HUMAN DIGNITY REPORT LEBANON 2019: AN ASSESSMENT OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS

HUMAN DIGNITY REPORT LEBANON 2019

AN ASSESSMENT OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS JANUARY 2020

Table of Content List of Tables .................................................................................................................................................... 3 List of Graphs and Figures ........................................................................................................................... 3 Preamble ....................................................................................................................................................... 4 About the Authors ...................................................................................................................................... 8 I. Introduction: Justifying the Core Priorities .................................................................................. 9 II. Conceptual Framework.....................................................................................................................10 Human Dignity as a principle and as a standard .................................................................................... 13 Measuring Human Dignity ............................................................................................................................... 14 III. Methodological Framework...........................................................................................................17 Data collection and index building ............................................................................................................... 17 Limitations and Challenges .............................................................................................................................. 18 IV. General observations .......................................................................................................................19 V. Survey Sample ......................................................................................................................................26 VI. Findings .................................................................................................................................................32 1. Health and Medical services ....................................................................................................................... 34 2. Shelter, Food, Education............................................................................................................................... 38 3. Poverty ................................................................................................................................................................ 43 4. Political and civil engagement ................................................................................................................... 45 5. Dignity lies foremost in Respect ............................................................................................................... 46 VII. Conclusion | Discussion and Recommendations ...................................................................48 List of References .........................................................................................................................................52 Appendices......................................................................................................................................................54

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List of Tables Table 1 | Status of Lebanon’s ratifications of Human Rights treaties Table 2 | Self-worth Variables under Human Dignity Table 3 | List Amel Association Centres in Lebanon (as to January 2019) Table 4 | Field Research Locations

List of Graphs and Figures Graph 1: Breakdown by Place of residence (75 respondents) Graph 2: Breakdown by Nationality (75 respondents) Graph 3: Breakdown by Gender (75 respondents) Graph 4: Breakdown by Age (75 respondents) Graph 5: Breakdown by Marital Status (75 respondents) Graph 6: Breakdown by numb. of children (75 respondents) Graph 7: Breakdown by Professional Status (75 respondents) Graph 8: Breakdown by Education level (75 respondents) Graph 9: Health coverage of respondents (75 respondents) Graph 10: Distribution of Public and Private Hospitals per Lebanese Provinces in 2018 Graph 11: Cost of healthcare during 2019 (63 respondents) Graph 12: Average monthly income compared to monthly cost of education, shelter and healthcare Graph 13: Evolution of the Cost of Education in Lebanon between 2008 and 2019 (in million of dollars) Graph 14: Monthly cost of shelter and food (75 respondents) Graph 15: Conditions of Shelter, broken down by region (75 respondents) Graph 16: Monthly Declared Income, broken down by region (57 respondents) Graph 17: Civic Engagement of Lebanese respondents (27 respondents)

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Preamble

by Dr. Kamel MOHANNA President of Amel Association International

“A group or a community which does not develop and change as time passes is a society which loses its dialectical character.�

Malik Ebn Nabi We have been long seeking on how Amel could generate social change as it transitioned from emergency and relief to development and broader struggle for human dignity.

Meaningful change is not an easy goal to achieve, yet it is not impossible. In the process of trying to enact change, we have come to realize that if this process is not built on cooperation and collective spirit, all attempts will fail and will not fulfill lasting change.

We, therefore, have sought to enhance and promote a sense of belonging and teamwork in the way Amel operates, seeking to form a group that thinks as a whole, not as a collection of individuals. Amel has thus become a grassroots movement, grounded in our day and age, led by young men and women who have tasked themselves of imagining better political actions and tools. Those which could act as a model for meaningful change not only Lebanon but all over the Arab World, through commitment to professionalism and rationality.

To blossom, this movement needs intellectuals, informed and supported by practitioners, who possess a deep and comprehensive understanding of conflict and how to articulate a post-colonial vision. Additionally, they must be aware of the uniqueness and granularity implied by a struggle, which sets itself to restore a faded civil society and its ensuing national rights.

To understand the formation of this movement, it is relevant to look back at the beginnings of Amel. The organization was created in response to a particular Lebanese moment, which developed as a result of the Israeli aggression against the south of Lebanon in 1978. Amel was a political and humanitarian response to a specific historical moment inscribed within the framework of the national leftist movement, which managed to attract and federate a few loyal humanitarian fighters.

Those humanitarian actors showed a commitment to the people and their causes focusing on issues such as the Palestinian cause, in addition to their desire to build a civil state and fostering a culture of citizen participation in Lebanon. This was done regardless of political, religious and geographical affiliations of individuals and groups, but with a special interest in the most marginalized and working-class neighbourhoods.

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Our vision for change has always been grounded in a deep understanding of sociopolitical realities nurtured by experts and specialists upholding humanitarian ethics and a commitment to scientific analysis. This theory of change is the result of the founding members of Amel, through decades of field experience, in addition to a willingness to sacrifice one's own life to see this change become reality. Our society has let itself drown in a poor analysis of reality, a culture of criticism and slogans not relying on field experiences and true knowledge of the issues at hand, thus unable to promote the interest of the people as a whole.

Amel’s values are to lead consistent action in harmony with the socio-political realities whilst balancing strategic efficiency and moral integrity. The movement rejects opportunistic behavior and justifies no complacent concessions. The work done by Amel is committed to having a positive impact on society with no intention of gaining personal rewards or promoting self-interest, as human beings as a whole are at the core of our values and interests.

By building on the idea to have a real-world impact through this commitment, Amel works on translating this into a work ethics that serves the most vulnerable people and creates a tangible experience from which tools and modes of action can be brought to other contexts. The theory is based on what we call the three P’s: Position, Principle and Practice. We start from a clear position, which should be translated into values that nourish our actions.

These considerations have led Amel to hold honesty as one of its central values, whether concerning the workers in the organization or the people we bring aid to through our programs and projects. On the other hand, our collective approach should never be used as an excuse for a so-called 'public interest' which obfuscates the real needs of people and that is too often used in discussions related to development in Arab societies. The communal approach and words such as “us” or “we” should never be used as an excuse for justifying mistakes or for self-promotion: here too honesty must serve as the cornerstone of our action.

In Amel, we have always tried to look for the best in people by promoting their abilities and foster a common strength rooted in the group; an “us” and not a series of “I’s”. We reach out to people and find their hidden potential as we have a deep-rooted faith in the capacity of each human being, no matter of his/her weaknesses and shortcomings. Deep down, there is always the possibility for positive change.

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This understanding of the individual and the work ethics derived from it also nourishes how we work with groups, whether at a local or international levels. This vision of how we should work is based on five main pillars:  Any humanitarian actions should focus on forms of development leading to democracy.  Injustices against people around the world must be fought, with a particular focus on the Palestinian people.  Rejecting double standards imposed by First World societies on Third world societies and the Global South.  A commitment towards a fair and equal distribution of wealth and goods amongst all humans and societies.  A pledge to encourage the creation of welfare systems and social justice in countries all over the world.

Unfortunately, you might be aware of the fact that our country is driven by a chauvinist culture of bosses. Everywhere, there is always a boss who gives orders whilst others are meant to execute his vision quietly; a relationship all too often built on a lack of respect for human dignity.

With such work ethics, it becomes very difficult to enact any meaningful change or progress, as energies, creativity and initiative are lost. We cannot afford to lose these potentials and the productive minds. To produce this change, we must exercise social responsibility, which implies all individuals must be involved in processes of change and must be made responsible for their actions.

There are over eight hundred workers in Amel forming a team and every day we remind ourselves of our founding values: “We do not work for a person, but for noble ideas related to the human dignity, to the fact that each one of us should be responsible for his or her destiny and a true sense of leadership which seeks to create leaders who can then enact the change we want to witness!”

This Human Dignity Report for Lebanon, uncovering the status of economic and social rights in Lebanon, was designed through this approach, under the supervision of our like-minded and engaged friends Omar Nashabeh and Dr Karim Al-Mufti (Director of Amel House of Human Rights) in addition to the experience acquired by Amel.

We also would like to thank Ms. Maha Nasser and our colleague Hiba Kchour for their contribution and efforts in the completion of this report.

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I extend my sincere gratitude and appreciation to them, to the workers of Amel and to all the friends who have embraced Amel from its beginning to the present day. This report is published with the hope that it will help reinforce human dignity without compromise in Lebanon and in the region.

May it come as one additional step towards the achievement of national liberation and the building of social justice.

Kamel Mohanna

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About the Authors Karim El Mufti, PhD, University professor and senior researcher in political science and international law; Director of the Human Rights Legal Clinic at La Sagesse University; Director of the Amel House of Human Rights.

Omar Nashabe, PhD, Criminal Justice and Human Rights analyst; former advisor to Lebanese Minister of Interior and Municipalities Mr. Ziyad Baroud (2008-2011). Since January 2020, he is leading the launch of the Azm Center for Criminal Justice and Security Sector Reform at the Azm University.

Research assistants  Hiba Kchour  Maha Nasser

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I. Introduction: Justifying the Core Priorities Issued by the Amel House of Human Rights, the Human Rights department within Amel Association International, this report was initiated in January 2019 with a clear objective of documenting the crumbling of human dignity in Lebanon and serving as a yearly compass for the situation of socio-economic rights in the country for all residents. The dire context of sharp inequality and growing extreme poverty was no secret and the report intended to offer a consistent overview of the worsening hardship the failed policies have led the country to.

On October 17th, the Lebanese population patience worn out and massive protests emerged all over the Lebanese territory and obtained 12 days later the overthrow of the government. No report nor index nor study can show the entire truth of the real hardening of the life of the population whose uprise is calling for the respect of their basic dignity as human beings. In a sense, one of the main goals of the report was already achieved before it was published as the Lebanese people has shaped a powerful public opinion aware of the levels of corruption, the decrepitude of their rightful services and the incompetence of their governing bodies and representatives. Or, in another word: a true revolution against the sectarian and corrupt system that has taken so much and given back so little.

Nevertheless, this work ambitions to offer a modest insight of the factors that led to these massive protests threatening of the Lebanese families, livelihoods and an insult to their dignity. The alarming wave of suicides that have already taken the lives of Naji El Flitti (Ersal), Dany Abi Haidar (Naabaa), Antonios Tanous (Akkar) is directly connected to the grave deterioration of the socio-economic conditions based on the acute financial and economic crisis, which swept into Lebanon in the past couple of years. It is also worth mentioning that 2018 had already reached the highest record in the number of suicides in Lebanon (The Monthly: June 2018).

Such urgency calls for additional national efforts in measuring the inhuman impact of current policies on the population, namely in self-funded studies away from any potentially conflicting agendas. As such, reports issued by international organizations, whether from the UN agencies or independent organizations, regularly measure economic development, human development, good governance, transparency levels, freedom of the press etc. While this offers valuable insight in the world and individual countries situations and contexts, there is little work to produce nationally driven indicators based on the priorities of the local population.

The Lebanon Human Dignity Report established by AMEL Association aims at filling the national gap on this level, while providing a preliminary measurement document based

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on the immediate needs, aspirations and issues of the local population, both Lebanese and non-Lebanese nationals.

In January 2019, Al Akhbar reported that one needed 4.000$ a month to live in Beirut [Al Akhbar:29 January 2019], showing among others the factors that led to the rise of the Lebanese population against their harsh livelihoods. The following issues pertain to the scope of vulnerability of the given population, namely in the context of socioeconomic challenges which have impacted not only the purchasing power of the population, but also its health, education level and quality of life.

-

Unemployment & Poverty Cost of Living & Housing Exposure to Social Disorders (pollution, smoking, harmful diet, drug use) Access to Quality Healthcare Access to Quality Education Access to Public Transport Access to adequate infrastructure (Electricity, Water...)

Exposure to Violence Degrading, condescending and humiliating treatment Poor work conditions Discrimination and all forms of racism Unfair Taxation Rehabilitation and Reintegration in Prisons Citizen Mobilization for Impacting Policy

It’s Dignity in its very basic trait that is hit at the core in today’s Lebanon, whether looking at citizens or at families and households, and it is important to further look into the different variables and components in order to accurately assess the problems and challenges on the local level.

II. Conceptual Framework The concept of human dignity features in ethical, legal, and political discourse as a foundational commitment to human value or human status.

Human dignity is the basis of human rights and its core principle. However, although there are standards set to measure the level of human rights compliance, human dignity is undoubtedly more complicated to measure partly because it is not as legally and politically defined as human rights. It is also quite challenging to universally measure self-worth because it is so closely connected to culturally relative values such as esteem, confidence and respect.

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Yet, human dignity implies (1) universality: every person, anywhere, is entitled to the protection of his or her dignity, regardless of how human dignity is defined; (2) inalienability: every person’s dignity is indisputable and may not be denied whatever the reasons and conditions; (3) unconditionality: human dignity does not entail any performance or maintenance; and, (4) overridingness: Human dignity has priority in normative disputes.

From a legal perspective, Lebanon as adhered to a large number of Human Rights instruments as shown in the table hereunder, which bestow important obligations the State owes to its citizens and residents.

Table 1 : Status of Lebanon’s ratifications of Human Rights treaties Convention Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

Abrev.

Signature

Ratification

CAT

05 Oct 2000 (a)

Optional Protocol of the Convention against Torture

CAT-OP

22 Dec 2008 (a)

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

CCPR

03 Nov 1972 (a)

Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance

CED

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

06 Feb 2007

CEDAW

16 Apr 1997 (a)

International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination

CERD

12 Nov 1971 (a)

International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

CESCR

03 Nov 1972 (a)

International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families

CMW

Convention on the Rights of the Child

CRC

26 Jan 1990

Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict

CRC-OP-AC

11 Feb 2002

Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children child prostitution and child pornography

CRC-OP-SC

10 Oct 2001

CRPD

14 Jun 2007

Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities

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14 May 1991

08 Nov 2004

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) starts with the “recognition of the inherent dignity of all members of the human family” considering it “the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world”. It further stresses “the dignity and worth of the human person” to highlight individual rights. The Preamble of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) also asserts that Human Rights “derive from the inherent dignity of the human person” and it further stresses the “recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family [as] the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.”

This assertion, induced in both the Declaration and the Covenant, constitutes a common reference point in contemporary literature on human dignity.

The concept of human dignity as a standard may further involve different fields requiring basic regulation, including human rights and humanitarian law. The dignity concept, arising from international law discourses, also involves equality, liberty, and the basic status of the individual.

In fact, the ‘inherent dignity’ represents a potential bridge between a number of different ideas and ideals, namely freedom, justice and peace, combined with respect and access to basic needs.

Freedom liberty + autonomy + sufficiency

Basic needs

Peace

health + shelter + education + work

security + order

Respect

Justice

Esteem + interactions

self-worth + social justice

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Human Dignity as a principle and as a standard The first article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights reads: “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”. It is therefore innate and unconditional, however, its realization in one’s life course is continuous. Every person’s dignity may not be realized if his or her economic, social and cultural rights are not persistently safeguarded. These rights are simply “indispensable” for every human being’s dignity (Article 22).

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights suggests a specific significance of dignity that is particularly interesting for this project: Article 23 reads: “everyone who works has the right to just and favorable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity”. Here, human dignity is not a principle or the basis for a set of rights as is the case with its previous mentions in the declaration. Instead, the specific notion of dignity in article 23 is rather a standard. And although this standard is not defined for measurement purposes, the fact that it is based material sufficiency enables its explanation and designation.

It is however rare for human dignity to be considered as a specifically measurable universal standard, and it is unclear how this specific standard would amount to normative integration of law, ethics and politics. That is precisely the main challenge of this project.

The suggested type of measurement and the proposed human dignity standard should be customized geographically, politically and culturally simply because although everyone, everywhere, is entitled to human dignity, different locations and boundaries, and varied cultures are subject to relative interpretations. This does not however negate human rights’ inalienability and unconditionality and it maintains basic regulations for the protection of human dignity.

Protecting human dignity requires securing living conditions under which individuals can develop a sense of self-worth and security. Dignity is unlikely safeguarded for people who have to live with the threat of violence and injustice, with bad governance and instability or with poverty and disease.

Measuring human dignity requires connecting law, ethics, and politics. It also entails associating positive law with morality, and specific norms with general Human Rights principles.

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Measuring Human Dignity 1. Basic needs First, it would be important to define the minimum basic requirements for the realization of human dignity in urban societies. There seems to be four main requirements: -

Since the dignity of any individual suffering from physical or mental illness and old age, would be undoubtedly denied if he/she is deprived from adequate medical care, access to healthcare and necessary medication; the primary requirement for dignity would be the adequate delivery health services; and

-

since the dignity of any individual who cannot afford to live in a decent habitation or shelter or having a roof over his/her head is also denied; the second basic requirement for dignity would be having a furnished and well equipped habitation; and

-

since the dignity of any individual who never went to school and who is illiterate and ignorant about basic matters is compromised; the third basic requirement for dignity would be free and compulsory basic education for all; and

-

since the human dignity of any unemployed individual who cannot financially support himself/herself and his/her family is also clearly denied; the fourth basic requirement for dignity would be employment and fair work conditions.

2. Respect Securing the above listed four basic requirements for human dignity may not spontaneously lead to the realization of human dignity, and one more main prerequisite is required: respect for human dignity. Every human being has rights that are inherent, inalienable and indivisible, simply because he or she is born human. Human dignity is also inherent, and every human being’s dignity is also inalienable because he or she is human. Humans may not give up their human dignity even if they claim freedom to do so.

Respect for human dignity requires securing the basic four rights – health, shelter, education and work – and treating people in an honorable and venerable manner.

This may vary from culture to culture whereas symbolic interactions are not Page 14

homogenous; and understanding and measuring respect in human interactions is cross cultural.

3. The realization of dignity: freedom, justice and peace Human dignity standards are also based on the following axioms for measurement: a. Freedom / autonomy / sufficiency This involves setting the minimum subsistence baseline which is likely to vary depending on health, social and natural conditions. For example, cold climatic conditions require heating costs which are spared in warmer regions.

Setting the minimum standard for remuneration should also take into account quality, availability and cost of basic services and goods.

Employment remuneration further involves job security, paid vacation, family package, and convenient working hours and conditions.

It also involves individual participation in public management and institutional organization through democratic processes. In other words, workers should have the right to be part of a workers’ syndicate. Human dignity is maintained when people feel that their voices are heard and that they are, to a certain extent, represented in the formulation of public policies and public decision making. b. Justice / self-worth / social justice Every individual should the right to justice. This entails, practical laws passed and updated by an elected representative legislative body, access to a fair trial process, and the implementation of just laws and effective remedies.

This axiom also involves public services: Every individual should have the right to receive public services basically including, health and safety, education and vocational training, and work and employment c. Peace / security / order This involves various kinds of threats to security, peace and stability. It is also relevant to note that a person’s feeling of self-worth is connected to human dignity it is therefore crucial to explore variables that are invasive to any human being’s self-worth.

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Table 2: Self-worth Variables under Human Dignity Basics needs Survival Subsistence

Respect Social Interactions Esteem

Freedom Autonomy Sufficiency

Justice Self-worth Social Justice

Peace Security Order

Health services and healthy environment

Nondiscrimination based on biological, social or cultural identity

Favorable remuneration (fair wage labor) Material sufficiency

Access to Fair Trial & Rehabilitation and Reintegration in Prisons (effective remedy)

Exposure to physical threats & insecurity

Adequate shelter/habitation and appropriate infrastructure

Equal rights with others in all sectors

Citizen Involvement for Impacting Policy (democratic involvement)

Access to basic public services including transport, electricity, water etc.

Exposure to Social Disorders: drug abuse, discrimination, bullying

Accessible and compulsory education

Non-humiliation and degradation in social interactions, Media, education etc.

Freedom of movement , expression, association

Women empowerment

War / occupation

Work, employment and fair conditions and remuneration

No bullying, isolation and group hatred

Ambition, selfmotivation and self- esteem

Child and juvenile protection

Fear, paranoia and PTSD

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III. Methodological Framework Data collection and index building The AMEL Human Dignity Report for Lebanon was established based on various data collection sources.

Primary references were based on field research inclusive of Lebanese and nonLebanese nationals across the country who were interviewed in different AMEL centres in Beirut, Mount Lebanon, Southern Lebanon and the Bekaa. The research hence relied on AMEL Association’s large local network of centers and field activities in the social, health and economic areas, providing support to both Lebanese and non-Lebanese populations whom provided an obvious sampling tool of the different socio-economic profiles who are experiencing difficult living conditions.

Thus, among the added values of the Annual Report lies the direct data collection on various indicators and variables from persons across the Lebanese Mohafazas (governorates).

Even though the sample from this fieldwork may not be representative of the entire population, it should be noted that the main goal of the report is not to survey, quantitatively, the social-economic conditions in Lebanon, but rather to highlight, qualitatively real life experiences, testimonies, grievances of all sorts that are undermining the human dignity of individuals, families and groups across the country.

Field research comprised of: -

Questionnaires First standardized questionnaires will be distributed to service receives at various AMEL centers across the country. The purpose of this questionnaire is not for quantitative analysis but for overall exploration of common themes and observations related to Human Dignity;

-

Participant observation Researchers have primarily visited AMEL centers across the country and identified specific case studies to be further investigated;

-

Interviews Researchers conducted interviews with participants for the designated case studies in various AMEL centers across the country.

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The 19 AMEL centers (listed in the table below) represent a concentrated and diverse sample of the challenges pertaining to socio-economic issues in the country.

Table 3: List Amel Association Centres in Lebanon (as to January 2019) Amel HQ – Mossaytbe – (Beirut)

Center in Ersal (Bekaa)

Centre in Burj Brajneh (Mount Lebanon)

Centre in Haret Hreik (Mount Lebanon)

Centre in Kamed al Loz (West Bekaa)

Centre in Bazourieh (South)

Centre in Chiyah (Mount Lebanon)

Centre in Mashghara (Bekaa)

Centre in Tyr (South)

Centre in Ain El Remmeneh (Mount Lebanon)

Centre in Musharafieh (Mount Lebanon)

Centre in Halta (South)

Centre in Khiam (South)

Centre in Hay el Sellom (Mount Lebanon)

Centre in Fardis (Nabatiye)

Centre in Marjeyoun (Nabariye)

Centre in Ebl El Seqi (Nabatiye)

Centre in Shmestar (Bekaa)

Centre in El Ain (Bekaa)

Secondary sources The data collection process also resorted to secondary sources in order to map the evolution and status of socio-economic sectors and gather data, figures, statistics, research published by governmental institutions, research centers, NGOs either through direct access or through media publications.

Official regulations, decrees, legislations and other formal decisions were also documented so to be part of the literature used by the researchers to further assess the socio-economic Lebanese context and how it scores under the suggested AMEL Dignity Report.

Limitations and Challenges The initial limitation from a methodological perspective is the original decision of limiting the samples to persons around the AMEL centers in the first stages of the indexbuilding. It is also to note that AMEL has little presence in the North where local anchorage will be needed to collect data in the same sense as the rest of the country.

However, enlarging the scope of direct sources from the field will be possible based on this first circle that can provide further circles of respondents that could then be included in the methodology in a next milestone.

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Other challenges lie in the problem in Lebanon of having inaccurate and incomplete sets of data and figures when touching upon the socio-economic indicators of the country.

Lack of transparency and difficult access to financial and economic information is also considered an important factor adding to it a layer of difficulty.

This is why the fieldwork methodology as set in this index can constitute a precious tool to compensate the lack of data and allow for the collection of useful, valuable and accurate information in order to construct the Human Dignity Index.

That said, the field work intended to include the Northern province and towns and Akkar could not be completed due of the transportation difficulties that have characterized the country on the past months. The next editions of this National Human Dignity Report for Lebanon will work on overcoming this important limitations, especially when dealing with one of the most impoverished regions of the country.

Nevertheless, the study relied on various secondary sources to include this particular region in its documenting efforts.

IV. General observations The interviewers noted general observations that were not recorded in the questionnaires. These observations are summarized in this part of the report.

The interviews were conducted at Amel centers in various parts of the country, i.e.

Beirut suburb, villages in the Bekaa valley, South and north Lebanon. Most Amel centers offer medical care and many of the participants were there waiting for their appointment with physicians and medical staff. It is therefore presumed that the participants in the research cannot afford to benefit from medical services in private hospitals. Amel charges a very small fee (3,000 LL) in return for various health and medical services. Syrian refugees, Lebanese underprivileged families were there with their children. Some of the children were there to accompany their parents and not necessarily because they had an appointment.

The children The first observations concern the children. They were, in most cases, quiet, shy and clinging to their mothers. The older children were more observant and most of them rarely smiled and had sad facial expressions. They were dressed poorly and most of them did not have shoes but had slippers and in some cases socks under the slippers.

Refugee families living in tents have poor hygiene: the children’s faces were stained and their clothes were dirty because access to clean water, soap and detergents is limited as was found in most of the interviews.

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Amel staff were polite, kind and friendly to the children and their parents who responded with appreciation and thankful words. However, no play area was available for the children. Instead, the staff offered paper and coloring pens to the kids to keep them busy and amused. Some of the children offered the interviewers their drawings.

The 9 years old girl who made the above drawing is from Mashghara. She drew it on a side table in the same room where the interview was done, and although colored pens were on the table she chose not to use them.

When she gave the drawings to the interviewer she described proudly her calculation, her Arabic writing and her drawing skills.

When asked about what she meant by drawing the house, the flower and the two kids and two faces, she said that she was “good at school”

‫شاطرة في‬

‫المدرسة‬, she then stared at the interviewer for a minute and said that this is the house she would want to live in, and that she wants to have a garden where she can play with her younger sister.

Overall the families were polite and the children were disciplined and well behaved, they did not interrupt the interview and refrained from nagging and disturbing the interview with their parent although the interviews lasted for 15 minutes on average.

They were mostly quiet and stared at the interviewer with interest perhaps because they realized that their parents were attentive and seriously engaged. They seemed trying to understand what was being said.

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The 5 years old boy who made the following drawing is from Kamed Al-Lauz. He left it on the table after the interview with his father ended.

The interviewer followed the father and his son after they left the room and asked the child about the identity of the person her drew. The child responded that it was “uncle” ‫ عمو‬and when asked who “uncle” was exactly, he said that it was the army ‫ جيش‬and he explained that the object on the left of the drawing was a rifle ‫بارودة‬. His father smiled and looked at the interviewer and said: “we had some trouble with the security forces ‫ قوى االمن‬recently because of construction and there were some tensions… ‫”توتر‬. When asked to elaborate he said that the matter was resolved and that some people in the village helped him and a solution was found. He refused to provide details about the matter.

Little differences could be picked up as to the attitudes of Syrian refugee children and Lebanese children who accompanied their parent during the interview.

Underprivileged Lebanese The Lebanese participants in the interviews were mostly poor, unemployed or working in construction or agriculture, single parents, or retired and elderly. They complained about the lack of public services and many of them expressed disappointment in the local government. However, their answers mostly showed that they do not have a clear understanding of their basic rights. For example, several Lebanese interviewees said that they had to be close to a political/sectarian figure to have access to employment, health and educational services. They claimed that they were unfortunate not to be part of the entourage of an influential local figure. Their understanding of the system is based on feudal patterns whereas land owners and rich people are in power and all the others are subordinate to them and live off the services and charity they provide for their clan members. Hence, the ‘Zaim’ for the region, i.e. ‫ زعيم المنطقة‬who is also, in most cases, the sectarian leading local figure, is the main source of the basic employment, health and educational services, and the source of security in the region. Most participants did not show any sign of knowledge that these services are supposed to be the citizens’ entitlements and basic rights regardless of the ‘Zaim’. They do not defy the feudal-like social structure, instead, they complain that the ‘Zaim’ is not providing enough services and they often evoke previous ‘Zaims’ who allegedly provided more and better services to their clan members.

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Many Lebanese participants in the interviews had irregular jobs and could not easily calculate their average monthly income. They mostly work in construction and in agriculture and their employment is often seasonal.

None of the participants said that they were members of an NGO or a political or community group. Their civic engagement is inexistent and they are not part of any labor union or syndicate. Hence they have no opportunities to complain about remuneration, conditions of work and any other work related matters.

Syrian refugees Syrian refugee participants in the interviews seemed sad and exhausted. Most of them arrived in dirty clothes, especially the males although most women participants also described being involved in hard labor in harsh conditions. This is also seemingly demoralizing considering that hard labor for refugees is mostly underpaid. Syrian refugee hard laborers in construction and agriculture, working in open fields under the sun in the summer and in cold winters for long hours, complained about their low wages. They also do not benefit from social security and health insurance whereas the health hazards at the workplace are high. They usually get paid by the day, and in some cases participants complained that the employer fails to pay in full the agreed amount.

However, they seemed mostly desperate to have a source of income, and in spite of the unfair remuneration, they cling to the limited income opportunities available to them.

One participant explained that it’s a matter of survival by making sure there is enough money to feed the family. Some participants also, hesitantly, described cases of discrimination and mistreatment by employers, neighbors and the public in general.

Most of them hesitated at first and the interviewer had to repeat the question after depicting non-verbal signs showing hesitation in articulating the answer. When asked about the reason for the hesitation, some interviewees said that they would like to “stay out of trouble” ‫ منبتعد عن المشاكل‬while others explained that things were resolved ‫ماشي الحال‬ and they would like to go back to their ‘normal’ lives.

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Human Rights Committee’s Concluding observations on the third periodic report of Lebanon In May 2018, the UN Human Rights Committee had acknowledged the significant contribution of Lebanon in hosting a large number of asylum seekers and refugees and its continuing engagement in providing assistance and protection to them, as well as the burden associated therewith. It also commended Lebanon for its commitment to the principle of non-refoulement and for not enforcing the deportation of Syrian nationals with expired legal status or without legal papers. However, the Committee expressed concern about: (a) The strict border admission regulations in place since January 2015, which have resulted in restricted access to asylum and pushbacks at the border with the Syrian Arab Republic that could amount to refoulement, and reports that asylum seekers and refugees originating from countries other than the Syrian Arab Republic are at risk of deportation or refoulement, in particular when there is no prospect of resettlement; (b) Reports of the prolonged administrative detention of asylum seekers and refugees other than Syrian nationals, including that of children, without due process, and their expulsion; (c) The broad discretionary powers granted to the General Security Office, pursuant to articles 17 and 18 of the 1962 Act on entry and exit, regarding decisions to detain without judicial warrant and deport individuals from Lebanon, and the lack of appeal procedures relating to such decisions; (d)

Reports of evictions, curfews and raids targeting in particular Syrian refugees;

(e)

The limited coverage of the residency fee waiver policy (arts. 2, 7, 9, 13 and 24).

Source: Human Rights Committee. Concluding observations on the third periodic report of Lebanon, CCPR/C/LBN/CO/3, 9 May 2018, available at https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/15/treatybodyexternal/Download.aspx?symbolno=CCPR/C/LBN/CO/3&Lang=E n

Gender perspective In many cases, husbands accompanied their wives for the interview and provided some of the answers after interrupting their wives, especially when she hesitated and when the question concerns financial and security matters. This may have caused disruptions and may have altered the answer the woman would have given in the absence of her husband. However, this allowed the interviewer to better understand domestic gender dynamics.

Married men participating in the interview were also interrupted by their wives in some cases, especially on education, care, food, shelter and health matters. Although this showed a certain organized distribution of responsibilities, the husband seemed dominant and, in most cases, he would say the last word even if the matter relates to his wife’s alleged responsibilities.

Several women participants were the household’s main ‘breadwinners’ because their husbands were allegedly suffering from a handicap or illness, or because their simply could not find work in construction or agriculture. However, most of them said that they gave their financial earning to their husbands because “he’s the man of the house” ‫هو‬ ‫رجال البيت‬. And although some of them complained about their husband’s financial Page 23

mismanagement, none of the participants claimed to do – or to want to do – anything about it.

Both Lebanese and Syrian refugee wives and mothers participating in the interviews seemed in charge of the shelter. In addition to providing daily meals, caring for the children and the husband, the housewife’s responsibilities include fixing the leak from the ceiling of a refugee tent, and securing enough mattresses and beds for everybody.

In many cases and in addition to the above, the housewife had to work in agriculture, in the open field for five to six hours daily to generate the much needed income for survival.

Most women participating in the interviews were veiled. The type, color and style of their veils was inconsistent and did not seem to be just for Islamic religious reasons but also for practical reasons. Most of these women worked in the fields and need head and face protection from the sun. Another function is security, especially for younger women, singles, widows and divorcees. One participant explained that veil is for ‘hiding yourself’ or refraining from exposing yourself and your body ‫ تس ّتر‬.

Many of the interviewed women had more than 4 children and although they sometimes complained about the load of responsibility in raising their children, in most cases, they expressed hope for a better future for them. Most of the mothers, Lebanese and Syrian refugee as well, said that they wished that their children would find their way to Europe (in some cases, they specified Germany, Britain and ‘America’ i.e. the United States) where they can have a ‘better’ future. They explained that this wish was specifically for their male children and when asked about the female children, they said that they would hope for them to have ‘luck’ ‫نصيب‬. In other words, hopes for better opportunities by travelling to the West seemed restricted to boys whereas the girls’ opportunities for a better life are a matter of chance.

Amel staff A number of volunteers and employees at Amel were also added to the sample and were interviewed. The staff at Amel centers were friendly and polite. In some cases they expressed the need for more human and material support instead of collecting data, doing research and suggesting a human dignity index. They talked about cases suffering from extreme deprivation of basic services and other cases of unfair treatment to Syrian refugees and the growing tension in some parts of the country.

Amel staff seemed very serious about their responsibilities and made sure that everybody is treated in a respectable manner and that services are provided equitably for everybody regardless of status, nationality, sect and religion.

Although the Amel centers were busy and crowded, Amel staff made sure that a quiet office was available for the interviews and that the participants were organized.

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The road to Amel centers The interviewers travelled from Beirut to Amel centers in Mount Lebanon, South and North Lebanon, and the Bekaa valley. On the way, especially in rural areas and in the Bekaa valley, thousands of refugee tents were seen grouped in agricultural fields.

Land owners rent part of their property to Syrian refugees.

The conditions of the tents seemed poor, especially in the mountains and in the valley were winters bring heavy rain, cold and snow and summer temperatures can reach more that 40 degrees Celsius. Some tents were built from the remains of road signs, metal sheets, plastic bags and car tires. In some encampments, tents were provided by UNHCR (as can be observed from the logo on these tents), however these tents are too small and too weak to endure the harsh weather conditions for more than one or two years whereas most refugees have been there for more than five years.

On the way to Amel center in the Bekaa valley, the interviewers saw many Syrian refugees and poor Lebanese families living in unfinished residences where plastic bags were used to block the windows and in some cases metal sheets were used for the Consent forms At the start of every interview, participants were given a consent form explaining the purpose and objective of the interview, stating that nothing they say can be used against them and their interests in anyway, ensuring anonymity and confidentiality, and requesting their approval for participation. However, most participants did not seem to care and some of them questioned the reason for having a consent form. When the interviewer explained the ethical and professional significance for the form, many participants smiled perhaps as a sign of disbelief. Some participants interrupted the interviewer as he was explaining the purpose of the research by dismissing their position and considering that their acceptance to participate was automatic and unavoidable. The interviewer had to explain that refusing to participate or to answer any of the questions may not have any repercussions or effect on the services provided

by Amel to you and your family members. Yet it seemed that the participants were not convinced and they all resolutely and without any hesitation or delay accepted to participate in the interviews and answer all the questions.

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V. Survey Sample For the purpose of this report, the researchers have designated Amel centers in different areas as the primary field for constituting a random sample of respondents from different age groups (above 17), social and professional status and gender.

Overall, 75 respondents were interviewed in eight different Amel centers as per table 4 below including the center’s direct beneficiaries but also Amel volunteers and staff working in each of the premises.

The answers were collected based on a unified questionnaire (see Appendix 1) aimed at extracting three types of information: measuring the respondents’ access to basic needs, the level of freedom and personal security, the perception towards the notions of justice and respect.

Table 4 Field Research Locations Location

Date of field visit

Number of respondents

Centre in Haret Hreik (Mount Lebanon)

15/5/2019

10

Centre in Hay el Sellom (Mount Lebanon)

15/5/2019

8

Centre in Chiyah (Mount Lebanon)

16/5/2019

6

Centre in Tyr (South)

20/5/2019

9

Centre in Bazourieh (South)

20/5/2019

10

Centre in Kamed al Loz (West Bekaa)

23/5/2019

7

Centre in Mashghara (Bekaa)

23/5/2019

10

Centre in Khiam (South)

30/5/2019

15

TOTAL

75

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Looking at the geography of the centers and based on the answer of the respondents as to where they reside, 45% live in Southern Lebanon, 32% in Beirut and Mount Lebanon and 23% in the Bekaa.

Graph 1: Breakdown by Place of residence (75 respondents)

Southern Lebanon Beirut & Mount Lebanon Bekaa

The majority of the respondents met inside the centers were Syrian nationals, considered as refugees as per international law, given the mission and tasks of Amel’s humanitarian action in the course of the Syrian crisis response. 57% of the sample was hence composed of Syrians, 36% of Lebanese, 3% Palestinians and 4% “others� (Iraqi, Sudanese and Ethiopian).

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Graph 2: Breakdown by Nationality (75 respondents) 2 3

Syrian Lebanese

27

Palestinians 43

Others

The large majority of the sample was composed of women (68%) as families are amongst the primary beneficiaries of Amel’s socio-medical services in light of the difficult socio-economic conditions. Male respondents made up 32% of the sample.

Graph 3: Breakdown by Gender (75 respondents)

Male Female

The respondents’ age group is mostly young as 51% of the respondents are under 35 years of age (7% between 17 and 21 and 44% ranging between 21 and 35). The midaged section was also well represented with 39% of the respondents aged between 36 and 55 and the older respondents amounting to 11% of the sample, with the oldest respondent being a 72 years old Palestinian widow from Tyr, who has nine children. At

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the other end of the age group, the youngest respondent was a 17 years old Syrian boy living in Haret Hreik (Mount Lebanon).

These proportions are very much in line with the latest Central Administration Statistics report (“Labour Force and Household Living Conditions Survey� for 20182019) that was published after the field survey was carried out for this study.

Graph 4: Breakdown by Age (75 respondents)

17-21 years old 21-35 years old 36-55 years old 55-72 years old

The persons interviewed in the Amel centers are in majority married (53%), with a lesser proportion of single respondents (36%), divorced or widow(er)s (both at 5%).

Less than a third of the respondents do not have children whereas most of the surveyed persons had at least one child, up to 11 for some, as shown in the graph below. 32% of the respondents have between 4 and 7 children, 27% between one and three and a smaller group support more than 7 children (12%).

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Graph 5: Breakdown by Marital Status (75 respondents)

Married Single Divorced Widow(er)

Graph 6: Breakdown by numb. of children (75 respondents)

No children 1-3 children 4-7 children 7-11 children

Among the surveyed individuals, a majority of them declared being active in the labor market, with 56% of them actually employed (44%) or self-employed (12%). 28% of the sample is made up of housewives, 11% are unemployed and 5% are students (one person chose not to answer this question).

A large number of the respondents have either no education (24%) or didn’t reach past the school elementary or middle sections (42%), amounting to a staggering 66% of surveyed persons with a thin educational baggage. The sample also gathers roughly a Page 30

quarter of the respondents enrolled or having achieved a higher education level (24%), as it is important to mention that many of this category are not necessarily from Amel staff or volunteers interviewed in the course of the study. Those having achieved high school or enrolled in vocational training represent 10% of the sample.

Graph 7: Breakdown by Professional Status (75 respondents)

Employed Self-employed Unemployed Housewive Student

Graph 8: Breakdown by Education level (75 respondents)

No education Elementary & Middle School High school & vocational Higher Education

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VI. Findings Based on the responses of the interviews to the unified questionnaire (Appendix 1 and consent form in Appendix 2) and the observation notes taken by the researchers, the following findings are brought forward for preliminary analysis.

General overall findings Before stating the specific findings of this study, a number of significant general findings were noted and most revolved around fears and insecurities: 

Average monthly income of most respondents cannot cover the cost of healthcare, shelter and education.

Most participants in the interviews depend on charity, donations, debt, and/or on support by local and international NGOs and in some cases local political and religious groups. More significantly, none of the interviewees showed any knowledge of their basic right to healthcare, shelter and education. In fact, many of them did not even consider basic nutrition and food supplies as part of basic rights, as if agreeing to an inferior status in the community and presupposing that obtaining healthcare, education and food aid may require conditional payback. Given their poor socioeconomic status, they express allegiance towards the source of support and aid. Some interviewees accept to be talked down to by their employer out of fear of losing their only source of income, especially the Syrians who are working on daily rates in the agriculture or construction sectors. 

Multilevel insecurity with reluctance to point directly towards the factors behind it.

The interviewees were mostly hesitant to express their suffering in general and said that they accepted the situation they are in. When asked to provide more information about their position, they insisted that they do not want to show any protest out of fear of losing the little they have.

When asked about their relationship with their employers they were hesitant to mention any information that was not favorable. When the interviewer requested details about the treatment of the employer towards employees in general, several interviewees preferred not to answer or simply said “‫( ”الحمد هلل‬Praise to God). This answer presupposes that the respondents surrendered to the type of treatment he/she gets from his/her employer even though he/she suffers from it. The spouses of interviewees, some of whom were present during the interview, were sometimes a bit more verbal about this and interfered to say ‫ عايزين‬،‫" ماشي الحال منقبل الذل‬ "‫( المصاري لنعيش‬it’s ok, we accept the humiliation, we need the money to survive).

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When asked about threats to their physical security, most interviewees responded by describing health challenges and the poor conditions of their shelter and inadequate nutrition for their children. These responses were repeated even after the interviewer explained that the question is related to physical threats or threats of the use of violence by other persons or groups.

In two cases, the respondents stared at the interviewer and said "‫( "ما بدنا مشاكل‬we don’t want any trouble). This may imply that although there are insecurities likely related to politics or social status, the respondents prefer not to address them out of fear and because livelihood and economic threats – the lack of resources, healthcare and the poor conditions of their shelter – overshadow other challenges to human dignity.

During one of the interviews in Bazourieh, the wife of the interviewee complained that her husband, who works in construction, was beaten and humiliated by his employer last month. Her husband quickly intervened to shut her down by saying “‫( ”انحلت خلص‬the matter has been resolved it’s over). He later explained that it was just a “misunderstanding” (‫)سوء تفاهم‬.

When asked about Human Rights and the provisions in the Lebanese Constitution that compel respect for Human Rights, many interviewees refrained from responding. They just smiled politely and walked away. If the interviewer insisted on knowing why they would not answer, one respondent simply said: “Rights? What rights? Are we in Germany? Or in Sweden?”. 

Insignificant differences between interviewed Lebanese citizens and Syrian refugees when it comes to dignity grievances.

Although there were differences in responses depending on the socio-economic level of the interviewees, the indignity felt by respondents from different nationalities – Syrian, Lebanese, Palestinian – was largely similar.

Syrian refugees and Lebanese citizens who worked in the agricultural and construction sectors suffered from poverty and are struggling to cover the cost of food, shelter, healthcare and education. They are paid on daily basis and irregularly (sometimes the employer delays payment for weeks), and do not benefit from safety standards at work and do not have health insurance and/or social security coverage.

Several Lebanese and Syrian interviewees claimed that their children are expected to contribute to household income through labor, especially in the agricultural fields and in construction. And although none of the participants in this study recognized it, several children are most likely forced by their parents into begging for money in the Page 33

streets. Several court rulings found parents guilty on charges of human trafficking for taking advantage of their children to generate financial income (Legal Agenda 18-92018).

Although several Lebanese who were interviewed complained about Syrian refugees and claiming that they are “taking their jobs”, when asked about specific examples they did not provide any concrete response. For example a young interviewee in Chiah claimed that he could not find a job “because the Syrians are taking over” however, when asked about his current employment status, he said that he was working in construction (‫ )معلم ورقة‬i.e. master craftsman. And when asked about his colleagues he explained that he supervises three Syrian workers who actually get a lower remuneration.

The economic crisis in Lebanon leads to serious challenges in finding employment and fierce competition in the labor market and it is likely that this incites blame on foreigners by claiming that their right to work should be secondary to the right of the nationals. In this study, no concrete evidence was found to validate such blame. 

The majority of the interviewee households crucially depend on humanitarian welfare (Amel Association, NGOs, the UN and others) for health, medical, and education services and for food supplies.

Although Amel Association has been providing healthcare, medical support and aid to thousands of families throughout the country, the needs are increasing and the services are still largely insufficient. Some of the persons who receive support and medical services from Amel Association do not have a salubrious shelter for their children.

Therefore in some cases even though the medical treatment is provided, the health of the most vulnerable remains at risk because of the poor living conditions and inadequate nutrition and unhealthy work environment.

1. Health and Medical services Most of the participants in the interviews were met at the Amel Association Centers in various parts of the country as was stated earlier in this report. Many were there to receive medical services and to get medication at low cost thanks to Amel’s support.

The majority of the interviewees said that health and medical costs are not covered by any health insurance or by social security services as can be seen in the below chart.

Page 34

Graph 9: Health coverage of respondents (75 respondents)

No coverage Social Security Private insurance No answer

This is consistent with nationwide data indicating that more than 50% of the Lebanese population lacks basic healthcare coverage (DIRASAT:2017). This means they have to bare the cost of purchasing medicine, hospitalization costs or medical consultations, which in Lebanon eats into 15% of the household’s budget (Ibid). According to the Ministry of Health (MoH), its spending on hospitalizations have jumped from 3.1 billion dollars in 2012 to 4.32 billion dollars in 2018, which only covers 31% of the total costs as the beneficiaries need to secure the rest of the sums themselves (Al-Akhbar: 12/01/2019). During the course of the year 2018, the Ministry of Health covered 249.000 admissions into hospitals (MoH:2019) in a context where public hospitals continue to be underfunded as the private hospitals can rely on larger resources and a better positioning in the health market.

Amel Association’s primary health care projects aim to deliver primary health care services to the Lebanese and Syrian population affected by the Syrian crisis, in the Bekaa and Beirut suburbs, both through Primary Health Centers (PHCs) and through Mobile Medical Units (MMUs). The projects cover the PHCs of Ersal, Mashghara, Haret Hreik and Bourj el Barajneh and the Mashghara mobile clinic, and also includes awareness sessions. Amel has been regularly in partnership with Medico International since the 80s, working together through a number of crises that have affected Lebanon and the people residing within the country. GFFO has also been funding Medico-Amel health projects since 1982, through which access to primary health care to vulnerable individuals has been enhanced significantly.

Page 35

Graph 10: Distribution of Public and Private Hospitals per Lebanese Provinces in 2018 50 45 40 35 30 25

Public Hospitals

20

Private Hospitals

15 10 5 0 Beirut

Mount Lebanon

North

South

Bekaa

As such, only a few Lebanese interviewees declared benefiting from social security services whereas most of them, along with Syrian refugees receive health and medical services from Amel Association’s medical staff in centers distributed in various mohafazas (districts) in Lebanon. More than a quarter of the respondents said that health and medical services were free of charge thanks to Amel and other NGOs and UN support. However, it should be noted that around 15 percent claimed that health and medical costs count for almost half of the average monthly income and around 10 percent claim that medical costs surpass the average monthly income. These are cases where one or more of the household members suffers from a grave or chronic medical condition and is in need of regular treatment and medication. And when asked how they manage to cover such high expenses whereas their income is low, some respondents pointed towards who they name the “good doers” and “people who help” who provide support. In some cases they complained that these sources of support are irregular and that sometimes they have to “beg” for it.

Page 36

Graph 11: Cost of healthcare during 2019 (63 respondents)

Nothing - IO/NGO support 19,000-250,000LBP 300,000-500,000LBP Over 1,500,000LBP No answer

Almost one quarter of the respondents claimed that they did not know the total cost of health and medical care. When asked about the reason for this, most of these respondents claimed that they do not keep track of the cost because it varies depending on the health condition of their children and the elderly. Some of them desperately said that their health is a matter of “faith in God�.

Most interviewees reported that, in spite of the support they receive from Amel Association and other charities and international organizations, they still paid around one quarter of their total monthly income to cover the cost of healthcare for their household members.

Page 37

2. Shelter, Food, Education The average monthly household income of the respondents was, by far, insufficient to cover the cost of shelter, healthcare and education as can be observed in the below graph.

Graph 12: Average monthly income compared to monthly cost of education, shelter and healthcare

In fact, the average income falls short of covering the cost of healthcare and shelter alone. Most households depend on charity, donations or are forced to borrow money to cover the basic living costs. Amel Association provides low cost medical services (3.000 Lira per medical consultation), while some medications may not be available at the Amel Pharmacy and patients will sometimes need to purchase them at a higher cost in the market.

In spite of the support provided by international and national organizations and the Lebanese Ministry of Education, the cost of education for both Lebanese and Syrians was considered higher that the cost of healthcare, food and shelter combined. As shown in the graph below, the cost of education in Lebanon has been skyrocketing for the past decade, experiencing a constant increase in the past decade amounting to 92% (See graph below published in Al-Akhbar:18/2/2019).

Page 38

Graph 13: Evolution of the Cost of Education in Lebanon between 2008 and 2019 (in million of dollars)

Most of the education expenses are on the books, copybooks, transportation (school bus) and other school supplies. In some of the interviews, especially the interviews with men working occasionally in the agricultural and construction fields, fathers of more than 4 children, the reported cost of education seemed exaggerated. These household breadwinners mostly complained that they would rather have their children help in the field than go to school. In fact, almost one third of the interviewed fathers and mothers reported that at least one of their children (under 18 years) was “helping his father” and is not in school. The working child is usually the elder male.

According to the latest Central Administration Statistics “Labour Force and Household Living Conditions Survey” for 2018-2019, school enrollment rates for Lebanese students stand at 79.2% and 48.2% for non-Lebanese. The report shows that enrollment rates tend to decrease starting 12 years old to reach 82% for Lebanese pupils aged 15 and 27.6% for non-Lebanese of the same age.

Back to this study’s survey, 32% of the respondents did not go to school or preferred not to answer this particular question. 61.3% went to public school and only 6.7% went to private school. This correlates the fact that the most underprivileged in Lebanon sustain little education capital, whereas nearly 68% of the population actually attends private schools in primary education and 55% at the complementary level [World Bank Education Public Expenditure Review: 2017].

Page 39

Regaining Dignity through Education and Vocational Training

By Manal Ghalayini Head of Amel Association Centre in Haret Hreik “Our work in Amel concerns helping youth, families, groups and communities to enhance their individual and collective well-being.

From Amel’s experience for several years, we noticed (as head of center and social workers) efficient ways to help people through Amel Association. In the Haret Hreik center, we provide different vocational trainings for women, men and youth. These vocational trainings prepare the young refugees and the host community people for a productive life once they seek for job opportunities or when they return to their communities.

80 per cent of the participants say that this project has improved their daily life because it allows them to meet new people and learn about new cultures (since we have different nationalities).

Most of the participants are interested in the skills they learn but the most important part is the relationships they build with others.

As for women, the impact of vocational trainings is essential because they are hard workers and they make significant contribution for their quality of life. After we highlighted the importance of women education and after providing awareness sessions for different topics, we noticed they were more involved in participating in economic development. After a majority were reluctant to access the workplace due to cultural factors, they embraced the idea and made their way successfully, understanding how their contribution in the society had changed.

So many success stories happened in the past six years I ran this program. One of the participants showed much improvement and started producing very high finishing items. So, she became a trainer in our center.

We also started the after-school support project, with higher registration coming from boys.

After several parents meetings and home visits to know about the reason, we were told that the priority in education is for boys since “the girl will get married and no need for education”. This was unacceptable, so we followed the same plan we did with women, highlighting the importance of education regardless of gender. We did a lot of awareness sessions and home visits for the parents to show the importance of education and disadvantages of the early marriage. Although we didn’t achieve the results we wanted, still the percentage of girls is increasing in the educational project as we hope it will get higher”.

Page 40

On the level of food security, a quarter of the respondents answered they could not provide sufficient food for their household, with 36% preferring not to answer this difficult question. Moreover, most respondents (56%) could not account for the monthly cost of food for the household and when requested a broad estimation, as 32% among the sample explained that they received food aid from local NGOs and charities UN organizations, whereas a large number (40%) preferred not to answer what they might have considered an insensible question. Only 28% of the respondents stated they received no help whatsoever to cover food security.

Additionally, those who are receiving aid claimed that such aid is irregular, sometimes insufficient and comes in various quantities for different items. When asked if meat was available for the household of a weekly basis, most respondents did not know. This is most likely because most household members do not eat together at home during the daytime whereas they would be either at work with their parent or in school and wondering in the streets, sometimes begging for money and food. Add to that financial and budgetary illiteracy preventing members of underprivileged groups to calculate, estimate and plan their expenses ahead, not to mention the very unstable income stream they face due to a highly unpredictable marketplace.

In some cases, mothers reported that they would use vegetables, fruits and other products collected from the agricultural fields they work in to cook meals for their children and husbands in the evenings.

On the matter of shelter, 29.3% of the interviewees (most of which Syrians) live in mediocre conditions in what can be considered their home. Only 17% moved into their present accommodation less than two years ago (again mainly the Syrian nationals).

30.7% of the respondents are owner of their place of living, all of them Lebanese, along with one Palestinian, as 54.7% (mostly foreigners) pay modern scale rent. Only three respondents were still benefiting from old rent regulations. This ancient system was dismantled through a 2014 legislation with its effects burdening the population in 2017 when it entered into force: hundreds of tenants had to leave their homes due to rent hikes matching distorted modern market prices. Today, two years after the initial impact of the new law, there still lacks a proper housing policy to support Lebanese young families and senior citizens in order to live in dignity in their homes. Added to that, Lebanon’s Central Bank has suspended the subsidized housing loans since July 2018.

On the issue of cost, more than 30 percent of the respondents said that the cost of shelter is accounts for almost half of their total income. When asked to describe the properties of the shelter, they claimed that it was mostly small rented rooms in poor conditions, or tents in the agricultural fields where they usually work (mostly for Syrian refugees, especially in the South and the Bekaa valley).

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The living premises were described as small whereas children and their parents and in many cases with some relatives are living in a one bedroom / one tent. One kerosene heater is placed at the center of the room in wintertime for heating, while it’s important to note that 46.7% of the respondents do not have any type of heating available in winter; and in most households there is a television (12% of respondents do not own a TV and 16% are equipped with more than one TV unit in their household). Electricity is provided by local generators whereas most people pay monthly feeds that vary between 30.000 and 50.000 lira and power cuts are frequent. 46.7% of the respondents (mostly Syrians and foreigners) do not have access to Internet with a small proportion of Lebanese (9.3%).

Most respondents complained that hygiene is difficult to maintain in their shelters because running water and soap are not always available and in some cases (tents) there are no toilets.

The cost of shelter in the below chart includes rent, electricity (generator), water, heating (kerosene). In some cases, especially Syrian refugee cases, the shelters are tents or small shelters built by the respondents, with stones and metal sheets in rented land.

They complained that water runs into the shelter during winter time and that the heat in these shelters during summer time is unbearable.

Graph 14: Monthly cost of shelter and food (75 respondents) 100% 90% 80% 70% 60%

No answer/doesn't know

50%

750,000-2,000,000LBP

40%

300,000-750.000

30%

30,000 to 300,000LBP

20% 10% 0% Cost of Shelter per month

Cost of Food per month

Recalling the monthly cost of shelter was more specific than recalling the monthly cost of food (around 55% did not have an estimation of the monthly cost of food and the others had inconsistent responses) because the landlord collects strict amounts for rent on a monthly basis whereas food is provided irregularly and quantities and distribution varies. More than two thirds of the respondents further complained or were worried that the landlord may increase the rent without prior notice. Rent contracts do not exist for almost all the participants in the interviews.

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Graph 15: Conditions of Shelter, broken down by region (75 respondents) 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% Acceptable shelter conditions

40%

Poor shelter conditions

30% 20% 10% 0% Beirut & Mount Lebanon (24 respondents)

Southern Lebanon (34 respondents)

Bekaa (17 respondents)

3. Poverty According to Haneen Sayed, expert in social protection at the World Bank, “half of the Lebanese population could be thrown into poverty� due to the present financial and economic crisis [Le Commerce du Levant: December 2019]. Presently, 30% of the Lebanese live under the poverty line, and this level could increase to 52% based on a 25% inflation scenario according to Sayed. The fainted systems in social protection at the hands of the Lebanese authorities creates a real risk of aggravating the socioeconomic collapse unless emergency plans and measures are taken hastily. The National Poverty Targeting Program, which is active since 2014 and aiding 43,000 families will not be able to cope with the new situation.

The number of persons interviewed in Beirut and Mount Lebanon who claimed that they did not have any financial income is almost a third of those who expressed similar claims in rural districts (South and Bekaa districts). This is most likely because the size of undeclared income in urban areas is larger. Undeclared income could be from begging, tips and performing trivial services and the opportunities for such petty income generation are available more in urban settings than in rural regions.

35% of the interviewees in the South claimed that they did not have any source of declared income and are mostly relying on the UN and NGOs and charities for survival.

However, in the same area the almost the same percentage of respondents (40%) said that their monthly income exceeded the official minimum wage. This is significant

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because it may indicate that, unlike in urban areas, opportunities for informal and undeclared labor in the South are limited.

Graph 16: Monthly Declared Income, broken down by region (57 respondents) 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50%

900,000-1,800,000 LBP

40%

200,000-750,000 LBP

30%

No income / UN support

20% 10% 0% Beirut & Mount Lebanon (19 respondents)

Southern Lebanon (24 respondents)

Bekaa (14 respondents)

Among the Lebanese respondents, 26% of the respondents declared being unemployed, 33.3% earn between 1,5 million and 4 million LBP, whereas the largest group (40.7%) receives salaries between 200,000 and 1,275,000 LBP. Only 13.3% of the respondents have a bank account (mostly Lebanese with one Iraqi and Palestinian), with only 4 respondents (5.3%) stated having a savings account (all Lebanese).

As the income opportunities remain scarce, the inflation in Lebanon was on a speedy rise given the financial and economic crisis. A major and problematic fact occurred in December 2019, as the basic bread basket (rabta), which costs 1,500 LBP, lost 10% weight due to pressures of the bakers union [Al Akhbar:21 December 2019]. This will impact harshly the most vulnerable groups and disrupt food security on the short and medium run.

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4. Political and civil engagement Although 70% of the Lebanese respondents in this study claimed that they voted in last year’s parliamentary elections, only 20% of them said that they are engaged in some sort of social work or civil engagement (see Graph below).

Moreover, none of the respondents are registered in any form of Union to defend their socio-economic rights and livelihoods, further showing the decay of collective action in the face of organizing social movements to preserve basic social benefits.

When asked about the current distribution of wealth, 72% of respondents couldn’t provide an answer, while the rest qualified the system as “unfair”, “unjust”, “corrupt” and “theft”. One respondent couldn’t help but smile and laugh at the question. 76% of the sample didn’t provide an answer when asked about ideas as to what needed to be changed in the system.

Graph 17: Civic Engagement of Lebanese respondents (27 respondents)

Engaged in Social work?

Yes No No answer Voted in 2018?

0%

20%

40%

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60%

80%

100%

5. Dignity lies foremost in Respect When asked what “Respect” means, most respondents had a message to convey (only three answered they didn’t know). The following highlights can summarize the answers of the participants to the field survey:  An non-centered approach A remarkable feature from the interviewees was a large understanding that “Respect” was above all “about others”, hence not putting oneself in the center of this sort of expectation. Respect is earned and is not an entitlement, by “not harming others”, “not insulting other people”, “accepting the differences”; therefore bringing the dignity values from one’s behavior before expecting it from the others. This understanding additionally came in various forms in the discussions, as respondents stressed the necessity of “preserving the dignity of others”; to “treat people with ethics”. Many also stressed on the importance of “love” and “care”, “generosity” and “smiling” and “living for others”.  “Respect is Respect” Another way of pointing to the meaning of respect by respondents was this strong expression, as if no others words were needed to highlight the importance of such a concept. It is “beautiful”, a “value”, a “principle” argued many respondents in the course of the interviews, displaying it as a universal need in terms of preserving one’s dignity.  Provision of Basic Rights “Knowing your rights and duties” stands as an important point in reference to “respect” expressed some other respondents, stressing on the necessity of benefiting from the basic socio-economic rights. “Respect is found when shelter, health and interactions with governmental officials and police are fair” explained another respondent and “having these rights respected”. Preserving “my rights and others’ rights” stated another interviewee in an indication to the danger of barring large populations from accessing these rights would lead to instability and crisis. * Respect is earned starting with one’s behavior and attitude, while there is a duty among policymakers to ensure basic provisions of socio-economic rights to strive towards social justice and fight inequalities before the law.

When asked about personal situations where their dignity was scarred, roughly half the respondents had a story to share, as a way to exteriorize the burden of dealing with disrespectful contexts and people in the alleys of their daily lives. Whether at home, in university, at work or randomly in the streets, interviewees counted what accounts for a very small portion of the indignities happening daily all over Lebanon, whether racial, Page 46

social and gender discrimination, insults and even sometimes violence and assault.

Incidents that are never reported, prosecuted nor documented, falling deep inside the statistical cracks, leaving the scars against the dignity of underprivileged people untreated.

Despite such daily unsettling situations, the general outcome of the survey was mostly tending towards resilience, non-violence and stability, as if giving into a clashing cycle would undermine their Dignity. Even if it cannot be measured scientifically, this sense of Dignity is strongly anchored among the respondents’ stands, each coping with their issues in their own way in order to keep the Respect momentum flowing, at least from their side and out, regardless of what comes from the social context.

Foremost, such attacks on the Dignity of the underprivileged lies as an important outcome of this survey. Despite their proud stand as to maintain dignified positions, this situation deems unacceptable and contributes to constraining the sense of dignity, which in its turn puts at risk entire streams of social stability in the different Lebanese regions.

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VII. Conclusion | Discussion and Recommendations When this research was set in motion in December 2018, it arose from the need of better capturing the slow breakdown of the socio-economic status of Lebanese population, both nationals and non-nationals. Unsound governance, lack of oversight and hazardous financial policies led as the report was being drafted to the worsening of the livelihoods of those residing in the country as more and more persons are losing their jobs or experiencing salary cuts. Thus, the dignity of the population was further antagonized with deeply humiliating postures, whether at gas stations, bakeries and more recently the banks who have unlawfully decided to restrain access of their clients to their deposits. As the dollar to Lebanese pound ratio in the parallel market reaches astronomic levels (2,500 LBP to a dollar in January 2020), the purchasing power of Lebanon’s residents has plummeted, opening the door to a deeper socio-economic crisis to middle class and most vulnerable groups within the population. 

Inevitable dependence on non-governmental services

Infringement on Dignity in Lebanon is attached with the high dependence on charity, humanitarian organizations, debt or other sources of benevolent support. The major gap in access in education for the unprivileged populations living in the country heightens the dependency scheme to make a living, hence secure the provision of food and basic healthcare.

A recent UNICEF brief stated that “more than one in four Lebanese families live in poverty, and the crisis is now impacting many families, and much more so children than adults. Exacerbation of poverty is also expected among other vulnerable households in Lebanon” [UNICEF:10-1-2020]. Much strain will be put on children, with the heavy risk of sacrificing their health and education, as the socio-economic situation in Lebanon worsens in the coming weeks and months.

Recommendations: There is a great need to establish sound solidarity networks to counter the banks and financial institutions austerity measures that will shrink the economy and contribute to a heavy inflation upon the country. In the absence of political leadership and any lowterm reliance on public institutions, there is a great need for humanitarian workers to stand together and shape solidarity movements and structures in order to preserve the basic needs of the most vulnerable groups.

In addition, in the wake of the reduction of reliance on imports and the opportunity of producing more national goods, there can be a window of opportunity to support vocational training and teaching know-how on work and production skills to establish small niches and small businesses to replace imported goods.

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

Survival strategies and the prejudice of “inferior status”

Infringement on Dignity in Lebanon is attached to the inferior status those persons are trapped into when it comes to the attention from the ruling class and the lack of solidarity from the rest of the society, thus associating poverty with a futile category of persons detached from humanity.

Respondents showed high understanding of the meaning of Respect and Justice, thus acknowledging the indifference and working on preserving shreds of dignity beyond the mere socio-economic status, through values, morality and strong social bonds.

At the same time, too many unprivileged persons are unaware of the inalienability and indivisibility of their basic human rights, while the large voters turnout among the Lebanese citizens from the sample escapes any potential towards democratic remedies to ameliorate their conditions.

Recommendations: There is a great need for advocacy on basic human rights, civic education and guidance towards livelihood related training and opportunities. Opening counselling and group therapies within Amel Association Centers could also be an important service to focus on in the next difficult period. 

Undignified and hazardous labor conditions

Infringement on Dignity in Lebanon is attached to the unfair treatment of those trapped in the informal labor sector. Wages fall below minimum requirements as late payments (only one third of the respondents gets paid on a regular basis), wage retention or unjustified cuts have established as norms. Hazardous work conditions threaten the health of workers, who in many cases associate their children to their labor in order to increase their little income.

Recommendations These is a great need of strengthening Labor unions and support their escape outside the real of political factions and sectarianism, so they can focus on reforming labor legislation and better monitor the work conditions on those in great need of union coverage and support. Prevention of child labor stands also high among the labor agenda, in order to favor schooling over labor exploitation.

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

Gender inequalities and the heavy burden on women

There remains a grave unequal distribution of duties and responsibilities among families: mothers and wives have to manage family care, shelter, medical care and contribute to household income, whereas they remain perceived as inferior to their husbands.

At the same time, many women are subject to domestic violence, as they have to deal with the heavy burdens of motherhood and livelihood in very challenging circumstances.

In July 2019, a Member of Parliament stormed into a police station in Damour with a number of gunmen looking for his daughter’s ex-husband who was detained there after he was chasing his ex-wife. The ex-husband was injured as the MP wanted to defend his daughter’s custody right, and had to resign from his parliamentary post after this serious violation. He had stated that his daughter was more important than his position.

This awkward situation shows how much harm is done to women based on religious tribunals prerogatives on these personal matters.

With the 17th October protests, the role of women has been paramount in fueling the contestation and shaking the boundaries of their condition. The UN Women report on “Role of Women and the Feminist Actors in Lebanon’s 2019 Protests” published in December 2019 praised the courage and action of the Lebanese women in their role during the uprising: “Women have been at the core of Lebanon’s popular protests since they began on October 17, 2019, when women joined the protests in mass numbers and the image of a woman kicking a minister’s armed guard went viral, making her a national icon [...] Today, women across the country, from diverse backgrounds, continue to drive the movement, leading on political organizing, civic engagement, gender justice advocacy, the de-escalation of violence, mediation, online mobilization and media coverage” (UN Women:2019).

As stated by Zhumana Abourus Moufarrez, an adviser to the National Commission for Lebanese Women “The position of women in Lebanese society has improved in recent years, but the changes are not reflected in the laws”. In December, a march was organized through the streets of Beirut to protest against sexual harassment, rape and domestic violence.

There is still a lot to do in this field, as gender inequality continues to disrespect women’s dignity in Lebanon.

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Recommendations: It is high time to eliminate all discriminatory legislation and practice against women, such as the personal status laws and labor related inequality. It is important to provide more vocational training for girls and women (hand crafts / agricultural production / basic marketing) and support women empowerment through small entrepreneurship projects.

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List of References Reports Central Administration for Statistics (2019). Labour Force and Household Living Conditions Survey (LFHLCS) in Lebanon 2018–2019, 18 December, available at https://www.ilo.org/beirut/publications/WCMS_732567/lang--en/index.htm Human Rights Committee (2018). Concluding observations on the third periodic report of Lebanon, CCPR/C/LBN/CO/3, May 9th, available at https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/15/treatybodyexternal/Download.aspx?symbolno=CCPR /C/LBN/CO/3&Lang=En Legal Agenda (2018). Ghida Frangieh, Human Trafficking Crimes Before the Courts: In the Shadow of Prosecution, 18 September, available at https://www.legalagenda.com/en/article.php?id=4828 UNICEF (2020). UNICEF calls on all stakeholders to put children first and ensure their safeguarding in these times of crisis in Lebanon, Statement by Yukie Mokuo, UNICEF Representative in Lebanon, January 20th, available at https://www.unicef.org/mena/pressreleases/unicef-calls-all-stakeholders-put-children-first-and-ensure-their-safeguarding-these UN WOMEN (2019). Understanding the Role of Women and the Feminist Actors in Lebanon’s 2019 Protests, available at https://arabstates.unwomen.org/en/digitallibrary/publications/2019/12/gendering-lebanons-2019-protests World Bank (2017). Lebanon - Education Public Expenditure Review 2017, available at http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/513651529680033141/Lebanon-EducationPublic-Expenditure-Review-2017

Media Reports Al Akhbar (2019). “4.000$ a month...so you can live in Beirut” [in Arabic], 29 January, available at https://al-akhbar.com/Finance_Markets/265415/4000%D8%AF%D9%88%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%B4%D9%87%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A7--%D9%83%D9%8A%D8%AA%D8%B9%D9%8A%D8%B4-%D9%81%D9%8A%D8%A8%D9%8A%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%AA Al Akhbar (2019). “Bakeries shrink bread size: the bread basket towards 2.500LBP?” [in Arabic], December 21st, available at https://alakhbar.com/Politics/281503/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%81%D8%B1%D8%A 7%D9%86-%D8%AA%D9%82%D8%B6%D9%85%D9%85%D8%B2%D9%8A%D8%AF%D8%A7-%D9%85%D9%86-

Page 52

%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AE%D8%A8%D8%B2%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D8%A8%D8%B7%D8%A9-%D8%A8%D9%80-2500 Al Araby Online (2019). “Lebanese women press for real legal protection against domestic violence”, December 18th, available at https://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/indepth/2019/12/18/lebanese-women-press-forlegal-protection-against-domestic-violence Al Jazeera (2018). “Lebanon economy: Subsidised housing loans suspended”, July 27th, available at https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/07/lebanon-economy-subsidisedhousing-loans-suspended-180717110316770.html An Nahar (2019). “Hezbollah MP, gunmen storm police station”, July 14th, available at https://en.annahar.com/article/997098-hezbollah-mp-attacks-daughters-exhusband Le Commerce du Levant (2019). “Haneen Sayed : « La moitié de la population pourrait basculer dans la pauvreté », December 6th, available at https://www.lecommercedulevant.com/article/29485-haneen-sayed-la-moitie-de-lapopulation-pourrait-basculer-dans-la-pauvreteL’Orient-Le Jour (2019). “Endetté, un Libanais se suicide à Nabaa”, 4 December, available at https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1197338/un-jeune-endette-sesuicide-a-nabaa-apres-avoir-ete-licencie.html Ministry of Information (2017). “Tenants begin to leave properties under new rent law”, July 3rd, available at https://www.ministryinfo.gov.lb/en/14436 The Monthly (2018). “Lebanon highest record for suicides in 2018 - 28 in May”, 2 June, available at https://monthlymagazine.com/article-desc_4730_

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Appendices Appendix 1: Questionnaire

Amel Association Human Dignity Report Lebanon 2019 QUESTIONNAIRE The interview is anonymous. Information will be used only for research objectives.

Personal information will not be circulated to Official Institutions.

Name of interviewer:

Place of Interview:

Date:

Nationality:

Age:

Gender:

Region of origin in Lebanon or Syria:

Social Status: Single, married, divorced, widowed children: Status: student – employed – selfemployed – unemployed – retired – “housewife”

I- Personal Information

Place of current residence: Pseudo given:

Context or additional information:

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II- Basic Needs a- Nature of Shelter Overall description: Living there since: Ownership – Old Rent – New Rent – Other: Number of persons living under one roof: Access to electricity (duration of power cuts) Access to running water ACs ? Heating system?

Nb of TVs at home: Access to Internet at home Cost of shelter per month (all amenities + eventual housing loan) – since January 2019: Any plan of moving soon? Why ?

b- Access to Education Last degree obtained + name of establishment: Sector: School attended, private / public: Any children in school system ? Which?

Cost of education since January 2019: Perception of overall quality of teaching:

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c- Work and Livelihood In status declared above since: Any plan of switching status soon?

Means of getting to workplace?

Private car Motorcycle Van Bus Service Walking Other: Duration of commuting to workplace?

Other sources of income?

Average income monthly – since January 2019 - from all sources: If employed: Assessment of work conditions?

Nb of hours weekly?

Day off?

Sick days?

Any exposure to violence ?

To toxicity ?

To discrimination?

Remuneration method? Cash – Cheque – Transfer ?

Regularity of remuneration?

If unemployed: Since?

Last job interview?

Any help in seeking job?

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d- Access to Health Smoker? Cigarette? Arguile?

Any health coverage plan ?

Social security: private insurance: other coverage: none Any current disease or chronic condition?

Last time seen a doctor?

Last time admitted in clinic or hospital?

Cost of healthcare per month since January 2019?

III- Freedom a- Political & Civic Liberties [For Lebanese] - Have you voted in May 2018 ?

Any form of civic engagement (since January 2019)?

NGO? Political Party?

Your building’s committee?

Member of a Union (since January 2019) ? Before ? b- Autonomy Any form of handicap or dependency?

Any support on that matter? Family – Institutions – Communal organizations... c- Sufficiency Regular bank account?

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Savings account?

Other assets?

[If Women] – Are you independent financially?

How much would you need per month to live the life you want to live in Lebanon?

Willing to stay in Lebanon or emigrate?

d- Access to culture & leisure Access to public parks?

Option for kids outing?

Last cultural event attended?

IV- Peace & Security a- Perception of threats What is you perception of the security situation in Lebanon?

What is you perception of the security situation in your area?

Who is mainly in charge of security in your area? b- Personal encounters Any personal security incidents or physical threats since January 2019 ? Before that?

Ever been to a police station since January 2019?

Any car or traffic accident since January 2019? Before that?

V- Justice a- Fair Trial Ever been subject to arrest?

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Ever been directly exposed to judicial system?

In favor of death penalty?

Perception of Lebanese justice system? b- Social Justice What do you think about the current distribution of wealth?

State options for reducing public spending State options in your opinion for increasing public revenues V- Respect

Tell me about respect.

What does it mean to you? What does respect entail?

In which contexts and situations?

How do you think one can measure respect?

Is respect only about verbal interactions? Explain.

What are the factors and circumstances that are significant for the measurement of respect?

Can you think of any example when you felt you were not respected? By who? When?

Why? How? What did you do about it?

How do you feel about respecting others?

Did you ever feel that you do not respect someone?

Did you ever feel that you have to make an effort to be nice with someone? Why? What happened?

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‫‪Appendix 2: Consent form‬‬

‫‪Amel Association‬‬ ‫‪Human Dignity Report‬‬ ‫‪Lebanon 2019‬‬ ‫‪Consent form for field questionnaire‬‬ ‫موافقة على المشاركة في البحث الذي تجريه مؤسسة عامل بشأن الكرامة االنسانية‬ ‫نطلب منك المشاركة في البحث الذي تجريه مؤسسة عامل بشأن الكرامة االنسانية في لبنان من خالل اإلجابة على‬ ‫األسئلة التي سيطرحها عليك الباحثين د‪ .‬كريم المفتي ود‪ .‬عمر نشابة‪.‬‬ ‫لكن قبل ان توافق يجب على الباحثين المذكورين اخبارك عن أهداف البحث ومدته وكيفية استخدام وحفظ أي معلومات‬ ‫شخصية ستقدمها في إطار البحث‪ .‬وال يمكن استخدام أي من المعلومات في أي عمل أو مشروع أو نشاط ال عالقة له‬ ‫بهذا البحث‪.‬‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫إذا وافقت على المشاركة في هذا البحث يجب أن تعطى نسخة من هذه الوثيقة‪.‬‬ ‫مشاركتك في هذا البحث مشاركة طوعية واختيارية‪ .‬إذا قررت عدم االشتراك أو إذا قررت أن توقف مشاركتك في‬ ‫البحث لن يؤخذ أي اجراء ضدك ولن تخسر أي فوائد‪.‬‬ ‫امضاؤك على هذه الوثيقة يعني انه قد تم شرح اهداف البحث والمنهجية المتبعة وأنك قد قرّرت المشاركة الطوعية في‬ ‫هذا البحث‪.‬‬ ‫امضاء المشارك في البحث‬

‫التاريخ‬

‫‪Page 60‬‬

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