ARC453 Refugee Camps by Aizah Bakhtiyar

REFUGEE CAMPS Aiza h Ba khti ya r, Xi nyu Ga o, H e nr y L i n, Ya ra S a l a ma & N i c k S al l as

Toronto

CONTENTS i. Introduction

ii. Toronto, Ontario

iii. Shatila, Beirut

iv. Zataari, Jordan

v. Moria, Greece

vi. Dadaab, Kenya

vii. References

Moria Shatila Zaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;atari

Dadaab

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The refugee is an individual who has been exiled from their country because of persecution, war or violence. The refugee flees, seeking temporary asylum in adjacent nations either longing for repatriation in their country of origin, for local integration in the host nation or for resettlement in a third country. The architectural typology that has been most commonly attributed to the refugee crisis is the camp. The camp inhabits a space of limbo; neither here nor there but rather somewhere in between. It is a type of informality that juxtaposes the formalities of highly organized and systemized urban centers. It is perceived as a glitch in the urban plan, which is essentially reflected in their neglection and subsequent marginalization from the formal urban landscape. Once a citizen adopts the status of a refugee, they are deemed non-citizen in the eyes of the host nation. Failure in being recognized by a governmental entity renders them as bare life , no longer liable participants in the modern state. This excludes them from state protection and thus facilitates their neglection, and devaluates the integrity of their lives. This consequently places them in the field of ‘other’, a field that strategically expels them from the boundaries of the urban life. The refugee is stripped from the potential of becoming an active entity or member of functioning society. This lack of recognition has been the root of the divide that places the refugee on the periphery of ‘formal’ societies. The refugee lives in a state of exception; exiled from society, stripped from political life and expelled from the world of men. The camp becomes an instrument of survival and not living; it has become a necessity in terms of sustaining the exponential increase of refugees in the 21st century. The term ‘camp’ in and of itself implies a kind of permanent temporality which is channeled into the individual lived experience of the refugee. Originally intended to facilitate the mobility of soldiers or travelers, the camp’s appropriation within the context of refugees accentuates the impression of impermanence. The permanence of their temporality is the product of the extensive duration of stay in these camps. Unable to engage in the economies and politics of urban life, the status of being a refugee has been highly stigmatized so much so that the refugee is discriminated against and placed outside the confines of the modern world. The issue of permanence and impermanence is one that finds its roots in the individual ambition, longing and desires of the refugee. Some refugees seek impermanence as their experience is rooted in hope and therefore long for a return home. Other refugees seek permanence, as they strive to gain economic stability and establish a social and political presence. It is thus impossible to claim that refugee camps should inhabit either one or the other, rather they should be shaped to accommodate both the longing for temporality as well as that for permanence. Perhaps we should think of these camps not in terms of temporary accommodation for an influx in refugee at given time and place, but rather as permanent infrastructures where refugees can flow in and out depending on their needs. The emergency associated with the typology of the camp need not disregard the necessity of maintaining resilient infrastructure. 1

The spatial relation between refugee settlements and their surrounding urban areas is a key factor in the overall experience of the refugee. The proximity, or lack thereof, sets up the social interaction between the refugee and local populations; while the character of their settlement informs the greatest part of the social dynamic between the two groups. If they are to be cloistered inside a mass of fences and barbed wire, the relationship is clearly not expected to be one of trust or reciprocity. In the same vein, if a camp is sequestered many miles from the nearest settlement, it reflects heavily upon the perceived motivations of the local populace with respect to the refugees. Bringing settlements closer to existing populations and increasing their ability to establish relations with the local people will go a long way to improving temperaments on both sides of the equation. The issue of inter-communal relations bears directly upon another central theme of life for refugees: that of visibility, or more specifically, a lack thereof. Refugees as a monolithic entity are rendered increasingly invisible on both a personal and a community level as the crisis trudges on. Individual rights are limited so long as their status is in limbo, as is their access to representation in both legal and social settings. Similarly, media representation continues to wane as a degree of normalization sets in. This has a direct negative impact upon things like fundraising efforts and volunteer service pools, as interest in the issue dissipates. These qualities are perhaps some of the few unifying factors for refugees of all stripe regardless of their location. The factor of invisibility as a cycle is a self-intensifying issue, as all the impediments it brings have deleterious effects upon processing inflows of refugees, which is itself the central problem from an internal perspective. Ultimately, what we have gleaned from our study of refugee housing is that there really are no two situations that are wholly alike. Each camp and each settlement are multi-faceted; dynamic areas, beholden to their own particular set of problems – and hopefully, equally unique solutions. While there are some commonalities between many refugee settlements on a one-to-one basis, overarching common issues are few and far between. Given this fact, and it is one that frankly should be less surprising than it is, there ultimately can be no panacea for the tribulations of designing and running “Refugee camps” as a singular entity. What we can and should do is analyse each case on an individual level and attempt to formulate strategies at that same scale, and that is precisely what follows. This report examines Arrival Housing in Toronto, Canada; Shatila Camp in Beirut, Lebanon; Zata’ari Camp in Mafraq, Jordan; Moria Camp in Lesvos, Greece; and Dadaab Camp in Garissa, Kenya.

CASE I

Toronto, Canada

Reuse and Rehouse Refugee Housing in Toronto connects to all the themes of the change from temporary to permanence, the relationship to the city, and Existenz Minimum. Refugee Housing in Toronto relates to the change between temporary and permanent. Many of the refugees who come to Toronto want to reside permanently in Canada rather than eventually travel back to their native country. Their home country is Canada now. “I’m not a refugee. I’m a Canadian, same as you,” is a common feeling for may refugees who now see themselves as Canadian more than their country of origin. This is a common theme for the many people in Toronto considering that half the population was born in another country. The process of citizenship entails being in Canada for 1,095 days and learning one of the official languages.2 This creates the process in which their temporary statelessness hope to become a permanent resident.

Figures 1. Top to Bottom: Centenntial College Student Residence3 Toronto Plaza Hotel4 Former North York Hydro Building5 Humber River Finch Hospital6

Travel Weekly. “Radisson Hotel Toronto East Exterior.” Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www. travelweekly.com/Hotels/Toronto/Radisson-Hotel-Toronto-East-p3903780 2 Tutton, Michael. “Three years on, many Syrian refugees in Toronto find the path to Canadian citizenship is still stressful.” The Globe and Mail. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-three-years-o 3 CityNews Toronto. “Centennial College Residence and Conference Centre in Scarborough.” Accessed April 20, 2019. https://toronto.citynews.ca/2018/05/23/city-use-two-collegedorms-help-refugee-housing-crisis/ 4 Smith, Paul. “Toronto Plaza Airport Hotel.” CBC News. Accessed April 20, 2019. https://www. cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/city-plaza-hotel-purchase-1.4899211 5 Oaktree_brian_1976. “North York Hydro across the street_HDR.” Flickr. Accessed April 20, 2019. https://www.flickr.com/photos/66151649@N02/39266922154/ 6 “Toronto Humber River Finch Hospital.” CBC News. Accessed April 20, 2019. http://hcr-moves. com/reactivation-care-center-former-humber-river-hospital-finch-site/ 1

As well, the change between the temporary and permanence exist in their housing situation. Many refugee camps around the world are simply camps. Tents. They are made of material and a structure that have a lifespan of decades. The housing for refugees in Toronto is the opposite. Housing for refugees exist in concrete and steel buildings that last for a long time because these buildings were never built for the function of housing refugees. These buildings are old hospitals, student residences, hotels, among other large buildings (Figure 1). The temporality comes from the functions of these buildings. The function of being a refugee residence in a student residence is temporary while the permanent use of being a residence for students will continue right after. The building will exist far longer after the refugees move out of the building. The Refugee Housing in Toronto strongly relates to the relationship to the city because it is physically within the confines of the city. While the Calais camp is located in an industrial port and the Jordanian camps are located in the middle of the desert, refugee housing in Toronto is not pushed out to the periphery where the permanent population cannot see them. This prevents the refugees from feeling outcast in terms of spatial geography at least as the refugees are right next to communities, shops, jobs, transit, and other services. They can participate in the

city much easier if the refugees were living in an isolated area away from the city. Refugee Housing in Toronto relates to Existenz Minimum and the Nomos. These people are living in seclusion and many are disconnected from the city around them. Political parties and policies have sprung up arguing against immigration including refugees. Many invigorated people are strongly against refugees in the city or country. This exclusionary attitude by some very vocal citizens prevent refugees from interacting and participating their political self in fear of not being wanted or even injury in some terrible cases. The usual way of voting to get political representation is a long-winded affair for refugees. They are applicable if they have lived in Canada for 1,095 days before they can pay exorbitant fees to process their language certification and citizenship form then they can freely vote in elections and participate in the political world. The difficulty comes from where they will be living in those 1,095 days. Their legal status may change but what becomes of their housing status that will get them there. Safety at Home

Figure 2: Scorch marks on the carpet of the second floor occupancy7

Because of the refugee housing being within the city of Toronto, it causes both advantages and disadvantages. The advantage being that the refugees are not shut away from the rest of the population. The disadvantage being is that some of the population do not want the refugees there. This leads to confrontations between hardline anti-immigration or Islamophobic people with the refugees themselves. This situation can become testy. In October 2018, a lady of a seemingly Caucasian background went into the Radisson in Scarborough and set fire to a potted plant in the lobby and the carpet in the second floor (Figure 2 and 3).9 This hotel houses refugees. Safety is a major problem. 24-hour security have now been implemented but the danger is still apparent. It is unknown if the woman was found and arrested. Other such incidents include predatory news outlets like the right-wing Rebel Media who have targeted the refugees by trying to “expose” their situations. Their intent is not to help the refugees but it is for the audience of people who want the refugees gone. These reporters antagonize the refugee residents and even try to talk to young girls without their parents’ permission. Safety of Home

Crysler, Julie. “Scorch marks.” CBC’s The Current. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.thestar. com/news/gta/2018/10/12/tensions-high-after-fire-set-at-refugee-hotel.html 8 “Suspect.” Toronto Police. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.thestar.com/news/ gta/2018/10/12/tensions-high-after-fire-set-at-refugee-hotel.html 9 Keung, Nicholas. “Tensions high after fire set at refugee hotel.” The Toronto Star. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2018/10/12/tensions-high-after-fire-setat-refugee-hotel.html 7

Another problem facing the refugees in Toronto is their permanent housing solution. They could not stay in a hotel or a student residence forever. The refugees in the student residences have to get up and leave after the summer ends and classes start. They must find housing like the rest of Torontonians. Like the rest of Torontonians, this is not easy. The housing crisis of unaffordability facing Torontonians 6

Figure 4: Average nightly number of refugee/asylum claimants in Toronto’s shelter system10

Figure 5: Shelter beds housing refugees12

“Refugees in the Shelter System Overnight” City of Toronto. Accessed April 19, 2019. https:// www.toronto.ca/home/media-room/backgrounders-other-resources/backgrounder-refugee-asylum-claimant-arrivals-to-toronto-update/ 11 “4 in 10 people using Toronto homeless shelters are refugees or asylum claimants, report finds.” CBC News. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/ street-needs-assessment-2018-1.4925418 12 “Shelter Beds.” Global News. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://globalnews.ca/video/4169957/influx-of-refugee-claimants-putting-pressure-on-shelter-system-in-toronto 10

are faced by refugees as well. They must find available housing that is within their means of income, which is quite low. The time it takes to find affordable housing have prolonged their stay in the city-run first-arrival housing in hotels and student residences. Refugees were only supposed to stay in these residences for a few weeks until they find permanent housing but this stay could be extended to as much as six months. This strains the available occupancy for incoming refugees, which the city has been trying to increase but with very little available funds. Many refugees end up in the homeless shelter system because they cannot find permanent housing. As much as 40% of shelter beds are slept in by refugees. with 2,534 refugees staying in the shleter system overnight. in October 2018 (Figure 4).11 This number has risen from 25% in 2017 and 11% in 2016. This also strains the available occupancy of shelter for the homeless people already in Toronto (Figure 5). Many refugees want to stay in the city but may have to settle in the smaller towns and cities including Kingston and Thunder Bay because of the cheaper housing accommodation. Having cheaper and secure tenure could be at the expense of not having a large community of similar background and language that the refugees can rely on in a major city like Toronto. Safety is a huge issue for the refugees. To be safe within their housing conditions and to be safe from secure tenure.

The Political

Figure 6: Well-wishing welcoming incoming Syrian refugees at Toronto Pearson Airport.14

Another problem is the permanency refugee’s temporary housing. The refugee housing the city runs come from limited funds and are privy to the political policies of higher government. Many political leaders have called for a reduction in refugee intake and placed refugees as a wedge issue for voters. New premier Ford accosted the Trudeau’s federal government for straining the services of existing families in Ontario and making the housing crisis even worse with more refugees. Mayor Tory said $64 million is needed to cover the costs of refugee programs in the city while the federal government has allotted $11 million for all the province.13 As with any funding from higher levels of government, funding for refugee housing is also intertwined with politics. Thus, another problem is the transiency of refugee policies. While refugees will always exist, governments come and go. Some governments are more sympathetic to refugees and have policies to properly fund them. Some governments are less sympathetic and have policies to minimally fund them, if at all. Trudeau’s federal policy of welcoming Syrian refugees could be replaced as if his government is not re-elected and someone from a party that isn’t as welcoming to refugees is elected (Figure 6). A Proposal Refugees in Toronto patiently wait for more permanent housing as the hotel or student residence they live in can not possibly permanently house them as they have other uses. But is there a way to add permanence to this existing housing state? Toronto has shown the ability to buy hotels and motels, so why not remodel the buildings to allow permanent residency for the refugees? They have already made a home for themselves in these buildings that they may have stayed for up to six months while looking for another house to live in. A design solution that could be implemented is to reconfigure the rooms of the hotels. Possibly tear down a wall to connect two adjacent hotel rooms to allow more space and beds for a large family. Maybe even convert some centrally-located rooms into communal areas for socialization.

“Toronto getting $11M from feds to help house refugee claimants.” CBC News. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/federal-refugee-funding-for-toronto-1.4749211 14 Young, Chris. “Well-wishers.” The Canadian Press. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.cbc. ca/radio/asithappens/as-it-happens-tuesday-edition-1.4320308/it-is-heartbreaking-syrianrefugee-dies-while-waiting-to-come-to-canada-1.4328332 13

The rooms are much better than the tents in other refugee housing solution like camps but are not applicable to allow greater space and maneuverability for families. These families may have many children that would need the space. The existing housing these Toronto refugee families live in are still hotel rooms. Temporary housing units that were not designed for extended periods of stay. These families may live up to 6 months in these housing units before they find permanent housing. The permanent housing is difficult to find as Toronto’s housing crisis has made housing unaffordable and out of reach for many refugees and their families. Some may end up in the homeless shelter. By 8

CASE II

Shatila Camp, Lebanon

Introduction In 1949, after the Nakba in Palestine, approximately 750,000 Palestinians were displaced, forced to seek asylum in neighboring countries. 1 The Shatila camp is one of the 12 refugee camps in Beirut Lebanon that were set-up in response to this large influx of refugees. Palestinian refugees in Lebanon in particular are prone to a high degree of marginalization and discrimination due to the sectarian nature of Lebanese politics. Hosting the largest percentage of Christians among its Arab constituents, an introduction of a Muslim refugee community (10% of the Lebanese population) threatens Lebanon’s fragile political stability.2 This political agenda is one that continually strips the refugee from the qualified life and instead renders them expendable.

Estella Carpi. “Refugees of the Revolution: Experiences of Palestinian Exile by Diana Allan (review).” Anthropological Quarterly 89, no. 2 (2016): 673-679. https://muse.jhu. edu/ (accessed April 20, 2019). 1

Martin, Diana. 2015. “From Spaces of Exception to ‘campscapes’: Palestinian Refugee Camps and Informal Settlements in Beirut.” Political Geography 44 (Complete): 9-18. doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2014.08.001. http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/09626298/ v44icomplete/9_fsoetpcaisib 2

Azar, Maha Al. “’Misery Belts’ Remain a Model of State Neglect.” The Daily Star Newspaper - Lebanon. Accessed April 21, 2019. http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Lebanon-News/2000/Mar-23/31696-misery-belts-remain-a-model-of-state-neglect.ashx. 3

“Shatila Refugee Camp, Seventy Years On.” Muftah. Accessed April 21, 2019. https:// muftah.org/shatila-refugee-camp-seventy-years-on/#.XLuD3pNKhE4. 4

The Shatila camp is currently located on the so called “Beirut Misery Belt”. It is essentially a strip of squatter settlements, consisting of refugees and the generally impoverished Lebanese citizens, that have migrated to the outskirts of Beirut.3 It was initially established by the refugees themselves, only later being officialized and monitored by Lebanese authorities. Police offices were planted throughout the campsite, rendering it a site of oppression. It wasn’t until 1969 that the Cairo agreement was signed by the Lebanese government and Palestinian Liberation Organization, giving the Palestinian refugees agency in the self-administration of their campscapes.4 This allowed the refugees to expand the site both vertically and horizontally, marking the turning point of the camp from a temporary space to a permanent one. Tents were replaced with concrete infrastructure and buildings were extended beyond the previous two-story margin. Permanency was materialized and echoed in the built form as the camp slowly came to resemble the forms of adjacent informal settlements on the misery belt. Nevertheless, the camp remains much more dense when compared to the surrounding urban fabric, due to its inability to expand horizontally with impunity.

The camps establishment in 1949 far from the urban city center alienated the refugee both politically and geographically. Nevertheless, the subsequent rapid urbanization of Beirut blurred the boundary between city and camp; ‘us’ and ‘other’. The camp was no longer physically exiled from the modern state, instead becoming a ‘natural extension’ of the city. It marked the point where the non-citizen met the citizen. If the political reduction of the refugee to bare life was echoed in the physical alienation of the refugee, then the dissolution of that physical alienation bears socio-economic consequences for Shatila. Today about 30% of the camp’s population is non-Palestinian, including but not limited to Syrians, Egyptians, Bangladeshis and Lebanese.5 Cheap rent prices incentivized poorer Lebanese citizens to move into the camp further obscuring the distinction between the qualified life versus the expendable life. The consequences of this fusion were exemplified in the massacre of 1982, where Sabla and Shatila camps were raided by right-wing Christian Lebanese militia. 6 Although Palestinian factions were the ones being targeted, the lives of the Lebanese citizens in the camp became expendable too. In this scenario, the notion of expendable life is extended not only to the non-citizen but to those who suffer the same socio-economic and political impoverishment as the non-citizen.

Mohamad, Nabil. “Remembering the Sabra and Shatila Massacre 35 Years on.” Human Rights | Al Jazeera. September 16, 2017. Accessed April 21, 2019. https://www.aljazeera. com/indepth/opinion/remembering-sabra-shatila-massacre-35-years-170916101333726. html. 6

Agamben, Giorgio. Homo Sacer, Sovereign Power and Bare Life. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998. 7

“Shatila Camp.” UNRWA. Accessed April 21, 2019. https://www.unrwa.org/where-wework/lebanon/shatila-camp.

This creates a campscape whereby the citizen, the non-citizen and outcasts can co-exist. In the case of Shatila, the very act of being in the same physical proximity of the non-citizen robs the citizen of their ‘qualified life’. 7 Agamben’s notion of bare life, here, extends beyond those who have been politically expelled from the modern state – Palestinian non-citizens – to include those who have been socially and economically expelled from the precincts of the modern state – disadvantaged citizens.

Shatila’s infrastructure continues to deteriorate as a consequence of the increasing population density, lack of funding and maintenance, as well as general neglect on the part of the Lebanese government. The camp was initially meant to hold 10,000 refugees; today however, it is home to over 20,000 people. 8 This has forced the erection of mid-rise buildings built near one another to maximize land use. This entails a lack of air and light filtration through the narrow alleys of the site. Because of the scarcity of land, Palestinians have been forced to build structures on top of pre-existing ones. Coupled with already weak foundations, these buildings are ultimately at risk of collapse. Tangled high voltage cables tower above the alleys creating an additional safety hazard for those who live there. Electricity and sewage are unreliable, often being cut off for up to 16 hours a day. The camp hosts only two schools and one health center, for a population now over 20,000 citizens – the majority of whom are children and young adults.9 The attempt to create a sense of permanence in the camp, renders it at risk of becoming a space of perpetual transience, whereby the refugee is stuck suspended in limbo. Despite the relative permanence that concrete structures imply in Shatila, the refugee still inhabits a position of transience when rejected from economic and political participation in modern urban life. This political impermanence is one whose solution lays not in the permanence of the built form, but rather in the establishment of a participatory framework whereby the refugee can live an equally ‘qualified life’.

“Shatila Camp.” UNRWA. Accessed April 21, 2019. https://www.unrwa.org/where-wework/lebanon/shatila-camp. 9

Density of the camp compared to surrounding fabric of the city

CASE III

Zataari Camp, Jordan

Introduction Zataari Camp is Syrian refugee camp in Jordan. This place is south of the Jordan - Syrian border- about 30 km from the Syrian border and 70 km from the capital city of Amman.1 (Figure 1.2) Most of the people here are from a town called Dara in Syria which was formerly a city (figure 1.3). However, when the civil war broke out, more than half of the country’s population was forcibly displaced.2 The Jordanian government allowed refugees enter the country. They started out with white UNHCR tents. 3 However, one year later, it could be considered a massive city housing about 80,000 people.4 Figure1.1: Location of Zataari camp

Jeff Crisp, “Zaatari: A Camp and Not a City,” Refugees International, October 09, 2015, , accessed April 19, 2019, https://www.refugeesinternational.org/blog/zaatari-camp-andnot-city.11 “ 1

Onder, Harun. The Economic and Social Consequences of the Conflict in Syria. PDF. World Bank Group. 2

Phoebe Weston, “Inside Zaatari Refugee Camp: The Fourth Largest City in Jordan,” The Telegraph, August 05, 2015, , accessed April 19, 2019, https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ worldnews/middleeast/jordan/11782770/What-is-life-like-inside-the-largest-Syrian-refugee-camp-Zaatari-in-Jordan.html. 3

“The Zaatari Refugee Camp,” LIVED, , accessed April 19, 2019, http://www.livedprojects. org/zaatari-refugee-camp/. 4

Weston

Socio-economic conditions With this many people, they run into socio-economic problems. The camp is situated in the dessert, which makes scarcity of water perhaps the biggest concern. The remoteness of the dessert also results in the lack of infrastructure in the camp. This scarcity often causes conflict amongst the community. The leaders that arose were based on traditional structures – They would favor family, or those who could afford to buy their way in to get the water. Crime rates such are high, especially theft and sexual and gender based violence against women and young girls.5

Zaatari in November 2012

Zaatari in November 2013 Figure1.3: Expansion of Zataari camp - an Urbanizing city

Zataari as an Urbanizing Camp Yet Zataari is proving to be an example of a refugee camp that could be potentially modelled after for future camps. This is especially evident in the micro economies that have emerged. There is a main shopping street in the camp called ‘Champs Elysee’, which is very similar to the street that the refugees had back in Syria.6 There are about 1400 shops and 50 stalls here, ‘including a coffee shop with shisha, a home grown barber, a falafel restaurant’.7 In March 2014, about $2 million US dollars of retail activity was being generated through linked illegal connections and absence of taxation. 8

Figure1.2: Pie chart showing the place of origin of refugees

“The Zaatari Refugee Camp,” LIVED, , accessed April 19, 2019, http://www.livedprojects. org/zaatari-refugee-camp/. 6

Weston

Flouraine Soulie, “An Urbanizing Camp? Zaatari Syrian Refugee Camp in Jordan,” Conflits Et Migrations, , accessed April 19, 2019, https://lajeh.hypotheses.org/1076.

The Jordanian government recognized the need for autonomy in the camp.9 They understood that the people needed to be self sustainable and restructured the camp into 12 neighbourhoods.10 The decentralized administration thus ensured that people from all neighbourhoods had: 1.Representation 2.Equal access to water. Construction was previously banned in the camp, unless it was to construct floors for containment of food, or if it was done by the authorities. However recently, the government has plans to install a proper

Soulie Joi Lee, “Syria’s War: Inside Jordan’s Zaatari Refugee Camp,” Jordan | Al Jazeera, April

electrical grid system, water, sewage system, paved streets and green space. While this is a formal intervention by the government, it is a way to see the Jordanian government seeing Zaatari as an emerging permanent urbanized city. Biometric Information Managment System (BIM) and Blockchain

Figure1..5: Biometric Information System linking Iris to personal history, bank infomation and identity

Jessi Hempel, “How Refugees Are Helping Create Blockchain’s Brand New World,” Wired, April 23, 2018, , accessed April 19, 2019, https://www.wired.com/story/refugeesbut-on-the-blockchain/. 11

Russ Juskalian and Russ Juskalian, “Inside the Jordan Refugee Camp That Runs on Blockchain,” MIT Technology Review, June 11, 2018, , accessed April 19, 2019, https:// www.technologyreview.com/s/610806/inside-the-jordan-refugee-camp-that-runs-onblockchain/. 12

Jessi Hempel, “How Refugees Are Helping Create Blockchain’s Brand New World,” Wired, April 23, 2018, , accessed April 19, 2019, https://www.wired.com/story/refugeesbut-on-the-blockchain/. 13

Furthermore, refugees in Zataari camp are unwittingly helping to create a world of blockchain, as it helps them in return. Companies like Microsoft and Accenture are collaborating with UN and NGOs to develop technology that is helping undocumented refugees secure their identity in an alliance called ID2020.11 In addition, The UNHCR is using Biometric Identity Management System (BIMS) to link a persons’ iris and fingerprint to their documentation, history and bank account.12 Thus, allowing refugees to withdraw money in the remote Zataari Camp. WFP (UN World Food Program) has developed a blockchain, called Building Blocks that eliminates the need for WFP to pay banks to facilitate transactions. In a pilot program, WFP is partnering with UNHCR’s BIMs to not only help with the cashless transactions, but also helping to create a more permanent identity. 13 This will ultimately enable refugees to eventually travel and even gain employment in host countries or elsewhere.

Figure1.4: Champs Elysee

CASE IV

Moria Camp, Greece

Introduction The Moria camp in Greece has earned a reputation amongst migrant holding facilities for all the wrong reasons. It is dirty. It is decrepit. It is unsafe, both from an environmental and social perspective. A unifying thread of inhumane existence underwrites all of this for those living within the camp. And ultimately for those mired within it, it can seem as if there is no escape. Moria camp is one of a few such camps on the island of Lesvos; it acts as the central processing facility and holding area for the majority of migrants, with more at risk or vulnerable ones in theory being moved to other locations with all speed. The island of Lesvos is in the Northeast of the Aegean, and it (along with Chios to the South) represent the two nearest seaborne access points of the European Union in relation to the Turkish border. The beach of Molyvos on Lesvos is just 6.6 kilometres from the nearest Turkish settlement, which is less than the distance from Moria camp to the main town of Lesvos, Mytiline;1 this sheds a light on the level of divestment the camp experiences with respect to the surrounding local settlements. Socio-Politcal Condtions The life of refugees in Moria is nothing less than brutal. The concept of Homo sacer is alarmingly close to realization for some within the camp, as their lives are constantly in danger from violence or injury in many guises. The blistering heat of the Greek sun rots the river of human waste cutting through the low end of the camp,2 spreading illness and breeding pests.

2016. 4.1 Miles. Directed by Daphne Matziaraki.

Stubley, Peter. 2018. “Greece’s Moria refugee camp faces closure over ‘uncontrollable amounts of waste’.” The Independent, September 10. 2

Tondo, Lorenzo. 2018. “’We have found hell’: trauma runs deep for children at dire Lesbos camp.” the Guardian, October 3.

The food provided is often not enough to stave off hunger, and this state of perpetual want breeds both crime and violence. Extensive theft on the surrounding area brought tighter controls to Moria in the form of razorwire fencing and guards;3 now those within are set upon each other even further.

Ibid.

Ethnic and national divides increase in intensity, with the less numerous and more hated being abused by those in the majority. Pashtuns bully Syrians who bully Iraqis who bully Kurds; Yazidis pretend to be Kurdish

to avoid being lynched, unfortunately not always successfully.5 Sexual abuse is rife, to men, women, and children alike. Recently, there have been a slew of attempted suicides in the camp from individuals as young as 10.6 Feelings of invisibility and stagnation grow as public perception and focus fade in equal measure. Authorities are unwilling to intervene in such disputes after previous attempts brought rioting from the gang-like associations forming within. Even individuals identified as ISIS members by their former victims have been able to escape the law inside the camp.7 This is a scene that plays out in varying intensity in camps all throughout Greece, but like most issues, it is in Moria that it finds its ugliest expression. As we have noted, each refugee camp is – like any other human settlement – possessed of its own particular issues. Refugee camps as a monolithic entity are already inclined towards a wide range of problems, and Moria is one camp that exhibits essentially all of them. For expediency’s sake, we will elaborate upon four broad issues that beget further complications: Overpopulation, Infrastructure, Financing, and Progress - or the ability to achieve said progress.

Displacement Tracking Matrix Analytics. 2018. Refugee Flow Monitoring Database. Data Sheet, IOM. 5

Neurink

Clement

Ibid. Tondo

Moria was planned initially to hold 1,500 individuals. It was expanded haphazardly under increasing loads to support up to 3,100. It is now home to over 9,000. This problem is exacerbated by a lack of case workers for processing the inflow, with 26 refugees per case worker in 2013 rising to 88 per in 2017.8 Being located on an island, Moria experiences great difficulty in installation of the most basic facilities, let alone features of comfort. This is due to logistical, climatic, and topographic complications; and applies to hydro, sanitation, electricity, and transport infrastructure in 24

equal measure. Existing structures from the military base are the only permanent ones on the site and are used for administrative services.9 All other enclosures are essentially tents of varying size and complexity. These range from the large UNHCR volunteer tent to the failing IKEA pup tents that most of the actual refugees live in. 10 Finances are dire for many refugee camps, and Moria is disproportionately affected due to many factors. Greece has been mired in the economic doldrums for over a decade now, and with services as central as hospital operation and pension values being slashed, it is no surprise that there is little money to be found in the coffers for refugees. In addition, EU funding has been allocated for the Greek refugee camps, but most of it is not disbursed unless various austerity conditions are met first.11 This delay harms refugees, creates negative public perception in the recipient country, and perhaps most alarmingly (and definitely most cynically) blackmails a sovereign nation into making unwise economic and social decisions on behalf of powerful foreign lobbies by using a humanitarian crisis as an anvil upon which to hammer them into submission. Given the above litany of issues, solutions for Moria must come from the top down. However, with sufficient funding and staffing support the problems are not without answer. From a design perspective, the issues at Moria are heavily related to infrastructural and organizational deficiencies, linked largely to issues pertaining to the geography of the area. In designing for such a scenario, one must be particularly appreciative of logistics. Our design attempts to tackle the essential infrastructural issues whilst simultaneously fostering improved inter-communal relations between different refugee groups, as well as the local populace.

(Matziaraki 2016)

The concept design draws heavily from the deep vernacular traditions native to the various Aegean Island chains, notably Cycladic, reimagined in a broadly â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Nisioticâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; context. Essential qualities are a largely orthogonal plan with highly abstract constructive elements. The structures in any given settlement are largely integrated with one another, whilst the individual units are generally of a low complexity, with a commensurately small footprint. This is part and parcel to a high degree of integration with the landscape, which at times is extremely steep and rocky. Thus, the designs

are very much dictated by topography, and so their template is naturally adaptable to most any situation. Looking more closely at the techniques involved, Greek island architectureâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s materiality is again highly linked to regional conditions. Locally quarried stone is the most common core structural element, although rammed earth is not uncommon (viable soil is however not in abundance on many islands). The core structure is often wholly or at least partially coated in Asvesto, a Lime based whitewash, which reflects and remains cool even in direct sunlight. This, coupled with the radiative mass of the walls (averaging 80 centimetres in thickness), make these homes ideal for summer temperatures with respect to passive thermal design. As for active elements, the islanders have learned over time to make use of the seagoing breezes to cool their homes, employing small square operable windows on the northern faces to facilitate the passage of etisiai and meltemia, the cool and dry winds that come from the north during the summer months. Most houses are equipped with a wood stove for heating in the winter, which is more than adequate as winters in the islands are generally mild and wet. A central element of most communities is the Vrysi, the water pump that would at times serve all the water for a community. With the increasingly common advent of in-home running water, they now serve a mostly symbolic purpose as a central meeting point for any Greek community. Having established the parameters within which our refugee housing facilities would fall, we may outline the specifics of our design in subsequent relation. The housing facilities consist of units in varying densities, ranged around a shared communal space as dictated by the topography. In our template plan, the design forms a roughly square pattern, with units ranged for occupation by families. These familial units possess private open air spaces for the easing of cultural requirements common to a large proportion of the migrants. This forms another tenet of the design: small communities of like size and makeup, grouped amidst larger patterns of the same. These groupings will help to alleviate tensions in the haphazard and high density situation that defines the current situation. The pre-existing camp area, having been largely graded and paved, is well suited to the implementation of the higher density single housing units, without the extensive communal 26

spaces. The community benefits are not confined to the refugees themselves, as a core idea behind the use of vernacular architectural styles is that it will help forge a bridge between the locals and the refugees; the perception of whom has been taking a beating for some months now. The idea here is to leverage the expertise and manpower of the locals who themselves suffer under high rates of unemployment and poverty in order to both construct and instruct. They can provide a valuable service to the refugees, in building their homes and in giving them marketable skills in both practical and linguistic areas whilst reducing their feeling of otherness. This process will in turn benefit locals by providing them with meaningful work and decrease their discomfort with regards to refugees whilst increasing the morale on the island in general. In addition to these community benefits, the process would come with commensurate gains in economic and developmental areas. The new settlements would provide highly resilient infrastructure that will last far beyond the refugee crisis. In addition, it will help to maintain the culture of the islands, a key fear of locals being the encroaching military style settlements that have historically been used for such cases. This is particularly important for an island like Lesbos, whose economy is very heavily vested in tourism and hospitality. In addition, the establishment of a robust local infrastructure as outlined would no doubt result in concurrent delineation of a timeline for post-crisis uses, which would stimulate faster refugee processing through self-applied pressure, even beyond the gains made through simply improving the facilities. Naturally these design based solutions are predicated on a change in attitude towards the presence of refugees, as less of a burden and more of an opportunity. While the Zaatari camp at Mafraq has demonstrated that refugee camps need not all be drains on local economies, this attitude remains very niche. The large investment in both human and pecuniary capital necessary in order to execute such creative solutions is a tough nut to swallow for European debtors, but drastic changes are clearly already necessitated by the existing conditions. While this concept is just an exploration of a potential solution through design-based methodology, ultimately a single idea a solution does not make. The first priority must be disbursement of allocated funds, which in turn will facilitate both the con-

Concept for communal family housing

ORIGINAL SITE

CONCEPT PROPOSAL

UNHCR TENTS

PROPOSED CONCEPT DESIGN

CASE V

Dadaab Camp, Kenya

Figure1.1: The Dadaab Refugee Camp1

Introduction: Dadaab is a semi-arid town(Figure1.1), which is hosted by UNCHER, consisting of around 235,269 registered Somali refugees and asylum seekers within four camps2, and thus, it becomes one of the largest refugee camp complexes in the world. 3 Ifo, Dagahaley, and Hagadera were introduced during the 1990s due to the civil war in Somalia, while the newest one Ifo2 which was introduced in 2011 due to the drought and famine in southern Somalia .4 According to the figure 1.2 , the main sources of refugees were from Somalia where dominated by nomadic pastoralists and mobile pastoralist lifestyles.5 According to the research from UNCHER, the total population of refugees was approximately 276,000, while Somali refugees occupied approximately 95% of the whole population, while 5 percent of the whole population were from Burundi, Ethiopian, Rwandan, and South Sudanese origin.6 Camels were their main livestock of providing transportation services and food, such as carrying the traditionally temporary Aqals (traditional living tents) around and producing milk(Figure 1.3&1.4). Current Challenge: However, As a naturally-grown town with several nomadic generations in dilemma operated by the UN and Kenya. United Nations10 which was the main operator and Kenya which was the hosting country were planning to close it due to plenty of problems in the political, economic, societal and humanitarian fields. Economical Aspect: 1.The refugee side was criticized for relying on international aid from UN. 2.The rise of loan, currency inflation and the sharp increase of maintenance fee trapped both Kenya and UN while the two sides signed the contract to operate the Refugee base. 11 3. The amount of budget was decreased by 70 percent annually, as there was a steep drop in funding from 2016. 12 Political Aspect: 1.The government of Kenya threatened to close the refugee camp and directly forced refugees to go back to their own country or being transferred to resettlement while the warfare in Somalia was still happening. 13

UNCHER. “Dagahaley District.” Accessed April 19, 2019. https://reliefweb.int/search/results?search=dadaab.

“Dadaab Refugee Complex - UNHCR Kenya.” UNHCR. Accessed April 13, 2019. https://www. unhcr.org/ke/dadaab-refugee-complex.

”Dadaab.” Wikipedia. March 19, 2019. Accessed April 13, 2019. https://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Dadaab.

”Dadaab Refugee Complex - UNHCR Kenya.” UNHCR. Accessed April 13, 2019. https://www. unhcr.org/ke/dadaab-refugee-complex

Figure1.2: The Principal Sources of Refugees and the layout of Dadaab Camp7

2.The global sight suspected that the Dadaab Refugee Camp was a base which provided the Somali Islamist terrorist group al-Shabab(“The Youth in Arabic”) with a breeding ground. 14 Eg:al-Shabab claimed that they carried an attack on a Kenyan military base in one of Somalia’s towns in January 2016, resulted in around 141 deaths.In 2015, the massacre at Kenya’s Garissa University and the gunshot in the Westgate shopping mall in 2013 were also confirmed by the terrorist group. During the football World Cup in 2010, the attack from AlShabab destroyed a club and a restaurant in Uganda’s capital Kampala

Figure1.3:Camels 8

Figure1.4:Drinking camel’s milk9

Irimia R, Gottschling M (2016) Taxonomic Revision of Rochefortia Sw. (Ehretiaceae, Boraginales). Biodiversity Data Journal 4: E7720. Https://doi.org/10.3897/ BDJ.4.e7720.” doi:10.3897/bdj.4.e7720.figure2f.

Flemming, Jenn. “Case Study Report Norwegian Refugee Council, Dadaab, Kenya.” 1-26. Accessed April 18,2019.http://s3.amazonaws.com/inee-assets/resources/ AEWG-Case-Study-Report-Kenya-Norwegian-Refugee-Council.pdf.

through an explosion. 15

4.The local pressure built an uncertainty or even discrimination without the notion of community, as the sections divided people and separated the whole refugee camps according to their races, cultural backgrounds.

Mensah, Joseph. “Dadaab Refugee Camps in Kenya.” Digital image. Borderless Higer Education For Refugees. Accessed April 13, 2019. https://www.bher.org/resources/ maps/.

New Somali Exhibit Shows 4,000 Years of History and Daily Life — in Somalia and Minnesota. Tribune Content Agency, June 23, 2018.

“Dadaab Refugee Complex - UNHCR Kenya.” UNHCR. Accessed April 13, 2019. https://www.unhcr.org/ke/dadaab-refugee-complex.

Societal Aspect: 1.The shortage of food, overcrowded shelters, unsanitary water resources and the high unemployment rates were contributing to severe aftermath. 16

Flemming, Jenn. “Case Study Report Norwegian Refugee Council,Dadaab, Kenya.” 1-26. Accessed April 18,2019.http://s3.amazonaws.com/inee-assets/resources/ AEWG-Case-Study-Report-Kenya-Norwegian-Refugee-Council.pdf.

Mohamed, Hussein. “Shabab Militants Attack Kenyan Military Base in Somalia.” Accessed April 19, 2019. doi:10.3897/bdj.4.e9906.figure3a.

Kriel, Robyn. “Kenya Covers up Military Massacre.” CNN, May 31, 2016. Accessed April 19, 2019. doi:10.3897/bdj.4.e7720.figure2f.

MacKinnon, Hayley. Education in Emergencies. CIGI, 2014, 8.

2.The overcrowded and neglected educational facilities and the low qualified education system due to the inadequately trained teachers had been applied for several refugee generations within hundreds of years, which resulted in poor learning skills and reading fluency.17 (Figure 1.7) Humanitarian Aspect: 1. The temporary tents(Figure 1.6) that the UN provided ended as 36

a permanent infrastructure for several generations, which contributed to the exiled experiences without a nomadic lifestyle. 2. The government Kenya trapped the refugees inside the boundary of the refugee camp while the suspicion of terrorism emerged, which turned these “non-states” into invisible residents in Kenya.

Figure 1.5: Traditional Somali Aqal18

Figure 1.6: The tents that provided by the UN organization19

Figuref1.7: The current condition of the education institutes20

Figure 1.8: Health Center21 18

Shafi. Construction of Aqal Somali. JPG. Shafisaid.wordpress.com, May 20, 2007.

Wesangula, Daniel. Dadaab: The City You Cannot Leave. JPG. Transforming nsitutes, February 2016.

Ocharo, Faith. “Life in Dadaab: Being a Head Teacher inKenya’s MassiveRefugee Camp.” August 2017. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://theirworld.org/ news/inside-dadaab-refugee-camp-kenya-head-teacher-tells-of-challenges.

Dadaab Refugee Camp (Kenya). JPG. World of Camps.https:/ worldofcamps.org/camp/dadaab-camp-english/

Mensah, Joseph. “Dadaab Refugee Camps in Kenya.” Digital image.

Borderless Higer Education For Refugees. Accessed April 13, 2019. https://www. bher.org/resources/maps/.

Dadaab Refugee Camp (Kenya). JPG. World of Camps.https:// worldofcamps.org/camp/dadaab-camp-english/

Analysis: According to the current plan of the Dadaab Refugee camp, plenty of serious issue s were emerging when the ongoing political, societal, economic problems happened. Refugees were divided and separated according to national identities and cultural backgrounds. In terms of political aspects, international suspicion and local pressure formed while terrorism contributed to the fear both inside and outside the refugee camp. The boundary (drawing 2.1) created plenty of limitations for the refugees physically, politically and even spiritually. The exiled feelings and being cut from their rootedness while separating from the previous labour relationships, neighbourhood, and nomadic lifestyles(Figure 1.2). As an individual, the shortcut of food resources, financial aid, overcrowded living shelters, political tensions, local pressures created sufferings for nomadic people who were trapped into the “bare life”.23

According to the research strategy, I proposed a twenty-year urbanization plan to redesign the whole refugee camp, which formed a mature and naturalized urban city with free economical systems, societal socialization, sophisticated transportation systems, livestock grazing systems and sustainable green spaces for pleasurable leisure and cultivation. From my perspective, I took Dagahaley district as the research base to test the strategy. According to the drawing 2.1 , the original residential zones were removed from 2019 to 2020, while people were resettled from Somalia (Figure 3.2)and other countries. The original international tents which were built by the UN organization were replaced by the vernacular reconstruction with local materials, such as woods, bricks, and stones(Figure 3.3). According to the drawing 2.1 and 2.2, the health center(Figure 1.8), food centers, educational institutes, graveyards, water points, green spaces with plantations, and the main automobile circulations were kept there as basic infrastructures to operate the whole camp. As the construction evolved, vernacular bud-brick houses were built with spaces between permanent infrastructures, while traditional aqals( drawing 2.3) could occupy these spatial gaps as temporary living units in transit. At this point in 2024, camels were kept as both transportation mediums and livestock in the areas with goats and other species which could adapt the semi-arid environment.Thus, green spaces around water resources were applied as valuable livestock grazing systems and farms to respond to the arid climate, while fences were constructed with aqals around for graziers temporarily(Figure3.4). According to the “Ambiguities of Space and Control :When Refugee Camp and Nomadic Encampment Meet”24 , Wilson mentioned that the sedentarisation for the refugee camp was “a shift from less mobile to more sedentary”, and thus, the “frigan”, which contained a humanitarian spatial layout originating from Spain’s pacification, was capable of accommodating various tents from different tribes. Thus, the spaces between permanent architectures could be occupied by tents, which were considered as the essential elements of spatial development in transit. Permanent residences with aqals in between

Figure3.1: The original site plan of Dagahaley Refugee Camp 22 22

Mensah, Joseph. “Dadaab Refugee Camps in Kenya.” Digital image.Borderless Higer Education For Refugees. Accessed April 13, 2019. https://www.bher.org/resources/maps/.

Giorgio Agamben, “The Camp as the ‘Nomos’ of the Modern,” in Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel Heller-‐Roazen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), Excerpts.

Wilson, A. (2014) Ambiguities of space and control: when refugee camp and nomadic encampment meet. Nomadic Peoples 18 (1), pp. 38-60

were applied in the case study as a practical urbanization strategy from 2024 to 2030. Moreover, the new technologies, such as trucks, emerged to replace the role of camels as the efficient transportation method to reinforce the relationship between Kenya and the refugee camp(Figure 3.5), extending the mobile access for Somali refugees to gain the economic rights(drawing 2.4). According to Wilson, various families adapted “ ‘one pen’ (livestock fences) with ‘one opening time’” ,and it seemed that the economic distinctions would be invisible,25 and thus, humanitarian freedom and political roles within business choices were provided with variations.(Figure 3.5)Thus, plenty of parking lots were inserted there from 2024 as the transportation conjunctions to function for the whole camp’s inbound and outbound circulation with economical operations, such as communicating with the local country and the outbound markets in other camps and normal counties, achieving the mature state in 2039(drawing 2.5) Thus,the economic system was developed without international aid while the labor relations were reconnecting the Dadaab Camp to Kenya, which replaced the invisible state of refugees with formal visibility. Thus, the mature marketing systems and internal economical communications brought productive communities with socialization and healthy identities which reorganized the status of nomadism and sédentarisation.(drawing 2.5&Figure 3.6) Thus, the urbanization which balanced the temporality and permanence which ended as a maturely naturalized urban system which dissolved the internationally political tensions, societally humanitarian issues, the state of invisibility and the shortage of globally financial aid.

Wilson, A. (2014) Ambiguities of space and control: when refugee camp and nomadic encampment meet. Nomadic Peoples 18 (1), pp. 38-60

Artificial Green Grass Educational institutes Health Center Market Center Police Base Graveyard Water Resources/ Points

Food Services

DADAAB REFUGEE CAMP URBANIZATION PLAN REDESIGN STRATEGY 2019-2039 Removing Zones 2019 Xinyu Gao Figure2.2

Vernacular Residences Temporary Aqal Tent Artificial Green Grass Educational institutes Health Center Market Center Police Base Graveyard Water Resources/ Points Food Services Livestock Fence Truck Parking Lot

DADAAB REFUGEE CAMP URBANIZATION PLAN REDESIGN STRATEGY 2019-2039 Naturalized Residences 2024 Xinyu Gao Figure2.3

DADAAB REFUGEE CAMP URBANIZATION PLAN REDESIGN STRATEGY 2019-2039 Mixed Temporality and Permanence 2030 Xinyu Gao Figure 2.4

DADAAB REFUGEE CAMP URBANIZATION PLAN REDESIGN STRATEGY 2019-2039 Mature Permanence 2039 Xinyu Gao Figure 2.5

Figure 3.1 Nomadic Life 1990s

Health Center Food Service

Figure 3.3 Removing Zones 2019-2020

Figure 3.5 Mixed Temporality and Permanence 2024-2030

Dadaab Refugee Camp

Figure 3.2 Exiled Resettlement 1990-2019

Livestock Farm

Figure 3.4 Naturalized Residences 2020-2024

Market

Figure 3.6 Mature Permanence 2030-2039

Temporality

Permanence

Permeability

2024

2039

2030

2024

2030

2039

2024

2030

2039

DADAAB REFUGEE CAMP URBANIZATION PLAN REDESIGN STRATEGY 2019-2039 Diagarm 4.1 Xinyu Gao

Transportation

2019

Livestock Farm

2019

Market

2024

2039

2030

2024

2019

2039

2030

2024

2030

DADAAB REFUGEE CAMP URBANIZATION PLAN REDESIGN STRATEGY 2019-2039 Diagarm 4.2 Xinyu Gao

2039

REFERENCES

Toronto Refugee Camp 1 Travel Weekly. “Radisson Hotel Toronto East Exterior.” Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.travelweekly.com/Hotels/Toronto/Radisson-Hotel-Toronto-East-p3903780 2 Tutton, Michael. “Three years on, many Syrian refugees in Toronto find the path to Canadian citizenship is still stressful.” The Globe and Mail. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/ article-three-years-o 3 CityNews Toronto. “Centennial College Residence and Conference Centre in Scarborough.” Accessed April 20, 2019. https://toronto. citynews.ca/2018/05/23/city-use-two-college-dorms-help-refugeehousing-crisis/ 4 Smith, Paul. “Toronto Plaza Airport Hotel.” CBC News. Accessed April 20, 2019. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/city-plaza-hotel-purchase-1.4899211 5 Oaktree_brian_1976. “North York Hydro across the street_HDR.” Flickr. Accessed April 20, 2019. https://www.flickr.com/photos/66151649@ N02/39266922154/ 6 “Toronto Humber River Finch Hospital.” CBC News. Accessed April 20, 2019. http://hcr-moves.com/reactivation-care-center-former-humber-river-hospital-finch-site/ 7 Crysler, Julie. “Scorch marks.” CBC’s The Current. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2018/10/12/tensionshigh-after-fire-set-at-refugee-hotel.html 8 “Suspect.” Toronto Police. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2018/10/12/tensions-high-after-fire-set-at-refugee-hotel.html 9 Keung, Nicholas. “Tensions high after fire set at refugee hotel.” The Toronto Star. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.thestar.com/news/ gta/2018/10/12/tensions-high-after-fire-set-at-refugee-hotel.html 10 “Refugees in the Shelter System Overnight” City of Toronto. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.toronto.ca/home/media-room/backgrounders-other-resources/backgrounder-refugee-asylum-claimant-arrivals-to-toronto-update/ 11 “4 in 10 people using Toronto homeless shelters are refugees or asylum claimants, report finds.” CBC News. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/street-needs-assessment-2018-1.4925418

12 “Shelter Beds.” Global News. Accessed April 19, 2019. https:// globalnews.ca/video/4169957/influx-of-refugee-claimants-putting-pressure-on-shelter-system-in-toronto 13 “Toronto getting $11M from feds to help house refugee claimants.” CBC News. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.cbc.ca/news/ canada/toronto/federal-refugee-funding-for-toronto-1.4749211 14 Young, Chris. “Well-wishers.” The Canadian Press. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://www.cbc.ca/radio/asithappens/as-it-happenstuesday-edition-1.4320308/it-is-heartbreaking-syrian-refugeedies-while-waiting-to-come-to-canada-1.4328332

Shatila Camp Agamben, Giorgio. Homo Sacer, Sovereign Power and Bare Life. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998. Azar, Maha Al. “’Misery Belts’ Remain a Model of State Neglect.” The Daily Star Newspaper - Lebanon. Accessed April 21, 2019. http://www. dailystar.com.lb/News/Lebanon-News/2000/Mar-23/31696-misery-belts-remain-a-model-of-state-neglect.ashx. Estella Carpi. “Refugees of the Revolution: Experiences of Palestinian Exile by Diana Allan (review).” Anthropological Quarterly 89, no. 2 (2016): 673-679. https://muse.jhu.edu/ (accessed April 20, 2019). Hailey, Charlie. Camps: A Guide to 21st-century Space. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2009. Martin, Diana. 2015. “From Spaces of Exception to ‘campscapes’: Palestinian Refugee Camps and Informal Settlements in Beirut.” Political Geography 44 (Complete): 9-18. doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2014.08.001. http:// resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/09626298/v44icomplete/9_ fsoetpcaisib Mohamad, Nabil. “Remembering the Sabra and Shatila Massacre 35 Years on.” Human Rights | Al Jazeera. September 16, 2017. Accessed April 21, 2019. https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/remembering-sabra-shatila-massacre-35-years-170916101333726.html.

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Moria Camp Clement, Nicolas. 2019. “’Hell on earth’: The Moria refugee camp on the Greek island of Lesbos.” Euractiv, January 11. https://www.euractiv. com/section/future-eu/news/moria-refugee-camp-on-greek-islandof-lesbos-hell-on-earth/. Displacement Tracking Matrix Analytics. 2018. Refugee Flow Monitoring Database. Data Sheet, IOM. 2016. 4.1 Miles. Directed by Daphne Matziaraki. Stubley, Peter. 2018. “Greece’s Moria refugee camp faces closure over ‘uncontrollable amounts of waste’.” The Independent, September 10. Tondo, Lorenzo. 2018. “’We have found hell’: trauma runs deep for children at dire Lesbos camp.” the Guardian, October 3.

Dadaab Camp UNCHER. “Dagahaley District.” Accessed April 19, 2019. https:// reliefweb.int/search/results?search=dadaab. “Dadaab Refugee Complex - UNHCR Kenya.” UNHCR. Accessed April 13, 2019. https://www.unhcr.org/ke/dadaab-refugee-complex. “Dadaab.” Wikipedia. March 19, 2019. Accessed April 13, 2019. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dadaab. Irimia R, Gottschling M (2016) Taxonomic Revision of Rochefortia Sw. (Ehretiaceae, Boraginales). Biodiversity Data Journal 4: E7720. Https://doi.org/10.3897/BDJ.4.e7720.” doi:10.3897/ bdj.4.e7720.figure2f. Flemming, Jenn. “Case Study Report Norwegian Refugee Council, Dadaab, Kenya.” 1-26. Accessed April 18,2019.http://s3.amazonaws.com/inee-assets/resources/AEWG-Case-Study-Report-Kenya-Norwegian-Refugee-Council.pdf. Mensah, Joseph. “Dadaab Refugee Camps in Kenya.” Digital image. Borderless Higer Education For Refugees. Accessed April 13, 2019. https://www.bher.org/resources/maps/. New Somali Exhibit Shows 4,000 Years of History and Daily Life — in Somalia and Minnesota. Tribune Content Agency, June 23, 2018. Servick, Kelly. “March of Dimes Abruptly Scales Back Research Funding.” Science, 2018. doi:10.1126/science.aau9840. Mohamed, Hussein. “Shabab Militants Attack Kenyan Military Base in Somalia.” Accessed April 19, 2019. doi:10.3897/bdj.4.e9906. figure3a. Kriel, Robyn. “Kenya Covers up Military Massacre.” CNN, May 31, 2016. Accessed April 19, 2019. doi:10.3897/bdj.4.e7720.figure2f. MacKinnon, Hayley. Education in Emergencies. CIGI, 2014, 8. Wesangula, Daniel. Dadaab: The City You Cannot Leave. JPG. Transforming Insitutes, February 2016. Ocharo, Faith. “Life in Dadaab: Being a Head Teacher in Kenya’s Massive Refugee Camp.” August 2017. Accessed April 19, 2019. https://theirworld.org/news/inside-dadaab-refugee-camp-kenyahead-teacher-tells-of-challenges. 52

The refugees themselves yearn for permanence and they should have it. The refugee housing may not deserve such permanence. The wildly varied situatiations of refugee housing mean that no refugee housing site is the same. They have different problems and thus, different solutions. Some sites should become permanent, some should stay impermanent.