is perhaps one of the most critical issues of our times.

Culled from International Monetary Fund (IMF) Website

Peace and Security in Africa: The Role of Traditional Rulers in Peacebuilding

By Nkasi Wodu Democratic and Human Rights Lawyer at Global Governance and Human Security, Boston

Africa is home to 20 of the 39 countries most affected by conflict globally. The majority of these violent acts do not arise from conflicts between nations or are directly carried out by international terrorist groups. Instead, they are deeply rooted in disputes within or between local communities.

Africa’s pursuit of peace and security is a multifaceted endeavour that engages a broad range of stakeholders, including traditional leaders who have long played a vital part in fostering peaceful resolutions. These respected community elders, steeped in their cultural heritage and history, often function as mediators, arbiters, and guardians of tradition, exercising significant influence in

conflict resolution and community harmony.

“Looking to our past and remembering how we used to successfully and peacefully resolve our disputes can bring us one step closer to securing our future,” said Nkasi Wodu, a democratic and human rights lawyer at Global Governance and Human Security in Boston.

On March 21, 2021, armed bandits carried out attacks near Niger’s border with Mali, resulting in the tragic deaths of 137 civilians, as reported by the Niger government. This incident, however, is not isolated, nor is it unique. Since January, Niger has experienced four separate attacks by armed groups, leading to the deaths of at least 300 individuals in the West African nation.

The issue extends beyond Niger, with many African countries facing similar violence at the hands of various armed groups. According to the World Bank,

Experts attribute the recent attacks in Niger to ISIL-affiliated militants

exploiting long-standing tensions between nomadic herders and settled farming communities. Community tensions and conflicts are widespread across the continent. According to the Uppsala Conflict Data Programme, between 1989 and 2011, 81 percent of conflicts in Africa occurred at the community level. Additionally, between 1989 and 2014, 23 African countries experienced communal conflict.

These local conflicts have had devastating consequences, including the destabilisation of entire countries and regions as well as the destruction of millions of lives and livelihoods. In Kenya, following the 2007 election, violent clashes between rival political party supporters led to over 1,000 deaths and more than 500,000 displacements. This conflict was not only a result of recent political disagreements but also rooted in long-standing tensions and disputes between various ethnic groups and communities. Similar situations have occurred in Nigeria, Burundi, Mali, and Côte d’Ivoire in recent years.

Many African countries have attempted to address intercommunal violence through state-sponsored measures. Governments have deployed security forces to troubled areas to restore order, but these efforts have often failed to quell the violence. In the northwest region of Nigeria, efforts to halt banditry and resolve conflicts between farmers and herders through military intervention have consistently failed. Similarly, in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, despite the military’s attempts to address violent conflicts, over 840,000 people were displaced in 2019.

Another approach used by African nations to address the violence is through the legal system. However, the judicial process is generally perceived as slow and unjust across the continent.

Africa’s pursuit of peace and security is a multifaceted endeavour that engages a broad range of stakeholders, including traditional leaders who have long played a vital part in fostering peaceful resolutions. These respected community elders, steeped in their cultural heritage and history, often function as mediators, arbiters, and guardians of tradition, exercising significant influence in conflict resolution and community harmony

Training traditional

rulers in conflict

mitigation could serve as a crucial first line of defence

against communal

conflicts that have been devastating

Africa. Violent conflicts in societies do not erupt overnight. Instead, unresolved disputes gradually evolve into deeper and more complex conflicts, laying the groundwork for widespread violence

Many Africans lack faith in the system, and often, violence between conflicting groups reignites before issues can be resolved in court.

So, what can be done? One option is to look to the past. In the era before colonialism in Africa, traditional rulers played vital roles in upholding customs, traditions, and cultural heritage while also serving as key arbiters of justice. They effectively resolved numerous conflicts within and between local communities. Despite gradually ceding authority to local governments over time, traditional rulers remain highly respected figures of authority in many African communities. They continue to play significant roles in mediating and settling local disputes.

In Rwanda, traditional rulers played a crucial role in the gacaca court system, which provided transitional justice to victims of the genocide. Similarly, in Nigeria, traditional authorities have been instrumental in mediating disputes between herders and farming communities in the north-central states. In Ethiopia, traditional authorities have resolved conflicts over land and grazing routes.

Training traditional rulers in conflict mitigation could serve as a crucial first line of defence against communal conflicts that have been devastating Africa. Violent conflicts in societies do not erupt overnight. Instead, unresolved disputes gradually evolve into deeper and more complex conflicts, laying the groundwork for widespread violence. By developing the necessary skills to identify and address local conflicts in their early stages, we can improve our chances of resolving them before they escalate into humanitarian crises that affect entire nations or regions.

Providing traditional rulers with the skills they need to resolve conflicts at their early stages could help save countless lives and livelihoods. While traditional rulers are currently engaged in resolving

disputes within their communities, they lack the tools to address Africa’s modern conflicts, which are more intricate and diverse than those of the past. To prevent loss of life and avert large-scale atrocities, traditional rulers require more than the basic conflict resolution skills passed down through generations or gained through experience. Specifically, their training should encompass modern concepts such as the role of women in peacebuilding, restorative justice, and recognising early warning signals.

However, it is important to note that training traditional rulers in conflict resolution skills is not a panacea for eliminating violent conflicts in Africa. Other factors, such as the proliferation of arms, human rights abuses, and structural violence, also contribute to violent conflicts. Empowering traditional rulers with the skills to effectively manage the early stages of modern communal conflicts can significantly reduce the likelihood of new conflicts arising and mitigate the escalation of existing ones. This approach can also alleviate the strain on overstretched African courts and security agencies while offering sustainable solutions that satisfy all parties involved.

Despite the African Union’s goal to “silence the guns by 2020,” many conflicts remain active in the Sahel region and other parts of Africa. Widespread economic hardship, food insecurity, and unmitigated climate change are further fueling local tensions and creating conditions for potential new conflicts. In this context, the AU must utilise all available tools and strategies, including the involvement of traditional rulers, to end current conflicts and prevent future crises.

Drawing from our history and recalling how we historically resolved disputes peacefully can bring us closer to securing a peaceful and prosperous future.

AFRICOM: A Decade of Security Engagement in Africa

By Staff Writer

The United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) has been a vital player in shaping the security landscape of Africa for over a decade. This article provides a chance to delve into AFRICOM’s history, its activities on the continent, the financial investments made by the command, and the impact of its operations on African security.

AFRICOM was established in 2007 as a unified combatant command within the U.S. Department of Defense. It oversees all U.S. military operations and engagements on the African continent. Previously, these activities fell under the purview of three separate commands: U.S. European Command, U.S. Central Command, and U.S. Pacific Command.

AFRICOM’s operations have had a significant impact on African security. The command’s efforts have helped to degrade the capabilities of terrorist organizations operating in Africa

AFRICOM has conducted collaborative military exercises with numerous African nations. For example, in 2009, approximately 650 military personnel from Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda participated in a twoweek exercise called Natural Fire 2010 alongside U.S. troops. This exercise emphasized humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. Additionally, with financial support

from and in coordination with the State Department, AFRICOM trained a battalion in Kisangani, Democratic Republic of Congo, which has since been deployed to safeguard civilians in an area affected by the activities of the Lord’s Resistance Army.

It is enhancing the capabilities of local militaries in the Horn of Africa, North Africa, and West Africa to effectively combat extremist threats. As part of the State Department’s peacekeeping training program ACOTA, AFRICOM personnel provide mentorship and training to Ugandan and Burundian contingents, who form the majority of AMISOM peacekeepers in Somalia. Additionally, in West Africa, AFRICOM’s Special Forces are assisting in strengthening the capacities of Malian and Mauritanian forces to counter the presence of al-Qaida in the Lands of the Islamic Maghreb.

Its activities in Africa are focused on promoting security, stability, and peace on the continent. The command works closely with African nations and regional organizations to build the capacity of African security forces, conduct

counterterrorism operations, provide humanitarian assistance, enhance maritime security, support peacekeeping missions, and promote security sector reform.

Financial Investments:

Since its establishment, AFRICOM has invested substantial resources in its operations in Africa. While specific figures are not publicly available, AFRICOM’s budget for the fiscal year 2021 was approximately $1.1 billion. This funding supports a wide range of activities, including training and equipping African security forces, conducting military exercises, and providing logistical support for peacekeeping missions.

Impact of AFRICOM’s Operations:

AFRICOM’s operations have had a significant impact on African security. The command’s efforts have helped to degrade the capabilities of terrorist organizations operating in Africa, enhance the professionalism and effectiveness of African security forces, and improve the security and stability of the continent. AFRICOM has also

played a crucial role in responding to humanitarian crises and natural disasters, providing critical assistance to African countries in their time of need.

AFRICOM has been a key partner in promoting security and stability in Africa for over a decade. Through its activities and engagements, the command has made significant contributions to African security, demonstrating its commitment to partnering with African nations and regional organizations to address the continent’s security challenges. As AFRICOM continues its mission, it remains committed to supporting African countries in their efforts to build a peaceful and prosperous future for all.

The establishment of AFRICOM’s mini military base in Djibouti, amongst others, performs surveillance functions over the activities of China, which also incidentally has a military base in the same Djibouti. This effectively illustrates the nature of the new scramble for African territorial space and resources with implications for militarization and insecurities.

Balancing Tradition and Change: The Influence of Western Ideologies on African Nations

By Ike Igimoh

Western politics have experienced significant polarisation, characterised by the rise of far-right and far-left movements. This divide has shaped political debates in Europe and North America and has profound implications for Africa. As African nations navigate their paths of transformation, understanding the political, cultural, and economic impacts of these Western ideological shifts is crucial.

The political landscape of Western nations has dramatically shifted towards polarisation, with far-right and far-left movements reshaping discourse. This ideological divide extends across continents, leaving a significant imprint on African societies. As Africa undergoes its transformation, grappling with colonial legacies, economic development challenges, and social changes, the reverberations of Western political ideologies are felt more intensely than ever.

The influence of Western political currents on Africa delves deeper than diplomatic relations or economic policies; it touches the very fabric of African societies. The far-right’s calls for nationalism, traditional values, and stringent immigration controls find echoes in African contexts where sovereignty and cultural heritage are paramount. Conversely, the far-left’s advocacy for social justice, economic equality, and environmental sustainability resonates with many African communities striving for equitable growth and progressive social norms.

Understanding these dynamics is crucial for African leaders and policymakers. As they chart a course for their nations amidst global ideological currents, they must navigate a complex landscape where external influences intersect with local realities. The impact of Western political ideologies on Africa encompasses political strategies, cultural values, and economic models, each with its own set of opportunities and challenges.

Political Impact

The far-right’s emphasis on traditional values, national sovereignty, and stringent immigration controls resonates with certain African communities. African nations seeking to assert their independence from foreign influence may find these ideologies appealing. Far-right advocacy for national sovereignty aligns with many African leaders’ desire to prioritise domestic policies over international mandates. This could lead to more robust border security measures to address illegal immigration, human trafficking, and cross-border crime.

However, far-right ideologies often come with exclusionary policies that can lead to discrimination against vulnerable groups. If African nations adopt similar stances, there is a risk of increased marginalisation of minority communities, potentially impacting social cohesion and stability.

The influence of Western political currents on Africa delves deeper than diplomatic relations or economic policies; it touches the very fabric of African societies. The far-right’s calls for nationalism, traditional values, and stringent immigration controls find echoes in African contexts where sovereignty and cultural heritage are paramount

The cultural impact of Western ideologies is significant. Farright movements often promote conservative cultural values, opposing LGBTQ+ rights and reproductive freedoms. This stance may resonate in African societies with strong traditional and religious foundations, reinforcing conservative family values and existing social structures

For instance, the influence of far-right leaders is noteworthy:

• In the United States, Donald Trump’s administration expanded its travel ban in January 2020 to include six more countries, four of which were African. This move was criticised for potentially hindering economic and diplomatic relations. Additionally, Trump’s proposed significant cuts to foreign aid signalled a shift in U.S. priorities away from international development.

• Marine Le Pen has often taken a controversial stance on France’s colonial past in Africa. While advocating for stronger ties with former French colonies, her rhetoric sometimes dismisses the complexities of colonial history. Her party’s call for stricter immigration controls and reduced international aid could affect African countries reliant on French support.

• In Hungary, Viktor Orbán’s government is vocal against immigration, including from Africa. His policies, including strict border controls and limited asylum opportunities, impact African migrants seeking refuge in Europe.

Conversely, far-left movements in the West advocate for social justice, economic equality, and expansive social welfare programs. These ideas could inspire African countries to implement policies aimed at reducing economic disparities and promoting social equity. The far-left’s focus on environmental sustainability and labour rights could also encourage African nations to adopt greener policies and improve workers’ conditions.

However, far-left policies may require significant state intervention and resources, which could be challenging for African countries with limited financial capacities. Moreover, radical economic restructuring might lead to shortterm instability and resistance from established elites.

For example, the influence of far-left leaders is also significant.

• In the United States, Bernie Sanders, though not a president, has influenced the Democratic Party’s platform with a focus on combating climate change and increasing foreign aid. His policies could enhance U.S. support for African development initiatives and promote global cooperation on environmental issues.

• In Greece, Alexis Tsipras, as the former Prime Minister and leader of Syriza, advocated for debt relief and economic support for struggling economies. His stance on international financial policies could favour more equitable trade and aid terms for African countries. His government also emphasised humanitarian aid, which could translate into increased assistance for African nations facing crises.

• In Spain, Podemos, a party with a strong focus on social justice and human rights, advocates for humane immigration policies and increased aid to developing countries, including those in Africa. Their support for fair trade practices could benefit African economies by promoting equitable trade agreements.

Cultural Impact

The cultural impact of Western ideologies is significant. Far-right movements often promote conservative cultural values, opposing LGBTQ+ rights and reproductive freedoms. This stance may resonate in African societies with strong traditional and religious foundations, reinforcing conservative family values and existing social structures.

Conversely, the far-left’s advocacy for LGBTQ+ rights and reproductive freedoms could face resistance in Africa. Progressive ideologies promoting gender equality and minority rights may clash with deeply ingrained cultural and

religious beliefs, leading to societal tension and potential backlash.

Furthermore, Western farleft movements, emphasising inclusivity and diversity, could inspire African civil societies to push for greater social reforms. Movements like #MeToo and Black Lives Matter have already found echoes in Africa, highlighting issues such as gender-based violence and racial inequalities.

Economic Impact

The economic impact of Western ideologies is profound. Far-right ideologies often advocate for economic nationalism, prioritising local industries and reducing reliance on global trade. African countries might find this approach appealing as they seek to develop self-sufficient economies. However, this could also limit access to global markets and international investments, crucial for economic growth.

In contrast, far-left policies favour state intervention in the economy, with a focus on wealth redistribution and social welfare. Implementing such policies in Africa could address economic disparities but might strain public finances. Additionally, excessive state control over the economy

could stifle entrepreneurship and innovation.

Furthermore, the far-right’s critical stance on global institutions and foreign aid may lead to reduced financial support for African nations. However, this could also encourage African countries to explore alternative development models, reducing dependency on external assistance.

Meanwhile, far-left governments in the West might advocate for increased foreign aid and investment in social infrastructure, benefiting African development. Yet, this aid might come with conditions promoting progressive social policies, which could conflict with local cultural norms.

The Way Forward for African Leaders

The influence of far-right and far-left political movements in Europe and the USA on Africa is multifaceted. Far-right ideologies may resonate with African nations emphasising traditional values and national sovereignty but could also lead to exclusionary policies and reduced aid. Far-left ideologies promote social justice, environmental sustainability, and increased development aid, offering potential benefits but also posing challenges

related to implementation and resource allocation.

Africa must navigate these influences carefully, balancing respect for cultural norms with the promotion of progress and human dignity. By drawing lessons from the West’s experiences, African leaders can adopt policies that strengthen national identity and social cohesion without compromising progress and human rights. Embracing a pragmatic approach that combines elements of both ideological spectrums could pave the way for a more resilient and inclusive future for the continent.

Africa must navigate these influences carefully, balancing respect

for cultural norms

with

the promotion of progress and human dignity. By drawing lessons from the West’s experiences, African leaders can adopt policies that strengthen national identity and social cohesion without compromising progress and human rights

Civil Society and Peacebuilding in Africa: Government, Donors, and Human Security Outlook

By Blossom Ukoha

In Africa, peace is not a distant dream but a pressing imperative for the security and prosperity of its people. Despite the continent’s complex conflict landscape, hope emerges from the concerted efforts of civil society organisations (CSOs), governments, and donors working together to build a brighter, more peaceful future. These entities play a crucial role in resolving conflicts, promoting human rights, and fostering sustainable development across the continent. This article highlights the vital contributions of CSOs in peacebuilding, examines key interventions and financial investments, and explores the synergistic relationship between governments and donors.

The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights stands as a strong example of how CSOs can influence human rights law. Drafted with significant input from CSOs, including groups like the Coalition for an Effective African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the Charter addresses the most pressing human rights issues facing Africa today.

Organisations like the West Africa Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP) have facilitated dialogues between conflicting communities in countries such as Nigeria and Ghana, reducing tensions and fostering reconciliation. In Nigeria, WANEP’s mediation efforts between farmers and herders in the Middle Belt region have helped mitigate longstanding conflicts, restoring peace in affected communities. Additionally, CSOs like Peace Direct have implemented educational programmes that teach conflict resolution skills to youth in conflict-prone areas, creating a new generation of acebuilders. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Peace Direct’s local partners have trained over 1,000 youth in peace-building techniques, significantly reducing violent incidents in targeted areas. CSOs have invested significantly in peace-building initiatives. The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) reported spending over $10 million in the last decade on conflict mediation and peacekeeping training programmes across the continent. In Uganda, CSOled peacebuilding projects funded by ACCORD have led to the successful reintegration of former child soldiers

into society, fostering community healing and stability.

Local CSOs play a distinct role in supporting the reintegration of internally displaced persons (IDPs) compared to international actors. Their comprehensive approach, integrating various aspects of community life, allows them to provide a more effective response to the specific needs of IDPs. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) recognises the crucial nature of cooperation with local CSOs, particularly at the community level. They increasingly rely on the expertise, resources, and local connections of CSOs, facilitating dialogue with diverse groups and ensuring effective participation in the reintegration process (UNHCR, 2004).

Donors have been vital in providing the necessary financial and technical support for peacebuilding efforts. Their contributions have enabled CSOs to expand their reach and impact. International donors like the European Union and USAID have funded various peacebuilding projects. For example, the EU allocated over €1 billion to support peace and security initiatives in

In Africa, peace is not a distant dream but a pressing imperative for the security and prosperity of its people. Despite the continent’s complex conflict landscape, hope emerges from the concerted efforts of civil society organisations (CSOs), governments, and donors working together to build a brighter, more peaceful future

Africa between 2014 and 2020. In Somalia, EU-funded programmes have supported local CSOs in promoting dialogue between clans, reducing conflict, and enhancing local governance.

Donors have also supported capacity-building programmes, enhancing the skills and effectiveness of CSOs in conflict resolution and acebuilding. USAID’s partnerships with African CSOs have provided training and resources, enabling them to effectively address conflicts and support community-led peace initiatives.

Government Collaboration with Civil Society

The partnership between governments and CSOs is essential for achieving sustainable peacebuilding outcomes. In many regions, collaborative efforts have led to notable progress. Governments are increasingly recognising the value of CSOs in shaping policy. Kenya, for example, has seen the government and CSOs jointly develop the National Policy on Peacebuilding and Conflict Management, creating a comprehensive framework for coordinating peacebuilding initiatives across the country and involving multiple stakeholders.

In South Sudan, the government, in collaboration with CSOs and international donors, launched the National Peacebuilding Strategy, which has played a significant role in stabilising post-conflict areas. This strategy has facilitated the return of displaced persons to their homes and the reconstruction of communities affected by conflict.

Achievements and Results

A collaborative approach between CSOs, donors, and governments has led to positive outcomes in

many African regions. Countries such as Liberia and Sierra Leone have experienced a decline in violence and an increase in stability due to sustained peacebuilding efforts. The involvement of CSOs in community reconciliation processes and the establishment of truth and reconciliation commissions have been crucial to these achievements.

The implementation of the 2016 Human Rights Draft has strengthened the legal framework for human rights protection across Africa. As a result, several African countries have established national human rights institutions, ensuring that human rights violations are addressed and victims receive justice.

The collaborative efforts of CSOs, donors, and governments have been instrumental in promoting peace and security in Africa. By working together, they have made significant strides in conflict resolution, human rights advocacy, and policy development. As Africa continues to advance, it is essential to support and spotlight these efforts, showcasing the continent’s achievements to the world.

Peacebuilding in Africa is not just about resolving conflicts; it is also about enhancing human security and ensuring that all individuals have the opportunity to live safe, healthy, and fulfilling lives. By focusing on protecting individuals from violence, improving access to basic services, empowering communities, addressing psychosocial well-being, promoting gender equality, and supporting sustainable development, peacebuilding initiatives in Africa are making significant strides in enhancing human security across the continent.

continues to advance, it is essential to support and spotlight these efforts, showcasing the continent’s achievements to the world

Refugee Crisis in Africa: Shades on the Continent’s Economy

By Muhammad Joshua

As World Refugee Day is marked globally on June 20th, it’s essential to shine a light on the devastating refugee crisis plaguing Africa. The continent is grappling with the aftermath of wars like those in Sudan and Tigray, as well as numerous regional conflicts, which have led to massive population displacement. The consequences are far-reaching, affecting millions of lives and straining the resources of host countries with significant economic and social implications. This article examines the scope of displacement, the economic toll on Africa, and the efforts being made to address this pressing humanitarian issue.

Sudan’s Conflict: The country’s crisis, which escalated in 2019 following the overthrow of President Omar al-Bashir, has led to catastrophic displacement. According to the UNHCR, as of mid-2023, approximately 1.5 million people have been forced to flee their homes within Sudan, with an additional 1 million seeking refuge in neighbouring countries such as South Sudan, Ethiopia, and Uganda.

In Sudan, the influx of refugees from Ethiopia has overwhelmed local communities and strained resources. The cost of providing basic services such as healthcare, education, and sanitation is immense. Similarly, Ethiopia, already grappling with its internal displacement issues, struggles to support the large refugee population from Eritrea and South Sudan.

The economic impact is also felt in terms of lost productivity and development opportunities. Refugees often settle in regions with limited economic activities, and the sudden population surge can lead to environmental degradation and increased competition for scarce resources.

Tigray Crisis: The conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, which began in November 2020, has triggered a severe humanitarian emergency. The UNHCR estimates that over 2.2 million people have been displaced internally, with more than 60,000 seeking asylum in Sudan. The conflict has severely disrupted essential services and exacerbated widespread poverty,

further complicating the refugee crisis.

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, ongoing violence has forced an estimated 5.5 million people to flee their homes, with over 900,000 seeking refuge in neighbouring countries. Similarly,

the Central African Republic is grappling with a significant displacement crisis, with over 700,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) and more than 630,000 refugees in neighbouring states.

The refugee crisis has a profound economic toll on both host countries and the continent as a whole. The massive influx of refugees puts a strain on resources, public services, and infrastructure. For example, Uganda, which hosts over 1.4 million refugees primarily from South Sudan and the DRC, bears a significant financial burden. According to the World Bank, Uganda spends approximately $323 million annually to support refugees, highlighting the economic implications of hosting large numbers of displaced individuals.

According to a report by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), sub-Saharan Africa incurs an annual economic loss of around 2-3% of its GDP due to conflicts and the resulting refugee crises. With a regional GDP of approximately $1.8 trillion in 2022, this translates to an annual loss of around $36-54 billion.

Furthermore, a study by the African Development Bank (AfDB) reveals that conflict-affected countries in Africa experience a significant slowdown in GDP growth rates, with a reduction of 2-3 percentage points annually. This economic downturn not only affects the countries directly involved in conflicts but also their neighbours and trading partners, who are often negatively impacted through trade and economic linkages.

The economic fallout of conflicts and refugee crises extends beyond the immediate costs, as it also leads to increased military expenditures, reduced foreign direct investment (FDI), and declining tourism revenues. The uncertainty and instability surrounding conflictaffected countries often erode investor confidence, resulting in capital flight and decreased FDI inflows.

Additionally, the strain on public services and infrastructure, such as healthcare, education, and transportation systems, can significantly reduce the capacity for long-term development projects, perpetuating economic stagnation. This can have far-reaching consequences, including limited access to essential services, reduced economic opportunities, and decreased living standards for affected populations.

The refugee crisis has a profound economic toll on both host countries and the continent as a whole. The massive influx of refugees puts a strain on resources, public services, and infrastructure

As African leaders, we must strengthen our resolve and cooperation to address the root causes of these conflicts. We urge the international community to support our efforts in restoring peace and stability, ensuring that all Africans can live in dignity and security

“The ongoing refugee crisis in Africa is a grave concern, undermining our economic and social progress. The displacement of millions due to conflicts, such as those in Sudan and the Tigray region, is unacceptable. As African leaders, we must strengthen our resolve and cooperation to address the root causes of these conflicts. We urge the international community to support our efforts in restoring peace and stability, ensuring that all Africans can live in dignity and security,” as quoted by President Paul Kagame of Rwanda.

African Union (AU) and regional efforts

The African Union has been a key player in addressing the refugee crisis on the continent. Through its Agenda 2063, the AU has outlined a vision for a peaceful and prosperous Africa, emphasising the need to tackle the root

causes of displacement. To this end, the AU has established the African Union Humanitarian Agency to coordinate humanitarian responses, including those related to refugees.

Regional organisations such as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the East African Community (EAC) are also working together to enhance coordination and support for refugees. For instance, IGAD has developed a comprehensive regional framework for finding durable solutions for refugees and IDPs, focusing on integration and self-reliance. This approach aims to address the complex needs of refugees and IDPs, ensuring they can rebuild their lives and become self-sufficient.

African countries hosting large numbers of refugees have implemented various strategies to manage the crisis.

Uganda’s progressive refugee policy allows refugees to work, move freely, and access public services, promoting self-reliance and reducing dependency on aid. Ethiopia has also adopted a new refugee law granting refugees more rights, including access to education and work opportunities.

International Response

International donors have made significant contributions to alleviate the situation. In 2023, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) allocated a substantial $2.1 billion for emergency assistance and protection services. The World Food Programme (WFP) provided an additional $1.5 billion in food aid, while the United States, through various programmes,

including USAID, contributed around $3 billion annually. The European Union chipped in with approximately €500 million ($550 million) for humanitarian aid, and the United Kingdom offered £400 million ($530 million) for refugee support.

Japan also made a significant contribution of around $200 million, focusing on health, water, and sanitation initiatives. International non-governmental organisations (NGOs), such as Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), Save the Children, and Oxfam, collectively mobilised hundreds of millions of dollars annually. In total, international donors contributed approximately $8 billion in 2023 to address the refugee crisis in Africa. Despite these efforts, the ongoing crisis demands continued

and increased support to achieve sustainable solutions.

The refugee crisis and ongoing conflicts have a profound and multifaceted impact on Africa’s economy. The direct, indirect, and opportunity costs associated with these crises result in substantial GDP losses, hindering the continent’s overall economic growth and development. Addressing the root causes of conflict and providing sustainable solutions for refugees are essential steps towards mitigating these economic impacts and fostering a more stable and prosperous Africa.

Digital Agribusiness Revolution: AU’s Vision for Sustainable Agriculture by 2030

By Bella Malcom

An agricultural revolution is brewing in Africa, driven by the African Union’s (AU) audacious goal of achieving sustainable agriculture by 2030. The “Agribusiness Agenda 2030” is not just a plan but a call to action. Through innovation, investment, and strategic partnerships, the AU aims to transform agriculture across the continent. This ambitious agenda addresses Africa’s immediate needs while paving the way for a future where African agriculture is productive, resilient, and sustainable.

Between 2020 and 2022, Sierra Leone recorded the highest agricultural sector contribution to GDP in Africa, at over 60%. Niger and Ethiopia followed, with agriculture, forestry, and fishing accounting for approximately 42% and 38% of GDP, respectively. Conversely, Libya, Botswana, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, and South Africa had the lowest GDP contributions from agriculture.

The continent’s estimated 33 million smallholder farms are crucial not just for food production but also for the livelihoods of many Africans. In recent years, digital technology has emerged as a key intervention to address global food system challenges. Its potential ranges from reducing production costs and improving access to information, knowledge, and markets to enhancing resource management at the farm level using data analytics. The digital technology spectrum includes farmer advisory

digital videos, distributed ledger technologies, and blockchain. New digital technologies could lead to a ‘fourth agricultural revolution’ or ‘Agriculture 4.0,’ characterised by high-tech, radical, and potentially game-changing food systems.

The AU’s 2030 vision for agribusiness is a multi-faceted approach to Africa’s agricultural challenges. The goals are clear: secure enough food for everyone, unlock economic growth, and protect the environment for future

generations. To achieve this, the African Union is focusing on increasing productivity, making markets more accessible to farmers, ensuring inclusivity (especially for women and youth), and promoting sustainable land practices. By addressing these areas, the AU’s vision promises abundant harvests, stronger agricultural systems, empowered communities, and a future where African agriculture thrives in harmony with the environment.

An agricultural revolution is brewing in Africa, driven by the African Union’s (AU) audacious goal of achieving sustainable agriculture by 2030. The “Agribusiness Agenda 2030” is not just a plan but a call to action. Through innovation, investment, and strategic partnerships, the AU aims to transform agriculture across the continent

The keystone of the AU’s vision is the Digital Agriculture Strategy, set to roll out from 2024 to 2030. This strategy leverages technology to revolutionise agricultural practices. It includes precision agriculture tools like drones, sensors, and satellite imagery to optimise farming operations

The keystone of the AU’s vision is the Digital Agriculture Strategy, set to roll out from 2024 to 2030. This strategy leverages technology to revolutionise agricultural practices. It includes precision agriculture tools like drones, sensors, and satellite imagery to optimise farming operations. Developing online marketplaces and information hubs to connect farmers with buyers and provide real-time data on weather, prices, and best practices is also crucial. Additionally, training farmers in digital literacy and utilising big data for decision-making are vital components of this strategy.

Turning the AU’s ambitious Agribusiness Agenda 2030 into reality requires significant funding, estimated at over $50 billion. This funding is expected to come from diverse sources, including increased agricultural budgets from African governments, international organisations like the World Bank and FAO, private sector partnerships, and philanthropic organizations. Together, this combined effort will bridge the funding gap, ensuring the agenda has the resources needed to succeed.

As of 2024, international agencies have contributed approximately $10 billion towards the AU Agribusiness Agenda 2030. The World Bank has been a significant contributor, providing around $4 billion to support various agricultural projects across Africa. The Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) has also played a crucial role, contributing approximately $1.5 billion in financial and technical assistance. These substantial contributions underscore the global commitment to supporting Africa’s agricultural transformation.

Numerous key figures and institutions are driving the AU Agribusiness Agenda 2030. Dr. Josefa Sacko, the AU Commissioner for Rural Economy and Agriculture, is at the forefront of policy formulation and implementation. The African Development Bank (AfDB), under the leadership of President

Akinwumi Adesina, plays a crucial role in financing and supporting agricultural projects across the continent. National leaders such as President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa are championing initiatives that align with the AU’s vision. Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) like the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation are pivotal in providing technical and financial support.

Progress So Far

Fast forward to 2024, and the seeds of change are sprouting across Africa. The AU’s Agribusiness Agenda 2030 is gaining traction, with many countries taking concrete steps. From land tenure reforms that empower farmers to subsidies that support smallholder growth, governments are investing significantly. Investments in rural infrastructure are also increasing— roads are being built, irrigation systems are being developed, and storage facilities are being constructed to protect harvests. Technology is becoming integral, with smart farming tools like precision agriculture gaining ground in countries like Kenya and Nigeria, leading to increased yields.

Several digital platforms have been launched to support farmers, providing real-time data on weather conditions, market prices, and best farming practices, helping farmers make informed decisions. Increased investment in agricultural research and development has led to the creation of high-yield, droughtresistant crop varieties, contributing to food security and resilience against climate change. Strong partnerships between governments, the private sector, and international organisations have been established, facilitating the flow of capital and expertise into the agricultural sector.

The AU Agribusiness Agenda 2030 represents a bold vision for transforming

agriculture in Africa. By leveraging digital technologies, securing substantial financial investments, and fostering collaboration among diverse stakeholders, the AU aims to create a resilient and sustainable agricultural sector. This revolution will not only ensure food security and economic growth but also pave the way for a more prosperous and equitable future for all Africans. As the continent moves towards 2030, the collective efforts of governments, the private sector, and civil society will be crucial in realising this ambitious vision.

MR. SYLVESTER SONNY MONIEDAFE

A Proﬁle in Leadership Excellence: Sylvester Moniedafe’s wisdom

In African leadership, Mr. Sylvester Sonny Moniedafe stands out as a voice of resona nce and wisdom. With roots in Jimeta, Nigeria, his journey embodies a mosaic of cultural heritage and global insight, reflecting resilience, adaptation, and a resolute commitment to societal betterment. Throughout his illustrious career, Moniedafe has navigated the complex currents of political discourse with grace and wisdom, bearing witness to leadership triumphs and tribulations across diverse contexts. As we embark on an exclusive interview, we have the privilege of delving into the mind of this distinguished statesman, uncovering pearls of wisdom and timeless truths that illuminate the path forward for African nations.

In this dialogue, ALM delve into the intricate nuances of governance, grapple with challenges facing African youth, and ponder sustainable development. Through candid reflections and insightful commentary, Moniedafe offers a ray of hope and inspiration for a continent on the cusp of transformation. In Nigerian politics, he stands as a towering figure, a distinguished chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) from Adamawa State. His career, marked by dedication and a steadfast commitment to service, has seen him rise to leadership positions within the APC, leaving an indelible mark on the political landscape. As he once vied for the esteemed position of national chairman within the ruling APC, Moniedafe articulated a compelling vision for the future of the party and the nation

at large, embodying the spirit of leadership essential for Nigeria’s continued progress and prosperity through dedication to transparency, discipline, and collaborative governance.

Exerpt:

Mr. Sylvester. Can you please introduce yourself to our readers?

My name is Sony Sylvester Monitor, hailing from Jamaica. I was born and raised in Janet on September 23rd, 1956. My father relocated from Nigeria to Jamaica before I was born, so I consider myself Nigerian by birth, despite spending most of my 68 years in Jamaica. It’s a pleasure to meet you, and I appreciate the opportunity to speak with African Leadership Magazine. Now, let’s dive into the issues facing not only Nigeria but the entirety of Africa.

Considering the current political landscape in Burkina Faso and Mali, where there are challenges within ECOWAS, what do you believe African nations should do to ensure unity?

Let me start by addressing the situation in Burkina Faso and Mali. It’s essential to recognise that every nation and its people are unique. However, one common thread is the tendency to imitate without considering the consequences. I’ve witnessed this firsthand, particularly in Nigeria, where individuals aspire to political roles without

When it comes to governance, there’s no one-size-fits-all solution. African nations must chart their own course, drawing on our rich cultural heritage and unique experiences. Simply copying Western models of governance is not the answer. We must develop systems that reflect our values, traditions, and aspirations

the necessary qualifications or understanding of governance. We’ve seen instances where military officers assume leadership roles without the competence to govern effectively.

It’s crucial to acknowledge our uniqueness and learn from our mistakes. Copying the methods of other countries, such as America or France, often leads to ineffective solutions. Each nation has its own fingerprint and its own unique set of challenges and strengths. Therefore, rushing to adopt foreign practices without considering our local context is unwise.

I advise all Africans to be cautious and focus on developing their own unique solutions tailored to their specific needs and circumstances. We cannot afford to blindly follow the paths of other nations. Instead, we must cultivate an environment where innovation thrives and where we harness our resources and talents to build a brighter future for Africa.

Regarding the youth and the current crop of ministers in Nigeria, what guidance do you offer?

When it comes to the youth and our current ministers, my advice remains consistent: prioritise the well-being of the nation over personal ambitions. Too often, individuals pursue positions of power for their own gain, neglecting the greater good. I urge young people to consider their legacy. What impact will they leave behind? Will they be remembered for their self-serving actions or for the positive changes they’ve made in the lives of others?

I share the story of my father, who invested in people and communities, leaving a lasting legacy of kindness and generosity. It’s essential to think beyond ourselves and to prioritise the welfare of others. Whether in leadership positions or not, we all have a role to play in shaping the future of our nation.

As for our ministers, they must remember that all politics is local. They should focus on serving their constituents and addressing their needs rather than pursuing personal agendas. True leadership requires humility, empathy, and a commitment to the common good. If our leaders embrace these principles, we can pave the way for a brighter future for Nigeria and Africa as a whole.

In terms of governance, should African nations adopt Western systems, or do you advocate for a unique approach?

When it comes to governance, there’s no one-size-fits-all solution. African nations must chart their own course, drawing on our rich cultural heritage and unique experiences. Simply copying Western models of governance is not the answer. We must develop systems that reflect our values, traditions, and aspirations.

It’s essential to recognise that governance is not just about structures and processes; it’s about mindset and attitude. We must cultivate a culture of accountability, transparency, and respect for the rule of law. Without these fundamental principles, no governance system will succeed.

Rather than looking to the West for answers, African nations should focus on building institutions that are responsive to the needs of their people. We must prioritise good governance, economic development, and social justice. By embracing our uniqueness and drawing on our collective strengths, we can create a brighter future for Africa.

Thank you for your time and insights, Mr. Sylvester. It’s been a pleasure speaking with you.

The pleasure is mine. Thank you for the opportunity to share my thoughts.

Positive Masculinity: Men as Advocates to Combat Violence Against Women and Girls in Africa

In Africa, as in many parts of the world, the fight against violence targeting women and girls is ongoing. While much progress has been made in raising awareness and implementing policies to address this issue, there remains a critical need to engage men as allies in this struggle. Embracing and promoting positive masculinity can be a transformative approach in combating gender-based violence.

According to the AU global campaign HeForShe, both men and women are victims, survivors, and perpetrators of violence. However, statistics show that violence and discrimination overwhelmingly target women and girls. In Africa, the most prevalent forms of Violence Against Women and Girls (VAWG) reported and documented include Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), Early Child and Forced

Marriage, and Sexual Violence in Conflict (SVC).

Over the years, the African Union has been relentless in its efforts to address the scourge of violence against women and girls on the continent. It has developed and adopted strategies and legal instruments focusing on gender equality and women’s empowerment in all spheres of life. These frameworks have enabled

member states and non-state actors to adopt additional laws and strategies at the national and regional levels to address the existing and emerging challenges on gender equality and women’s empowerment.

The African Union’s frameworks include the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol), the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (SDGEA), the AU Strategy for Gender Equality & Women’s Empowerment, and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. Additional initiatives, such as the African Union Initiative on Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation and the Saleema Initiative, aim to accelerate the elimination of harmful practices. The Spotlight Initiative, a collaboration with partners, focuses on ending violence against women and girls globally.

The majority of violence against women and girls is perpetrated by men. While most men may never condone the use of violence, they are overwhelmingly the perpetrators. This status quo is often heightened during socio-economic crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, which led to a dramatic increase in gender-based violence referred to as the shadow pandemic.

Despite decades of efforts, particularly from women and women’s organizations, violence against women and girls in Africa remains the most widespread and socially accepted form of human rights violation. Efforts over the years have mainly been by women, for women, and with women. However, there is a growing realization that sustainable impact can only be achieved through collective actions involving men and boys.

In Africa, as in many parts of the world, the fight against violence targeting women and girls is ongoing. While much progress has been made in raising awareness and implementing policies to address this issue, there remains a critical need to engage men as allies in this struggle

Gender transformative approaches have increasingly sought to understand men and masculinities, as well as to analyze the experiences, attitudes, roles, and responsibilities of men and boys. This is the genesis of the “Positive Masculinity Initiative” by the African Union, led by the Women, Gender and Youth Directorate and the Office of the Special Envoy of Women, Peace and Security, in collaboration with the African Women’s Leaders Network.

This initiative engages men and boys to support the broader movement for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (GEWE). Positive masculinity is crucial to ending all forms of violence and discrimination against women and girls. Campaigns such as HeForShe and other local initiatives across Africa have explored innovative solutions to engage men and boys from all walks of life as allies in gender equality and ending violence against women and girls.

The Men’s Conference on Positive Masculinity focuses on involving men in positions of leadership and influence to engage other men and boys in efforts to eliminate violence against women and girls and end gender inequalities. It seeks to strengthen accountability by men, who also become better role models for boys by urging them to be champions of change. The conference engages male leaders across different sectors, including Heads of State and government, the private sector, religious and traditional leaders, civil society organizations, academia, and youth. Women leaders are equally engaged to ensure inclusivity in these efforts.

In 2021, the African Heads of State and Government adopted the “Kinshasa Declaration,” expressing their concern about the persistence of violence against women and girls in Africa. They adopted far-reaching recommendations and a call-to-action to prevent and eradicate all forms of

discrimination against women and girls. Led by Heads of State and Government from the Congo Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, and Togo, they committed to ensuring that the necessary policies and measures are put in place by Member States to address any form of impunity. They also launched the Circle of Champions to advance a participatory and intergenerational approach that engages all stakeholders to amplify the call to action to end harmful and discriminatory practices in societies. Advocating for positive masculinity aligns with the understanding that women’s rights are human rights.

This

initiative engages

men and boys to support the broader movement for

Gender

Equality and Women’s Empowerment (GEWE). Positive masculinity is crucial to ending all forms of violence and discrimination against women and girls

STOP DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN

Press Release

African Natural Resources and Energy Investment Summit (AFNIS) 2024

The African Natural Resources and Energy Investment Summit (AFNIS) 2024, themed “Natural Resources for Economic Development,” will take place from July 16th to 18th at the State House Conference Centre in Abuja, Nigeria. Returning for its 3rd edition, AFNIS aims to gather key stakeholders from the mining, agriculture, finance, power, and energy sectors. The summit seeks to facilitate cross-sectoral collaboration and advance discussions from previous years, emphasizing sustainable development and an equitable transition towards a greener Africa.

Key Highlights of AFNIS 2024:

Economic Prosperity and Climate Action:

• Focus on how sustainable economic growth is essential for tackling climate change.

Internal Revenue Generation:

• Emphasis on utilizing Africa’s natural resources for greater internal revenue generation.

• Strategies for leveraging extractive industries to uplift economic wealth in communities, thereby creating a market for the energy sector and closing the power gap.

Cross-Industry Synergies:

• Exploration of cross-industry collaborations to pool investments for critical infrastructure development.

• Examination of how fossil fuel revenues can be effectively utilized to support investments in longterm capital projects.

Deal-Making Platform:

• Featuring a unique deal-making platform powered by i-MINE, allowing organizations to present investment proposals to accredited investors and financiers.

Join Us at AFNIS 2024:

We invite innovative minds and pioneering companies to join us in promoting Africa’s natural resources as a catalyst for development. Register to attend as a delegate or exhibit your organization during the summit. This event offers a unique opportunity to showcase products, services, and projects to a diverse audience of industry delegates, government officials, and investors.

For more information, sponsorship opportunities, or to register as a delegate, please visit www. afnisummit.com or contact Taiwo Ojo at +234 903 138 1084 or partner@afnisummit.com.

Media Contact: media@afnisummit.com

AFNIS 2024 promises to be an essential gathering for those looking to contribute to and benefit from Africa’s economic development through its abundant natural resources. Don’t miss this opportunity to be part of a transformative dialogue and network with key industry players.

DR. RABIU OLOWO

Executive Secretary, Financial Reporting Council of Nigeria

Champion of Accountability: Dr. Rabiu Olowo’s Contributions to Finance and Governance

Dr. Rabiu Olowo is a corporate reporting and public finance leader adept at developing and implementing corporate governance across private and public institutions. He is a Professor of Practice in Forensic Accounting, Finance, and Public Policy.

Dr. Olowo is a Chartered Accountant, Chartered Management Accountant, Certified Internal Controls Auditor, Certified in International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) and International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSAS), Chartered Tax Practitioner, and Certified Fraud Examiner with over 15 years of postqualification experience across the private, public, and development sectors. He earned an MBA from the University of Lagos and an MSC Accounting and Finance from Robert Gordon University, Aberdeen, UK.

Dr. Olowo was the 22nd

Honourable Commissioner for Finance in Lagos State (2019-2023), where he successfully managed the fiscal policy strategy of the 5th largest economy in Africa across revenue management, expenditure management, investment management, debt management, financial reporting, and governance. Through these efforts, Lagos State was upgraded to “AAA (nga) (Triple A) in the National Long Term (NLT) by international ratings agency FITCH, which demonstrates improved and sustained commitment to excellence in financial reporting, accountability, and transparency.

Before entering the mainstream public sector, Dr. Olowo has been an experienced Chief Finance and Audit Executive across industry sub-sectors, having worked for top-local and multinational organisations including Zenith Bank Plc, British Pharmaceutical

Giant’s GlaxoSmithKline (GSK) Nigeria, Dutch Global Diary Leader’s FrieslandCampina Nigeria, the Association of Certified Fraud Examiners (Texas, USA), the Club of Global Development Finance Organisations, etc., working in multiple geographies with project immersion across Africa, Europe, the Middle East, and the and the USA.

He has significant experience in corporate financial reporting, public sector accounting and financial management, and the development and evaluation of corporate governance and internal control systems for organisations that span multiple industries, including banking and other financial services, public sector organisations, manufacturing, FMCG commercials, not-for-profits, start-ups, etc.

A sought-after speaker on corporate governance, accountability, finance,

In 2023, Dr. Rabiu Olowo won the ‘Forty Under 40’ Africa Awards for the continent’s most accomplished and influential professionals under the age of forty. He was named the Public Finance Administrator of the Year 2022 in Nigeria

business, and fraud issues, Dr. Olowo offers his knowledge at business schools and local and global conferences.

Dr. Rabiu Olowo is a lifelong learner and holds a PhD in forensic accounting and auditing. He is currently a research fellow at the Cranfield School of Management at Cranfield University in the United Kingdom. His numerous research works, including The Future of Finance, Corporate Governance and Whistleblowing Culture in Africa, Sustainable Finance Options in the Agric Value Chain, etc., have been recognised as major contributions in the fields of business, accounting, auditing, and public policy.

In 2023, Dr. Rabiu Olowo won the ‘Forty Under 40’ Africa Awards for the continent’s most accomplished and influential professionals under the age of forty. He was named the Public Finance Administrator of the Year 2022 in Nigeria.

On Saturday, May 4, 2024, he was honoured with the prestigious “Top Chartered Accountant Under 40” Award by the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), further solidifying his position as a distinguished professional in the field of accounting.

He is a youth advocate, mentoring and inspiring millions of youth worldwide.

He is an alumnus of both the Harvard Kennedy School of Government, USA, and the Blavatnik School of Government at Oxford University, UK.

EDITOR’S Pick

King Richard Igimoh f.hd Group editor, African Leadership Magazine

Africa on the Cusp of Economic Boom: Driving Forces and Future Prospects

Africa’s digital revolution is transforming economies across the continent. The mobile phone penetration rate in sub-Saharan Africa reached 50% in 2022 and is projected to hit 70% by 2025

Africa is on the brink of a remarkable economic transformation. With a population surpassing 1.3 billion and abundant natural resources, the continent is poised to emerge as a major global economic player. This article explores the key factors driving Africa’s imminent economic boom and examines how the continent is leveraging its strengths to foster sustainable growth and development.

Historically viewed through the lens of its challenges, Africa is now emerging as a land of economic opportunity. Recent data shows that many African nations are making significant strides in their economic development through policy reforms, strategic investments, and a youthful population. Let’s delve into the economic trajectories of Africa’s fastest-growing economies and gather recommendations from global economists on the way forward for economic development.

Technological Advancements

Africa’s digital revolution is transforming economies across the continent. The mobile phone penetration rate in sub-Saharan Africa

reached 50% in 2022 and is projected to hit 70% by 2025. Kenya’s M-Pesa, a mobile money transfer service, exemplifies this digital transformation, with over 51 million active users in 2023. Nigeria’s tech ecosystem, particularly in Lagos, is flourishing, with over 200 tech startups raising more than $1 billion in funding in 2023. Rwanda is another notable example, positioning itself as a technology hub with initiatives like the Kigali Innovation City, contributing to a 10% growth in its ICT sector in 2023.

Mobile technology has been a gamechanger, with over 500 million unique mobile subscribers on the continent. Mobile banking and fintech solutions are revolutionising financial services, providing access to banking for millions of previously unbanked individuals. Technological hubs and innovation centres are springing up across Africa, from Nairobi’s “Silicon Savannah” to Lagos’ burgeoning tech scene. These hubs are nurturing homegrown talent and attracting international investors, positioning Africa as a leader in technological innovation.

Governments and private sector initiatives are focused on improving access to quality education and vocational training.

Investments in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) education are particularly emphasised, as they are critical for the continent’s technological advancement

Infrastructure Development

Infrastructure development is vital for sustaining economic growth. Ethiopia’s investment in the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), expected to be the largest hydroelectric power plant in Africa, is set to transform the region’s energy landscape. The dam, projected to generate over 6,000 megawatts of electricity, will boost industrialization and improve access to electricity for millions. In West Africa, the LagosIbadan railway in Nigeria, completed in 2021, is enhancing transportation efficiency and facilitating trade. According to the Nigerian Railway Corporation, the railway has transported over 1 million passengers and 500,000 metric tonnes of goods in its first two years of operation.

African governments, in collaboration with international partners, are investing heavily in transportation, energy, and communication infrastructure. Major projects, such as the East African crude oil pipeline and extensive road and rail networks, are underway to improve connectivity and support industrialization. Energy infrastructure is particularly crucial, as it underpins all other sectors. The push for renewable energy sources, such as solar and wind power, is gaining momentum, with countries like Kenya and South Africa leading the way in renewable energy investments.

Human Capital

Africa’s youthful population is a critical asset. With 60% of its population under the age of 25, investing in education and skills development is paramount. South Africa’s Youth Employment Service (YES) initiative aims to create over 1 million jobs for young people by 2030. In 2023, YES had already facilitated employment for over 500,000 youths. In Kenya, the government’s focus on technical and vocational education training (TVET)

has resulted in a 15% increase in TVET enrollment in 2023, enhancing the skills needed for the country’s growing industries.

Governments and private sector initiatives are focused on improving access to quality education and vocational training. Investments in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) education are particularly emphasised, as they are critical for the continent’s technological advancement. By empowering its youth, Africa can harness this demographic dividend to drive economic growth and innovation.

Trade and Investment

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which came into effect in 2021, is a landmark agreement aimed at creating a single market for goods and services across 54 African countries. By eliminating tariffs and non-tariff barriers, AfCFTA is expected to boost intra-African trade by over 50% and attract significant foreign investment. Foreign direct investment (FDI) is also on the rise, with global investors recognising the vast opportunities in Africa’s emerging markets. Sectors such as telecommunications, agriculture, mining, and manufacturing are attracting substantial investments, fostering economic diversification and resilience.

Ghana, hosting the AfCFTA Secretariat, has seen a surge in trade-related investments, with FDI increasing by 20% in 2023, as reported by the Ghana Investment Promotion Centre (GIPC).

Sustainable Development

As Africa embarks on its economic journey, sustainability remains a critical consideration. The continent is highly vulnerable to the impacts of climate

change, which can hinder economic progress. Therefore, integrating sustainable practices into economic development is essential. Efforts are being made to promote green growth strategies, such as sustainable agriculture, conservation of natural resources, and the development of green technologies. Initiatives like the Great Green Wall, aimed at combating desertification, and the expansion of renewable energy projects are pivotal in achieving sustainable development goals.

Countries like Morocco are leading the way in renewable energy. The Ouarzazate Solar Power Station, one of the world’s largest concentrated solar power plants, has a capacity of 580 megawatts and contributes significantly to Morocco’s goal of generating 52% of its electricity from renewable sources by 2030. Kenya is also making strides in renewable energy, with geothermal power accounting for 47% of the country’s electricity generation in 2023. The Menengai Geothermal Project, with a capacity of 105 megawatts, is part of Kenya’s strategy to achieve universal electricity access by 2025.

How Some Countries Are Driving the Economic Boom

Before I conclude, allow me to highlight the key factors that some African countries have engaged in driving this economic Renaissance:

• Ethiopia: As of 2024, Ethiopia is Africa’s fastest-growing economy, driven by a decade of significant investments in infrastructure, agriculture, and manufacturing. The World Bank projects Ethiopia’s economy to grow at 7.5% in 2024, following a 6.8% growth in 2023. Key factors include infrastructure development like the Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway and the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, agricultural modernization,

and the establishment of industrial parks attracting foreign direct investment.

• Nigeria: In 2024, Nigeria remains West Africa’s economic powerhouse, with a GDP of approximately $500 billion, bolstered by its oil and gas sector. Despite challenges such as fluctuating oil prices and security issues, Nigeria’s economy shows resilience, supported by diversification efforts in agriculture, telecommunications, and fintech, a burgeoning tech startup scene in Lagos, and a vast market driven by a population of over 200 million.

• South Africa: With one of Africa’s most developed economies, South Africa combines a diverse industrial base, well-developed infrastructure, and a sophisticated financial sector. The country excels in mining (the largest global producer of platinum and a major producer of gold and diamonds), manufacturing, services, and agriculture. Its highly developed banking system and top-20 global stock exchange, along with strategic trade agreements, underscore its role as a key African economic player.

• Mauritius: Mauritius is recognised as Africa’s leader in economic freedom, ranking 13th globally in the Heritage Foundation’s 2024 Index of Economic Freedom. Contributing factors include a conducive business environment with streamlined regulations, strong governance and legal frameworks protecting property rights, and open trade policies with low tariffs and minimal restrictions, fostering economic growth and diversification.

As Africa embarks on its economic journey, sustainability remains a critical consideration. The continent is highly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, which can hinder economic progress. Therefore, integrating sustainable practices into economic development is essential

Expert Insights from Global Economists

Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala

One of the most renowned global economists, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director-General of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), has offered valuable insights into the way forward for Africa’s economic development. During her keynote address at the African Economic Conference in Addis Ababa on December 7, 2021, she emphasised the importance of trade, investment, and innovation.

Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala stated: “For Africa to achieve sustained economic growth, it is crucial to invest in infrastructure, foster regional integration, and harness the power of digital technology. By improving transportation networks, energy supply, and communication systems, we can create an environment that attracts investment and promotes trade. Furthermore, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents a unique opportunity to boost intra-African trade, which is essential for economic diversification and resilience.”

She further recommended: “African governments must prioritise education and skills development, particularly in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. This will prepare our youth to compete in the

global economy and drive innovation across the continent. Additionally, adopting sustainable practices and focusing on renewable energy will not only mitigate the impacts of climate change but also open new avenues for economic growth.”

Jeffrey Sachs

Jeffrey Sachs, renowned economist and Director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University, offered his perspectives during the World Economic Forum on Africa in Cape Town on June 5, 2015. He highlighted the importance of sustainable development and international cooperation.

Jeffrey Sachs stated: “Africa’s path to economic prosperity must be rooted in sustainable development. This involves adopting green technologies and practices to combat climate change while promoting economic growth. Investment in renewable energy sources like solar and wind power is crucial for providing reliable and affordable electricity to millions of Africans.”

He added, “International cooperation is vital. Developed countries and international organisations should support Africa through investments, technology transfer, and capacity building. African countries, in turn, need to improve governance, reduce corruption, and create a conducive

For Africa to achieve sustained economic growth, it is crucial to invest in infrastructure, foster regional integration, and harness the power of digital technology. By improving transportation networks, energy supply, and communication systems, we can create an environment that attracts investment and promotes trade

Investment in infrastructure, particularly in transport and energy, will unlock economic potential and facilitate regional integration. Additionally, fostering a culture of entrepreneurship and innovation will drive private sector growth

environment for business and innovation. By working together, we can achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and ensure a prosperous future for Africa.”

Paul Collier, Professor of Economics and Public Policy at the University of Oxford and author of “The Bottom Billion,” shared his views during the African Economic Conference in Kigali on November 12, 2012. He highlighted the importance of harnessing natural resources and fostering good governance.

Paul Collier stated: “Africa’s abundant natural resources present a unique opportunity for economic growth. However, the key is to manage these resources wisely and transparently.

Good governance and robust institutions are essential to ensuring that resource revenues are used effectively for development.”

He added: “Investment in infrastructure, particularly in transport and energy, will unlock economic potential and facilitate regional integration. Additionally, fostering a culture of entrepreneurship and innovation will drive private sector growth. African countries must also work towards political stability and reduce corruption to build investor confidence and attract long-term investments.”

Africa stands on the brink of an economic Renaissance. By harnessing its natural resources, transforming agriculture, embracing technology, developing infrastructure, empowering its youth, and fostering trade and investment, the continent is set to achieve unprecedented economic growth. Sustainable development practices will ensure that this growth benefits current and future generations. The path forward requires continued commitment from governments, private sector participation, and international cooperation to realise Africa’s full potential and secure its place as a global economic powerhouse.

Paul Collier

Strengthening African Leadership

By Robert Rotberg, Former Director, Program on Intrastate Conflict and Conflict Resolution

Africa has long been saddled with poor, even malevolent, leadership: predatory kleptocrats, military-installed autocrats, economic illiterates, and puffed-up posturers

Africa has long been saddled with poor, even malevolent, leadership: predatory kleptocrats, militaryinstalled autocrats, economic illiterates, and puffed-up posturers. By far the most egregious examples come from Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zimbabwe -- countries that have been run into the ground despite their abundant natural resources. But these cases are by no means unrepresentative: by some measures, 90 percent of sub-Saharan African nations have experienced despotic rule in the last three decades. Such leaders use power as an end in itself, rather than for the public good; they are indifferent to the progress of their citizens (although anxious to receive their adulation); they are unswayed by reason and employ poisonous social or racial ideologies; and they are hypocrites, always shifting blame for their countries’ distress.

Under the stewardship of these leaders, infrastructure in many African countries has fallen into disrepair, currencies have depreciated, and real prices have

inflated dramatically, while job availability, health care, education standards, and life expectancy have declined. Ordinary life has become beleaguered: general security has deteriorated, crime and corruption have increased, much-needed public funds have flowed into hidden bank accounts, and officially sanctioned ethnic discrimination -- sometimes resulting in civil war -has become prevalent.

This depressing picture is brought into even sharper relief by the few but striking examples of effective African leadership in recent decades. These leaders stand out because of their strength of character, their adherence to the principles of participatory democracy, and their ability to overcome deep-rooted challenges. The government of Mozambique, for example, brought about economic growth rates of more than ten percent between 1996 and 2003, following the economic catastrophe wrought by that country’s civil war (which ended in 1992). And in Kenya, President Mwai Kibaki has strengthened civil society, invested in education, and removed barriers to economic entrepreneurship instated during the repressive rule of Daniel arap Moi.

The best example of good leadership in Africa is Botswana. Long before diamonds were discovered there, this former desert protectorate, which was neglected by the British under colonialism, demonstrated a knack for participatory democracy, integrity, tolerance, entrepreneurship, and the rule of law. The country has remained democratic in spirit as well as form continuously since its independence in 1966 -- an unmatched record in Africa. It has also defended human rights, encouraged civil liberties, and actively promoted its citizens’ social and economic development.

Good Apples

What has enabled Botswana to succeed where so many other African nations have failed? Some observers point to the relative linguistic homogeneity of

the country. But Somalia, which remains unstable despite a similar uniformity, shows that this factor is far from sufficient. Others point to the century-old teachings of the congregational London Missionary Society -- the peaceful, pragmatic outlook that is inextricably bound up in the country’s political culture. But this explanation also fails to explain why the same positive effects have not been witnessed in other countries with a history of Christian teaching, such as in neighboring Zambia. Nor are Botswana’s plentiful diamond reserves responsible: Angola, Gabon, and Nigeria all have abundant natural resources, but none has seen comparable returns for its people.

It is Botswana’s history of visionary leadership, especially in the years following independence, that best explains its success.

Sir Seretse Khama, Botswana’s founding president, came from a family of Bamangwato chiefs well regarded for their benevolence and integrity. When Khama founded the Botswana Democratic Party in 1961 and led his country to independence, he was already dedicated to the principles of deliberative democracy and market economy that would allow his young country to flourish. Modest, unostentatious as a leader, and a genuine believer in popular rule, Khama forged a participatory and law-respecting political culture that has endured under his successors, Sir Ketumile Masire and Festus Mogae.

Although operating in very different circumstances, Mauritius’ first leader, Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, held to the same leadership codes as Khama. Ramgoolam gave Mauritius a

robust democratic beginning, which has been sustained by a series of wise successors from different backgrounds and parties. Both Khama and Ramgoolam could have emulated many of their contemporaries by establishing strong, single-man, kleptocratic regimes. But they refused to do so.

Effective leadership has proved the decisive factor in South Africa, too: without Nelson Mandela’s inclusive and visionary leadership, his adherence to the rule of law, his insistence on broadening the delivery of essential services, and his emphasis on moving from a command economy toward a market-driven one, South Africa would probably have emerged from apartheid as a far more fractured and autocratic state than it did.

Too few African leaders have followed the examples of Mandela, Khama, and Ramgoolam. Ghana, Lesotho, Mali, and Senegal are all showing promise. But in many other African countries, leaders have begun their presidential careers as democrats only to end up, a term or two later, as corrupt autocrats: Bakili Muluzi of Malawi, Moi of Kenya, and, most dramatically of all, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. Other leaders, such as Sam Nujoma of Namibia and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, may be heading in the same direction.

A Bold Initiative

To build on the positive leadership examples, a select group of prominent past and present African leaders who met over the last year decided to confront the continent’s pathology of poor leadership with deeds as well as words. At the conclusion of a series of private meetings (the final one of which was held in Mombasa, Kenya), they established the African Leadership Council, promulgated a Code of African Leadership with 23 commandments, issued a Mombasa Declaration promoting better leadership, and proposed a series of courses to train

their political successors in the art of good government.

Members of the council believe that absolute standards of leadership are both appropriate and attainable. Good leaders deliver security of the state and of the person, the rule of law, good education and health services, and a framework conducive to economic growth. They ensure effective arteries of commerce and enshrine personal and human freedoms. They empower civil society and protect the environmental commons. Crucially, good leaders also provide their citizens with a sense of belonging to a national enterprise.

Conscious that Africa’s poor are getting poorer and that good governance is essential for successful economic development, the council sees itself at the vanguard of fundamental reform in the continent.

Its approach certainly goes far beyond the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (nepad) and proposals for the African Union. The Code of African Leadership, for example, says in its first commandment that leaders should “offer a coherent vision of individual growth and national advancement with justice and dignity for all,” implying that most leaders today do not. Other commandments demand that African leaders encourage “broad participation,” adhere to the letter and spirit of their national constitutions (especially term limits), encourage dissent and disagreement, respect human rights and civil liberties, strengthen the rule of law, promote policies that eradicate poverty and improve the well-being of their citizens, ensure a strong code of ethics, refuse to use their offices for personal gain, oppose corruption, and bolster essential personal freedoms.

This uncommonly bold agenda seeks to avoid renewed patrimonial leadership debacles, such as those presided over by Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire, Moi in Kenya, Idi Amin in Uganda, and

Effective leadership has proved the decisive factor in South Africa, too: without Nelson Mandela’s inclusive and visionary leadership, his adherence to the rule of law, his insistence on broadening the delivery of essential services, and his emphasis on moving from a command economy toward a market-driven one

Whether the efforts of the African Leadership Council will reduce bloodshed, diminish corruption, and encourage more prosperity for citizens across Africa is by no means certain. But as a unique African response to the continent’s immense needs, this innovative endeavor is a promising, dramatic step forward

Jean-Bedel Bokassa in the Central African Republic. The council is highly conscious, too, of the hijacking of Zimbabwe’s government by Mugabe, which has resulted in starvation and drastically reduced living standards.

The council is chaired by former President Sir Ketumile Masire of Botswana and includes former Nigerian head of state General Yakubu Gowon, Vice President Moody Awori of Kenya, former Prime Minister Hage Geingob of Namibia, and a dozen other present and former prime ministers and cabinet ministers from Sierra Leone to Kenya, Malawi, and Uganda. All are regarded throughout Africa as men of unusual personal probity and esteem and as accomplished proponents of good governance. The council intends to recruit additional members from the ranks of Africa’s outstanding democratic leaders, Francophone and Anglophone, female and male. Together they will serve the continent by advising international organizations, individual countries, and donor agencies on how to improve leadership.

The group stands ready to assist civil societies in countries undergoing serious leadership crises. It will also urge greedy national leaders to attack corrupt practices and adhere to term limits (the current presidents of Gabon, Malawi, Namibia, Uganda, and Zambia, for example, have all had pangs of desire for illegal third terms). Next year, it expects to begin holding special seminars for cabinet ministers and others. The council’s curriculum emphasizes constitutionalism, the rule of law, ethics, accountability, diversity, good fiscal management, coalition building, and the fundamentals of modern micro- and macroeconomics. Training courses will soon be launched.

Whether the efforts of the African Leadership Council will reduce bloodshed, diminish corruption, and encourage more prosperity for citizens across Africa is by no means certain. But as a unique African response to the continent’s immense needs, this innovative endeavor is a promising, dramatic step forward.

Culled from journal article - Foreign Affairs

Africa’s Cultural Renaissance: The New Wave of Global Entertainment

By Solomon Obi

The global music scene is experiencing a paradigm shift, with African music emerging as a powerful alternative to traditional genres like hip-hop. This shift is a testament to the artistry, resilience, and vibrancy of African creatives such as Burna Boy, Wizkid, Davido, and Tiwa Savage, who are capturing the hearts and minds of audiences worldwide

In recent years, a significant transformation has swept across the global entertainment landscape, driven by the rise of African artists and their undeniable impact. Africa’s vibrant music, fashion, and storytelling are no longer confined to the continent; they are taking the world by storm, reshaping perceptions and setting new trends.

Afrobeats

Afrobeats, a genre rooted in Nigeria, has transcended borders to become a global phenomenon. Artists like Burna Boy, Wizkid, Davido, and Tiwa Savage are not only topping international charts but also collaborating with global superstars such as Beyoncé, Drake, Chris Brown, and Ed Sheeran. “Afrobeats is the new wave,” says Senegalese music legend Youssou N’Dour. “It’s the sound of a young and confident Africa.”

Streaming giants like Spotify, Apple Music, and YouTube Music recognize the continent’s potential. A 2023 report by Digital Music Africa revealed an 18.5% year-onyear growth in music streaming subscriptions across Africa. This surge in digital access is creating a direct pipeline for African artists to connect with fans worldwide, signaling a new era of global music consumption.

Gospel and Beyond

Africa’s rich gospel tradition is also finding a new audience. Artists like South Africa’s Soweto Gospel Choir and Nigeria’s Nathaniel Bassey captivate hearts with their uplifting messages of faith and hope. Their music resonates deeply, offering solace and inspiration in a world often fraught with challenges. The Soweto Gospel Choir’s harmonious vocals and Nathaniel Bassey’s soul-stirring trumpet performances are particularly noteworthy.

Beyond gospel, African music encompasses a diverse range of genres, each with its unique flavor and cultural significance. From the soulful rhythms of Mali’s desert blues, exemplified by Tinariwen, to the high-energy beats of South Africa’s amapiano, led by DJ Maphorisa and Kabza De Small, African artists showcase the continent’s rich musical heritage and innovative spirit.

Fashion

African fashion is no longer confined to local runways. Designers like Kenneth Ize1 and Maki Oh are showcasing their unique aesthetics at international fashion weeks, while global brands incorporate African prints and motifs into their collections. “African fashion is all about bold colors, intricate patterns, and a celebration of our heritage,” says Nigerian fashion icon Adebayo Oke-Lawal. “The world is finally recognizing the creativity and talent we have always possessed.”

This recognition is transforming the fashion industry, with African designers gaining acclaim for their originality and cultural authenticity. Kenneth Ize’s vibrant textiles and Maki Oh’s intricate designs not only celebrate African heritage but also challenge conventional fashion norms, pushing the boundaries of creativity.

Storytelling

African content creators are no longer background players. They are taking center stage and telling their own stories. From movies like “Black Panther,” featuring Lupita Nyong’o and Danai Gurira, to shows like “Blood & Water,” starring Ama Qamata, African narratives are finding a global audience. Creatives from film, television, and social media, such as filmmaker Ava DuVernay and actress Nomzamo Mbatha, are collaborating with international stars, sharing their stories and perspectives with a wider audience than ever before.

Social media platforms have become a launchpad for these young creatives, allowing them to bypass traditional gatekeepers and share their work directly with the world. This democratization of content creation is empowering a new generation of African storytellers who are redefining the global narrative.

The Future

This cultural explosion is fueled by the continent’s youthful population. Africa boasts the world’s youngest demographic, brimming with talent and a yearning to connect. As Black Coffee, a world-renowned South African DJ, puts it, “This is Africa’s moment, and the world is finally ready to listen.” With its captivating music, stunning fashion, and compelling stories, Africa is not just sharing its culture; it’s reshaping the global entertainment landscape.

Hip-hop, which recently celebrated its 50th anniversary, has long been a dominant force in music. However, as it continues to evolve, it must now contend with the rising tide of African music, which is poised to claim its crown as the new king of musical genres.

In this new era, the world is witnessing the dawn of African excellence. The future of global entertainment has never looked more exciting. As we celebrate this cultural renaissance, we are reminded that Africa’s voice, through artists like Burna Boy, Wizkid, Tiwa Savage, Nathaniel Bassey, Kenneth Ize, Maki Oh, and Black Coffee, is not only being heard but is also leading the conversation.