Islamic Architecture in the West: Manifesting a Sense of Place Identity

Architecture Dissertation (ARJA10002) 2019-20

ISLAMIC ARCHITECTURE IN THE WEST: MANIFESTING A SENSE OF PLACE IDENTITY Studying the Works of Gulzar Haider

Aiman Bin Azman s1629586 B104078 MA(Hons) Architecture Edinburgh School of Architecture and Landscape Architecture, University of Edinburgh

Abstract

Islamic Architecture in the West: Manifesting a Sense of Place Identity - Studying the Works of Gulzar Haider

The concepts of ‘place’ by Christian Norberg-Schulz, David Canter and Edward Relph address architects in ‘place-creation’, emphasising the consideration of users and the environment in creating a ‘sense of place’. This calls attention to create a ‘place identity’ where the built environment consists of attributes identifiable within the locality.

For diaspora Muslims in the West, ‘place-creation’ is complicated. As prayer is important in a Muslim’s life, Muslims are identifiable via mosques with distinctive, traditional Islamic architecture; especially domes and minarets. However, Western mosques function differently than those from Islamic countries, where Western mosques tend to represent the minority’s ‘place identity’, questioning the need for traditional forms. Hence, the works of Gulzar Haider, an immigrant Muslim architect, are examined as they revolve around how Islamic architecture should be in non-Islamic environments through the modern Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) mosque and post-modern Bai’tul Islam mosque.

By identifying the principles behind both mosque designs, this dissertation proceeds to outline the concepts of ‘place’ present within Western Islamic architecture and the shortcomings between ideal and practice in creating a ‘place identity’ that considers both Muslims and non-Muslims in the West. In doing so, this dissertation illustrates how Muslims manifesting a sense of ‘place identity’ in the West through Islamic architecture is a constant attempt in claiming their ‘place’ within the wider Western community, and underpins the significance of the concepts of ‘place’ within architectural design in creating a sense of ‘place identity’ for all.

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Acknowledgements

Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisor, John Lowrey, who have given tremendous support and encouraged me to go beyond my comfort zone in this study. His critical thinking and background of architectural history have been invaluable, including his sense of humour. Also, I am grateful to the University’s Architectural History and Seminar team in conducting a lecture I find relevant to my study led by Professor Ralph Ghoche (Barnard College).

I am also thankful to my colleagues from Archicentre in Malaysia for introducing to me about the term ‘sense of place’ during my placement period in mid-2019, and my University colleagues who have shared knowledge and encouragement throughout this course. I am also fortunate in being financially supported by the Yayasan Khazanah Global Scholarship to undertake the MA(Hons) Architecture course in the University of Edinburgh.

Last but not least, I am very thankful to my parents and family back in Malaysia for the never-ending support towards my ambition and interests in architecture.

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Contents

List of Figures 5

Introduction 9

1. The Concepts of ‘Place’

11

Literature Analysis 11

Sense of Place

11

Place Identity

13

Place and Architecture

14

2. The Forms of Islamic Architecture 15

The Five Pillars of Islam

15

The Mosque

16

3. The ‘Place’ of Islamic Architecture in the West

19

Diaspora Muslims 19 The Dome and Minaret 19 The Western Adaptation 22

3

4. Gulzar Haider’s Background 29 Immigration to America 29

Haider’s Mosque Design Experience

35

5. The Works of Gulzar Haider

Islamic Society of North America Mosque in Plainfield, Indiana

37 37

Bai’tul Islam in Toronto, Canada 47

Externalisation and Claiming of Islamic ‘Place Identity’

52

6. Reflections

55

Islamic Architecture as a ‘Sense of Place’ for Muslims

55

Insertion of Personal Genius into Another’s Loci 55

Manifestation of a Sense of Place Identity – An Ideal

57

Propositions and Expectations

58

Bibliography 59

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List of Figures Figure 1 (Page 12): Canter, David. 1977. A visual metaphor for the nature of places. In Canter, David. The Psychology of Place. London: Architectural Press, 1977. 158.

Figure 2 (Page 16): Reconstruction of the House of the Prophet, Medina, ca. 622. In Fazio, Michael, Marian Moffett, and Lawrence Wodehouse.

A World History of Architecture. 3rd ed. London: Laurence King, 2013. 156.

Figure 3 (Page 17): Plan of the Great Mosque, Damascus, 706-15. In Fazio, Michael, Marian Moffett, and Lawrence Wodehouse. A World History of Architecture. 3rd ed. London: Laurence King, 2013. 157.

Figure 4 (Page 20): Khalidi, Omar. 1990. Mosque in streetscape, seen from intersection of 3rd Ave and E 96th Street. In “Islamic Cultural Center of New York.” Archnet. Date accessed Novmeber 11, 2019. https://archnet.org/sites/2104/media_contents/98551.

Figure 5 (Page 21): Ozkan, S. In Khan, Hasan-Uddin. “The Architecture of the Mosque, an Overview and Design Directions.” In Expressions of Islam in Buildings: Proceedings of an International Seminar Sponsored by the Aga Khan Award for Architecture and the Indonesian Institute of Architects, Held in Jakarta and Yogyakarta, Indonesia, 15-19 October 1990. Exploring Architecture in Islamic Cultures. Geneva: Published by the Aga Khan Trust for Culture on Behalf of the Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 1990. 118.

Figure 6 (Page 22): Sir John Soane’s Museum. A drawing made for Sir John Soane in c1810 showing the diverse array of buildings in Kew Gardens. In Ryland, Howard. “In Search of The Lost Mosque of Kew Gardens.” Londonist. Last modified August 7, 2017. https://londonist. com/2016/08/the-lost-mosque-of-kew-gardens.

Figure 7 (Page 23): Rooker, Edward. 1763. A View of the Wilderness, with the Alhambra, the Pagoda & the Mosque in the Royal Gardens at Kew. In Royal Collection Trust. Date accessed November 27, 2019. https://www.rct.uk/collection/702947-v.

Figure 8 (Page 23): Alhambra, Kew Gardens. In “Alhambra, Kew Gardens.” Sir John Soane’s Museum London. Date accessed November 27, 2019. https://shop.soane.org/products/pod469597.

Figure 9 (Page 24): Chambers, Sir William. 1763. Plans, elevations, sections, and perspective views of the gardens and buildings at Kew in Surry. In “The Mosque. Illustration from Sir William Chambers 1763 publication, Plans, elevations | #654523.” Royal Botanic Gardens Kew. Date accessed November 27, 2019. https://images.kew.org/history/places/the-mosque-654523.html.

Figure 10 (Page 25): Leroux, Alexandre. View of the mosque and square during the colonial era when it was a cathedral. In “View of the Mosque and Square during the Colonial Era when it was a Cathedral.” Archnet. Date accessed November 29, 2019. https://archnet.org/sites/5386/media_ contents/124153.

Figure 11 (Page 26): Biondo III, Vincent F. Semi-urban Storefront Mosque with Minimal Signage—Jamia Masjid (Bradford). In Biondo III, Vincent F. “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26, no. 3 (December 2006): 409.

Figure 12 (Page 27): Biondo III, Vincent F. Suburban Pan-Islamic Mosque with Zero Signage and Strong Local Community Opposition— Northridge, Los Angeles, USA (Purpose-Built). In Biondo III, Vincent F. “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26, no. 3 (December 2006): 410.

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Figure 13 (Page 27): Biondo III, Vincent F. Socially Active Inclusive South Asian Mosque—Manchester Central Mosque, UK. In Biondo III, Vincent F. “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26, no. 3 (December 2006): 411.

Figure 14 (Page 30): BNU School of Architecture. 2015. In “Professor Gulzar Haider addressing students of First Year 2016.” Facebook.

Last modified August 11, 2015. https://www.facebook.com/BNUArchitecture/photos/professor-gulzar-haider-addressing-students-of-firstyear-2016/1053609644658128/ Figure 15 (Page 31): Richards, Stephen. 26th July 2011: Brougham Terrace, Liverpool before its restoration and reopening in 2014. In “Where was Britain’s First Recorded Mosque?” Historic England. Last modified March 9, 2018. https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/what-is-designation/ heritage-highlights/where-was-britains-first-recorded-mosque/.

Figure 16 (Page 31): Abdullah Quilliam Society. The restored Broughton Terrace Mosque in 2014, now reopened as a mosque. In “Where was Britain’s First Recorded Mosque?” Historic England. Last modified March 9, 2018. https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/what-is-designation/ heritage-highlights/where-was-britains-first-recorded-mosque/.

Figure 17 (Page 32): Gray, Danielle A. Fox Theatre Atlanta. In “Design Envy: Fox Theatre Atlanta.” A Design State of Mind. Last modified July 28, 2010. https://adesignstateofmind.wordpress.com/2010/07/28/design-envy-fox-theatre-atlanta/.

Figure 18 (Page 32): Gray, Danielle A. Fox Theatre. In “Design Envy: Fox Theatre Atlanta.” A Design State of Mind. Last modified July 28, 2010. https://adesignstateofmind.wordpress.com/2010/07/28/design-envy-fox-theatre-atlanta/.

Figure 19 (Page 33): Ron Galella Collection. Trump Taj Mahal on opening day, April 5, 1990 in Atlantic City, New Jersey. In “How Trump’s Taj Mahal Casino Went From ‘8th Wonder of the World’ to Closure After Years of Losses.” ABC News. Last modified October 17, 2016. https:// abcnews.go.com/US/trumps-taj-mahal-casino-8th-world-closure-years/story?id=42762369.

Figure 20 (Page 34): Shourek, Edward J. Photo of Syria Mosque taken ca 1913-1920. In “History of Pittsburgh’s Syria Shriners.” The Pittsburgh Shrine Center. Date accessed November 4, 2019. https://www.pghshrinecenter.com/history/.

Figure 21 (Page 37): Haider, Gulzar. The Islamic Center of North America, ICNA, Plainsfield, Indiana: plans and main elevation. In Al-Masri, Wael M. “Architecture and the Question of Identity: Issues of Self-representation in Islamic Community Centers.” Master of Science thesis.

Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. 132.

Figure 22 (Page 38): Haider, Gulzar. Plainfield, Indiana: The Islamic Centre of North America Plan of the main level. In Haider, Gulzar. “Islamic Architecture in Non-Islamic Environments”. In Places of Public Gathering in Islam, edited by Linda Safran. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 1980. 124.

Figure 23 (Page 39): Haider, Gulzar. Plainfield, Indiana The Islamic Centre of North America Plan of the upper level. In Haider, Gulzar. “Islamic Architecture in Non-Islamic Environments”. In Places of Public Gathering in Islam, edited by Linda Safran. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 1980. 125.

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Figure 24 (Page 39): Haider, Gulzar. Plainfield, Indiana: The Islamic Centre of North America Plan of the lower level. In Haider, Gulzar. “Islamic Architecture in Non-Islamic Environments”. In Places of Public Gathering in Islam, edited by Linda Safran. Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 1980. 123.

Figure 25 (Page 40): Schwaller, William. 2011. View from one of the pathways to ISNA’s entryway, to the right. In Schwaller, William. “The Islamic Society of North America Mosque: An Anomaly in the Corn Fields.” Paper. Bucknell University. 2011. Date accessed October 6, 2019. http://www.academia.edu/3511140/The_Islamic_Society_of_North_America_Mosque_An_Anomaly_in_the_Corn_Fields.

Figure 26 (Page 40): Schwaller, William. 2011. Plainfield’s Central Elementary School. In Schwaller, William. “The Islamic Society of North America Mosque: An Anomaly in the Corn Fields.” Paper. Bucknell University. 2011. Date accessed October 6, 2019. http://www.academia. edu/3511140/The_Islamic_Society_of_North_America_Mosque_An_Anomaly_in_the_Corn_Fields.

Figure 27 (Page 41): Schwaller, William. 2011. View from the far end of ISNA’s mosque, the mihrab is visible from the outside. In Schwaller, William. “The Islamic Society of North America Mosque: An Anomaly in the Corn Fields.” Paper. Bucknell University. 2011. Date accessed October 6, 2019. http://www.academia.edu/3511140/The_Islamic_Society_of_North_America_Mosque_An_Anomaly_in_the_Corn_Fields.

Figure 28 (Page 42): Schwaller, William. 2011. View from the entryway to the rectangular lobby with star-shaped fountain and concealed dome with an oculus, ablutions facilities to the right. In Schwaller, William. “The Islamic Society of North America Mosque: An Anomaly in the Corn Fields.” Paper. Bucknell University. 2011. Date accessed October 6, 2019. http://www.academia.edu/3511140/The_Islamic_Society_of_North_ America_Mosque_An_Anomaly_in_the_Corn_Fields.

Figure 29 (Page 43): Haider, Gulzar. Axonometric of the Islamic Center of North America, ICNA. In Al-Masri, Wael M. “Architecture and the Question of Identity: Issues of Self-representation in Islamic Community Centers.” Master of Science thesis. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. 133.

Figure 30 (Page 43): Schwaller, William. 2011. The mosque’s central dome, octagonal drum w/ circular openings and semi-circular clerestory window. In Schwaller, William. “The Islamic Society of North America Mosque: An Anomaly in the Corn Fields.” Paper. Bucknell University.

2011. Date accessed October 6, 2019. http://www.academia.edu/3511140/The_Islamic_Society_of_North_America_Mosque_An_Anomaly_in_ the_Corn_Fields.

Figure 31 (Page 43): Schwaller, William. 2011. The mosque’s prayer hall with mihrab and minbar to the right. In Schwaller, William. “The Islamic Society of North America Mosque: An Anomaly in the Corn Fields.” Paper. Bucknell University. 2011. Date accessed October 6, 2019. http://www.academia.edu/3511140/The_Islamic_Society_of_North_America_Mosque_An_Anomaly_in_the_Corn_Fields.

Figure 32 (Page 47): Hamid. In “Ahmadiyya Mosque: Baitul Islam - Toronto Ontario Canada.” Date accessed November 18, 2019. http:// ahmadiyyamosque.blogspot.com/2014/12/baitul-islam-toronto-ontario-canada.html.

Figure 33 (Page 48): Payne, Steve. 2007. Faite-Based Neighborhood. In Townsend, Dorn. “Building an Enclave Around a Mosque in Suburban Toronto.” The New York Times. Last modified November 18, 2007. https://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/18/realestate/18nati.html.

Figure 34 (Page 49): Rezwan. 2017. In “Baitul-Islam Mosque, Canada. #Mosque #Islam https://t.co/tZOds2S4hc.” Twitter. Last modified November 18, 2019. https://twitter.com/rezwan_12/status/931699338316619776.

Figure 35 (Page 50): Rezwan. 2016. In “Baitul-Islam Mosque Canada #PeaceVillage #JalsaCanada #CaliphInCanada https://t.co/bqUZ2Bk3Gp.” Twitter. Last modified October 5, 2016. https://twitter.com/rezwan_12/status/783777457711226880.

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Figure 36 (Page 50): Rezwan. 2016. In “Baitul-Islam Mosque Canada #PeaceVillage #JalsaCanada #CaliphInCanada https://t.co/bqUZ2Bk3Gp.” Twitter. Last modified October 5, 2016. https://twitter.com/rezwan_12/status/783777457711226880.

Figure 37 (Page 52): Slyomovics, Susan. 1991. Lexington Avenue and Thirty-third Street becomes an outdoor mosque. In “World Muslim Day Parade Photos | Study Materials | Anthropology of the Middle East | Anthropology.” MIT Open Courseware. Date accessed November 19, 2019. https://ocw.mit.edu/courses/anthropology/21a-453-anthropology-of-the-middle-east-spring-2004/study-materials/paradephotos/.

Figure 38 (Page 53): Slyomovics, Susan. 1991. Float of the Ka’aba (Mecca). And Float of Jerusalem’s Dome of the Rock. In “World Muslim Day Parade Photos | Study Materials | Anthropology of the Middle East | Anthropology.” MIT Open Courseware. Date accessed November 19, 2019. https://ocw.mit.edu/courses/anthropology/21a-453-anthropology-of-the-middle-east-spring-2004/study-materials/paradephotos/.

Figure 39 (Page 53): Slyomovics, Susan. 1991. Marchers head south down Lexington Ave. between 23rd and 32nd St. Banner in Arabic: The Islamic Circle of North America. And Banners preceding the float of the Ka’aba. In “World Muslim Day Parade Photos | Study Materials | Anthropology of the Middle East | Anthropology.” MIT Open Courseware. Date accessed November 19, 2019. https://ocw.mit.edu/courses/ anthropology/21a-453-anthropology-of-the-middle-east-spring-2004/study-materials/paradephotos/.

Figure 40 (Page 54): Slyomovics, Susan. 1991. Lexington Avenue and Thirty-third Street becomes an outdoor mosque. In “World Muslim Day Parade Photos | Study Materials | Anthropology of the Middle East | Anthropology.” MIT Open Courseware. Date accessed November 19, 2019. https://ocw.mit.edu/courses/anthropology/21a-453-anthropology-of-the-middle-east-spring-2004/study-materials/paradephotos/.

Figure 41 (Page 54): Reja, Jamilur. In “Muslim Center of New York.” Faiths and Freedom. Date accessed November 19, 2011. https://eportfolios. macaulay.cuny.edu/drabik10website/neighborhoods-2/flushing/houses-of-worship/muslim-center-of-new-york/.

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Introduction

This dissertation focuses on the concepts of ‘place’ present within Islamic architecture in the West. As these ‘place’ concepts emphasise on considering both users and the environment for architects to create a ‘sense of place’, immigrant Muslims in the West and Western mosques are the subjects of this study. As immigrant Muslims in the West are in diaspora, Western mosques undergo architectural assimilation that addresses the ‘place identity’ of both Muslims and non-Muslims in the West.

By focusing on the works of Gulzar Haider, an immigrant Muslim architect in America, whose encounters instigated his search in how Islamic architecture should be in non-Islamic environments, the relationship between architecture and place is explored in the context of Islamic architecture and ‘place identity’ in the West.

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To pose questions for subsequent chapters, how does Islamic architecture provide a ‘sense of place’ for Muslims in the West, who are a minority in an alien environment? Does the implementation of Islamic architecture in the West disrupt the existing ‘place identity’? Also, as per the dissertation title, how does Islamic architecture play a role in manifesting a sense of ‘place identity’ in the West for Muslims?

Hence, by arguing that the utilisation of the concepts of ‘place’ within architectural design is essential in creating a ‘place identity’ for all, this dissertation also aims to highlight the fundamental issues on a minority creating a ‘place identity’ through the built environment in an alien environment in the context of diaspora Muslims and Western Islamic architecture.

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Chapter 1

The Concepts of Place Literature Analysis The concepts that revolve around ‘place’ are all closely linked: ‘space’, ‘sense of place’, ‘placelessness’, ‘place identity’, and ‘place attachment’.

Jonathan D. Sime’s paper Creating Places or Designing Spaces? deeply explains these concepts in an interconnecting narrative throughout its pages.1 Meanwhile, Karlyn Sutherland’s PhD thesis Attachment to Place: Towards A Strategy for Architectural Practice explains these concepts separately for a clear understanding of each term with individual sub-topics, whilst still providing linkage between them.2 Sime’s 1986 paper studies literature developments of ‘place’ and ‘place-making’, presenting arguments around architecture and planning by focusing on the extent of ‘place’ creation through physical means by building users.3 On the other hand, Sutherland’s 2014 thesis uses similar literature studied by Sime but also her personal architectural exploration projects in focusing on developing ‘place attachment’ within current professional practice by creating a restorative environment, particularly on how architecture with a sense of place and place attachment could successfully be understood and created.4

Sense of Place Place is commonly associated with ‘space’. According to Sime’s studies, the main point differentiating place from space is that a place creates solid emotional ties between man and a specific physical locale, either temporary or endless.5 In Genius Loci: Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture, Christian Norberg-Schulz describes the structure of a place through ‘space’ and ‘character’, referring space as the three-dimensional organisation of the components that form a ‘place’ and character representing its ‘atmosphere’.6 Hence, space is essentially a component of place.

Space and character are very much associated with the Roman concept of the genius loci, ‘the spirit of the place’. Through the ancient Romans’ belief that every being, including people and places, has a genius as a guardian spirit that provides them life and character, Schulz explains that the relationship between man and genius (spirit) of a locale where man’s life takes place, relates to existential purpose.7 Schulz then explains ‘existential space’ through ‘dwelling’ of man, a term widely used by Martin Heidegger. Using Heidegger’s example of a bridge’s construction at a location, Schulz states that to ‘dwell’, man creates a ‘place’ through visualisation, complementation and symbolisation of ‘space’ to reveal the hidden value or ‘meaning’ of such location.8 Hence, prior to the bridge’s construction, the ‘place’ was non-existent.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Jonathan D. Sime, “Creating Places or Designing Spaces?” Journal of Environmental Psychology 6, no. 1 (1986): 49-63.

Karlyn Sutherland, “Attachment to Place: Towards A Strategy for Architectural Practice,” PhD thesis, The University of Edinburgh, 2014. 62-70.

Sime, “Creating Places,” 49.

Sutherland, “Attachment to Place,” 13.

Sime, “Creating Places,” 50.

Christian Norberg-Schulz, Genius Loci: Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture (London: Academy Editions, 1980), 11.

Norberg-Schulz, Genius Loci, 18.

Norberg-Schulz, Genius Loci, 17-18.

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This provides clarity on Schulz’s statement:

“The existential purpose of building (architecture) is therefore to make a site become a place, that is, to uncover the meanings potentially present in the given environment.”9

This highlights Schulz’s definition of place within the built environment that encompasses both ‘meanings’ of the unseen and physical aspects of a locality. Hence, the genius loci can be referred as people’s ‘sense of place’, through recognition and understanding of physical and symbolic values within the natural and man-made environment. Architecture, therefore, is a driving force in creating a ‘sense of place’.

Figure 1: Canter’s visual metaphor - Diagram by David Canter

Next, David Canter defines ‘place’ as a “quality of a location.”10 Through a visual metaphor of a Venn diagram (Figure 1), Canter explains the nature of places as a composition of the resulting relationship between activities, conceptions and physical attributes of the environment.11 A place is created when we identify 1) the associated behaviour the setting has or anticipated to have (activities), 2) the physical boundaries the setting possess (physical attributes), and 3) the descriptions people have on such behaviour in that setting (conceptions).12 Thus, through the three constituents, Canter considers the relationship between people and the physical environment.

9 10 11 12

Norberg-Schulz, Genius Loci, 18.

David Canter, “The Facets of Place,” in Psychology in Action, Dartmouth Benchmark Series (Hantshire: Dartmouth Publishing Company, 1996), 112.

David Canter, The Psychology of Place (London: Architectural Press, 1977), 158.

Canter, The Psychology of Place, 158-59.

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Quite like Schulz’s emphasis on discovering the ‘meanings’ of a locale through architecture to create a ‘place’, Canter’s visual metaphor suggests that identifying any one of the three elements leads in discovering the psychological significance of a ‘place’. Canter further explained how this can work in designing; in design stages without existing physical structure, designers can start identifying the grouping of activities to be harboured in the design, then proceed with the conceptions people have towards such activities, which can be linked to create physical forms that may be reviewed against the said activities.13 Meanwhile, in design stages with physical structure such as a redevelopment project on an existing form, designers can start with distinguishing the area’s physical attributes to be redeveloped, followed by identifying their associated conceptions, and then the activities tied to each grouping from the two prior stages.14 Hence, using Canter’s visual metaphor of ‘place’, the hidden ‘meanings’ within a locale can be uncovered by discovering the setting’s three attributes.

Sime finds that the importance of Canter’s ‘place’ theory within the built environment is his constant emphasis in considering the user’s perspective – their activities and conceptions towards the locale’s physical attributes. This references architects in creating a ‘sense of place’, as Canter states, “…physical forms should actively reflect and express the action/place transactions of which they are a part,” where both ‘action’ and ‘place’ should be equally considered when designing.15 In conclusion, these definitions of ‘place’ focus on the creation of a ‘sense of place’.

Place Identity Edward Relph’s take on ‘place’ revolves around ‘non-places’ that he refers as physical locales with a ‘placelessness’ – without a ‘sense of place’ nor distinctive identity.16 As placeness refers to the sense of place that includes meaning from the elements of actions, physical attributes and conceptions, ‘placelessness’ or ‘non-places’ are referred as places with loss of meaning due to their disrupted identities. Hence, ‘sense of place’ calls attention to a sense of identity in specific environments, a ‘place identity.’

Relph’s definition of ‘place’ explains ‘place identity’ as encompassing three interrelated constituents: 1) physical features or appearance, 2) noticeable activities and functions, and 3) symbols or meanings.17 Thus, Relph’s definition of place is similar to that of Canter’s three attributes as well as Schulz’s uncovering of ‘meanings’.

Proshansky et al. states humanistic geographers believe that the ‘sense of belonging’ to places is produced through personal attachments to geographically locatable places that give out purpose and meanings to one’s life.18 Therefore, ‘place attachment’ instigates a sense of place; a sense of belonging and identity, to a particular location. Hernandez et al.’s definition of ‘place attachment’ as “the affective link that people establish with specific settings, where they tend to remain [or return to] and where they feel comfortable and safe,” can be addressed to places with an identity that bear significance to a person’s identity.19 Relph believes that home is known to be the ‘place’ that bears the greatest personal significance for anyone.20

13 Canter, The Psychology of Place, 159.

14 Canter, The Psychology of Place, 159.

15 Sime, “Creating Places,” 56.

16 Sime, “Creating Places,” 54.

17 Edward Relph, Place and Placelessness (London: Pion Ltd, 1976), 61.

18 Harold M. Proshansky, Abbe K. Fabian, and Robert Kaminoff, “Place-identity: Physical World Socialization of The Self,” Journal of Environmental Psychology 3, no.

1 (1983): 60.

19 Bernardo Hernández, M.Carmen Hidalgo, M. Esther Salazar-Laplace, and Stephany Hess, “Place Attachment and Place Identity in Natives and Non-natives,” Journal of Environmental Psychology 27, no. 4 (2007): 310.

20 Relph, Place and Placelessness, 20.

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Place and Architecture As discussed, the relationship between place and architecture has been mentioned several times. Firstly, Norberg-Schulz literally mentions architecture’s purpose in exposing the hidden ‘meanings’ within an environment to transform a site into a ‘place’.21 Also, David Canter’s emphasis on physical forms representing its associated ‘action’ and ‘place’ obviously addresses the role of designers, including architects, in creating a ‘sense of place’.22 In reference to Relph’s ‘placelessness’, Sime suggests that preservation of landscapes, historical sites and/or public urban settings that inform the identity of people is very important, especially towards planners as large planning schemes are bound to the dangers of historical ignorance that affects local inhabitants with past life events from the place.23 Sime also addressed Relph’s concern of the dangers of temptation in inserting “one’s own genius into somebody else’s loci” to avoid disrupting the ‘place identity’ of such locations.24 This could happen through a collective imagination that strives to achieve the best architecture that could possibly destroy people’s life space.

However, despite the dangers of ‘placelessness’ through historical ignorance and intrusion of personal genius into other’s loci, Sime concludes that these should not discourage nor deter architects from considering the flexibility and design extent on a physical site for people’s use in creating a ‘sense of place’ and architectural features that evoke a ‘place’ feeling rather than a ‘space’ feeling.25 This leads to Sutherland’s thesis proposition for practising architects to create a restorative environment.26 Hence, the relationship between people and place could develop, creating a ‘place attachment’ as the ‘place’ now bears a personal significance, eventually strengthening the ‘place identity’. In conclusion, architecture is seen to be responsible in creating ‘places’ that consider the relationship between people and the environment, rather than ‘spaces’ that hold no significance towards its users and surroundings. Hence, the relationship between ‘place’ and architecture can be applied to Islamic architecture as well, especially in the West.

21 22 23 24 25 26

Norberg-Schulz, Genius Loci, 18.

Sime, “Creating Places,” 56.

Sime, “Creating Places,” 54.

Sime, “Creating Places,” 58.

Sime, “Creating Places,” 60-61.

Sutherland, “Attachment to Place,” 224.

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Chapter 2

The Forms of Islamic Architecture The Five Pillars of Islam According to Imam al-Bukhari, there is a hadith that goes by:27

“Islam is based on (the following) five (principles): 1. To testify that none has the right to be worshipped but Allah and Muhammad is Allah’s Messenger (‫)ﷺ‬. 2. To offer the (compulsory congregational) prayers dutifully and perfectly. 3. To pay Zakat (i.e. obligatory charity). 4. To perform Hajj. (i.e. Pilgrimage to Mecca). 5. To observe fast during the month of Ramadan.”28

The first two of the ‘five pillars of Islam’ bear significance to the mosque. The first pillar revolves around a part of an ayah (sentence) in the Qur’an, “… there is no deity except Allah…”.29 Hence, Allah refers to the only God as an un-bodied, immortal deity. A Muslim’s connection with this deity is to develop God-consciousness through submission and remembrance.30 This shows the iconoclasm nature in mosques, where any form of portraying God results in idolatry, which is against Islamic principles.

The second pillar addresses salat, the prayer. Compulsory prayers are performed five times daily, a big part of a Muslim’s life. Salat comprises of ritual recitations from the Qur’an and movements facing the direction to the Ka’bah, the cube-shaped shrine in Mecca, Saudi Arabia.31 The hadith “The prayer in congregation is twenty-seven times superior to the prayer offered by person alone,”32 states that salat performed in groups is recommended in Islam. However, the Friday prayers, similar to Christians’ Sunday worship, is obliged to be performed congregationally.33 This results in the need for a proper place of worship known as the masjid, the mosque.

27 In Islam, the Qur’an and sunnah are the primary and secondary sources, respectively, for deriving Islamic jurisprudence. As sunnah refers to the sayings, actions, and consents of the Messenger of Allah (God); Prophet Muhammad, hadiths are the transmitted narrations of sunnah and therefore a secondary source.

28 “Hadith - Book of Belief - Sahih al-Bukhari - Sunnah.com,” Sunnah.com, date accessed October 27, 2019, https://sunnah.com/bukhari/2/1.

29 The Qur’an 47:19.

30 Garrett N. Fugate, “Creating an Islamic Sense of Place: Building Conversion and the American Mosque,” ARCC Conference Repository, last modified July 2014, 157, https://www.arcc-journal.org/index.php/repository/article/view/261.

31 Fugate, “Creating an Islamic Sense of Place,” 157.

32 “Hadith - Book of Call to Prayers (Adhaan) - Sahih al-Bukhari - Sunnah.com,” Sunnah.com, date accessed October 27, 2019, https://sunnah.com/bukhari/10/42.

33 Fugate, “Creating an Islamic Sense of Place,” 157.

15

The Mosque The first mosque was built by Prophet Muhammad himself in 622, during his migration from Mecca to Medina, called the House of the Prophet.34 Constructed of palm logs and adobe bricks, it was a simple rectangular building, primarily built to accommodate rituals of submission and remembrance through salat.35

Figure 2: Reconstruction of the House of the Prophet, Medina, ca. 622 – Drawing from A World History of Architecture

Figure 2 shows the open courtyard, originally purposed for domestic reasons, as a gathering space for the Prophet’s followers in listening to sermons and performing congregational prayers.36 After the passing of Prophet Muhammad, the building’s purpose-built form became the basis in mosque creation.

34 35 36

Michael Fazio, Marian Moffett, and Lawrence Wodehouse, A World History of Architecture, 3rd ed. (London: Laurence King, 2013), 156.

Omar Khalidi, “Import, Adapt, Innovate: Mosque Design in the United States,” Saudi Aramco World (November/December 2001): 24.

Fazio et al., A World History of Architecture, 156-57.

16

The Great Mosque at Damascus (AD 706-15), deemed the oldest remaining mosque, shows the development of mosque architecture from the first mosque.37 According to Robert Hillenbrand, the mosque’s construction under the Umayyad caliph al-Walid I, was “to embellish Damascus and the two other major centres of Muslim power and sanctity, Jerusalem and Medina, with major buildings,” making architecture significant in political and religious propaganda.38

Figure 3: Plan of the Great Mosque, Damascus (AD 706-15) - Drawing from A World History of Architecture.

Once stood on the site was a Roman temple and a 4th century Christian Church. What remains are the perimeters of the Roman temple, corner towers and propylaeum being utilised in the mosque’s entrance (Figure 3).39 The Roman temple’s corner towers become four minarets with elevated platforms for the muezzin (caller) to perform the adhan, the call to prayer.40

37 Fazio et al, A World History of Architecture, 157.

38 J. M. Rogers, Jean-Paul Pascual, and Robert Hillenbrand, “Damascus,” Grove Art Online, last modified 2003, https://doi-org.ezproxy.is.ed.ac.uk/10.1093/ gao/9781884446054.article.T021243.

39 Rogers et al., “Damascus.”

40 Fazio et al., A World History of Architecture, 157.

17

Also seen is the open courtyard adaptation from the House of the Prophet, creating an open arcaded court, or sahn, with a domed fountain pavilion for ablution, or wudu. The southern-covered area is the prayer hall, or haram, with the south walls as the qibla, facing the direction towards Ka’bah.

Above the prayer hall’s centre sits the wooden dome. The mihrab, indicator of the qibla, is in the middle of the south wall, with a minbar (not shown on Figure 3), an elevated platform for sermons and Qur’anic recitals, at its right.

Hence, the changing functions of the mosque to accommodate Islamic rituals lead to architectural development that eventually forms a mosque’s standard architectural features such as minarets, minbars, mihrabs, and domes, that further improve Islamic practice; such as salat (prayer), adhan (call to prayer), wudu (ablution), and Qur’an recitation.

However, the art historian Oleg Grabar indicated that throughout history, there has never been a specific Islamic architectural style.41 Grabar added “...traditional Islamic culture identified itself through means other than visual: the sounds of the city, the call to prayer, the Word of the Revelation but not its forms, the memories of men and events.”42 This includes the conventions of architectural form. Grabar appears to question the identity of Islam. Are these minarets and domes, visually, the only distinct means identifiable as Islamic culture? Grabar challenges this and proposed for different mediums of identification.

“It was narrated that Abu Sa’eed Khudri said, “The Messenger of Allah said: ‘All the earth is a mosque, except for graveyards and Hammam.’”43

In addition, the hadith above addresses place with prayer which can be performed ‘anywhere’, again questioning the significance of such architectural features. As most mosques are tied to historical and regional context and therefore utilise the conventional mosque architecture, this, however, tends to differ in Western contexts, as the function(s) of mosques are drastically different. Nevertheless, the ‘portability’ of salat and other Islamic rituals is apparent where they can be performed anywhere neat and clean; at home, in the office or even at the park. After all, borrowing Metcalf’s words, “for ritual, it is the practice, not the mosque, that matters.”44

41 Barbara Daly Metcalf, “Introduction: Sacred Words, Sanctioned Practice, New Communities,” in Making Muslim Space in North America and Europe, Comparative Studies on Muslim Societies; 22, ed. Barbara Daly Metcalf (Berkeley, Calif.; London: University of California Press, 1996), 3.

42 Oleg Grabar, “Symbols and Signs in Islamic Architecture,” in Architecture as Symbol and Self-Identity, ed. Jonathan G. Katz. (Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 1980), 7.

43 “Hadith - The Book On The Mosques And The Congregations - Sunan Ibn Majah - Sunnah.com,” Sunnah.com. Date accessed October 27, 2019. https://sunnah. com/ibnmajah/4/11.

44 Metcalf, “Introduction,” 6.

18

Chapter 3

The Place of Islamic Architecture in the West Diaspora Muslims Immigrant Muslims are originally believed to be industrial workers immigrating to the West since the 1950s.45 Vincent Biondo’s findings state that in the US and Britain, Muslim families started arriving en masse in the 1960s, praying in homes and non-descript storefront mosques until 1990.46 These immigrants find themselves in drastically different countries in demographic, economic, and jurisdiction terms compared to their ancestral homelands. In many cases, attempts in sustaining and reproducing their distinctive culture in non-Islamic environments is apparent despite their various originating countries with different cultures.47 Hence, the commonalities these immigrant Muslims found within themselves created a globally tied community in diaspora.

Moving from a geographical place to another, Metcalf insisted that there is a sense of physical and cultural ‘displacement’ in these Muslims.48 With this displacement to a new non-Islamic context, it is worth reminding of the ‘portability’ of Islamic rituals where practice is of upmost importance regardless of location and situation.49

The Dome and Minaret The presence of Muslims in Western settings is identifiable by the built environment through mosques, shops and neighbourhoods that seem “Muslim”.50 Obviously these seemingly “Muslim” forms refer to traditional mosque features, especially the dome and minaret. Being associated with diaspora Muslims, these architectural forms symbolise powerful meanings of identity.51 A mosque is still recognisable without either one of the two features, but difficult without both; quoting a Californian mosque administrator in Biondo’s paper, “The dome and minaret are essential to maintaining a distinctly Muslim identity in America.”

As minarets and domes are equally important for Islamic identity, minarets are more controversial as seen in the Islamic Cultural Center (ICC) of Manhattan (Figure 4). The architects resisted in including a minaret and dome but was strongly opposed by the ICC committee.52 Through negotiation, its completion in 1991 sees a dome built, but no minaret. However, donations by outsiders siding traditionalist Muslims helped finance the minaret’s construction.

45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

Metcalf, “Introduction,” 2.

Vincent F. Biondo III, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26, no. 3 (December 2006): 404.

Metcalf, “Introduction,” 2.

Metcalf, “Introduction,” 2.

Metcalf, “Introduction,” 6.

Metcalf, “Introduction,” 3.

Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 406.

Khalidi, “Import, Adapt, Innovate,” 30.

19

Figure 4: ICC at Manhattan, NY in 1990 - Photo by Omar Khalidi

20

The astounding cost reached $1.5 million on a functionless structure – call for prayer is prohibited – that only expresses Muslim identity.53 Adding more controversy is the construction delays of the mosque’s significant parts; school and library, due to the minaret’s construction.54 Meanwhile, domes are common in Western mosques as they appear more “Muslim” and for its relatively lower cost compared to minarets that serve the same identity purpose.55 However, domes are used on buildings outside of mosques in the West, as domes are not exclusively Islamic architecture.

Historically, domed structures were used for tombs throughout the Middle East by Muslims, Jews and Christians alike; commonly symbolised as the sky or heavens, referring to ‘sky gods’ in the monotheistic Middle East.56 This recalls the adaptation of the Roman temple’s remains in the Great Mosque in Damascus.

Hasan-Uddin Khan noted that the use of traditional domes and minarets in modern-day mosque architecture is a result of the conscious desire for Muslim communities to be seen as Muslim.57 Thus, a Pan-Islamic style emerges along with a universal approach towards Islamic architecture that utilises tradition, impacting the Islamic world.58 South-East Asian countries significantly adopted this Pan-Islamic style, such as in Indonesia (a Muslim-majority country) where tin domes were simply sold at roadside stands to be taken home and replace roofs to signify them as mosques by relating them with Middle East architecture of Islamic origins (Figure 5).59 In Western countries, however, the adoption of such universal PanIslamic style is complicated.

Figure 5: Tin domes sold at roadside stands in Indonesia - Photo by S. Ozkan

53 Khalidi, “Import, Adapt, Innovate,” 30.

54 Khalidi, “Import, Adapt, Innovate,” 30.

55 Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 406.

56 Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 402.

57 Hasan-Uddin Khan, “The Architecture of the Mosque, an Overview and Design Directions,” in Expressions of Islam in Buildings: Proceedings of an International Seminar Sponsored by the Aga Khan Award for Architecture and the Indonesian Institute of Architects, Held in Jakarta and Yogyakarta, Indonesia, 15-19 October 1990, Exploring Architecture in Islamic Cultures, (Geneva: Published by the Aga Khan Trust for Culture on Behalf of the Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 1990), 118.

58 Khan, “The Architecture of the Mosque, an Overview and Design Directions,” 118.

59 Khan, “The Architecture of the Mosque, an Overview and Design Directions,” 120.

21

The Western Adaptation Exotic Scenography

Figure 6: The various styles of exotica that existed in Kew Gardens – Image from Sir John Soane’s Museum

Kew Gardens in Richmond, London were royal grounds that has been transformed with a series of ornamental and exotic elements by architect Sir William Chambers since 1757.60 Among the exotic structures were those of Islamic architecture; The Alhambra and The Mosque, both demolished.

Within six years (1757-1763), multiple key structures were built (Figure 6); including the Alhambra (1758), Gothic Cathedral (1759), the Pagoda and the Mosque (1761).61 The names obviously unveil the adaptation of various non-Western traditional styles for exotic scenography. The infamous Pagoda, despite its restrained exterior, still exists today with a Chinoiserie style that is highly decorative and considered frivolous, suiting the exotica.62 However, the Pagoda was originally anchored together with the Alhambra and Mosque, a trio of exotic buildings (Figure 7).63

60 Jocelyn Anderson, “The Gardens at Kew,” British Library, date accessed November 27, 2019, https://www.bl.uk/picturing-places/articles/the-gardens-at-kew.

61 Anderson, “The Gardens at Kew.” 62 Anderson, “The Gardens at Kew.” 63 Howard Ryland, “In Search of The Lost Mosque of Kew Gardens,” Londonist, last modified August 7, 2017, https://londonist.com/2016/08/the-lost-mosque-ofkew-gardens.

22

Figure 7: The Alhambra, Pagoda and Mosque (from left to right) – Etching

by Edward Rooker (1711-1774)

Figure 8: A painting of the Alhambra in Kew Gardens -

- Print from Sir John Soane’s Museum London

23

Figure 9: Elevation and plan of the Mosque at Kew Gardens – Illustration by Sir William Chambers

Inspired by Granada’s Alhambra, this Alhambra was designed by Chambers, echoing the 13th century Arabian palace (Figure 8).64 With colourful tiles, this Moorish-style building featured a colonnade and pavilion to its roof, highly ornated.65 Lastly, the Mosque was based off Turkish Islamic architecture with its central large dome, two smaller domes, two minarets, Arabic inscriptions on façade walls, and starshaped windows (Figure 9).66 There is no proof whether this ‘mosque’ was ever used for prayer, but the plan shows a relatively small space for congregational prayers and unknown orientation due to no visible mihrab to indicate qibla direction, therefore fair to say it was never used for prayer. Despite the Mosque’s eventual demolition in 1785 along with several others, it is worth mentioning the Western adaptation of Islamic architecture since late 18th century.67 The pure adaptation on both the Alhambra’s and Mosque’s architectural features, even their names, were for exotic purposes and not for religious practice. This, however, changed with the arrival of immigrant Muslims.

64 Anderson, “The Gardens at Kew.” 65 “A view of the Wilderness, with the Alhambra, the Pagoda and the Mosque,” British Library, date accessed November 27, 2019, https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/ a-view-of-the-wilderness-with-the-alhambra-the-pagoda-and-mosque.

66 Anderson, “The Gardens at Kew.” 67 Ryland, “In Search of The Lost Mosque of Kew Gardens.”

24

Western Mosques – An Assimilative Approach Western mosques serve different purposes than that of mosques in Muslim countries as assimilation processes occur due to differences in place and culture.

Figure 10: The façade of the converted Ketchaoua Mosque, the St Philippe Cathedral in Algiers, Algeria during French colonial rule in the early 20th century – Photo by Alexandre Leroux

As Khan pointed out, the Islamic world has transformed physically and culturally by colonialist rule.68 For example, the Ketchaoua Mosque’s conversion into St. Philippe Cathedral in Algiers, Algeria during French colonialism in 1845.69 Ralph Ghoche highlighted on colonialist assimilation by the French through architecture that reduced Algier’s Islamic buildings and mosques, ‘eliminating’ the city’s place identity.70 The Ketchaoua Mosque was brutally transformed; stormed in whilst heavily barricaded, with immediate placement of the Christian cross and France flag, as well as the statue of Virgin Mary on the mihrab.

68 Khan, “The Architecture of the Mosque, an Overview and Design Directions,” 110.

69 Ralph Ghoche, “Erasing the Ketchaoua Mosque: Catholicism, Assimilation, and Civic Identity in C19th France and Algeria,” public lecture at University of Edinburgh, UK, September 23, 2019.

70 Ghoche, “Erasing the Ketchaoua Mosque.”

25

The mosque’s architectural transformation was an assimilative approach, integrating Islamic (Moorish) and Christian (Byzantine) styles.71 Mainly creating a new façade, the Islamic archways stayed as they suit the conversion (Figure 10). Following this, new architects continued the assimilation of both religion-based architecture, focusing on form and spiritual aspects as seen on roman buttresses holding up the Islamic dome.72 Interestingly, the assimilation did not impose distinct Christian architecture, as the Algerians preserve the cathedral architecture until today since they reclaimed their mosque during independence in 1962.73 This example resonates with diaspora Muslims in the West, but through a different perspective: a coloniser community forcibly establishing a hybrid identity by assimilative means in an alien environment through politics and religion. In Western mosques, assimilative approaches are also present but in benevolent ways.

Immigrant-built mosques represent more as a collective sign of Muslim presence, especially Muslims surrounded by other religious groups.74 Hence, it is common for Western mosques to be called Islamic Centers. Quoting Biondo, “An Islamic Center always means a prioritisation on dawah, or social outreach, an important element in the US and Britain that almost always signifies intended and actual engagement with the larger society.”75 Biondo added that as normal mosques represent a central point of the Muslim community, they are similar to Islamic Centers in the West that “not only contain mosques but are their own mini-societies,” with the addition of social facilities: libraries, cafeterias, sports areas, schools, and day care services.76

Figure 11: Jamia Masjid in Bradford, UK – Image from Vincent F. Biondo III’s paper

71 72 73 74 75 76

Ghoche, “Erasing the Ketchaoua Mosque.”

Ghoche, “Erasing the Ketchaoua Mosque.”

Ghoche, “Erasing the Ketchaoua Mosque.”

Khan, “The Architecture of the Mosque, an Overview and Design Directions,” 120-21.

Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 407.

Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 408.

26

Figure 12: Northridge Mosque, LA – Image from Vincent F. Biondo III’s paper

Figure 13: Manchester Central Mosque, UK – Image from Vincent F. Biondo III’s paper

27

Thus, the creation of Western mosques revolves around the architectural assimilation of a mosque’s place identity with that of the non-Islamic environment. There are two extreme approaches to this; underexposed and overexposed.77 An underexposed example is the Jamia Masjid in Bradford, UK, a storefront mosque using only an external signboard with a ‘dome and minaret logo’ in marking Muslim presence (Figure 11).78 Next, an underexposed purpose-built mosque is the Northridge Mosque in LA (Figure 12). Due to strong local opposition with 44 restrictions including a dome prohibition, the Northridge Mosque has no signage nor traditional mosque features, being a MediterraneanAndalusian style building.79 A step towards overexposure is seen in the Manchester Central Mosque’s bold green dome and pointed arch windows, but without minarets (Figure 13). However, the use of Manchester’s famous red brick exterior sees an assimilative approach with the city’s place identity. Lastly, the previously discussed ICC in Manhattan is a clear example of overexposed Western mosques with distinctive mosque architecture (Figure 4).

In conclusion, Western mosques are purposed differently from mosques in Muslim countries as they focus more on signifying their presence in new contexts. The question ‘to what extent does a mosque’s place identity should be integrated with a non-Islamic environment’s place identity’ ideally sees a balance of both, where Gulzar Haider’s works may perhaps highlight the principles in how this can be achieved.

77 78 79

Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 408.

Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 408.

Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 408-09.

28

Chapter 4

Gulzar Haider’s Background Immigration to America In 1960, Gulzar Haider left his childhood home in Lahore in pursuit of architectural education at the University of Pittsburgh in America.80 His immigration to Western soil allowed Haider to encounter mosques that are relatively simpler and not ‘stylistically’ Islamic, as well as the Western interpretation of Islamic architecture.

On his way to America, he encountered his first Western mosque and performed his Friday prayers in a ‘house’ mosque without any of the architectural features of the conventional mosque in Wimbledon, England.81 Unlike conventional mosques, this ‘house’ mosque has no mihrab to indicate the qibla direction, nor a minbar as a platform for sermons. However, for the Friday prayer that requires a sermon, an office chair draped with a gaudy plush rug was used as the so-called minbar.82 For the prayer hall, the narrow spaces of the ‘house’ mosque results in prayer lines being oblique to its walls, prompting overflowing of congregational prayers into its different nooks and corners.83 Haider’s initial reaction questioned about the house’s identity as a mosque without mosque features:

“Was there anything mosque-like about this building, except that people had sincerely spread their mats in a common orientation, willingly performed their sujud (prostration to God) in unison, and listened to someone’s sermon, accepting him as their imam?”84

Noticing Haider’s confused look, an old man said “You might not have seen anything like this, my son, but this house is our mosque, we pray here.”85 This sentence reassured Haider that despite the lack of conventional Islamic architecture that make up a mosque, the house is their place for prayer, recalling that Islamic practice is what matters and not the ‘mosque’.

80 Gulzar Haider, “Muslim Space and the Practice of Architecture: A Personal Odyssey,” in Making Muslim Space in North America and Europe, Comparative Studies on Muslim Societies; 22, ed. Barbara Daly Metcalf (Berkeley, Calif.; London: University of California Press, 1996), 31.

81 Gulzar Haider, “’Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque.’ Muslims in the West: A Personal Account,” in Expressions of Islam in Buildings: Proceedings of an International Seminar Sponsored by the Aga Khan Award for Architecture and the Indonesian Institute of Architects, Held in Jakarta and Yogyakarta, Indonesia, 15-19 October 1990, Exploring Architecture in Islamic Cultures (Geneva: Published by the Aga Khan Trust for Culture on Behalf of the Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 1990), 155.

82 Haider, “Muslim Space,” 36.

83 Haider, “Muslim Space,” 36.

84 Haider, “Muslim Space,” 36.

85 Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw Us a Mosque,” 155.

29

Figure 14: Gulzar Haider as a professor at Beaconhouse National University Razia Hassan School of Architecture in 2015 – Photo from BNU’s Facebook Page

30

There is nothing unusual about a house being a mosque for Muslims in the West. The first recorded mosque in Britain is a terrace house at Brougham Terrace, Liverpool. It was founded in 1889 by Sheikh Abdullah William Henry Quilliam (1856-1932), who converted to Islam in 1887 when visiting Morocco.86 As a minority within Liverpool’s community, the Quilliam-converted Muslims were treated as hostiles by the area’s social and religious mores.

After Quilliam bought the house in Brougham Terrace, the Muslim community have a place that represents their identity.87 The interior was adapted for Muslim worship with architectural features of the conventional mosque, such as a minbar and a mihrab inspired by that of Ibn Tulun Mosque in Cairo.88 Also built, but not surviving today, was a first-floor balcony for adhan, the calling of prayer. The dome and minaret, however, is absent.

Throughout the house’s use, its stucco-fronted exterior is maintained. However, continuous local unrest resulted in the mosque’s closure in 1908 and then used as council offices that eventually were abandoned in 1999/2000.89 Until around 2007, the Abdullah Quilliam Society aimed to restore the mosque.90 After more than 100 years of closure, the mosque was reopened in July 2014, and is still undergoing refurbishment (Figures 15, 16).91 Today, they plan to add more social facilities such as a café, a fitness centre, a library and classrooms.92 Clearly different from the Wimbledon ‘house’ mosque Haider encountered, whose architectural features are not as explicit compared to this Liverpool ‘house’ mosque. The dome and minaret are obviously absent as they are unnecessary. Thus, the refurbishment of the Brougham Terrace mosque is seen adapting to the different functions of mosques in the West with the addition of social facilities.

Figure 15: The state of the Brougham Terrace house’s facade in 2011 before refurbishment – Image from Historic England

Figure 16: The restored Brougham Terrace mosque’s facade during its reopening in 2014 – Image from Historic England

86 “Where was Britain’s First Recorded Mosque?” Historic England, last modified March 9, 2018, https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/what-is-designation/heritage-highlights/where-was-britains-first-recorded-mosque/.

87 Historic England, “Where was Britain’s First Recorded Mosque?”

88 Historic England, “Where was Britain’s First Recorded Mosque?”

89 “8 Brougham Terrace, (Formerly listed as Brougham Terrace),” Historic England, last modified March 9, 2018, https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/the-list/listentry/1062583.

90 “About Abdullah Quilliam Society,” Abdullah Quilliam Society, date accessed November 4, 2019, http://www.abdullahquilliam.org/about-abdullah-quilliamsociety/.

91 “Completed Works,” Abdullah Quilliam Society, date accessed November 4, 2019, http://www.abdullahquilliam.org/completed-works/.

92 Abdullah Quilliam, “Completed Works.”

31

Surprised by the use of entirely non-Islamic architecture in the ‘house’ mosque, Haider must have been even more surprised to encounter buildings that actually adopted traditional Islamic architecture in America. The Fox Theatre, Atlanta (Figures 17, 18) clearly adopts the dome, minarets and horseshoe arches, built not for religious purpose, but for exotic entertainment.93

Figure 17: Minarets at the Fox Theatre, Atlanta – Photo by Danielle A. Gray

Figure 18: Horseshoe arches and dome on the side of the Fox Theatre – Photo by Danielle A. Gray

93 Wael M. Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity: Issues of Self-representation in Islamic Community Centers,” (Master of Science thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993), 114.

32

Haider also mentioned the Trump Taj Mahal casino-resort, now closed, that utilised Islamic architecture and name of the well-known Taj Mahal in India (Figure 19).94 As gambling is forbidden in Islam, the building is clearly against Islamic principles, thus questioning the significance of such features.

Figure 19: Domes present in the Trump Taj Mahal at Atlantic City, New Jersey – Image from ABC News

94

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 33.

33

Figure 20: The Syria Mosque in Pittsburgh – Image from The Pittsburgh Shrine Center

Another interesting building Haider encountered was called the Syria Mosque. With horseshoe arches, horizontally arranged coloured bricks and decorative terra-cotta, the building evokes Moorish-style Islamic architecture.95 Much to Haider’s surprise, it was not a mosque despite its name, but rather a meeting hall-theatre for the Shriners, a charitable organisation who builds hospitals for crippled children.96 The building is recognised as a significant example of ‘exotic revival architecture’.97 On its façade (Figure 20), Arabic calligraphy is clearly seen: la Ghalib il-allah, “There is no victor/conqueror except God,” copied from the famous inscription covered all around the Alhambra in Granada.98 This inscription perhaps act as their motto for their charitable intentions. Upon this, Haider called the Syria Mosque an “emblem of pirated tradition,” due to misusing a religion’s artistic vocabulary and symbols on a building without connections with the religion. 99 Not an explicitly exotic building, this Syria Mosque responds sympathetically to the Alhambra in establishing their own corporate identity, making use of the place identity of Islamic architecture for theirs, different from the Fox Theatre and Trump Taj Mahal. These buildings address the Western culture’s response and interpretation of Islamic architecture on such ‘palaces of pleasure’ and exotica. Arguably, these are acts of Relph’s concern in the insertion of ‘one’s own genius into somebody else’s loci’. Hence, all these mosque look-alikes of exotic buildings and Western use of Islamic architecture have disturbed Haider, calling this problem the ‘Thousand and One Nights” image of Islam in America.100 As Americans perceive Islamic identity as the image of exotica, Haider was determined to solve this problem and explore how Islamic architecture should be used in the West through mosque design.

95 96 97 98 99 100

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 31.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 31.

“History of Pittsburgh’s Syria Shriners,” The Pittsburgh Shrine Center, date accessed November 4, 2019, https://www.pghshrinecenter.com/history/.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 31.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 33.

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 114.

34

Haider’s Mosque Design Experience In the 1960s through 1970s, Gulzar Haider embraced modernism.101 This is supported by Haider’s own acknowledgement and appreciation towards Le Corbusier, Frank Lloyd Wright, Louis Sullivan and Walt Whitman, all prominent modernist figures.102 Also worth noting was his interpretation of the words in “Eyes Which Do Not See” from Le Corbusier’s book, Towards a New Architecture:

“… Architecture is stifled by custom.

The “styles” are a lie.

Style is a unity of principle animating all the work of an epoch, the result of a state of mind which has its own special character.

Our own epoch is determining, day by day, its own style.

Our eyes, unhappily, are unable yet to discern it.”103

The words reminded Haider with the Qur’anic parable regarding ignorance.104 Although unclear of which Qur’anic parable, a well-known ayah (sentence) relevant with the ‘blind’ following of custom or “styles” is:

“And when it is said to them, “Follow what Allah has revealed,” they say, “Rather, we will follow that which we found our fathers doing.” Even though their fathers understood nothing, nor were they guided?”105

Hence with his encounters, Haider’s fascination with modernity allied to a sceptical view of “styles” which was reflected in his designs for Western mosques. Haider’s first mosque design was during his studies, where he was able to substitute a studio project with a mosque design in North America. His initial understandings of traditional Islamic architecture were from his childhood memories in Lahore and visits in Muslim countries.

However, being a student from abroad, he stated that in the “dizzyingly optimistic, forward-looking American campus environment,” tradition was only of interest to historians.106 “Old was the “problem”, and solutions lay in the newness, the differentness in modernity,” added Haider.107 Eliminating the traditional mosque orientation towards the qibla, Haider opted with a circular plan as a “symbol of unity.”108 Another innovative symbolic approach was a bridge that connected the ‘worldly’ parking lot to the ‘spiritual’ prayer hall. Haider’s most bold move was inserting large Islamic calligraphy on top of the dome, intentionally for people in flight to recognise a contemporary Western mosque when looking down.109 101 Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 114.

102 Haider, “Muslim Space,” 36.

103 Le Corbusier, Towards a New Architecture, quoted in Gulzar Haider, “Muslim Space and the Practice of Architecture: A Personal Odyssey,” in Making Muslim Space in North America and Europe, Comparative Studies on Muslim Societies; 22, ed. Barbara Metcalf Daly (Berkeley, Calif.; London: University of California Press, 1996), 36.

104 Haider, “Muslim Space,” 36.

105 The Qur’an 2:170.

106 Haider, “Muslim Space,” 37.

107 Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 156.

108 Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 156.

109 Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 156.

35

There were no mention of mihrabs, minbars or minarets in Haider’s design, except for the dome, presuming the absence of most traditional mosque features in his approach to modernity.

His next mosque design was a duo project with a Muslim student for a competition for the Grand National Mosque in Islamabad in 1967-68, when he already received his bachelor’s degree.110 Although the setting was in a Muslim country, it did not hinder Haider’s modernist approach. Still integrating the standard mosque features, the design was untraditional-looking: The mosque’s trapezoidal setting inspired by St. Mark’s Square in Venice, the prayer hall in the shape of an “oblique and truncated trapezium,” a round-sculpted mihrab inspired by Ronchamp, and a massive 400fthigh and 50ft-wide minaret covered in turquoise-glazed tiles that contains a library and museum accessible similarly to New York’s Guggenheim Museum.111 With such a bold design, it was no surprise that a traditional design with four minarets won the competition in a Muslim setting.

Haider’s approach to modern mosques was seen to be failing through people’s eyes in Muslim countries then, but not in the West as an opportunity came from a design invitation by the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) almost 10 years after the competition.112

110 111 112

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 156.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 156.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 39.

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Chapter 5

The Works of Gulzar Haider Islamic Society of North America Mosque in Plainfield, Indiana In 1979, the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), previously known by Gulzar Haider as the Muslim Student Association (MSA) during his student years, invited him to design their national headquarters mosque in Plainfield, Indiana.113 The invitation was from none other than Haider’s partner from the Islamabad competition, Mukhtar Khalil, who became the project’s associate architect.114 According to the original plan drawings, the ISNA headquarters was initially planned to take a larger part of the land, with a minaret at the left (north-eastern) side and a right (southern) wing that consists of several offices and conference rooms (Figures 22, 23, 24). However, the completion of its first phase in 1983; the mosque and library, sees the only portion of the original design that was built and exists today.115 Hence, there was consideration in having a traditional minaret for the mosque’s design (Figure 21).

Figure 21: ISNA mosque’s original elevation drawing – Drawing by Gulzar Haider

113 Haider, “Muslim Space,” 39.

114 Haider, “Muslim Space,” 39.

115 William Schwaller, “The Islamic Society of North America Mosque: An Anomaly in the Corn Fields,” (paper, Bucknell University, 2011), 12, date accessed October 6, 2019, http://www.academia.edu/3511140/The_Islamic_Society_of_North_America_Mosque_An_Anomaly_in_the_Corn_Fields.

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Figure 22: ISNA mosque’s original ground floor plan – Drawing by Gulzar Haider

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Figure 23: ISNA mosque’s original upper floor plan – Drawing by Gulzar Haider

Figure 24: ISNA mosque’s original lower floor plan – Drawing by Gulzar Haider

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Located at an Indianapolis suburb, the ISNA mosque resembles Midwest buildings, such as any free-standing school, office or church.116 The mosque’s rectangular form with red brick masonry in a widespread 84-acre site looks similar to Plainfield’s Central Elementary School (Figures 25, 26), blending in with the area’s architectural context.117

Figure 25: Exterior of the ISNA Mosque in Plainfield – Photo by William Schwaller

Figure 26: Central Elementary School in Plainfield – Photo by William Schwaller

116 117

Schwaller, “An Anomaly in the Corn Fields,” 1.

Schwaller, “An Anomaly in the Corn Fields,” 1.

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However, the ISNA mosque has a complexity in the elevation of its prayer hall: rectangular volumes of differing heights surrounding the tallest in the centre (Figure 27). The absence of exterior ornamentation or decorative features is only disrupted by large round second-storey windows and keyhole arch-shaped windows. With the large round windows and composition of rectangular forms, they do indicate its function as a religious building, at least. Without a dome or minaret, there is no other way for the building to immediately express itself as a mosque, being just another building in Plainfield.

Figure 27: Exterior of ISNA mosque’s prayer hall – Photo by William Schwaller

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Haider’s Principles and Modernism Appropriation Truly an unconventional mosque, at first sight the ISNA mosque has no distinct nor visible traditional mosque features. Its courtyard and pool can be regarded as the most ‘noticeable’ traditional mosque features (Figures 22, 23, 24) as well as the eight-pointed star design on the round windows (Figure 27) but still does not exert its identity as a mosque. With closer inspection, however, one can identify differences with other Plainfield buildings and Haider’s design principles.

Unlike Haider’s previous student project that boldly uses a circular plan in eliminating the traditional mosque’s qibla orientation, he sympathises the traditional by creating an octagonal prayer hall, orienting the whole complex towards the qibla, utilising the site’s widespread area (Figure 22: note the Northpoint).118 Seen on plan, the space organisation is in a traditional linear arrangement that allows Muslims to first cleanse themselves before entering the prayer hall. This aligns with one of Haider’s guiding principles for architecture in non-Islamic environments: “The structure and form of religious activities… …should be treated with the utmost care, and preserved and reinforced by architecture.”119 The linear route from the entrance towards the prayer hall forms a rectangular space as a central lobby, with its long edges housing office rooms, coatrooms, restrooms and ablution areas.120 Invisible from the outside, the central lobby is topped with a concealed dome, visible only from the inside (Figure 28).121

Figure 28: ISNA mosque’s central lobby with a concealed dome – Photo by William Schwaller 118 Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 125.

119 Gulzar Haider, “Islamic Architecture in Non-Islamic Environments,” in Places of Public Gathering in Islam, edited by Linda Safran (Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 1980), 123.

120 Schwaller, “An Anomaly in the Corn Fields,” 1.

121 Schwaller, “An Anomaly in the Corn Fields,” 1-2.

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Figure 29: Axonometric section drawing showing the concealed domes – Drawing by Gulzar Haider

Figure 30: The central dome with an octagonal drum – Photo by William Schwaller

Figure 31: The semi-circular arch within the walls emphasising the semicircular shaped mihrab, with the minbar at its side – Photo by William Schwaller

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The prayer hall, the tallest rectangular volume seen from the outside (Figures 27, 29), actually contains traditional mosque features; the dome, mihrab, and minbar - but in an unconventional manner. Again, the dome is only visible from the inside, with an octagonal drum (Figure 30). A mihrab is etched into the hall’s qibla walls in a semi-circular shape (Figure 31) but seen as an extruding angular-shaped structure from the outside (Figure 27). The mihrab’s significance in indicating the qibla direction in Islamic architecture is further emphasised with an arch cut within the lower walls of the octagonal drum in the same semi-circular shape (Figure 31).122 For ornamentation, the interior walls are similar to its exterior, mostly blank with windows but as white walls. In beautifying the interior, light produces shadows from the geometric designs on the round windows and angular keyhole-shaped windows.

Like Plainfield’s buildings, the mosque’s exterior is “sympathetic to North American indigenous architecture rather than any historic or modernized Islamic style.”123 Compared with his studio project when he was sceptical towards “styles”, resulting in a design without traditional influence – except for the dome and calligraphy on top, the ISNA mosque however, sees the absence of traditional mosque architecture, with no domes nor minarets – but only on the outside. The exterior blends in with the architectural “style” of its surroundings, while the interior uses traditional mosque architectural features in a simplified modernist way. An interesting take on assimilation by Haider in sympathising how mosques should be in the West, considering both Muslims and non-Muslims in a non-Islamic environment. In explaining that architecture in non-Islamic environments should be universally understandable and expressive, Haider stated that,

“It should employ a form language which for immigrant Muslims evokes a sense of belonging in their present and hope in their future.

To indigenous Muslims it should represent a linkage with Muslims from other parts of the world, and should underscore the universality and unity of Islam.

To new Muslims this architecture should invoke confidence in their new belief.

To non-Muslims it should take the form of clearly identifiable buildings which are inviting and open, or at least not secretive, closed and forbidding.”124

Haider emphasised the importance of considering the Muslim image in the eyes of the Western hosts.125 This addresses Biondo’s statement on mosques being built for Muslim communities in the West as “… an outward expression of how the community thinks of itself and it also reflects negotiated relations with the non-Muslim host society,” resulting in a mosque design that reflects the aspirations for Muslims to fit in with Plainfield’s wider community.126 This brings us to the question of the relationship between a building’s ‘sense of place’ with a minority trying to fit in - is ‘place’ the main issue, or is it the community trying to fit in? The ISNA mosque’s design is seen as an approach towards David Canter’s statement on creating a ‘sense of place’ by considering action and place.127 Mosques in non-Islamic environments serve as a Muslim’s ‘place identity’ that evoke the ‘sense of place’ of Muslims’ conceptions of a mosque. In the ISNA mosque, Haider attempted to utilise the ‘sense of place’ of both non122 123 124 125 126 127

Schwaller, “An Anomaly in the Corn Fields,” 2.

Khalidi, “Import, Adapt, Innovate,” 32.

Haider, “Islamic Architecture in Non-Islamic Environments,” 123.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 160.

Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 399.

Sime, “Creating Places,” 56.

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Muslims (of the host country) and Muslims of Plainfield. For the host community, Plainfield’s architectural style is easily identifiable for a building with its sense of place. For Muslims, a mosque is a place for prayer, and therefore identifiable with traditional forms of mosques.

Haider opted to balance out the different ‘sense of places’ of two different communities with an exterior that reflects Plainfield’s ‘place identity’ for the existing community and an interior that reflects a mosque’s ‘place identity’ for Muslims. With this approach, Haider’s design ultimately responds towards the four quoted communities.

Hence, Haider’s design aims to assimilate Islamic architecture with its Western surroundings based on simplification of the traditional, creating an architecture for all.128 Still incorporating the dome, minbar, mihrab, as well as the open courtyard and pool, they are treated unconventionally but stays true to its functions. This reflects Haider’s fascination with modernist architecture by utilising the ‘form follows function’ principle. Also apparent is his search for universal architectural solutions in manifesting the ‘place identity’ of Islamic architecture by considering both community’s ‘sense of place’ through assimilative means.129

Internalisation - The Divine Principles of Al-Batin and Al-Zahir Haider’s approach in designing the ISNA mosque is unique due to his mystical interpretation of Islamic architecture. Interpreting the Qur’anic verses of God affirming Abraham and Ishmael’s building of the Kaaba in Mecca as a House for Him, Haider concluded that “… architecture could potentially be idolatrous when committed in defiance of the commandments,” believing that his works of architecture are for God and reflect his practising Muslim life in obeying God.130 This resulted in his adaptation of the divine attributes of Al-Batin (The Hidden) and Al-Zahir (The Manifest), two of the 99 Asma’ al Husna (beautiful names of God), in designing the ISNA mosque.131 In these names of God, Haider saw the mystical wisdom in guiding architects “…in pursuit of the silent eloquence of space and the quintessential presence of form.” 132 Designing the ISNA mosque questioned Haider on Islamic architecture in an alien environment, where the architect “…must create but not confront, offer but not attack, and express profoundness in a language understandable and pleasing to the listener,” and through The Hidden and The Manifest, he decided to distinguish the exterior from the interior by internalisation, by veiling the mosque.133 In veiling the ISNA mosque, its solid walls leave small hints for the mind to imagine what lies beyond. Hence, only by stepping inside the mosque will the iconic dome be revealed, hidden from the outside world. According to Haider, the contrasting aspect of this concept reflects the context of Muslims living in America as a minority, where practising Islam is a private faith matter compared to Muslim countries whose state religion is Islam.134 Thus, the resulting architecture of internalisation from The Hidden and The Manifest, quoting Haider, is that of “anonymity through dissimulation.”135

128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135

Schwaller, “An Anomaly in the Corn Fields,” 2.

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 126.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 39.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 159.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 166.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 159.

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 126.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 41.

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Criticism Wael M. Al-Masri’s paper criticised Haider’s concept of The Hidden and The Manifest; one being that Haider’s justification in physically translating Islam’s divine principles into ISNA mosque’s design can simply be applied to Christianity, a private faith matter in the US where religion and the state is separate, and that churches commonly have contrasting exterior-interiors as well.136 The main point of this criticism is that any building can have a contrasting exterior-interior concept, and not just limited to religious buildings or a concept from a mystic interpretation. However, in Haider’s defence, he was in a design situation to consider the contexts of people, activities, and place due to the building being a mosque in a non-Islamic environment (referencing Canter’s conceptions, actions, and physical attributes). Haider chose to adopt a contrasting exterior-interior concept following his discovery of the divine attributes from his faith in confronting this issue.

Another criticism was on Haider’s view of the ISNA mosque’s architecture being universally understandable. As ISNA mosque’s design is based on Islamic divine attributes, it is difficult for the building to communicate its intentions and for the whole community with the majority being non-Muslims to understand them, defeating Haider’s own goal.137 Having veiled within its exterior, the mosque is completely understandable only to its users, but very rarely to the rest of the community.

Also, while being sympathetic to Plainfield’s contextual architecture with the material choice and forms, the ISNA mosque’s darkcoloured, high solid walls with minimal openings evoke a self-contained, uncommunicative presence, contrasting his statement: “To non-Muslims it should take the form of clearly identifiable buildings which are inviting and open, or at least not secretive, closed and forbidding.”138 The dangers of Haider’s approach may in fact further alienate and worsen the situation of Muslims fitting in with the community. Also, the ardent character of new Muslims in expressing their identity would find the ISNA mosque’s expression of Islamic identity as bland.

Thus, Al-Masri’s criticisms heavily revolve around Haider’s approach in balancing the ‘sense of place’ from two viewpoints immigrant Muslims and Plainfield community. Whilst Haider’s principles and actions in symbolising Islamic architecture and manifesting its place identity in the West through modernism in the ISNA mosque is held in high regard, the results, in a perspective, are unfortunately underwhelming.

136 137 138

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 121-22.

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 122.

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 122.

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Bai’tul Islam in Toronto, Canada Around a decade since ISNA’s design invitation, in 1987 Haider received another mosque design commission in Toronto, Canada.139 It was no ordinary mosque, but as a Canadian national headquarters for the Ahmadiyya Movement, completed in 1992.140 The Bai’tul Islam mosque sees the return of traditional Islamic architecture in Haider’s design with its distinctive minaret and domes (Figure 32). Such a drastic change seems illogical for Haider who has stated so much about his principles behind ISNA mosque’s design.

Figure 32: Bai’tul Islam in all its Islamic architecture glory – Photo from Ahmadiyya Mosque blog 139 140

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 41.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 160.

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Externalisation – A Change of Principles The 10 years since ISNA have seemingly led to a big change in Haider’s mosque design. Compared with the ISNA mosque that utilises internalisation and ‘anonymity through dissimulation’ from the divine attributes of The Hidden and The Manifest, the Bai’tul Islam focuses more on the latter; utilising externalisation.141 Referencing Figure 32, two stainless steel domes and a large distinctive minaret are boldly presented. Horse-shoe arches are also predominantly expressed on its facade, along with rectangular slender windows covering its exterior. Different from the mysterious and ‘isolating’ nature of the ISNA mosque with few windows, Bai’tul Islam is seen as more open to public.

Figure 33: Architectural contrast of Bai’tul Islam and Peace Village houses – Photo by Steve Payne for The New York Times

Contextually, Bai’tul Islam today anchors the Peace Village community in north Toronto, where the large, distinctive presence of Bai’tul Islam evoke a contrasting visual with the Peace Village houses (Figure 33). However, Peace Village was originally developed in 1998, around 6 years after Bai’tul Islam’s completion.142 Hence, there was no architectural style for Haider to assimilate with in the 50-acre tomato field bought by Naseer Ahmad, a representative of the Canadian Ahmadi Muslim community and the mosque’s client.143 Originally an agricultural zone, the land turned into residential use in 1994, when Ahmad decided to surround the mosque he helped built with houses specifically marketed towards Ahmadi Muslims144, but also open to anyone.145 Ahmad expressed his concerns in mistakenly building a mosque in a remote area, with prayer rows hardly filling one full line.146 A questionable decision, especially to represent the Canadian Ahmadi community as its headquarters-mosque. This is clearly a different situation compared to the ISNA mosque that utilises similar architectural forms and materials of Plainfield’s surroundings.

141 Haider, “Muslim Space,” 341.

142 Dorn Townsend, “Building an Enclave Around a Mosque in Suburban Toronto,” New York Times, last modified November 18, 2007, https://www.nytimes. com/2007/11/18/realestate/18nati.html.

143 Townsend, “Building an Enclave.”

144 Townsend, “Building an Enclave.”

145 The Economic Times Agencies “Peace Village is Canada’s All-Muslim Neighborhood,” The Economic Times, last modified January 27, 2008, https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/peace-village-is-canadas-all-muslim-neighborhood/articleshow/2734789.cms?from=mdr.

146 Townsend, “Building an Enclave.”

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Figure 34: Facade with Qur’anic inscriptions and name on its exterior – Photo by @rezwan_12 on Twitter

When looked closely, Baitul Islam’s façade contains the Qur’anic inscription regarding the first pillar of Islam: La ilaha ‘illa llah muhammadun rasulu llah (There is no god but God, and Muhammad is the messenger of God), and the mosque’s name in English (Figure 34). This recalls Arabic inscriptions on Pittsburgh’s Syria Mosque that Haider despised and absence of such in ISNA mosque’s exterior.

Its interior, however, is much more like ISNA mosque’s as seen on the pure, white walls (Figure 35). The difference is the presence of interior decorations in the form of Qur’anic calligraphy on Bai’tul Islam’s walls and drums of the domes (Figure 36). Still utilising the use of natural light in beautifying the interior, Haider enhanced its use with repeating slender window openings along the prayer hall walls, rather than ISNA mosque’s large round windows with geometric designs (Figure 35). These slender windows are also present around the dome’s drum, illuminating the spaces beneath (Figure 36).

With all these distinctive, traditional mosque features, Haider appears to focus on The Manifest through externalisation in manifesting Islam’s place identity.

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Figure 35: The prayer hall, featuring its minbar and mihrab. – Photo by @rezwan_12 on Twitter

Figure 36: Interior inscriptions – Photo by @rezwan_12 on Twitter

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‘Assertion through Architecture’ and Postmodernism The Ahmadi community calls themselves Muslims as they believe in Muhammad as the Prophet of God, but not the last, which although technically still complies with the first Pillar of Islam, is still wrong in an orthodox Islamic view, thus regarded as heretical.147 This adds another layer of discussion as these Ahmadi Muslims who are immigrants in a non-Islamic country, are also secluded from the orthodox Muslims, making them a minority within a minority. Hence, they demanded all architectural help to express their identity and presence in Canada, boldly opting to name the mosque ‘Bai’tul Islam’ (House of Islam).148 Perhaps these had led Haider towards a new perspective in representing Islamic architecture in the West.

Such demands and pronouncement may seem contrasting to Haider’s ‘anonymity through dissimulation’ principles in the ISNA Mosque, but at the time, North American communities has been expressing their aspirations for ‘assertion through architecture’.149 In fact, the ISNA mosque clients, although proud of the building for the decade after completion, were expressing ‘dome and minaret envy,’ desiring a more identifiable architectural assertion for the mosque.150 Haider saw this ‘dome and minaret envy’ as a sign of maturation of the first wave of post-war Muslim immigrants, as well as indicating that their constant efforts of “melting into the pot” with the Western community has led to a more considerable alternative by asserting their Muslim identity.151 Also apparent at the period was the incremental questioning of and attacks on modernism in architectural discourse, resulting in the emergence of postmodernism with its derivatives: post-functionalism, post-structuralism, deconstructivism, and many more.152 To Haider, the post-functionalist quest in finding ‘meaning’ and return to ‘philosophical inquiry’ was timely for sacred architecture, specifically Western Islamic architecture as discussions revolving around Islamic traditions and modernity had been taking place, where criticisms towards modernity of its minimality and pure composition has prompted new perspectives in studying tradition, ornament, symbols, inscriptions, and “…the philosophical underpinnings of architectural intentions.”153 From these new perspectives, Bai’tul Islam’s design was conceptually developed from a prayer rug, interpreted as “a place-space” that goes through the various stages of salat (prayer) as it defines the fundamental place of prayer “…in the physical and temporal as well as experiential sense, that has all the essential attributes of the mosque.”154 Again, Al-Masri criticised Haider’s intentions in Bai’tul Islam as “quick emotional remedies for serious cultural issues” through the emphasis on recreating “visual authenticity” to meet client’s demands in reclaiming their denied identity through architecture.155 This addresses the issues of architecture as an autonomous practice or architecture as a by-product of cultural politics156, where the forces of cultural politics are in control of architectural decisions, as seen in this Ahmadi Muslims’ identity issue. Nevertheless, Haider’s quest in communicating with the host culture in the context of Muslims in the West has been consistent in his works on both mosques.

147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156

“Who are the Ahmadi?” BBC News, last modified May 28, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/8711026.stm.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 160-61.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 41.

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 129.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 41.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 41.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 41.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 42.

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 128.

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 130..

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Externalisation and Claiming of Islamic ‘Place Identity’ Within the same 1990s period, there are efforts by Muslims in New York City (NYC) in claiming their ‘place identity’ similar to Haider’s externalisation.

Regarding Haider’s efforts using physical traditional Islamic architecture in expressing Muslim presence in the Bai’tul Islam mosque, the Muslim World Day Parade in NYC utilises prominent visuals of Islam that include Islamic rituals, architecture and calligraphy (all significant in mosques) in expressing their American presence.

Figure 37: Muslims praying outdoors at the starting point of the 1991 Muslim World Day Parade in NYC Photo by Susan Slyomovics

The 1991 Muslim World Day Parade march started from an intersection road in New York that was turned into an outdoor mosque, where Muslims performed salat on laid-down plastic strips orientated diagonally towards the qibla (Figure 37).157 This conveyed awareness to non-Muslims that anywhere can be a mosque, a place for prayer. Regarding a mosque’s portability or ‘any place’ (the opposite of ‘nonplace’), this does not mean that place does not matter in Islam. It is indeed convenient to have a proper space for religious rituals by logic, but this shows greater emphasis on the practice itself, regardless of where. Anyone can practice a Muslim life at ‘any place’ even in a nonIslamic country, aligning with the parade’s main goal in claiming Muslims’ place in the West, declaring that they are part of the community just like everyone else.

157 Susan Slyomovics, “The Muslim World Day Parade and “Storefront” Mosques of New York City,” in Making Muslim Space in North America and Europe, Comparative Studies on Muslim Societies; 22, ed. Barbara Daly Metcalf (Berkeley, Calif.; London: University of California Press, 1996), 205.

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As floats are necessary in parades, visual prominence of Islam’s holiest built structures were used: The Ka’bah (shrine of Islam and qibla direction), Dome of the Rock mosque (place of Prophet Muhammad’s heavenly ascent), and Masjid Al-Haram (The Great Mosque in Mecca) (Figure 38).158 Also, banners with Islamic messages were carried by marchers in the forms of Arabic/Qur’anic calligraphy in expressing Islam’s artistic vocabulary to the world, also in English as a sign of Muslims to assert their identity and fit in the community (Figure 39).159 Thus, this parade sees the efforts of externalisation by Muslims in the West through elements that are significant in mosques, in hopes of being able to claim their Islamic ‘place identity’ in the West.

Figure 38: Floats in the form of the Ka’ba (left) and Dome of the Rock mosque (right) - Photos by Susan Slyomovics

Figure 39: Banners with Islamic messages in Arabic and English - Photos by Susan Slyomovics

158 159

Slyomovics, “Muslim World Day Parade,” 205.

Slyomovics, “Muslim World Day Parade,” 205-06.

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In the 1991 Muslim World Day Parade, there was a fourth float, not in the form of a prominent Islamic mosque, but the local Muslim Center of New York (Figure 40).160 Similar to ‘house’ mosques, the Muslim Center is one of the many ‘storefront’ mosques in NYC.

Figure 40: Float of the Muslim Center of New York in the 1991 Muslim World Day Parade - Photo by Susan Slyomovics

Figure 41: The minaret and dome of the Muslim Center of New York - Photo by Jamilur Reja

An interesting decision to be included in the parade, mainly because of its presence as an embodiment of the aspirations of most Muslim communities in manifesting their ‘place identity’ in NYC.161 This relates again to ‘place attachment,’ where NYC Muslims are claiming NYC as their place as well, a place they can confidently call home. This ‘storefront’ mosque has been asserting their presence through architecture with its success in receiving permissions to build minarets and domes (Figure 41). The Qur’anic verse regarding the first pillar of Islam is inscribed on the dome in Arabic (like in Bai’tul Islam’s façade) and in English to engage with everyone. Being a prominent presence of Islam in NYC, the Muslim Centre of New York’s community can be seen manifesting their ‘place identity’ through externalisation not only on large, capital mosques but also through smaller community-driven ‘storefront’ mosques that are better engaging with Western communities.

Recalling the ‘house’ mosque in Liverpool, the assertion of Islamic identity is also prominent as seen on its ongoing refurbishment supported by the overall Liverpool community. Interesting as well is Gulzar Haider’s return to the Wimbledon ‘house’ mosque after 25 years.162 It was then wrapped with white-glazed tiles, an apological entrance arch, and surprisingly, a minaret and small dome on the roof.163 As Haider recalled the old man’s words during his first visit, he wondered why they decided to “Islamicise” the ‘house’ mosque that they proudly declare their house of prayer regardless of unidentifiable features.164 Hence, Haider deduced his findings by addressing two challenges facing architects in pursuit of expressing Islam in buildings; “recovering from recent history” and “discovering the future,” highlighting that Muslims in the West are privileged with a freedom of thought, free from the “inertial ties of national and ethnic prisons” as they are “grounded but not yet rooted,” hence are able to discover the essence of Islamic tradition by having the liberty to question tradition.165

160 161 162 163 164 165

Slyomovics, “Muslim World Day Parade,” 207.

Slyomovics, “Muslim World Day Parade,” 209.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 161.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 161.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 161.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 164.

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Chapter 6

Reflections Islamic Architecture as a ‘Sense of Place’ for Muslims Schulz’s emphasis on the Roman concept of the genius loci (the spirit of the place) in defining place as the relationship between man and genius (spirit) of a locale has led to his statement that to create a place, one must identify the hidden meanings behind the locale itself.166 Similarly, Canter’s emphasis on considering ‘place’ and ‘action’ for architects creating a ‘sense of place’ also revolves around uncovering the meanings of the locale by identifying its three constituents of place: activities, physical attributes, and conceptions. 167 These relate with Islamic architecture and place for prayer, referring to the fundamentals of Islam through ‘the five pillars.’ Despite the ‘portability’ of Islamic prayers where they can be done at ‘any place’, the significance of prayer in a Muslim’s life has inevitably led to the creation of mosques for an Islamic ‘sense of place’.

In the first mosque, the House of the Prophet in Medina, although fundamentally built to house spaces for prayer and Prophet Muhammad’s domestic purposes, it eventually became the basis for mosque creation, seen in the Great Mosque in Damascus.168 In the Great Mosque, Canter’s place-creation is evident: the remains of the demolished Roman temple and Christian Church being the surrounding physical attributes, were adapted to suit the activities of Islamic rituals for Muslims, and the conceptions of a mosque that represent Muslim power and place for prayer for political and religious agenda, leading to the creation of minarets, domes and other standard mosque architecture recognisable today.

Hence, the ‘uncovering of the hidden meanings behind the locale’ and emphasis on ‘place’ and ‘action’ are all seen here through the adaptation from a regional-based architecture in Damascus, in architecturally forming features that represent Muslim power and identity, as well as to house Islamic activities and rituals. Ultimately, an Islamic ‘place identity’ is formed as these mosque features provide the ‘sense of place’ for practising Muslims, especially to those experiencing diaspora in the West, in having a ‘place attachment’ to these mosques.

Insertion of Personal Genius into Another’s Loci As Relph’s definition of place focuses on ‘place identity’, he raised the concern of the insertion of “one’s own genius into somebody else’s loci” that would potentially disrupt the existing ‘place identity’.169 Approaches to architectural assimilation is evident throughout the history of Islamic architecture as highlighted in the Ketchaoua Mosque that has gone through a complex ‘mosque-cathedral-mosque’ process during French colonialism in 1845.170 Most original features of the Ketchaoua Mosque remained when it became the St Philippe Cathedral by the French colonialists, and its reclamation by the Algerians during independence also preserved the cathedral’s features, adapted for Islamic use.171 Hence, the issue of identity heavily links with Islamic architecture and its assimilative approaches, especially when considering its use in the West.

166 167 168 169 170 171

Norberg-Schulz, Genius Loci, 17-18.

Canter, The Psychology of Place, 158-59.

Fazio et al., A World History of Architecture, 156-57.

Sime, “Creating Places,” 58.

Ghoche, “Erasing the Ketchaoua Mosque.”

Ghoche, “Erasing the Ketchaoua Mosque.”

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As discussed, Western Islamic architecture can be traced back to late 1700s, as a representation of the exotica, purely adopted on the Alhambra and Mosque in the Kew Gardens by Sir William Chambers.172 Even after Muslim immigration, in the 1960s Gulzar Haider encountered buildings that still used Islamic architecture for exotica and entertainment as seen in the Fox Theatre and Trump Taj Mahal.173 The Shriners’ Syria Mosque, however, sympathetically utilised Islamic architecture and place identity in creating their own corporate identity that represents their charitable intentions, notably the use of the Alhambra’s inscription that means “There is no victor/conqueror except God.”174 As these buildings are arguably insertions of personal geniuses into another’s loci by mis-using the place identity of Islamic architecture to serve their own, is not the implementation of Islamic architecture’s place identity in the West an act of intrusion of personal genius into another’s loci as well, disrupting the existing Western ‘place identity’?

Having underexposed and overexposed approaches for immigrant-built mosques in the West, their functions differ from that of normal mosques in Muslim countries.175 As they tend to focus more in signifying Muslim presence within the Western community, there is an extent on how much Islamic architecture should be assimilated within a non-Islamic environment to not disrupt the existing ‘place identity’, therefore exploring the notion that the insertion of a personal genius into another’s loci is not always detrimental as how Relph phrased.

Gulzar Haider’s ISNA mosque design is an example of an approach to balance out the two geniuses, one existing and another anew, in one locus, one place. To explain this, it is worth repeating Haider’s approach to the four communities (immigrant Muslims, indigenous Muslims, new Muslims, and non-Muslims) on how Islamic architecture in non-Islamic environments should respond to.176 Hence, considering the Muslim minority within the non-Muslim majority, Haider’s decision to veil the ISNA mosque by distinguishing the exterior and interior through the divine concepts of Al-Batin (The Hidden) and Al-Zahir (The Manifest) appears to be an attempt to balance out the different ‘sense of places’ of the different groups in Plainfield. Through “anonymity through dissimulation,” ISNA Mosque’s exterior sympathises Plainfield’s place identity by using similar architectural forms and materials, while its interior utilises a mosque’s place identity with functionally simplified forms of traditional mosque architecture.177 Despite comments from Wael Al-Masri that criticises the resulting ISNA mosque architecture that appears to close-off from the outside world that may worsen the diaspora situation, Haider’s version of architectural assimilation in integrating Islamic architecture into a non-Islamic environment is a benevolent way of inserting one’s genius into another’s loci, which referring to Haider’s ideal approach, would not disrupt the existing place identity, but rather enrich it by welcoming a new addition within the unified community.178 This, however, reminds of the dangers of Haider’s approach to achieve such ideals. Hence, the insertion of a personal genius into another’s loci is not always damaging but needs serious caution and care.

172 173 174 175 176 177 178

Anderson, “The Gardens at Kew.” Haider, “Muslim Space,” 33.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 31.

Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 408.

Haider, “Islamic Architecture in Non-Islamic Environments,” 123.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 41.

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 122.

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Manifestation of a Sense of Place Identity – An Ideal Through Gulzar Haider’s works, his approach in representing the place identity of Islamic architecture in the West went through a transformation of principles. Haider’s ‘anonymity through dissimulation’ approach in Plainfield’s ISNA mosque leaned towards internalisation. Almost a decade later, he opted with a more externalised approach of ‘assertion through architecture’ in Bai’tul Islam, Toronto.

There are factors that potentially affect this change such as Bai’tul Islam’s clients being a minority within a minority where these Ahmadi Muslims are declared heretical within Islam itself, whilst being immigrants.179 With the Ahmadiyya Movement, the driving politics of identity is apparent for this community, where Bai’tul Islam would be their headquarters-mosque in Canada to represent their place identity. Also, the existing physical context of Bai’tul Islam’s site may affect Haider’s approach. The site was in a remote agricultural field and therefore the consideration of surrounding architecture as done in Plainfield, is negligible.180 Another factor is the emergence of the post-modernism era that affects architects globally. This change of era gives Haider a new perspective in rediscovering architectural ‘meaning’ and ‘philosophical inquiry’ through studying tradition.181 This shows how global politics in architectural discourse are a huge influence in architecture, where Haider’s fascination of modernism seen in his functionally simplified forms in the ISNA mosque changed to the post-modernist approach with Bai’tul Islam’s distinctive traditional Islamic architecture. However, the most notable point is the growing ‘dome and minaret envy’ within immigrant Muslims that neglects Haider’s ‘anonymity through dissimulation’ in favour of ‘assertion through architecture’.182 To Haider, this proves how immigrant Muslims have matured and how their previous methods in assimilating within the Western community were successful only to an extent, leading to new efforts in asserting their identity in a more externalised manner, such as the Muslim World Day Parade in NYC.183 Hence, it is evident that socio-political forces of identity politics, changing eras within global architectural discourse, and community maturation greatly influenced Haider’s change from internalisation towards externalisation. As Haider revisited the Wimbledon ‘house’ mosque after 25 years, its ‘Islamisation’ reminded Haider of his own change.184 This led to Haider’s statement that the privilege of being Muslims in the West is the freedom to question Islamic tradition, as they are free from “inertial ties of national and ethnic prisons,” being “grounded but not yet rooted.”185 Facing challenges in “recovering from recent history” and “discovering the future,” the results would be understanding the essence of Islamic tradition.186 These conclusive statements by Haider seem to lean towards his distancing from Islamic tradition as an immigrant in the West along with his changing design principles following the changing era from modernism to post-modernism, that all has provided him mediums to question and challenge such traditions that eventually led to a new understanding of the essence of Islamic tradition, where the need to assert Islam’s place identity in the West through architecture becomes more apparent.

Nevertheless, Haider’s constant efforts in manifesting the sense of place identity for Muslims in the West through Islamic architecture has outlined the ideals of such endeavour from practice. As seen in Al-Masri’s criticisms towards Haider’s works, they prove the difficulties in achieving a balanced assimilation of different place identities in practice.187 All in all, with the ideal in mind, Haider’s architectural approaches are steps towards the right direction that simultaneously enrich cross-cultural dialogues within the wider Western community in manifesting a sense of place identity for Muslims in the West.

179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187

BBC News, “Who are the Ahmadi?”

Townsend, “Building an Enclave.”

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 41.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 41.

Haider, “Muslim Space,” 41.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 161.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 164.

Haider, “Brother in Islam, Please Draw us a Mosque,” 164.

Al-Masri, “Architecture and the Question of Identity,” 121-28.

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Propositions and Expectations Proposing strategies to work towards the ideals of manifesting a sense of place identity for Muslims in the West through Islamic architecture, the utilisation of the concepts of ‘place’ may be able to balance out the two place identities. Referring to Sime’s suggestion regarding the dangers of historical ignorance in designing that may affect local inhabitants’ sense of place and to avoid the dangers of inserting personal genius into another’s loci as said by Relph, designing a Western mosque should always consider its users and surroundings.188 This includes identifying the three constituents of place in Canter’s visual metaphor: the activities, physical attributes and conceptions associated with a mosque and the Western setting.189 Also considering Karlyn Sutherland’s thesis advocation in creating a restorative environment, the resulting Western mosque design could perhaps create a place attachment towards the mosque for both communities, simultaneously accepting the mosque and Muslim community as part of the place.190 Hence, Islamic architecture in Western mosques serves as an instrumental role in communicating Muslim identity within the overall community, especially considering the 9/11 tragedy in 2001. As Biondo’s paper revealed that American Muslims have been isolating themselves without any interfaith efforts to build bridges with Christian or Jewish leaders in 2004, the situation is drastically different from today.191 Although Islamophobia is still apparent today, efforts in maintaining the Islamic place identity in the West are persistent and globally recognised. Along with most Western mosques today boldly having minarets, domes and other standard mosque architecture, the initiatives by these mosques in combatting Islamophobia such as UK’s Visit My Mosque Day, further expresses Muslims as part of the Western community.192 In conclusion, the role of Islamic architecture in manifesting a sense of place identity for Muslims in the West is one that needs careful consideration of the concepts of ‘place’ as well as the architect’s understanding of the essence of Islamic tradition and future, despite the shortcomings of the ideal in practice. After all, Gulzar Haider’s works have already been proven as successful in expressing Islamic place identity in the West, despite his different approaches and constant search for the ideal Western mosque design.

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188 189 190 191 192

Sime, “Creating Places,” 54-58.

Canter, The Psychology of Place, 158.

Sutherland, “Attachment to Place,” 224.

Biondo, “The Architecture of Mosques in the US and Britain,” 415.

“About,” Visit My Mosque, date accessed December 2, 2019, https://www.visitmymosque.org/about/.

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