Archipelago Marvila by Giulia Alberti

Archipelago Marvila

Archipelago Marvila cultural and landscape path to enhance the local identity in the Oriental part of Lisbon

Tesi di Laurea Magistrale in Architettura

Scuola: Architettura Urbanistica Ingegneria delle Costruzioni Indiizzo: E12 - Architecture Autore: Giulia Alberti Matricola n: 874362 Relatore: Ermes Invernizzi

Abstract

ENG

The Marvila district is located in the eastern part of Lisbon, between the historic centre and the area of the Expo 98. It is characterized by social housing buildings dated 1960/70 and a variety of urban voids where spontaneous and lush vegetation grows, by an irregular terrain morphology and marked by overlapped historical heritage and identity: the rural and agricultural memory represented by the Quintas buildings (Lisbon nobilityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s holiday houses), the conventual and monastic patrimony and the industrial and productive heritage. The district, inhabited by low-income classes, lacks in the quality of public space and it is poorly connected with the rest of the city as it manifests an important unevenness in urban planning. This thesis aims to enhance and safeguard the natural environment and the places of local memory, preserving them from speculation, degradation and abandonment, creating a new local identity among the inhabitants of Marvila. The urban strategy involves two macro phases: the protection of green areas and the enhancement of the local memory. The first phase involves the action of local administrative authorities: the purpose is to widen the boundaries of the Bela Vista Urban Park, integrating the surrounding green and agricultural areas, thus giving life to a new urban green lung. The second phase involves the local heritage composed of buildings (Quintas, convents and industries) and old streets (Azinhagas), often in an advance state of decay or neglected. The actions required at this phase are map-making, the assignment of a new function and their connection through a cultural path. The process aims to actively involve the community and associations of citizens in the design process. The goal is to activate the ruins and their surroundings transforming them into an urbanhubs capable of educating to a renewed sense of community through different typological approaches and multi scales interventions, following the approach of Tactical Urbanism. The architectural heritage identification and connection through the historical road network, create a cultural path in the rural-agricultural-industrial landscape which enhance and narrates the local history, both to the Marvilense population, both visitors interested in a Lisbon that is not found in tourist guides, but for this reason no less interesting and meaningful.

ITA

iii

Il distretto di Marvila è situato nella parte Orientale di Lisbona, tra il centro storico e l’area dell’Expo 98. L’area è caratterizzata da costruzioni di residenza popolare risalenti agli anni 60/70, da numerosi vuoti urbani conquistati da una vegetazione spontanea e rigogliosa, da un morfologia del territorio irregolare e contrassegnato da un sovrapporsi di memorie e identità: la più antica è quella rurale delle Quintas (abitazioni di villeggiatura della nobiltà Lisboeta), quella successiva conventuale e monastica, sostituita nello scorso secolo da una industriale e produttiva. Marvila , abitata da una popolazione costituita da classi a basso e medio reddito, risulta carente nella qualità dello spazio pubblico e mal collegata con il resto della città a causa di un’importante disomogeneità tra la pianificazione urbana a scala cittadina e quella locale. L’obiettivo di questa tesi è la valorizzazione e la salvaguardia dello spazio naturale e dei luoghi della memoria locale, preservandoli dalla speculazione edilizia, dal degrado e dall’abbandono, creando una nuova identità locale tra gli abitanti di Marvila. Tale strategia prevede due macro fasi: la la protezione delle aree verdi e la valorizzazione della memoria locale. La prima fase coinvolge le autorità amministrative locali: il proposito è quello di ampliare i confini del Parco Urbano di Bela Vista, integrando le circostanti aree verdi spontanee e quelle di natura agricola, dando così vita ad un nuovo grande polmone verde. La seconda fase comporta la valorizzazione della memoria architettonica locale (Quintas, conventi e industrie) e dell’antica rete stadale (Azinhagas), spesso in forte stato di degrado o abbandono. Il processo progettuale mira a coinvolgere attivamente la comunità e le associazioni rappresentanti dei cittadini. L’obiettivo è quello di attivare la rovina e lo spazio che la circonda, transformandoli in hubs urbani capaci di educare ad un rinnovato senso di comunità, attraverso interventi di scale e tipologie differenti, seguendo la strategia definita con il termine Tactical Urbanism. L’identificazione dell’eredità architettonica e la riconnessione della rete stradale storica, crea un percorso culturale nel paesaggio rurale, agricolo e industriale, raccontandone e esaltandone la memoria locale, sia alla popolazione Marvilense, sia ai visitatori interessati ad una Lisbona che non si trova nelle guide turistiche, ma non per questo meno interessante e ricca.

Index

Abstract ENG Abstract ITA Introduction ENG Introduction ITA

i iii 4 6

LISBOA

Urban Plans Urban Analysis Morphology and Urban Fabric

12 20 24

MARVILA

History Urban Features

30 42

PHOTO REPORT

FUTURE SCENARIOS ARCHIPELAGO MARVILA

66 74

The Third Lascape Issues Interviews Strategy

76 78 84 86 90

A Bela Vista Agriultural Park B Activating and Connecting the Mavila Archipelago Tactical Urbanism

B1 Mapping and Activating theCentres Landscape Classification Activation Tools URBAN AGRICULTURE CENTRE AT QUINTA DAS CONCHAS MARVILA COMMUNITY CENTRE MULTI[FUN]CTIONAL SQUARE MIM - MIRADOURO INDUSTRIAL DE MARVILA MARVILA ART CENTRE

B2 Connecting the Activated Centre through the Azinhagas Bibliography and Sitography

92 94 96 98 100 102 114 124 136 146 156 170

Lisboa Sophia de Mello Breyner Andresen 1977

Digo: “Lisboa” Quando atravesso – vinda do sul – o rio E a cidade a que chego abre-se como se do seu nome nascesse Abre-se e ergue-se em sua extensão noturna Em seu longo luzir de azul e rio Em seu corpo amontoado de colinas – Vejo-a melhor porque a digo Tudo se mostra melhor porque digo Tudo mostra melhor o seu estar e a sua carência Porque digo Lisboa com seu nome de ser e de não-ser Com seus meandros de espanto insónia e lata E seu secreto rebrilhar de coisa de teatro Seu conivente sorrir de intriga e máscara Enquanto o largo mar a Ocidente se dilata Lisboa oscilando como uma grande barca Lisboa cruelmente construida ao longo da sua própria ausência Digo o nome da cidade – Digo para ver

I say: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Lisbonâ&#x20AC;? When I traverse - coming from the South - the river And the city to which I arrive opens itself as if it was born from its name. It opens itself and props itself up in its nocturnal extension in its long glimmer of blue and sea in its body mounted by hills I see it better because I say it. Everything presents itself better because I say. Everything presents better its being and its dearth Because I say Lisbon with its name of being and not being with its meanders of shock insomnia and tin, and its secret sheen of a theater thing its conniving smile of intrigue and mask while the large sea the West expands itself. Lisbon oscillating like a big barge. Lisbon cruelly constructed over its own absence. I say the name of the city I tell you to see

O Guardador de Rebanhos, Poema XX Alberto Caeiro (heterônimo de Fernando Pessoa) 1925

Pelo Tejo vai-se para o mundo. Para além do Tejo há a América E a fortuna daqueles que a encontram. Ninguém nunca pensou no que há para além Do rio da minha aldeia. O rio da minha aldeia não faz pensar em nada. Quem está ao pé dele está só ao pé dele.

By the Tagus one goes to the world. Beyond the Tagus there is America And the fortune of those who find it. No one ever thought of whatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s beyond From the river of my village. The river in my village makes you think of nothing. Whoever stands by him is only beside him.

Introduction

ENG

Lisbon can be described with many adjectives: the city of light, the sound of *Fado, the seven hills where it is nestled, city of the Saudade, sad and cheerful at the same time. The feature which surely influenced more this capital city is the “three-dimensionality” of its landscape, creating an urban agglomerate composed by different overlapped layers, giving to the visitor the possibility to enjoy a magical scenario, made of panoramas towards the city and the Tagus. Geographically located in a remote position in the European continent, it lies on the delta’s banks of the Tagus river (Tejo), which, a few kilometres away, flows into the Atlantic Ocean towards South America. Thanks to its position, the history of Lisbon, Portugal and the entire Lusophone culture, is strictly connected to travels, discoveries and distant lands where the colonies where settled. Portugal borders with Spain and with the Atlantic Ocean, give to the city dozens of other hypothetical overseas borders and connections. The only mean of transport they needed was a ship and braveness to face the unknown. Indeed, it exists a Portuguese word that does not find a translation in other languages: “Saudade”. Its meaning is a deep emotional state of nostalgic or profound melancholic longing for an absent something or someone that one cares for and/or loves. Moreover, it often carries a repressed knowledge that the object of longing might never return. The feeling of distance and loss felt by the families of the Portuguese explorers who were going on overseas missions. Nowadays, Lisbon is a much more complex and stratified city. After facing a severe recession due to the economic crisis in 2008, which affected most of the southern European countries, it has been able to reinvent itself and implement strategically attractive policies addressed to foreign investors. The entry of external capital has given a renewed boost to the real estate market, triggering phenomena such as gentrification with all the positive and negative aspects that brings. The built-up urban area, often in conditions of high degradation, has been renovated and restored with the frequent purpose of tourism: in a few years the city has been invaded by hotels, hostels or homes converted to Airbnb (AL - Alojamento Local). This wave of interest in Lisbon by tourists from all over the world, thanks also to the convenient fear offered by low-cost airlines, has changed the city into a “Lusitan Venice”, which threatens to compromise its true essence and the typicality of the old town. Nowadays, the main themes spoken inside the several collectives and associations of inhabitants and activists in Lisbon is the right to the city, thrown into crisis by the wicked increase in house prices and rentals. 4

The risk which is quickly becoming reality is to transform the historical centre in an urban phantom zone, or to deprive it of inhabiting function: emptied of true inhabitants, but populated only for short time by tourists, the thaberdasheries and groceries stores close down to give space to souvenir shops, new fancy bars and clubs, ethnic or luxury restaurants, etc... However, Lisbon is not the first city to face these kinds of problems due to the urge to face a neoliberalist and global economy. The modern sociology uses the term “Disneyfication”, which is the transformation of something to resemble the theme parks of the Walt Disney Company, with the unique aim to showmanship. The term is generally used negatively and implies the homogenization of consumption and merchandising, more broadly describes the processes of stripping a real place or an event from its original character and packaging in a sanitized format. The city thus becomes a stereotyped image of itself. What is considered “typical” it ends up being emptied of its meaning, taking the role of definition and description of the city as a consumer product recognizable and publicizable. City branding or Place branding, and the diffusion and promotion of certain characteristics belonging to a landscape or a place is considered positive and therefore attractive to create a brandable image. Territorial marketing creates in this way a paradox: the integration of the world economy has as a way to transform urban spaces through logics common to many world cities. This leads to homogenize typical urban characteristics and to smooth out the contrasts, making the typical features disappear. On the other side, the same process of creating the city as a brand necessarily implies a simplification of the message that you want to communicate and is counterproductive for the preservation and

the diversity of the landscape. Removing complexity and taking as fixed some features that characterize a certain place, excludes the possibility of change and evolution, inherent properties of the city nature. The urban conflicts which have contributed to the urban product, become incomprehensible and dangerous for the homologation and promotion purpose. Even the city becomes, despite us, a mass consumer product.

Public demonstration for the right to the house and the city, final event fo the “Festival de HabitACÇÃO “organized by citizen association “Acçao pela Habitação” [ 29 September 2019, Rossio Square, Lisbon ].

ITA

può essere descritta da molti aggettivi e parole: la città della *luce,Lisbona il suono del Fado, le sette colline dove è adagiata, città della Saudade, triste e allegra allo stesso tempo. La caratteristica che sicuramente influenza maggiormente questa città è la tridimensionalità del suo paesaggio, la quale ha prodotto un agglomerato urbano composto da diversi livelli sovrapposti, dando al visitatore la possibilità di godere di uno scenario magico, fatto di panorami verso la città e il fiume Tago. Situata geograficamente in una posizione remota rispetto al continente europeo, si colloca sulle rive del delta del fiume Tago (Tejo), il quale, a pochi chilometri di distanza, sfocia nell’Oceano Atlantico in direzione del Sud America. Grazie alla sua posizione, la storia di Lisbona, del Portogallo e dell’intera cultura lusofona, è strettamente legata ai viaggi, alle scoperte di terre lontane dove stabilirono prospere colonie. Il Portogallo ha come unico confine terrestre quello con la Spagna, ma il più importante è quello con l’Oceano Atlantico, il quale dà alla città decine di altri ipotetici confini oltremare e collegamenti strategici. L’unico mezzo di trasporto di cui avevano bisogno era una nave e coraggio per affrontare l’ignoto. Proprio grazie a questa storia di viaggi verso l’orizzonte infinito dell’Oceano, esiste una parola portoghese che non trova una traduzione in altre lingue, “Saudade”. Il suo significato è un profondo stato emotivo di nostalgia o grande malinconia, la mancanza di un qualcosa/qualcuno che è assente e che si ama profondamente. Inoltre, spesso porta con sé una consapevolezza repressa che l’oggetto del desiderio non potrà mai tornare. La sensazione di lontananza e perdita avvertita dalle famiglie degli esploratori portoghesi che erano in missione all’estero. Oggi Lisbona è una città molto più complessa e ulteriormente stratificata. Dopo aver affrontato una grave recessione causata dalla crisi economica del 2008, che ha colpito la maggior parte dei paesi dell’Europa meridionale, è stata in grado di reinventarsi e attuare politiche strategicamente attraenti per i facoltosi investitori stranieri. L’ingresso di capitale esterno ha dato un nuovo impulso al mercato immobiliare, innescando fenomeni come la gentrificazione, con tutti gli aspetti positivi e negativi che implica. Il tessuto urbano e architettonico, spesso in condizioni di forte degrado, è stato rigenerato e riconvertito frequentemente ad una funzione legata al settore turistico: in pochi anni la città è stata invasa da alberghi, ostelli o abitazioni convertite ad Airbnb (AL - Alojamento Local). Questa ondata di interesse per Lisbona da parte di turisti provenienti da tutto il mondo, dovuta anche alle convenienti tariffe delle compagnie low cost, ha trasformato la città in una “Venezia lusitana”, che minaccia di compromettere la sua vera essenza e la tipicità del suo centro storico. Oggi i temi principali affrontati all’interno 6

dei vari collettivi e associazioni di abitanti e attivisti a Lisbona è il diritto alla città, messo in crisi dallo scellerato aumento dei prezzi delle case e degli affitti. Il rischio che sta rapidamente diventando realtà è quello di trasformare il centro storico in una zona urbana fantasma, o di privarlo della funzione abitativa: svuotato dai veri abitanti, ma popolato solo per breve tempo dai turisti, le mercerie e in negozi di generi alimentari chiudono per dare spazio a negozi di souvenir, nuovi bar e club alla moda, ristoranti etnici o di lusso, ecc... Tuttavia, Lisbona non è la prima città ad affrontare tali problemi per la necessità di affrontare un’economia neoliberista e globale. La sociologia moderna utilizza il termine “Disneyfication”, che è la trasformazione di una città in qualcosa simile ai parchi a tema della Walt Disney Company, con unico scopo quello di intrattenere il visitatore. Il termine è generalmente usato negativamente implica l’omogeneizzazione del consumo e del merchandising, più in generale descrive il processo di spogliare un luogo reale o un evento dal suo carattere originale e l’imballaggio in un formato igienizzato. La città diventa così un’immagine stereotipata di sé stessa. Ciò che viene considerato tipico finisce per essere svuotato del suo significato, assumendo il ruolo di definizione e descrizione della città come prodotto di consumo riconoscibile e pubblicizzabile. Il branding urbano o Place branding, e la diffusione e la promozione di alcune caratteristiche appartenenti ad un paesaggio o ad un luogo è considerato positivo e quindi attraente per creare un’immagine di marca. Il marketing territoriale crea così un paradosso: l’integrazione dell’economia mondiale ha come modo di trasformare gli spazi urbani attraverso logiche comuni a molte città del mondo. Questo porta ad omogeneizzare le caratteristiche urbane tipiche e ad attenuare i contrasti, facendo scomparire

le caratteristiche tipiche. D’altra parte, lo stesso processo di creazione della città come marchio, implica necessariamente una semplificazione del messaggio che si vuole comunicare ed è controproducente per la conservazione e la diversità del paesaggio. Rimuovere la complessità e assumere come fisse alcune caratteristiche che caratterizzano un certo luogo, esclude la possibilità di cambiamento ed evoluzione, proprietà intrinseche della natura cittadina. I conflitti urbani che hanno contribuito al prodotto urbano, diventano incomprensibili e pericolosi ai fini dell’omologazione e della promozione. Anche la città diventa, nonostante noi, un prodotto di largo consumo.

LISBOA a r e a 100.05

km²

population ( 2 0 1 7 )

capital city 5 0 5 , 5 2 6 u r b a n 2,800,000 m e t r o 2 , 8 27, 51

density 6 4 4 6 , 2 hab./km²

LISBOA

1948 PLANO GERAL DE URBANIZAÇÃO • organise declining stocking densities from the centre to the periphery; E EXPANÇÃO DE LISBOA • creating an industrial zone in the

PGUEL (Etienne de Groer)

eastern part of the city, associated with the port; • construction of a bridge over the Tagus connecting Poço do Bispo-Montijo, linked to one of the circulars; • build an international airport in the northern part of the city; • create a park in Monsanto with about 900ha, and a green area around the city that would include the Monsanto Park and that would extend through the Loures valley to the Tagus river. The main instrument of the plan was zoning, dividing the space into areas with different uses, to which specific legislation applied.

In 1938 Camera Municipal *Lisboa, under the presidency

de of Duarte Pacheco, hired the architect and urbanist Étienne de Gröer, who together with the municipal technical services, defined the main lines of development of the city. In 1948 the plan was completed and was approved by CML, although it had never had government approval. The main lines of force of the plan were: • creation of a radio centric road network from an axis built by Avenida A. Augusto de Aguiar and its extension to the road Lisbon-Porto;

1959 GABINETE DE ESTUDOS DE URBANIZAÇÃO

GEU (Guimarães Lobato)

In *created

February 1954, the CML the Office of Urbanization Studies (Gabinete de Estudos de Urbanização - GEU) to revise and update the 1948 Plan. The Lisbon Urbanization Masterplan (Plano Diretor de Urbanização de Lisboa PDUL) of 1959 maintained most of the proposals of the previous plan, although it had introduced important changes and the construction of important infrastructures as: • the Bridge on the Tagus River from Alcântara to Almada; • highway skirting the Monsanto Park (from Campolide to

Amadora);

• two highways, one to the north and one

to the south, linked to the Bridge.

Urban plans

1967

1977

1967-1977 PLANO GERAL DE URBANIZAÇÃO DE LISBOA

PGUCL (Plano de Meyer - Heine) • Creation of two main axes,

was drawn up as a result of the need for *anItinstrument to deal with the new urban

oriented north - south and linked to the motorway, passing through the airport; • Creation of the Avenida da Liberdade as a great monumental boulevard with motorway functions as decided in the previous PDUL, with the function to decongest the Baixa area and expel the traffic out of the centre; • City division into “basic planning units” Unidades de Ordenamento do Território.

situation, in particular the increase in car traffic, the start-up of the metro network, the construction of the bridge over the Tagus River and the beginning of the tertiarization process of the centre and the growth of the city’s outskirts. Following these results, CML decided to commission a revision of the PDUL by the architect and urbanist Meyer-Heine. The result was a plan focussed on the land-use regarding the entire area of the municipality, it has been drawing up between 1963 and 1967, but only published in 1977. The main guidelines of the PGUCL plan were: 13

1992 PLANO ESTRATEGICO DE LISBOA PEL

• making Lisbon competitive in the

European city systems;

• reaffirm Lisbon as the capital city in

the country; a modern, efficient and participatory administration. These objectives aimed to profoundly transform the city and to rethink it in the future, presupposing the overcome of serious problems, as the housing issue, the urban infrastructure development and the upgrade of public spaces to improve the citizens’ quality of life. The main goal was to transform Lisbon in a modern city through a differentiated urban model acting in four territorial units arising from the specific problems and potential: I. the central area of Lisbon, City centre and Lisbon Metropolitan area (AML); II. the urban hinge, directional and tertiary area; III. The transition area, periphery nature; IV. The riverfront area, try to connect the city to the river without loose the portual area. Lisbon, in the last decade, has undergone significant changes regarding sanitation infrastructure, road networks, green areas and collection of the urban solid waste system, the allocation of some collective equipment, including leisure facilities and, above all, the regeneration of the waterfront, happened in the Lisbon’s harbour and the eastern zone of the city, thanks to the World Exhibition occurred in 1998. • create

The acceleration of urban *transformations and social changes

has deeply questioned the planning methods processes carried out during the 40/70’s. In 1990 the Camera Municipal de Lisboa approved the basis for the Strategic Plan and the Municipal Masterplan elaboration. This proposal has defined the guidelines for the new urban project and the priority objectives for the city of Lisbon. The Lisbon Strategic Plan (PEL) was approved in 1992 and constituted an important longterm instrument (ten years) to support the future decision-making process, aiming at establishing the instructions for municipal actions, with the city development as the main goal. Beginning with the discussion and highlighting the weaknesses and potentialities of the city, the PEL attempted to established as great strategic objectives:making Lisbon an attractive city to live and work in; 14

1994 PLANO DIRETOR MUNICIPAL PDM

The 1994 Municipal Masterplan established the rules for the occupation, use and transformation of the municipal territory. It has been a fundamental support document for the urban administration and was thought to transform the concepts formulated in the previous urban plan of 1992 (PEL). Were considered the following concepts: • the model based on the four planning areas, defined in the PEL (1992); • the implementation of the transport system; • the development of tertiary activities; • the green urban structure; • the preservation of historical centre and built heritage contained in the municipal heritage charter. The PMD regulation also tried to address the urban strategies for Lisbon defined in the previous plans: • upgrading the housing system throughout the city, and in particular in its central area; • stabilisation of the consolidated urban fabric, with priority to the central area of the city; • requalification of the functional/ tertiary structure and development of new centralities; • the conversion of the eastern industrial area into an advanced industrial support services zone and the development of the Lisbon logistics platform; • improving the environmental quality of Lisbon; • develop the accessibility/mobility in the central area of the city. It was primarily a plan reacting to the tertiarization suffered by the city in the last decades and after that was a classic

zoning plan which aimed to protect housing as a dominant function, reacting to the growth of the city through allotment operations. The 1994 PDM was a drop-down planning system to consolidate the city, which has initiated the first generation of urban rehabilitation policies: the delimitation of historic residential areas and the central historical area of the Baixa. Regarding the mobility, the PDM abandoned the idea of extending the central axis of the Avenida da Liberdade and maintained the radio centric circulation system since the De Groer Plan (1948). It created the green corridor connecting the Monsanto natural park with Eduardo VII and, for the first time, instituted the protection of environmental and landscape values, such as the view system and cultural assets, as the Municipal Heritage Charter, integrated with the PDM regulation (Municipal Heritage Inventory). 15

2012 VISAO ESTRATEGICA participatory methodology was adopted by the municipality through the promotion of several meetings and discussion forums related to the revision of the Municipal Masterplan.

The process of working on a *“Strategic Vision” for Lisbon was

initiated in May 2002. It emerged as a follow-up to the previous urban plan, using the methodology and basic values of traditional strategic planning. It was decided to define objectively a reduced set of keypoints which embodied the idea of the Strategic View for the city. Its elaboration involved economic and social actors, public and private, who selected some projects and their programs, in a context of shared leadership and established cooperation mechanisms between all. The plan systematized the urban processes for Lisbon, developed since 2002 and intended to be a forwardlooking document in the decision making procedure for the local spatial planning and the urban development policies. The fundamental idea was the drafting of a document that would guarantee the coherence of the urban Lisbon’s development and the municipal policies. The Strategic Vision for Lisbon 2012 aimed to qualify and modernize the city and take it to the highest positions in the ranking of the best cities to live, work and invest. The planning interventions were based on strategic guidelines and actions covering various social, historical, cultural, environmental and economic themes and dynamics, technology, etc. From the definition of the key-points, the production of guidelines and the elaboration of practical measures and actions, a

2012-2024 CARTA ESTRATEGICA The Lisbon Strategic Charter aims to *answer to six main issues that the city is

facing and which constitute the strategic challenges in the urban planning. The six strategic questions facing the future of the city are: • How to recover, rejuvenate and socially balance the population? • How to make Lisbon a friendly, safe and inclusive city for everyone? • How can Lisbon be an environmentally sustainable and energy-efficient city? • How can Lisbon be transformed into an innovative, creative city capable of competing in a global context, generating wealth and employment? • How can we affirm the identity of Lisbon in a globalised world? • How to create an efficient, participatory and financially sustainable governance model?

2019 PLANO DIRETOR MUNICIPAL PDM

current Lisbon Masterplan (PDM) *wasThe established in August 2012 and it is the revision of the PDM 94’. The new plan aimed to achieve a territorial development strategy and to develop a city model. Rather than limiting private activity, it 16

seeks to guide and encourage behaviours suited to the public interest objectives. In this PDM, the proposals of the Strategic Charter 2010/2024 (Carta Estratégica 2010/2024), as well as the territorial articulation of the sectoral strategic objectives approved by the Municipal Assembly, were enshrined as a programmatic basis in the masterplan, in particular the local housing programme, the green plan, the education charter, the health equipment charter, the sports equipment charter and the strategic guidelines for social and childcare equipment. The 2012 PDM territorial development strategy is based on four main priorities: • affirming Lisbon on global and national networks; • regenerating the consolidated city; • promoting the urban qualification; • encouraging participation and improve the governance model. These priorities were translated into seven major goals that will guide the development of the city until 2024: • attracting more inhabitants; • attracting more businesses and jobs; • boosting urban rehabilitation; • qualifying the public space; • returning the riverside front to the people; • promoting sustainable mobility; • encouraging environmental efficiency. The densification of the strategic component of the PDM is also achieved through the delimitation of nine Planning and Management Operational Units (Unidades Operatives de Planeamento e Gestão UOPG), which cover the entire municipal territory. For each UOPG, through its features, the Plan established specific

territorial development strategies adapted to the challenges faced in each city’s sector. On the other hand, the delimitation of the UOPG was part of the revision process of the Administrative Charter and the consequent decentralization of competences once operated in the neighbourhood administration (Junta de Freguesia). The current PDM recommends a mixture of functions in the urban fabric, trying to achieve equilibrium, minimizing displacements and strengthening the neighbourhood life. That is why it is a flexible plan in the regulation of the use of buildings, without losing the residential function, in contrast to the modernist’s idea of classical zoning, present in the 1994 version. In contrast with the various masterplans during the 20th Century, focused on the structuring of the city in growth, this PDM elects as the main instrument of urban policy urban rehabilitation, giving life to the Lisbon Urban Rehabilitation Strategy. In this perspective, the PDM extends the concept of historical area to the entire consolidated city, identifying the urban areas to be preserved, guiding interventions towards the protection of the cultural and environmental values in each city sector, regardless of their historical antiquity. The PDM breaks with the cascade planning system, which had been a blocking factor to structure or convert city’ areas, through the creation of Implementation Units. 17

The PDM strategy for the road network breaks with the radioconcentric model of the masterplan of 1948, and successively replicated in the later master plans. It introduced a grid structure, allowing to decongest the historical center and relieve the central axis of the city, to make feasible the requalification of the public space and the regeneration of the central urban areas. The adherence between the mobility and urban policy is reflected in the creation of urban polarities around well-served areas easily reachable with public transport, strongly oriented to the compaction, to the rehabilitation and urban regeneration and the creation of speed moderated zones, to protect residential neighbourhoods. The PDM promotes a continuous ecological structure, based on three macro structuring corridors, promotes the renaturalization and densification of the ecological structure in the valleys, linking the waterfront and inland areas through natural elements, as a way of adapting to climate change. On the other hand, it promotes greater protection and interaction between the natural heritage and the cultural heritage, safeguarding the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s view system, the Geomonuments, the thermal waters of Alfama, the historical gardens, and introduces new categories within the cultural heritage: stores with history and industrial architecture. parque de monsanto airport of lisbon lisbon in 1147 new connections existing avenidas railway

Urban layout of the new Plano Director of Lisbon (2019)

1 2 3

PORTO PORTO

QUELUZ

SINTRA

CASCAIS

MONTIJO

points of view and valley

floading-risk

connections network

earthquake-risk

acessibility public transportations

enviromental risks

main streets network

Praรงa do Comercio Marques do Pombal Braรงo da Prata Aeroporto Oriente

1 2 3 4 5

21 22

6 5 17

4 23 12 2 1

neigborhoods

7 8

14 9 13 10

Beato Sao Vicente Avenidas Novas Penha da Franรงa Lumiar Carnide Santa Clara Olivais Campolide Parque das Naรงoes

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Belem Ajuda Alcantara Benfica Sao Domingos de Benfica Alvalade Marvila Areeiro Santo Antonio Santa Maria Maior Estrela Campo de Ourique Misericordia Arroios

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Urban Analysis

Lisbon urban fabric is characterized by *three main roads: two of them are starting

from the city centre, called Baixa, and developing to the north, the third one siding the riverfront and connecting Lisbon with the other coastal cities. The Avenida da Liberdade, inspired by the french boulevard, was built in 1879 as part of the “Passeio Público” (Public Walk side) a park and a communitarian space where Portuguese nobility could meet and socialize; it marks the northward expansion of the city during the 19th century. The Avenida Almirante Reis, begins also from the Baixa and ends to the Airport, is distinguished by the presence of the Polytechnic University of Lisbon, by a residential and multicultural nature. The Marginal is running along the riverfront, connecting Belem, Alcantara, Praça do Comercio and Oriente. Two landmarks for the Portuguese capital are the two bri dges, the 25 April and the Vasco da Gama allowing a better way to cross the Tagus estuary and connecting Lisbon with Almada and Montijo. The administrative division of the city territory is organized into twenty-four neighbourhoods called “freguesia”, each of them managed by a “Junta da freguesia”.

metro lines Cais do Sodré - Telheiras Future terminal: Pontinha Santa Apolónia - Amadora Este Rato - Odivelas Future terminal: Cais do Sodré São Sebastião - Areoporto Future terminal: Campo de Ourique

• •• •

azambuja moscavide oriente sintra

braço da prata reboleira

entrecampos

benfica sete rios

campolide

alcantara cascais

belém

roma

rossio

marvila

rail network santa apolonia

cais do sodré santos alcantara mar

setúbal

29 28 27 22

12 11

18 17

15 33

green areas

Parque das Quintas das Conchas Parque Oeste Hortas da AVAAL Hortas Acessíveis AL Parque Hortícola Vale de Ameixoeira Hortas do Bairro Padre Cruz Parque Quinta das Carmelitas Parque Bensaúde Parque Hortícola Quinta da Granja

26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

Parque Florestal de Monsanto Parque Hortícola Rio Seco Hortas do Bairro 2 de Maio Tapada das Necessidades Hortas Quinta de Bela Flor Parque Hortícola da Amnistia Jardim Zoológico de Lisboa Jardim Fundação Gulbenkian Parque Eduardo VII Jardim da Estrela Jardim Botânico de Lisboa Jardim do Torel Jardim da Cerca de Graça Jardim de Alameda Parque Vinícola de Lisboa Parque Hortícola Vale de Chelas Parque Hortícola Vale Vistoso Parque Hortícola Vale Fundão Parque Hortícola Quinta das Flores Quinta Pedagógica dos Olivais Parque Vale do Silêncio Parque Urbano dos Olivais Jardim do Cabeço das Rolas Jardim do Passeio dos Heróis do Mar Jardim do Campo Grande

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

Morphology and urban fabric

200

Monsanto

150

Vale de Alcantara

100 50 0

2000

4000

6000

Lisbon lies on hills and it is characterized by irregular terrain *morphology. Those natural features influenced the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s urban

development by preventing its development towards some directions, especially in areas where the ground is too steep and impervious, such as Alcantara and Chellas Valleys, the first located in the western side of Lisbon and the second one in the oriental part. Often crossed by large infrastructures, such as main roads, high ways or railways creating an even stronger barrier between the historical centre and the peripheral areas. Those suburbia neighbourhood are marked by high-density social residential complexes, interspersed with unused common areas, spontaneous green areas located next to the big infrastructure or in the proximity of abandoned buildings, often illegally occupied by residents with shacks constructed with waste materials and vegetable gardens.

Parque das NaĂ§Ăľes

Vale de Chelas

Castelo Baixa

8000

10000

12000

MARVILA

Peregrinações em Lisboa Norberto de Araújo 1939

A póvoa urbana por aqui tardou. Fêz-se entre quintas e rincões onde, primeiro, foram os nobres e os frades a edificar, e logo o povo maneirinho, à sombra de uns e de outros […]. Vai entre um passado só de vestígios e um presente febril: as fábricas tomaram o lugar dos mosteiros […]. Por aqui – é assim. Hortas, quintas, jardins, herdades; fortificações, solares, ermidas e portas – foram sacrificadas à urbanização e aos cais acostáveis […]; E por Xabregas, Beato e Grilo – alfobre de mosteiros –, sítios onde as fábricas, os armazéns, os cais e as pontes se sucedem e confundem gritando trabalho […]; E pelo Poço do Bispo, com o seu bate-bate de arcos de aduelas, e por Marvila, ribamar entre hortas, que teima em subsistir; E enfim, por esta área onde o eco do passado se afoga no tumulto ruidoso do resfolegar das máquinas, e onde o sino foi substituído pelo silvo das oficinas.

The urban inhabitants around here took long time (to settle). It was done between farms and corners where, first, the nobles and the friars build, and soon the people did it as well, trying to hide themself among the other people[…]. Go among a past only of vestiges and a feverish present: factories took the place of monasteries […]. Here – it is so. Gardens, villas, farms; fortifications, manors, chapels and gates – were sacrificed to urbanization and berths […]; And by Xabregas, Beato and Grilo safe haven of monasteries –, places where factories, warehouses, docks and bridges follow each other and confuse cheering work […]; And by Poço do Bispo, with its bumping of arch voussoirs, and by Marvila, waterfront among gardens, who insists to survive; And finally, through this area where the echo of the past drowns in the noisy tumult of the roaring machines, and where the bell was replaced by the offices.

Localization

Marvila

Historical centre

History The adjective that best describes *Marvila is“fragmentation”, which is

presented to the visitor or inhabitant not only physically, formally and socially, but also characterizes the historical memory of the place. The story of Marvila, Chelas and Beato is the result of a stratification of different ages and functions, which in these territories have found a suitable home, thanks to their peripheral and urban nature, to the richness of empty sweeps and still without a certain destination, to the proximity with the railway and the industrial port. Following the Arab occupation of the city, the Marvila area became the seat of numerous religious orders, who founded and built their convents, monasteries and churches in these lands, attracted by the tranquillity, from the secluded location and lush

Plan of Lisbon in 1835. As it is possile to notice Xabregas, Chelas and Marvila were omitted, while the west is included because of Belém. In fact at the beginning of the 19th century, the city of Lisbon “ended” in Saint Apolónia. [Archive Lisbon City Hall – Studio Mário Novais].

1:40000

2 1 3

6 7 9 10

13 20

14 19

21 18

12 15

16 17

convents

Mosteiro de Santa Maria de Chelas 1 Convento de Nossa Senhora da Conceição de Marvila 2 Convento de São João Evangelista de Xabregas 3 Convento de Santo Agostinho 4 Convento de Nossa Senhora da Conceição do Monte Olivete 5 Convento de Santa Maria de Jesus de Xabregas / São Francisco 6 Convento de Madre de Deus 7 Covento de Santos-o-Novo 8 Convento de Nossa Senhora da Porciùncula 9 Convento de São Conrélio 10 Recolhimento de Nossa Senhora do Carmo 11 Mosteiro de São Vicente de Fora 12 Convento de Nossa Senhora da Graça 13 Colégio de Santo Antão-o-Velho 14 Convento de Santa Mónica 15 Convento do Menino Deus 16 Hospício de São Rafael 17 Seminário de São Patrício and Convento de Santo Elói 18 Convento de Nossa Senhora do Rosário 19 Convento de São Camilo de Lellis 20 Convento de Corpus Christi 21

1:40000

14 16 17

18 19

6 7 8

11 9

quintas

Quinta dos Alfinetes / Quinta das Fontes Palácio do Armador Quinta do Marquês de Abrantes Quinta de Marvila / Pátio de Marvila ou Colégio Pátio do Marialva Quita Levy ou Intendente Vila Pereira / Pátio Beirão Palácio da Mitra Quinta das Pintoras Quinta Airolas ou das Conchinhas / Pátio 26 Quinta das Conchas Vila Salgada / Pátio das Salgadinhas Quinta do São Pedro dos Peixes Quinta da Bela Vista Quinta do Alfenim Quinta do Desterro Quinta da Matinha Quinta do Guilherme Quartel da GNR

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

nature. A goal subsequently coveted also by the nobility of Lisbon, who built their holiday homes there, called Palacios or Quintas de Recreio, frequently surrounded by agricultural fields, gardens or a small village of houses intended for servitude. Following the abolition of religious orders in Portugal (1834), the buildings first passed into the hands of the Portuguese State and then, as early as the following year, were sold to amortize the country’s public debt, allowing private investors and the Lyboeta bourgeoisie to purchase and rehabilitate them, modifying their function, often in commercial establishments or modern factories. Already at the beginning of the 19th century the expropriations for the construction of the railway (Caminho de Ferro) began, concluded in 1856, which connected the industrial area of Alcantara to Xabregas, but also the city with the suburbs, allowing

Engraving of the former Xabregas tobacco factory, which was installed in the building of the ancient Xabregas Convent and existed until the 1960s. [Arquivo Municipal de Lisboa – Estúdio Mário Novais].

the displacement of large flows of people, principally and workers in the factories established here. In the 19th century, benefiting from the increasing production, increased commercial circulation and the diversification of sources of credit, the first factories began to emerge throughout Europe, initially composed of simple workshops. With the increase in urban population, due to migratory flows from rural areas, these new industrial sites began to grow and develop, being able to count on an almost unlimited source of labour. Although Portugal has never experienced a real industrial revolution, compared to countries such as England or Germany, by the end of the 18th century it entered an important production and commercial phase. Especially cities such as Lisbon, Porto, Aveiro, Braga, Setubal are transformed to accommodate modern factories. In the capital, it is above all the areas of Marvila, to East, and Alcantara, to West, to supply wide empty sweeps particularly suitable to the industrial production thanks to the proximity with infrastructures (the railroad and the port) and a high number of workers, offered by the migrant populations established here, from the Portuguese countryside in search of work and better living conditions. Between 1813 and 1822 the factories in Portugal doubled their number and consequently the presence of workers also increased: in 1830 there were 909 workers, while already in 1952 the number reached 5012 people. The new working class thus begins to

Residents of Quinta do FerrĂŁo in Marvila, an informal settlement built inside the space of an old farm in the mid-twentieth century. [Arquivo Municipal de Lisboa â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Vasco Gouveia de Figueiredo]

In 1852 there was an administrative reorganization of the Eastern zone and the construction of the circular road around the most central areas. Marvila is still part of the Municipality of Olivais, which was integrated into the municipality of Lisbon only in 1885.

1:40000

E 20

18 A 3

5 9

8 7 11

13 14

historical streets

Estrada de Chelas Estrada de Marvila Rua do Grilo / Rua do Beato Rua Vale Formoso Rua do Vale Formoso de Cima

A B C D E

Azinhaga da Bela Vista / Teresinha 1 Azinhaga Fonte do Louro 2 Azinhaga Maruja / Armador 3 Azinhaga Broma 4 Calçada Perdigão 5 Azinhaga Ferrão 6 Azinhaga da Salgada 7 Azinhaga do Planeta 8 Rua de Cima de Chelas 9 Azinhaga Veigas 10 Azinhaga da Bruxa 11 Rua José Relvas 12 Beco dos Toucinheiros 13 Beco da Horta das Canas 14 Pátio Comendadeiras de Santos 15 Azinhaga dos Alfinetes 16 Rua José do Patrocínio (Azinhaga das Cadetas) 17 Azinhaga Vale Fundao 18 Azinhaga de Quinta do Alferim 19 Azinhaga da Troca 20

View of the Bairro Chinês, i the area next to the railway, in the end of 1960. [Arquivo pessoal de Mário Pinto Coelho]

settle in the countryside surrounding the new buildings of production and work. Since there are no sufficient subsidized rental houses and it is difficult to obtain the allocation of those not yet occupied, this situation led the new Lisboeta working class to build informal housing with recycled and makeshift materials, such as sheet metal or wood, obviously without sewer or toilet, running water and electricity, overcrowded and with precarious hygienic and sanitary conditions if not completely absent. In addition to the informal dwellings, since 1870, some industrialists and factory owners began to build villages of small buildings built around a common space, normally a private way later transformed into Patio, for the workers of their own companies. Villa Pereira is a particular example: located in Rua do Açùcar, it has the rare characteristic of having the production areas on the ground floor and the first

Rua do Sol a Chelas, Lisboa [A.Goulart, 1961].

1:40000

14 13 12 10

11 9

4 3 1

industrial fabric

Companhia de Fiação e Tecidos Lisbonense Fábrica de Tabaco de Xabregas Fábrica de Fiação e Tecidos Oriental Manutenção Militar- Padaria Militar A Nacional - Cerealis Antiga Fábrica do Sabão Fábrica da Pólvora de Chelas Fábrica de Borracha Luso-Belga Fábrica de Cortiça Sociedade Nacional de Fósforos Sociedade Comercial Abel Pereira da Fonseca Fábrica de Material de Guerra Braço de Prata A Tabaqueira Fábrica de Gás da Matinha - Antiga Refinaria GALP

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

floor the houses for its workers. The difficulty of finding a house at an affordable price in Lisbon leads to the rapid and increasing rise of Bairros de Lata, or real favelas, often self-constructed overnight, taking advantage of the existing walls of the former conventual buildings and the ancient nobiliary Villas. The best known were the Bairro, located on the patio of the Quinta do Marques de Abrantês, called Patio do colégio, and the Bairro Chinês, both built and developed between 1940 and 1970. It was only with the Portuguese Republic that the foundations were laid for the first social housing programmes in Lisbon. The failure of housing policies can be attributed to the lack of interest from private investors, while in the next phase, under the dictatorial power of Salazar and his New State, It will be above all a problem of formal and ideological incompatibility: the regime favoured a model of a single-family economic house, which led to the favour of

A street of the Bairro Chinês, in Marvila, in the end of 60’s [Arquivo fotográfico do CPS da Prodac].

1:40000

N1 I O M

areas

Aras of Chelas Bairro dos Loios - 1976 Bairro da Flamenga - 1978 Bairro das Amendoeiras - 1966 Bairro do Armador - 1992 Bairro do Condado - 1970 Bairro dos Alfinetes - 1980 EstaĂ§ĂŁo de Bela Vista - 2011

N2 N1 I M J L O

Other social neighbourhood Bairro Prodac - 1971 Bairro das Olaias - 1994 Bairro Olivais Bairro Madre de Deus - 1938 Bairro de Alvalade - 1944

1 2 3 4 5

1:40000

5 10

4 6

green spaces

Parque da Bela Vista Parque da Bela Vista Sul Parque Urbano Vale da Montanha Parque Hortícola Vale de Chelas Parque Hortícola da Vinha Parque Hortícola do vale Fundão Parque Hortícola da Quinta das Flores Cemitério do Alto de São João Jardim de Alameda Parque José Gomes Ferreira

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

The SACOR refinery (GALP) in 1957 [https:// restosdecoleccao.blogspot.com].

the middle class, abandoning the model of collective popular house. In September 1933, 622 houses were built in Lisbon and the Western area of the Alto de Ajuda, high from Serafina and belĂŠm, no new dwellings in the Eastern part of the city. In 1938 the prefabricated Houses Program was born, which provided a temporary home for those citizens who were waiting for the assignment of a social housing house, The programme, however, left out the neediest and poor people. In 1945, this program was replaced by another Programme of Houses for Poor Families and the Affiliated Houses Programme, to also involve families with less economic possibilities and try to combat the proliferation of the Bairros de Lata, that is real slums. Two years later, in 1947, the municipality of Lisbon tried to involve private investors and entrepreneurs, which proved to be a failure, and in 1959, thanks to funding from the Social Assistance and the General Depository Bank, The Municipal Chamber began to expropriate unused land in order to have more land with the aim of building new houses. Even this

latter program was not as successful as expected, the rents of the new housing could not compete with the share paid by the workers for their barrack. So, around 1950, in the capital there were about ten thousand barracks, excluding the formal houses in which lived up to four families. Already only ten years later, informal housing has increased by a thousand units, most of them without water or light, sheltering a total of 43470 people, about 5% of the population of Lisbon.

Urban features 1:40000

density

services

street network

railway network

green areas

bicyle network

PHOTO REPORT

The future of a city, in our specific case a capital city, is determined by a lot of different factors. Even the smaller change in the city menagement or a sudden event (natural or not) could produce milions of social, economical, urban, architectural outcomes. Sometimes and for someone, POSITIVE; sometimes and for someone else, NEGATIVE.

FUTURE SCENARIOS

LISBON CONTINUES GROWING IT industry and Web Summit

• • • • •

touristification/gentrification new urban and architectural projects high density soil impermeabilization specialized workers populaton from other cties • sqm price increases

40%

housing

50%

working spaces

10%

spontaneus green spaces

Beato becomes a new central pole in the metropolitan area, specialized in technology and IT services, the ideal spot for Startups and Creative Hubs to settle in. As happened at the end of XVIII century, new workers from all over the world move to Lisbon creating a huge demand of housing, living spaces and services: private investors, with the participation of the Camera Municipal de Lisboa, activate competitions for young architects and designers to think and project the new residential neighbourhoods and the public spaces around: urge a new urban plan. The old residents are replaced by inhabitants from different backgrounds, countries and sometimes who don’t speak Portuguese, which brings difficulties creating a solid and locally connected social network and a real sense of community. The industrial and rural memory of Marvila risks to disappeared due to the strong pressure exerted by the real estate investors. Marvila is now the most fashionable spot in Lisbon, perfect scenario for gentrification actions. The old industrial architectural memories are occupied by artists and young creatives, who opens new art spaces and galleries.

THIRD TAGUS CROSSING New productive pole

• • • • •

big infrstructure landscape increment of the traffic increment of pollution demolition of local heritage spots tourism and hospitality structures developes • temporary residents • standardization of the neighbourhood

50%

housing

30%

working spaces

20%

spontaneus green spaces

Thanks to the new TTC crossing the river is easier, both by car or by public transportations. More and more people decide to move out from the city borders, preferring to settle on the south bench of the Tejo (Margem Sul), due to convenient houses’ prices, the possibility to buy an independent house with a garden, in relaxed place nearby beaches or nature. The new bridge links Lisbon to Madrid by high-speed trains, making an easier and faster connection with all Europe, not only for people and startups but even goods and technologies: new companies choose Marvila to establish offices, production or storage centres. Some of the historical streets and buildings are demolished and replaced by hotels or to create a new roads system able to connect the existing network with the bridge. Traffic jam, noise and pollution increase due to the multiplied number of people who “enters” in Lisbon through the TTC: private cars, public buses and peer-to-peer car services struggle to drive people to the city centre or other parts of the city. Hotels, hostels and new Airbnb appear leading on the streets a new kind of population: tourists and visitors.

LISBON STOPS ITS GROWTH

...

Abandoned neighbourhood

• fragmented territory • construction of new social housing • new inhabitants composed by low-income classes and immigrants • remoted area • lack of connections with the city center • dormitory neighbourhoods • degradation and abandonment as the only identification quality • ghetto and problematic area

40%

housing

10%

working spaces

50%

spontaneus green spaces

Lisbon economy stabilises and is no facing major changes. Marvila remains peripheral neighbourhood, mainly occupied by immigrant communities belonging to middle and lower classes, who prefer to move out of the city centre because of the high houses and rental prices. In particular the middle class, who animated the central city streets, now chose to sell their own homes, and making a profit out of them. The results are that in Marvila the new residents are people who don’t know the local history and who doesn’t belong to this neighbourhood. Due to the high and always growing request, a few other social housing buildings, occupying the empty spaces near public utilities. The spontaneous green spaces and the rural/industrial architectural heritage remain in a state of abandonment, making impossible to benefit them, indeed they increase the sense of carelessness and negligence by the municipal authorities and offer a perfect scenario for illegal activities.

LISBON’S BUBBLE EXPLODES The toxic cloud

• low density • slums and illegal settlements • population composed by low-income classes and immigrants • disorganized occupation of the public land • degradation and abandonment as the only identification quality • transformation into a ghetto and problematic area • high levels of criminality

30%

housing

working spaces

65%

spontaneus green spaces

Due to a highly toxic cloud from the U.S., Lisbon’s governance is forced to proclaims the Emergency State. In particular, all the tourism-related industries and facilities close, a fundamental field for the Portuguese economy development. The government need to approve extraordinary measures to economically support the population, the companies and also to face the sanitary emergency. The web summit is moved to Korea, which uses some giant fan in order to send the toxic cloud away and protect his population. After the cloud, all Europe finds itself in a huge economical and humanitarian crisis: small and medium private investors, even from abroad, are unable to buy anything. The power is taken by fan producer companies, which start to invest and build production facilities next to capital cities, attracting people looking for a job and better living conditions. In Marvila, the empty areas are transformed in slums and illegal settlement, the inhabitants start to occupy green empty spaces to make private vegetable gardens and farms, as happened in the previous industrialisation phase. The few empty houses left in the existing buildings are occupied by homeless or evicted people, overcrowded and with very poor hygiene conditions. All Lisbon is handled by criminal organizations, who ruled illegal traffic of gas masks and portable fans.

Letâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s go back to the present

ARCHIPELAGO MARVILA

Third Landscape During the past half-century, *urban development has eaten away

Landscape’s spaces which are leftover spaces generated by the agricultural organization: higher terrain irregularity is, greater will be the number of undefined spaces. At the contrary, the urban area is poor of Third Landscape, the majority are lands which are going to be exploited and impermeabilized: lower is the urban fabric density, more residual space we will abe to find. However, the number of leftovers spaces are small in the city centre, increasing in the peripheral zones. The irregularity in the terrain morphology is an important factor which determines the biodiversity gradient, and then the presence of Third Landscape. It is important to safeguard the existence of residual spaces, to link them allowing the displacement of biodiversity, to maintain them untouched by men as a

the edges of cities, leaving ambiguous empty spaces. Those are part of the lived experience of humanity and for this reason, they deserve attention as spots of potential quality. Philip Lopate described that sprawling city as a smiling face with a lot of teeth missing. European cities are characterized to be denser in their historic centres, but on the periphery, the fabric of streets and buildings starts to fray. Here infrastructure prevails over buildings, areas dedicated to agriculture get bullied by new constructions or torn to pieces by fast roads and parking lots and transformed into useless and overgrown with weeds. These leftover spaces belong neither to a natural ecosystem nor to landscape design, are called by the French landscape designer Gilles Clément the “Third Landscape”. In his “Manifeste du Tiers Paysage” Clément give a name to an undefined kind of landscape, not-designed and without a specific function because it is not exploited by man. It can be differently characterized but it is always identified by fragmentation and discontinuity. The residual space is a previously exploited terrain which is now left abandoned and unused; the reservoir is a land difficult to reach because of the low accessibility level or for the transformation high costs; the primary landscape is distinguished by the integrity cause it has never been touched by the men’s action. The fragments that compose the Third Landscape can be all size but all of them are a refuge for biodiversity, that do not find a place elsewhere. In the rural environment, we can find a higher number of Third 78

future possibility for landscape evolution. Sketch by Gilles Clément, explaining the radiometric evolution of a city and the progressive diminution of Third Landscape areas. An interesting way to act inside the extended territory of Marvila’s Third Landscape could be planning a series of “Spontaneous Interventions”. Taking inspiration by an exhibition occurred in U.S. Pavilion at the 13th International Venice Architecture Biennale (Fall 2012), which documents the nascent movement of designers acting on their own initiative to solve problematic urban situations, creating new opportunities and amenities for the public. Provisional, improvisational, guerrilla, unsolicited, tactical, temporary, informal, DIY, unplanned, participatory, opensource, these are just a few of the

words that have been used to describe this growing body of work. Spontaneous Interventions frames an archive of compelling, actionable strategies, ranging from urban farms to guerilla bike lanes, temporary architecture to poster campaigns, urban navigation apps to crowdsourced city planning. These efforts cut across boundaries, addressing architecture, landscape, infrastructure, and the digital universe, and run the gamut from symbolic to practical, physical to virtual, whimsical to serious. But they share an optimistic willingness to venture outside conventional practice and to deploy fresh tactics to make cities more sustainable, accessible, and inclusive.

Sketch by Gilles Clément, explaining the radio centric expansion of a city and the progressive diminution of Third Landscape areas.

Issues

east VS west The map shows the location of the touristic spots: it is possible to notice how the distribution is mainly focused on the eastern side, in the direction of Belem and the city of Cascais, another important destination for people who visit Lisbon. Moreover, the Marvila district is completely lacking attractions points.

EXPO 98 AIRPORT

PRAÃ&#x2021;A DO COMERICIO BELEM

a not so far land Every circle in the map corresponds to 1.5 km as the crow flies: Marvila is closer than Belem or the Expo 98 area, but it is not attracting the same amount of people.

expo

praça do comercio belem

a broken promenade Lisbon’s main square, Praça do Comércio, is located next to the river and it is enclosed by hills. The terrain morphology has been determinating in the city’s main streets locations, which are situated in the flatter part, usually taking advantage of the “valleys” in between the hills or of the riverfront. This last accommodates a 9 km bicycle and pedestrian path connecting the old town to the ocean coast to the East: Belem neighbourhood and, further on, Cascais and Praia do Guincho. The situation in the western side of the central square, after the São Jorge Castle hill and Alfama neighbourhood, is the opposite: the slow mobility path is interrupted after a few kilometres, the biggest obstacle is the port situated between Santa Apolonia train station and Xabregas.

Why would I go to Marvila? How can I reach Marvila? Where can i have a walk in Marvila?

archipelago neighbourhood

railway limit

cuted off from the river

road limit

isolated by the rest of the city

lack of urban regultlation

dishomogeneous urbanistic plan

lack of local identity

vocatyion scarcity

connection land: between the city center and the Expo area

$ speculation risk

long commuting times

irregular terrain morphology

population mix

not-human scale

absence of attractive points

degradation and abandonment

criminality

Connection issues Urban issues Social issues Phisical issues 85

Interviews

I work in Pingo Doce here in Chealas and I live near to it. It is quite a peaceful neighbourhood: no tourists. I would like new gardens near my house where i could take my dog and my kids. The streets sometimes are really dirty and people leave their garbage on the roads or the sidewalks. The sidewalks are full of holes and impervious, most of the time they don’t have ramps for wheelchairs and elderly people risk to fall. I don’t feel safe to let my kids ut in the evening or at night.

Maria, 5

My name is Maria and I am five years old. I attend the School of Marvila and after it, I like to go with my dad to the library or the playground. My dad is always saying to be careful when I cross the street because the people here drive super fast. I would like a park where to run and play with my friends and carousels.

I like Rap music and, with some friend, we are recording an album. We meet every day after work or University and we sing or composed new music. Last summer we make a concert here in the “square” and a lot of young people from Marvila came. We needed to stop because people started complaining about the noise. I wish something cool happen here, also a place to have a drink or listening to music, without driving to the centre.

João, 57

Catarina, 38

Luís, 22

I work in the city centre and I take the metro in Chelas every morning, but to go there I use the car. Waiting for fo the bus will take 40 minutes more. I would prefer to go there by bicycle but the path it is interrupting, it is not safe, and no trees to shadow it. About living in Marvila I like green and nature, even if it is neglected and sometimes transformed into a dump. We have a lot of old Quintas also but everything is abandoned and destroyed now, some homeless people live there.

Olà, my name is Bruna and this little one is Rute. We came to Vale Fundão Public Swimming Pool because they have a nice offer of moms+children’s swimming curse, it is really funny but tiring. I don’t live in Marvila. I have some friends living here. that said to me it’s not really safe over there especially at night and for women because the streets are empty and dark, a lot of savage vegetation to hide inside you know...

Pedro, 29

I am a Software Engineer and I am working in a Swiss company settled in the Parque de Naçoes (Oriente). Originally I am from Almada, on the other side of the river, but I wanted to live alone so, here I am. I don’t “love” the neighbourhood but here the rental prices are still accessible. I would like to have more events going on, especially during the weekend or in the night, such as live music, festivals, flea or food markets...

I live here since I was born and I never moved. My parents are both from the north near Porto. They came here to find a job in the factories. When I was a child everything you could see here were fields or slums. We were also living in one of that, they called it Bairro Chines. I knew everyone in my neighbourhood and people helped others, we were as a big family, there was a lot of solidarity...now I don’t know anyone here and people stay closed inside their homes.

Rita, 80 and Antonio, 86

Bruna, 36 and Rute, 1

Fatima, 72 and Joaquim, 3

I and my wife have been living here all our lives. I used to work at Galp Raphinaries and she was working to Padaria Militar. Now I passed my days in my vegetable gardens, growing tomatoes, salad, peppers, basil, eggplants... I have also four chickens so we have fresh eggs every day, or almost. It is also a good way to save money and not spend all my day on the sofa watching television.

Strategy

CREATING THE SECOND LISBON GREEN LUNG

Bela Vista Urban Agricultural Park goal: • enlarging the Bela Vista Park and creation of the second-largest green area on the Oriental city’s side; • protecting the rural and agricultural landscape from the real estate speculation.

ACTIVATING AND CONNECTING THE MARVILA ARCHIPELAGO

cultural landscape path 1 Mapping the activation centres and triggering them through Tactical Urbanism actions 2 Linking the activated centres through the Azinhagas’ cultural and landscape path goal: • valorizing the local memory; • enhancing local identity; • regenerating degraded/destroyed buildings; • encreasing security level and the liveability; • improving connection with the city centre and the Expo ‘98 area; • improving the connection between Marvila and the river.

Marvila is an *Lisbon’s urban fabric.

even bigger loss of local identity. It remains crucial providing the necessary quality of collective and public spaces at the human scale, recreating a feeling of belonging, generating meeting opportunities between people. Designing welcoming and reassuring spaces for new residents and enhance the local cultural relevance for tourists or visitors, thanks to the historical heritage. Mapping the architectural memories, representing the islands surrounded by the “Third Landscape”-sea, outlines an ancient road network associated with the rural and agricultural memory of Marvila: The Azinhagas, Portuguese term which means “lanes” and defining the narrow streets dividing differents land proprieties, usually shaped by the terrain morphology. Characterized by a pebble irregular pavement, are delimited by brick or stone walls of different heights, belonging to the convents or the agricultural properties. Nowadays, the Azinhaga’s path is still partly visible and easily recognizable, but in some areas has been completely lost and replaced by new roads, more suitable for automotive traffic, or buildings. Thanks to the Azinhaga network, associated with the reconstruction and reactivation of historical abandoned buildings, it is possible the development of a “connection strategy” in Marvila Archipelago, tracking a cultural and landscape path through the history of the territory, helping to preserve and enhance the local memory, triggering and reveal new interesting points in the Eastern part of Lisbon (B).

Archipelago in The definition of Archipelago is a group of remote islands surrounded by water or can be a set of objects with the same features. Both the definitions can be summarized by keywords as isolation, fragmentation, remoteness, separation and inhomogeneity with the external environment. In our case, the boundary is not constituted by water but by a variety of physical, historical and social elements. The local memory consists of the stratification of overlapped phases: the convents and monasteries architectural patrimony, the Quintas with the Azinhagas heritage, the industrial constructions and the recent social housing neighbourhoods. The result of all those overlapped layers, combined with the patchy urban regulation and planning, the irregular terrain morphology and the presence of big infrastructure, make Marvila detached from the city centre, from the riverfront and consequently poorly accessible. The lush vegetation grown spontaneously through the years and previously defined with the definition of Third Landscape is probably acting as the “water” in our Marvila Archipelago, providing a new resource for the neighbourhood and a possibility to rethink and reconnect all the “islands”. With needlework and a linking process regarding all the green spaces in Marvila, it is possible to define and design a new urban agricultural park with the purpose of valorizing and protecting the rural, historical and industrial heritage (A). The new green area physically opposes itself to the already existing Monsanto Forest Park. Marvila’s future scenarios, as displayed in the previous pages, is probably involving new construction actions and gentrification processes, real estate speculation and an

Parque da Vinha

Parque Vale de Chelas Parque da Bela Vista

Parque Vale Fundรฃo

Parque da Bela Vista Sul

Parque Quinta das Flores

New Hospital

Braรงo da Prata Living Project

B1.

New Hospital

Braรงo da Prata Living Project

B2.

Connecting the existing green spaces • unifying the Third Landscape’s natural environment constantly interrupted by infrastructures, such as trainway and wide streets, or by the terrain morphology imperviousness • creationing a green-belt protecting the residential fabric and the railway path

BELA VISTA URBAN AGRICULTURAL PARK

B1.

Mapping and activating the centres • mapping the activation centres and the future attraction spots (as the new Hospital and the Braço da Prata Living project) • planning an activation strategy for each centre, the action/ function needs to be coherent with the surrounding context and its nature

ACTIVATING AND CONNECTING THE MARVILA ARCHIPELAGO

B2.

Connecting the activation centres through the Azinhagas • connecting the activation centres through the existing green spaces and the Azinhagas historical streets network • improving the connection between Marvila, the city centre and the Expo area, giving better accessibility to the district

A. Bela Vista Agricultural Park

Urban green lungs Through the unification of Parks and the Third Landscapes in Marvila it is possible to establish a new Urban Park in the Oriental side of Lisbon.

Bela Vista Agricultural Park

Monsanto Forestal Park

Parque da Vinha

Parque Vale de Chelas Parque Vale FundĂŁo Parque da Bela Vista

Parque da Bela Vista Sul

Parque Quinta das Flores

Connecting the existing green spaces 93

B. Activating and connecting the Marvila Arcipelago

B1.

Mapping and activating the centres

B2.

Connecting the activated centres through the Azinhagas

Through the connection of the different reactivation spots, composed of the ancient Quintas and the new architectural and urban projects for the Oriental side of Lisbon, it is possible to create a macro system which can valorize and unify the natural environment with the historical memory and identity. The use of the Azinhagas to connect them make this path even more meaningful, giving continuity to the entire system .

New Hospital

Braรงo da Prata Living Project

Antiga Fรกbrica do Sabรฃo

Intervention methodology and Tactical Urbanism Tactical urbanism includes low-cost, temporary changes to the built environment, usually in cities, intended to improve local neighbourhoods and city gathering places. Tactical urbanism is also commonly referred to as guerilla urbanism, pop-up urbanism, city repair, or D.I.Y. urbanism.

The term was popularized around 2010 to refer to a range of existing techniques and an approach to urban change that features the following five characteristics: • a deliberate, phased approach to instigating change; • the offering of local solutions for local planning challenges; • short-term commitment and realistic expectations; • low-risks, with a possibly high reward; • development of social capital between citizens, between public-private institutions, non-profits, and their constituents. The term tactical urbanism has its origins to describe the events occurring in Paris in 1968; Tactical Urbanism was in opposition to Strategic Urbanism, which modern concepts of tactical urbanism tend not to distinguish.

TYPES OF INTERVENTIONS Better block initiatives

temporarily transforming retail streets using cheap or donated materials and volunteers. Spaces are transformed by introducing food carts, sidewalk tables, temporary bike lanes and narrowing of streets.

Chair bombing

setting some chairs and banches in areas that either are quiet or lack comfortable places to sit.

De-fencing

removing unnecessary fences to break down barriers between neighbours, beautify communities, and encourage community building.

De-paving

removing unnecessary pavement to transform driveways and parking into green space so that rainwater can be absorbed and neighbourhoods beautified.

Food carts/trucks

using food carts and trucks to attract people to underused public spaces and offering small business opportunities for entrepreneurs.

Guerilla gardening

gardening and cutivating a land where the gardeners do not have the legal rights on, such as abandoned sites, areas not being cared for, or private property.

Open Streets

temporarily providing safe spaces for walking, bicycling, skating, and social activities; promoting local economic development; and raising awareness about the impact of cars in urban spaces.

PARK(ing) Day

converting car parkings into park-like spaces one day each year.

Pavement to Plazas

converting space on streets to usable public space.

Pop-up cafes

building a roof in parking spots to provide overflow seating for a nearby cafe or for passersby, common in places where sidewalks are narrow and where there otherwise is not room for outdoor sitting or eating areas.

Pop-up parks

temporarily or permanently transforming underused spaces into community gathering areas through beautification.

Pop-up retail

setting up some temporary retail stores in vacant stores or property.

Protected bike lanes

placing potted plants or other physical barriers to make painted bike lanes feel safer. 97

B1. Mapping and activating the centres

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

Quinta do São Pedro dos Peixes Quinta das Conchas Quinta dof Alfinetes Quinta de Marialva / Pátio de Marialva Quinta da Matinha Quinta do Desterro Quinta do Marquês de Abrantes Quinta da Bela Vista Quinta Airolas ou das Conchinhas / Pátio 26 Quinta das Conchas Vila Salgada / Pátio das Salgadinhas Quinta das Pintoras Palácio da Mitra Quinta de Marvila / Pátio de Marvila ou Colégio Vila Pereira / Pátio Beirão Quinta do Guilherme Quartel da GNR Quinta do Alfenim

8 5

17 16

1 2 9

14 10

abbandoned /ruins new function

Landscapes classification

A Interior .

Chelas

A.1.1 Quinta do Sรฃo Pedro dos Peixes A.1.2 Quinta das Conchas A.2

Quinta dos Alfinetes

A.3 Quinta do Desterro

B Inbetween

. Marvila

B.1.1 Clube Feroviario de Portugal B.1.2 Patio Marialva B.1.3 Patio Israel

C Riverside C.1

. Braรงo da Prata

Quinta da Matinha - Antiga Rafinaria GALP

100

A.3 C.1

A.1

A.2

2 3

B.1

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Activation tools

Current state Ruin Inhabited Partly used Illegally occupied

Activation time night

morning

evening

afternoon

Activation users • • • • •

Elderly people Families Workers Yougsters Artists

• • • • •

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Children Startups Associations Tourists Industries

Intervention size s

Puntual Intervention

Intervention involving only the building

Intervention involving the building and its yard

Intervention involving the building, its yard and the area arround them

Context

Residential

Industrial

Agricultural

Comercial and Turism

103

Current state Ruin Illegally occupied

Intervention scale xl

Context Agricultural

Users

• Elderly people • Associations • Tourists • Families • Workers

Time night

morning

evening

afternoon

Tactical Urbanism #GuerillaGardening #PopUpRetail #PopUpPark

104

URBAN AGRICULTURE CENTRE AT QUINTA DAS CONCHAS

A.1.1 - A.1.2

Quinta das Conchinhas - Quinta do SÃ£o Pedro dos Peixes

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• the entrance to the area is through a

• •

•

• • • • •

small and impervious path starting from the main street, in between wood fences; the streets are rambling and made with clay so very difficult to go through; the area is occupied by illegal vegetable garden constructed by the inhabitants, fenced with pieces of wood and usually built with makeshift materials; the ruin are in danger of collapse, invaded by rubish, abandoned domestic appliances and usually used has shelter by homeless people; the lack of proper lights and the feelings of abandonment make this area unsafe and uncrowded.

the landscape is beautifully characterized by spontaneous lush nature; the inhabitants of Marvila occupied private or public unused land to build their vegetable garden; the low density and the plenty of unused space give a lot of possibilities to act; concrete-free area; the old brick walls belonged to the Quinta das Conchas and the surrounding buildings can be used as a division for the new vegetable garden organization.

110

self-built and illegally occupied vegetable gardens and storages

abbandoned trash impervious path

ruin of the ancient Quinta das Conchas

111

limited area for the trash bins, covered by trees and delimited by a metallic net where the vegetation can grow on it

the new public park protect the area from the street and the car noise, provided with an open-air auditorium, which takes advantages of the old slope used to divide the different land ownerships

112

the old soil slopes divided the land ownerships are used as new delimitation for the vegetable gardens, can be used to cultivate themself, providing green divisions which respect the morphology and the nature of the area

a part of the ancient Quinta das Conchas is restored and hosts the administration offices of the vegetable gardens and the local market

the entrance to the area is more visible and defined; some stairs leads to the market and the steps can be used to seat

new local market, where the owners of the vegetable gardens can sell or exchange the products they cultivated. It is divided into two parts: a covered and permanent area, and frontal open-air yard, where the market can expand during the weekends hosting producers from other parts of the city. The market area provides benches where people can seat to rest and consume the food bought in the market

113

every vegetable garden is provided with a wooden small storage, water and compostage bins

The United Nations estimates that nearly 10 billion people will be living in cities by 2050. According to a recent publication by the Barilla Center for Food & Nutrition, urban eaters consume most of the food produced globally and maintain more resource-intensive diets including increased animal-source and processed foods â&#x20AC;&#x201D; rich in salt, sugar and fats. At the same time, many urban populations â&#x20AC;&#x201D; particularly in low-income areas and informal communities â&#x20AC;&#x201D; endure acute hunger and malnutrition as well as limited access to affordable, healthy food. But there are countless ways that cities can feed themselves and create better linkages between rural and urban food systems.

local market

direct purchase

weekly delivery online purchase

114

vegetable gardens

empowering the locals, in particular to the risk groups

A countryside for the city manage quality, educational, and productive green areas that engage the community with their food and promote a culture of agricultural urban planning.

Sustainable and Healthy Food transform and regenerate urban spaces into productive green areas that provide fresh, agroecological food to the local community.

Social Cohesion

facilitate educational and community processes by building spaces for food cultivation that promote social and tissue cohesion.

Zero Waste Policy

the surplus of products or a fixed percentage of them can be sold at the Market, giving retailers an extra income and fresh and local products to customers.

115

Current state Ruin Illegally occupied

Intervention scale xl

Context Residential

Users

• Elderly people • Associations • Families • Tourists • Youngsters • Children

Time night

morning

afternoon

evening

Tactical Urbanism #DeFencing #DePaving #BetterBlockIniciatives #ChairBoombing #GuerrillaGardening

116

MARVILA COMMUNITY CENTRE

A.2

Quinta dos Alfinetes

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118

119

120

121

• the Quinta of Alfinetes building is • • • •

• • • • •

abandoned and the wooden roof collapsed the fence closing the main entrance was turned down allowing homeless people to occupy it the building inside is a dump, abandoned garbage, metal car-components or tires the vegetation has grown controlless inside and outside the Quinta next to Quinta’s area, there is a fenced green space with concrete slab and some vertical elements built for the Associaçao Luso-Brasileira project by Oscar Niemeyer. The project was never complete.

the plot has a central position inside Marvila the context is the meanly composed by residential buildings offering a big and diverse source of possible users it is near to public services like schools the neighbourhood is distinguished for a tradition of Citizens Associations the project for the Oriental Football Club Stadium has already been approved

122

Undefined green space Marvilaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Basic School

Residential context

desolated pubic space

Unfinished project by Oscar Niemeyer

123

The Oriental Football Club Stadium Quintas dos Alfinetes

the park connects the Quinta and its surrounding to the Marvila Public Library and, further on crossing the railway, with the MiM: Miradouro Industrial de Marvila (B1.1 - B1.2 - B1.3)

the green spaces around the Quinta dos Alfinetes are unified and transformed into a homogeneous park, equipped with playgrounds, bicycles parking area and a covered bus stop

124

the slopes empathize the old Quintasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; stone gate, which could represent a new landmark for the neighbourhood

the desolated public space can be revitalized with Guerrilla Gardening actions, involving the residents and allowing them to have their small garden to cultivate vegetable or to grow flowers the historical patio is restored becoming an inner square

new Marvila Community Centre and Associations Centre: the main and historical building hosts the Associations Center making easier the coordination of interventions and ideas and generating a hub of social empowerment. The new building will host the Community Centre facilities such as an auditorium, the museum of the Oriental Football Club of Marvila and multifunctional laboratories

125

organized parking lots serving the Community Centre and the Stadium

Current state

Tower and Quinta: Ruin Patio: Inhabited

Intervention scale m

Context

Residential Comercial and Tourism • • • •

Users

Elderly people Families Youngsters Tourists

Time night

morning

evening

afternoon

Tactical Urbanism #PavementToPlazas #FoodCarts #BetterBlockIniciatives #ChairBoombing #DeFencing

126

MULTI[FUN]CTIONAL SQUARE

A.3

Quinta do Desterro

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129

130

131

132

133

• the main street of the ancient Quinta do Desterro result as a secondary road;

• most of the house facing on the • • • • •

•

• • •

Azinhaga are empty or partially destroyed; the empty spaces are used as parking lots by the resident; some parts of the area are used as an open-air dump. the largeness of the street encourages high-speed traffic; the buss station is in the middle of parked cars and garbage; there are not zebra crossing to cross the street and reach the public swimming pool and the adjacent new public park.

the buildings lining the Azinhaga are distinguished by the traditional Portuguese architecture features such as Azulejo tiles on the facades, wooden doors and windows bordered with stone; the old Chafariz (Fountain) is still in good condition, it represents a traditional street element in the old Portuguese villages and also an important meeting point; through the years, along the Azinhaga, a community of inhabitants have been created, mostly elderly people; the streets and the vegetable gardens are populated by this community; a new public swimming pool has been built recently attracting people from other parts of the neighbourhood.

134

most of the house facing on the Azinhaga are empty or partially destroyed

the empty spaces are used as parking lots self-built and illegally occupied vegetable gardens and storages

high-speed traffic open-air dump

chafariz

135

the illegal parking lots are transformed in a sport area: sports field and steps where the audience can sit and enjoy the game the street can host food trucks and some days per month also a food festival attracting people from the others part of the city r tourists

the ancient Chafariz is restored and acts as a landmark, a meeting point for the community the abbandoned buildings are converted into an Art Gallery and its walls into an open air Urban Street art Gallery

136

taking advantage of the ruing and with low budget design project the destroyed wall become a climbing wall

the blind wall of a house is used to project movies during the night creating an open-air cinema or an auditorium

the only bar in the area is provided with a delimited esplanade and near the bus stop so people can wait and have a coffee

the bus stop is clean up by cars and garbage and renewed by a new canopy where people can wait for the public transport in the shadow the new pedestrian area is connected with the Vale FundĂŁo Park and with the Public Swimming Pool

the Azinhaga and the smaller streets next to it are newly paved and transformed into a pedestrian area 137

Current state

Tower and Quinta: Ruin Patio: Inhabited

Intervention scale l

Context

Residential Industrial Comercial and Tourism • • • •

Users

Elderly people Families Youngsters Tourists

Time night

morning

evening

afternoon

Tactical Urbanism #DeFencing #Park(ing)Day #BetterBlockInitiatives #PavementToPlazas #PopUpPark

138

MIM

MIRADOURO INDUSTRIAL DE MARVILA

B1.1 - B1.2 - B1.3

Clube Feroviario de Portugal - Patio Mariava - Patio Israel

139

140

141

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143

• the area is located in an isolated spot:

cut out by the railway in the northern part, from Chelas neighbourhood where the underground and all the public transports stop, and on the southern side isolated by another railway path and the terrain morphology from the river and the historical part of Marvila, where a gentrification and renovation movement already started; • the tower which was part of the Quinta do Marquês de Marialva is today disused and abandoned; • Patio Marialva is still inhabited, the open public spaces are characterized by a lack of design and organization; • the only connection with the riverside is by some impervious stairs, which are not indicated or visible.

• • • • • • •

the houses and buildings belonging to the Patio Marialva are well conserved and still inhabited; the neighbourhood is characterized by a vibrant community; the bridge crossing the railway it is well connected to the Patio’s area; the bridge and the area on the other side are a nice spot to admire Marvila and the Tagus river; the tower is well preserved and surrounded by a huge empty space where nature grows beautifully; the houses have a good connection with the open air; the street is used as an extension of the house, encouraging socialization.

144

abbandoned tower of the former Quinta do MarquĂŞs de Marialva, could be a new landmark of Marvila and a new Miradouro for the city

the Patio Marialva is still inhabited by people; the minimal spaces of the houses were illegally amplified by the occupants with cheap materials as pieces of recycled wood, metal sheets and bricks to dry clothes or to store things the stairs are linking the area to the riverside a to the historical part of Marvila; this spot has a nice view on the Tejo river and the Vasco da Gama bridge

abbandoned land own by Lisbon Municipality the train rails contribute to isolate and make difficult to reach the area where the old Quinta is; the path through which is possible to reach the riverside and the old part of Marvila is impervious and not easily recognizable

Azinhaga dos Alfinetes, connection with the A.3 area.

145

the Quiosque (kiosk) is a common element into Lisbon gardens and squares, usually located only in the central areas; in Marvila can be used to make inhabitants feel more included inside the urban fabric

the Coreto is a public space located inside Portuguese parks or gardens, historically used to host events like concerts, local celebrations and political debates

the fence allows seeing through it, in this way the green space is more visible and identifiable from the street

the new entrance from Patio Marialva street allows people to visit the ancient tower, own by MarquĂŞs de Marialva; the new public park creates a space for the community, furthermore enhance the memory of the site.

146

the illigal verandas are demolished and the spaces in front of the entrances are delimited and defined by plant pots

the churrasco area: previously used as illegal car park now can be an aggregation point where the inhabitants can have their Sunday barbeque

the new Miraduro Industrial the Marvila is the first miradouro of Oriental part of the city; it allows people and tourists to enjoy the view on the river Tejo estuary, Vasco da Gama bridge and new Braรงo de Prata residential area; the ruins on the side could host various commercial and public functions such as a museum, coworking spaces, restaurant the connection with old Marvila and the riverside is enhanced, area characterized of new gentrification

new spaces for the Feroviario Futball Club: changing rooms for the athletes, steps and facilities for the attendance

147

Current state Ruin

Intervention scale xl

Context

Residential Industrial Comercial and Turism • • • •

Users

Elderly people Families Youngsters Tourists

• • • •

Industries Startups Associations Artists

Time night

morning

evening

afternoon

Tactical Urbanism #Open Streets #DeFencing #ProtectedBikeLanes #PopUpPark

148

MARVILA ART CENTER

C.1

Quinta da Matinha - Antiga Rafinaria GALP

149

150

151

152

153

• the urban polt is fenced and inaccessible

and doesn’t allow a good connection between the interior part of Marvila and the riverfront; • the zone is compleatly abbandoned and in decay status; • lush nature, during the years, took control along the extensive lot, giving an appearance of abandonment and wilderness to the all area and to the riverfront.

•

• •

•

the area is distinguished by the presence of the old building’s skeleton of the GALP refinery, meaningful industrial memory for the city of Lisbon and for all the country; Ex-Galp plot it is situated next to the river; this area has a strategic location: it is in between the river and the railway and could have a fundamental role linking the fragmented Marvila’s landscape; the proximity to Marginal Avenue gives visibility to the area.

154

the old refineryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s tanks structures are left disuse and semi-destroyed. They look like as huge industrial skeletons appearing to everyone who passes on the Marginal by the river, the street connecting the centre to the Expo area. the connection with the waterfront is broken due to the presence of the abandoned warehouses, which some years before used to live on the river connection. Nowadays those buildings are an obstacle for people to enjoy the riverfront and also for the creation of a green path along the Tejo

155

the plots urban morphology of the Industrial part of Marvila are characterized by big extension an to be fenced, because of the private nature. These features make the urban fabric non-permeable and difficult to cross, the waterfront/internal landscape connection almost absent

the new bicycle path connect the center of Lisbon with the Expo area.

the Quiosque (kiosk) an a small Esplanada tu connect the path on the rivervront to the Ex Galp, now the Amrvila Art Centre.

156

the new pedestrian path is an opportunity to open the zone to the public.

the former structures of Galp refinery are now converted into the Marvila Art Centre: the covered flexible spaces at the ground floor are dedicated to arts like dance, music, acting and figurative arts. On the roof of those buildings are located the open-air cinema, the arena and two stages where the artist can perform. It can host also external events such as festivals, flea markets and concerts.

157

the new entrance on the railway side gives more permeability and improve the accessibility to the urban fabric, making possible to cross this huge plot and reach easily the waterfront in a pedestrian and green environment.

B2. Connecting the activated centres through the Azinhagas

a.zi.nha.ga PT

[ ɐziˈɲaɡɐ ]

Do árabe az-zinaiqâ, «rua estreita». Nome feminino. Caminho rústico e estreito entre muros, valados ou sebes altas; córrego.

the arabic az-zinaiqâ, «narrow EN From street» Female name. Rustic and narrow path between walls, ditches or high hedges; stream.

Dal termine arabo az-zinaiqâ, «strada stretta» Nome femminile. Percorso rustico e stretto tra pareti, fossi o alte siepi; ruscello.

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wall

The Azinhaga is characterized by two main dimensions: the vertical one - wall, and the horizontal dimension pavement. Using those two tools is possible to build an interactive path involving the users in simple activities or just giving them information about the landscape around them.

floor

high

medium

low 166

167

SAILING SAILING MAR MA RVI VILL A MARVILA THE VIRTUAL PATH

Sailing Marvila in an App and a Web Site able to drive people through the Azinhagasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; path, giving them information about the local memory but also about the events going on nowadays

EXPLORING THE SURROUNDING thanks to the QR code the visitor can read and see more contents in his smartphone or directly using the App

EXPLORING THE HISTORY thanks to the VR (Virtual Reality), we can display and recreate the ancient city and the demolished buildings

168

speaking walls the walls are brick made pages of â&#x20AC;&#x153;vertical bookâ&#x20AC;? telling the history of the Oriental side of Lisbon

graffiting stories a street art festival give a face to the walls: are the Marvilaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s people telling their stories

looking out a window displaying the surroundings, breaking the high ancient walls and allowing the visitor to admire the landscape in remarkable points along the path 169

enlighting the way one of the most important intervention is to put floor lights on the path to implement the existing concrete lamppost system, making the use safer at evening or night, not only for visitors but also for residents

gardening the inhabitants can have their vegetable gardens taking advantage of the Azinhagasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; wall vertical surface

dreming a new city some transparent panels are installed on the low walls where people can imagine and draw their own landscapes

170

taking a break the path is long and a relaxing where is possible to read a book or simply to rest enjoying the shadow of the trees

overcoming the wall a stair made with concrete cubes: climb it and admire the panorama

discovering new lands thanks to a lens system, the periscopes are able to go beyond the wall and show the hidden and secret landscape

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Sitography • • • • • • • • • • •

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Ringraziamenti

Grazie ai miei genitori, Rosangela e Maurizio, per avermi permesso di raggiungere questo obiettivo. Grazie per la vicinanza, l’incoraggiamento, il supporto e l’affetto che mi date sempre qualsiasi scelta io faccia, pur a volte non condividendo lo stesso punto di vista. Grazie alla Nonna Gi, Dionisio, Antonietta e Arianna. Grazie alla Nonna Lu, nonno Adamo e nonno Alberto. Grazie alle mie amiche Ilaria e Raffaella perché, nonostante la distanza, la nostra amicizia diventa sempre più forte. Grazie a Lisbona per avermi accolta e al progetto Erasmus per avermi insegnato un’infinità di cose nuove. Grazie alla casa di Boa Hora e a tutte le persone che ci sono passate, in particolar modo a Nicola, Cristiana, Ilaria e Sara diventati amici preziosissimi. Grazie al Professor Ermes Invernizzi per la professionalità e il lavoro fatto assieme.