Young people. [K]no[w] where to go?

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Young people. [K]no[w] where to go?

The lack of specific spaces and activities for young people (teenagers) in city centres.

Andrew Morris 10275174 ARCH 654 Urban Methodologies



Yo u n g p e o p le. [ K] no [ w] where to g o ? The lack of specific spaces and activities for young people (teenagers) in city centres.

Andrew Morris 10275174 ARCH 654 Urban Methodologies



Abstract

City Centres are currently lacking dedicated areas for adolescents to congregate with their peers. This has resulted in teenagers reappropriating public spaces, bringing life to these otherwise lifeless places at night. However, some of this behaviour is perceived as negative at present and can result in conflict with the owners and other users of the locations. Through the analysis of several pieces of literature the city is understood as an urban stage that creates and influences the drama that takes place within it. The actions of people are understood as performances that are executed for their audience, in the case of young people this can sometimes cause confrontations with the authorities in charge of city centres. These disputes are usually because of the safety concerns of the management but the outcome results in the centres becoming sterile. Using Plymouth city centre as a case study, this essay examines why particular locations attract young people and the reasons why they congregate. The results show that certain places are not being used purely because of their aesthetics but also as a result of the social interactions that are facilitated by the location. If the drama that young people bring to city centres can be recognised through the provision of dedicated locations and activities their presence can begin to be celebrated and considered as a priority in public space design.



Contents

Introduction

01

Literature review

07

Methodology

13

Results and analysis

19

Discussion

35

Conclusion

41

References

45

Appendix

51



Introduction

Page 01

This study will be an investigation into why young people (aged 13-18 years) gather in city centres at night, and whether the design of the urban fabric has any impact on this. The primary incentive for this research is that recently, due to significant governmental financial deficits, councils have had to find ways to implement budget cuts (Barton and Edgington, 2015). One of the casualties of these actions has been the Youth services department(s) (Shearing, 2016), particularly those offering spaces as well as prescribed and free activities for young people. This has been noticeable in city centres resulting in particular subcultures of adolescents choosing to reappropriate certain locations. The young people have been forced to ensure that there is somewhere they can gather with friends. The current set up of the city centre means that there is no designated space for them to congregate in, which can cause verbal conflict with the owners and management of the quasi public spaces. Historically, a diverse range of activities and centres were implemented across cities giving young people somewhere safe to gather with friends and enjoy each other’s company (Sky, 2014). Suitable quantities of youth centres no longer exist due to budget cuts (Centres, 2016) this has resulted in certain groups of adolescents in Plymouth reappropriating spaces in the city centre. This paper specifically focuses on two locations, the area in and around 13 to 17 New George Street (McDonald’s)


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particularly popular with the ‘chav’ (a term, often used in a derogatory way, to denote a youth subculture subculture associated with young people from council housing estates in areas of deprivation (Ward Thompson and Travlou, 2007, p. 79)) as well as the Civic Centre Plaza, which is popular with ‘skateboarders’. These case studies are analysed through quantitive and qualitative methodologies, behavioural and data mapping accompanied by interviews. The research will be looking at why the ‘chav’ and ‘skateboarder’ subcultures of teenagers congregate in the city centre at night and whether the lack of specific locations for young people to meet is the reason that they gather at the studied locations.

Figure 1 Plymouth City centre @ 1:5000

Through observations of how the specific demographic of adolescents use external spaces in the Plymouth city centre at night, an understanding will be made as to why teenagers are gathering in certain locations [Figure 2]. Ken Worpole (2003) has noted that there is currently a lack of dedicated spaces for children and teenagers in public space design leading to the young people not knowing where they can acceptably ‘hang out’. Penny Travlou et al (2008) has also written about this issue whereby according to her findings it would seem that the importance of having somewhere to gather with friends and where adolescents can feel a sense of autonomy and anonymity is a pertinent issue nationally Introduction


‘Maccys’

‘Civic’


Page 05

and internationally. This theory is manifested in practice as the interviews with the young people indicated that they come to the city centre at night because the likelihood of social interactions with their peers is high (Young Person, 2015). Some of the teenagers’ view the city centre as a stage, this influences their actions and can encourage their behaviour to become a form of performance. The current lack of spaces for young people to acceptably inhabit is leading to an escalation in young people reappropriating public spaces and thus conflict with the authorities in charge of the city centre (Low, 1996, p. 866).

Figure 2 Plymouth City centre @ 1:2500 showing ‘Maccys’ & ‘Civic’ Introduction



Literature review

Page 07

21st Century urban design lacks consideration of spaces for children and teenagers (Worpole, 2003, p. part I: five). This is surprising as the importance of public space is very much at the forefront of urban design and architecture. However, young people, a large demographic, are being overlooked (Travlou, 2003, p. 13). The exclusion of young people in public space design leads to groups of adolescents needing to reappropriate public spaces to provide somewhere for themselves. An example of a subculture that has done this successfully in recent history is skateboarders (Borden, 2001). They began to colonise spaces by using them in a different way to what was originally anticipated by the designer bringing life to otherwise lifeless public spaces. The functionality of a location is vital and Jan Gehl (2011) explains how the design of the spaces “between buildings” is key. Gehl writes “[w]herever there are people – in buildings, in neighborhoods, in city centers, in recreational areas, and so on – it is generally true that people and human activities attract other people.” (2011, p. 23) This statement highlights the importance of the design of public space whereby if it can draw a small group of people it will most probably attract even greater numbers. Particular qualities of the physical environment are identified for example benches that provide a good view of the surrounding activities are more popular than those with less or no view. This shows that although the layout of street furniture does factor into peoples’ use of the city


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they are more concerned about observing the activities that take place in the street than they are about the quality of the public space (Gehl, 2011, p. 11). Lewis Mumford’s text “What is a City?” (1937) emphasises the importance of community and social drama on the life of a city and how the physical organisation can either hinder or intensify this. Mumford declares that “the city creates drama; the suburb lacks it.” (1937, p. 93) he describes how well designed urban fabric can act as a ‘stage-set’ and heightens actions that take place. The appeal of city centres is that diverse social interactions occur and this entices groups to gather there. Travlou has recognised this “urban stage” in 21st Century cities. When young people congregate in the city centre in groups of more than five or six, they view it as a performance and seem to act differently from the way they would in pairs or smaller groups (Ward Thompson and Travlou, 2007, p. 71). Goffman (1959) explains how an individual offers their performance and puts on a show “for the benefit of other people”. If their audience is not drawn in by what they are doing they will sometimes acknowledge this and adapt their performance to gain more attention (Goffman, Lemert and Branaman, 1997, p. 95). These performances are influenced by the urban fabric and create drama in the city. Andrew Millie suggests that the performance of some teenagers can “carry with it symbolic cues hinting at intimidation, rudeness and Literature Review


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general unpleasantness…irrespective of actual threat, which tends to be extremely low.” (2007, p.383) Further to this, he explains that if these young performers were

to be at an urban skate park, the behaviour would be ‘acceptable’ as this is a designated space for teenagers to congregate. These observations show that if drama is expected in a certain location the actions can become acceptable and perceived as a positive (Woolley and Johns, 2001). Teenagers are mainly perceived as one demographic although there are several subcultures within it, ‘goths’, ‘chavs’ and ‘skateboarders’ are a few examples of these. The differences between these groups can cause fear and conflict as incidents can sometimes involve verbal and physical harassment between the groups as they attempt to draw spatial boundaries. These actions have an impact on the way that young people use city centres (Ward Thompson and Travlou, 2007, p. 79). The adolescents know the places where particular groups ‘hang out’ and this creates ‘spatial hubs’ for them. The different kinds of adolescent groups each have their own way of reappropriating space and constructing identity. For example through the way they dress and their musical preferences (Ward Thompson and Travlou, 2007, p. 75). This is what makes it so challenging to provide a location where all young people can congregate in safety, and without fear of violent confrontations with Literature Review


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others teenagers as well as adults. The idea of safety according to Jane Jacobs has been highlighted through the importance of “eyes on the street” (1993, p. 35), which ensures that a space feels inviting. If a space is to be well used, the basic requisite for good surveillance is a substantial quantity of shops and public spaces that are open day and night (1993, p. 36). This in turn helps to bring people onto city streets and assists in creating a sense of safety; be that shop workers or visitors to the shop. The importance of mixing residential properties with commercial outlets is also highlighted throughout her text as this guarantees the presence of people on the streets throughout the day and night. In an attempt to control the use of quasi public spaces, that are under the supervision and ownership of city centre authorities (the area in and around McDonald’s) the managers have implemented measures in an attempt to ensure the safety of all and reduce risk (Landry et al., 2005). However, with out anything happening in public spaces they become more like an office lobby rather than a bustling city. This in turn has created a “clinical sterility” in current public spaces in the United Kingdom, meaning “that people are left far more frightened when they do have to confront the unexpected” (Minton, 2009, p.33). These unforeseen circumstances, such as a group of young people congregating in a city centre disturbing the ambiance of the location, can create a confrontation Literature Review


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with the authorities in charge of the space as well as the general public that use it. The above literature covers a diverse collection of theories and raises several issues in relation to why young people are currently congregating in city centres at night. Reappropriation by different subcultures is reviewed and the varying ways that this occurs. The functionality of spaces is also discussed, the observation and participation in activities is understood to have far greater importance in public space design than spatial qualities. Lewis Mumford’s depiction of drama in the city is then supported through research that has shown that young people view the city as an urban stage and see some of their activities as a performance. Other papers show that these acts can be viewed as intimidating by other users of the city and cause issues in regard to safety. To conclude the literature review deliberates over how these safety concerns have led to restrictions and how authorities are taking more control of city centres resulting in them becoming sterile places.

Literature Review


McDonald’s


Methodology Figure 3 Plymouth McDonald’s @ 1:500

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Through the utilisation of a number of methodologies including behavioural mapping, data mapping and interviews the area in and around 13 to 17 New George Street and the Civic Centre Plaza (Plymouth city centre) have been used as case studies [Figure 3 + 4]. These inquiries have helped to contextualise the reviewed literature and support the analysis regarding the lack of spaces and activities for young people in city centres. These quasi public areas have been understood as spatial hubs for groups of adolescents after observations were made in a pilot study in the city centre. Using the methods set out below, an understanding is being made as to why the adolescents congregate in the studied locations and what impact the lack of specific places for the young people is having on their behaviour. In addition, the influence of the design of the urban fabric is studied to help understand whether this is having an impact on young peoples’ choice of spaces. To gain an insight into how the young people use the city centre at night this research study uses behavioural mapping to examine the use of the spaces. Covert systematic observations (Sommer and Sommer, 1991, p. 51), sitting for a period of time documenting behaviour was conducted after 7pm on various evenings in the week. The analysis looked at movement and use of the particular spaces (New George Street and Civic Centre Plaza) and where users of the space stopped. Adults


Civic Centre Plaza


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and young people were annotated in different colours. This methodology helped highlight specific locations in the public spaces that attract a congregation of young people. Through this analysis, the qualities of the urban fabric are being examined, such as the layout of the street furniture. This helps to answer the question of how influential the design of the urban fabric is on the young people’s choice of location to congregate.

Figure 4 Civic Centre Plaza @1:500

In support of the behavioural mapping, data mapping has been used to plot the home address postcodes of the young people that are ‘hanging out’ on New George Street. This data was provided by New 4 You youth club that meets in the city centre once a week; the majority of young people that congregate at McDonald’s attend this youth club on Friday evenings. This quantitive methodology was chosen so that an understanding can be made about where the subculture of young people are coming from as well as providing some indication as to why they are not staying in their respective suburbs. To assist these quantitive methodologies, informal conversations/interviews have been completed to ensure that there is a qualitative aspect to the case study. Questions such as ‘Why do you hang out at McDonald’s?’ and ‘What is it about McDonald’s that means people go there?’ [Appendix] were directed at the young people in casual discussions with them at New 4 You on Friday evenings. These discussions Methodology



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helped to classify more specifically the reasons why the young people ‘hang out’ in the city centre, as well as to understand the motivation behind the choice of particular locations. Efforts were made to converse with the teenagers in groups as well as individually to ensure that personal responses were received.

Figure 5 + 6 The area outside McDonald’s & 7 Civic Centre Plaza Methodology


19:00 - 20:00

Young Person Standing Sitting Main movement flows Adult Standing Sitting Main movement flows


Results and Analysis Figure 8 Behaviour mapping of the area outside McDonald’s

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The results of the behavioural mapping have been useful in framing the issue that is being addressed by this research study. There is a specific group of disaffected young people that congregate outside McDonald’s every evening. It has been insightful to see the contrast between the adults use of the space compared to that of the adolescents who appear to utilise the location in the way that it was designed to be [Figure 8]. The young people were mainly stationary outside McDonald’s either sat on the public benches or stood in the walkway between the food outlet and the benches. In stark contrast, the adults were moving through the area heading somewhere, and using it as a transitory space only. If the young people did move it was usually in large groups. On one occasion, a group of approximately ten young people moved out of the observed space but then returned in less than 10 minutes. It appears that they left to go somewhere else but then came straight back to where they knew. [Appendix] With the knowledge that McDonald’s is open everyday of the week from 6:00 – 23:00 (McDonald’s, 2016) [Figure 16], there is the assurance that it will be accessible and provide them with somewhere to gather. The young people are there to be with others and are not visiting the premises to use them as they are intended to function – that of a food outlet which can cause conflict with the management. As the adolescents are not acting as consumers they are excluded from the space and subjected to surveillance


19:00 - 20:00 Young Person Standing Sitting Main movement flows Adult Standing Sitting Main movement flows


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in which their actions are regulated (Travlou, 2003, p. 13). This causes the quality of place to become hostile and enhances the drama that is taking place. It would appear that some of young people studied enjoy this hostility as it provides them with the drama and ‘entertainment’ they are seeking. The behavioural mapping highlighted how the young people are always in groups of at least three as when they are within a group of their peers they have a greater sense of the safety (Jacobs, 1993). It would seem that this is a reason why there is a large contingent of adolescents congregating at 13 - 17 New George Street and the Civic Centre Plaza. Due to these locations manifesting themselves as spatial hubs, the young people know where to visit in the city centre if they want to find others. The attraction of the social interactions that will be facilitated by a larger group and the protection that will be felt appear to be a strong driver in ensuring that the locations are spatial hubs.

Figure 9 Behaviour mapping of the Civic Centre Plaza

The design of the area outside McDonald’s helps to facilitate the congregation of the young people. The benches and the walls of the raised flowerbed provide spaces for the young people to sit and stand on; the youth appropriate these and make them their own through the sheer quantity of adolescents in the location laying claim to the street furniture (Low, 1996, p. 875). The designers of the city centre did not intend the flowerbeds to be used in this way or the benches to be solely used by Results and Analysis


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teenagers. This contradiction of the intended use of the space causes conflict with the management of the city centre. The conversations and actions of young people can become loud and possibly intimidating however, these actions are usually perceived as far more problematic than they actually are due to the general viewpoint of adolescents that is reported in the media (Millie, 2007). This is most probably the reason that the main flows of public movement through the space avoid the entrance and area specifically outside McDonald’s. This is also causing the management of McDonald’s frustration because it is restricting the pedestrian and potential consumer flow directly outside the outlet.

Figure 10 Tabulation of teenager’s home address postcode Figure 11 Post code areas in Plymouth

In contrast the Civic Centre Plaza because it is away from the main flow of pedestrians and the commercial area, it is slightly easier for skateboarders to dominate the space[Figure 9]. This flat, open and quieter space ensures that the skateboarders can practice their sport uninterrupted without causing distress to other users of the city centre (Woolley and Johns, 2001). The design of the public space is the primary determinant for the skateboarders selection of this plaza. It is the spatial hub for this subculture in Plymouth city centre. Although the young people that congregate at the Civic Centre Plaza have skateboards with them, it is not the only reason they are there. In parity with the area outside McDonald’s, due to the high number of adolescents, Results and Analysis


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there is greater possibility of social interactions and also a stronger sense of safety as the young people will be in a larger group.

Figure 12 Data mapping of teenager’s home address postcode

Mapping the home address postcodes of the young people that usually ‘hang out’ at McDonald’s and attend New 4 You youth club on Friday nights helped to show that the adolescents that congregate in the city centre are coming from all areas of Plymouth [Figure 10]. The areas closer to the city centre are better represented than other more distant areas however, at least seventy percent of those entering Plymouth city centre at night travel two or more kilometers [Figure 12]. This aids the assumption that they all want to be in the city centre and not in their respective suburbs. The city centre provides a neutral place for them all. In addition, New George Street and the Civic Centre Plaza are in close proximity to the Royal Parade, the main hub of public transport in the city centre. Due to the fact that a large proportion of the young people are coming from afar to the city centre they rely on public transport to return them back to their respective suburbs. Therefore the adjacency to the location that transportation arrives and departs from is significant to 13 - 17 New George Street and the Civic Centre Plaza being spatial hubs a place of assembly for young people.

Results and Analysis


N

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Most deprived quintile

Least deprived quintile


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Figure 13 Plymouth Deprivation levels

The number of different geographic locations that the young people come from with varying socio-economic backgrounds shows that the groups congregating in the city centre are diverse. For example, young people are coming from St Peter and Waterfront (the most deprived ward in Plymouth) as well as Plymstock Dunnstone (the most privileged ward) [Figure 13]. This can lead to conflicts between the groups that congregate as they attempt to create spatial boundaries thus creating sometimes aggressive behaviour and drama (Ward Thompson and Travlou, 2007, p. 78). However it is this drama that makes the city centre a place where these young people want to be (Mumford 1937). The lack of organised activities results in some creating entertainment for themselves and in some serious cases can lead to the adolescents experimenting with drugs, violence and vandalism (Travlou, 2003, p. 14). This behaviour is inappropriate and unwelcome to the other users of the city centre. This appears to have been encouraged by neglecting the young people in the design and the way that the city centre is currently run (Worpole 2003). The data mapping of the postcodes also indicates that it is not just a particular area of Plymouth suburbs that is lacking provision for young people. This problem is city-wide, and therefore encourages the young people to come to the most easily accessible location - the city centre. This shows that the greater urban fabric is having an impact on the way that young people perceive and use the city Results and Analysis



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(Mumford, 1937). The suburban ‘neighbourhood units’ outlined in ‘A Plan for Plymouth’ of 1943 restricted the amount of residential properties within the city centre and built 14,800 new dwellings in the ‘neighbourhood units’ (Watson et al., 1943)[Figure 14]. These new communities provided the inhabitants with a full range of services and facilities within a 10 to 15 minute walk (Clarke, 2013). Much of these facilities have now been removed as Plymouth becomes more reliant on its city centre. Consequently life in Plymouth revolves around what happens in the city centre far more and thus encourages the younger generations to enter it. The 20th Century design also made the city far more accessible through transport infrastructure investments and the young people are still making use out of the somewhat aged transit network today.

Figure 14 ‘A Plan for Plymouth’

Through conversing with the young people that congregate at 13-17 New George Street otherwise known as the “Maccy smashers” (Young Person, 2015) at New 4 You youth club, an understanding has been made as to why the adolescents choose to gather inside and outside McDonald’s. In one of the conversations with 2 teenage boys, they stated that the reason they go to McDonald’s is because it is warm and because it is where “everyone else goes”. These responses and other similar ones such as “’cuz I’m ard”, “there is nothing else to do” and “home is where the family is, it’s s***” were Results and Analysis


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Why do you hang out at McDonald’s?

‘cuz everyone else goes

‘cuz im ‘ard

there is nothing else to do

people that hang around near maccys think they’re hard

because it’s warm home is where the family is, it’s s***

maccy smashers the regulars


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insightful and helped in part to answer why the young people meet at 13 - 17 New George Street [Figure 15]. McDonald’s is one of the only outlets in the city centre that is open every night of the week where all ages are permitted and so the young people have the security of that space being accessible. The other outlets that are open on week nights either have nowhere to sit inside or are at least twice the price for equivalent food to McDonald’s [Figure 16]. It is the cheapest and has the most favoured menu and provides the best available facilities for the young people. However, McDonald’s is not there to facilitate the meeting of young people in Plymouth. They only purchase limited quantities of food and drink from this outlet. This can create conflict with the management, as the adolescents are not purchasing the amount of consumables to ensure that the business is commercially viable. Different demographic such as families, students and adult groups would purchase more and so the management wants to encourage their business and discourage the teenagers. This results in the groups of young people being moved on.

Figure 15 Various answers from informal discussions

The social interactions and desire to be a participant in the drama (Mumford, 1937) that is created through various forms of performance in the city centre is the most common reason young people gave for going to McDonald’s (Young Person, 2015). Adolescents’ principle aspiration is to be accepted and included in Results and Analysis


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a particular peer group (Kuntsche et al., 2005). Being in the city centre and at the spatial hubs means that they are more likely to encounter their peers and be accepted into the friendship circle. The design and layout of the space was not at the forefront of their reasoning for going there. However, the behavioural mapping shows that the layout does facilitate the activities of the young people. It would be informative to see whether the removal of some of the benches on New George Street would change the way that the adolescents use the space. It would seem that the benches are currently encouraging the users of the space to linger outside the food outlet. The original intention would have been to encourage a wider demographic to utilise the space. However, due to the lack of dedicated spaces for the young people to ‘hang out’ they have reappropriated this place and made it their own. This is currently discouraging adults from dwelling outside McDonald’s (Low, 1996, p. 875).

Figure 16 Food outlets in close proximity to McDonald’s Results and Analysis



Discussion

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The gathering of teenagers around McDonald’s in Plymouth city centre is becoming unacceptable for the City authorities and McDonald’s management (Morris, 2016) as it is restricting a far wider demographic from using the area. Due to the fact that current urban planning does not cater for children and teenagers in a sufficient manner (Worpole, 2003, p. part I: five) the young people of Plymouth have nowhere ‘acceptable’ to gather during evenings. In an attempt to address this issue, a city centre church youth club (New 4 You) opens every Friday night and gives the young people somewhere to gather. Due to the popularity of the two hours that it opens with seventy plus regular attendees it is looking at expanding its premises and opening hours. The youth club hopes to provide somewhere suitable and acceptable, where the young people will want to go every evening of the week. The data mapping of the home addresses of the attendees of New 4 You youth club reinforces Mumford’s theory that “the city creates drama; the suburb lacks it.” (1937) They are coming into the town centre from the suburbs so that they can be seen as “ard” and be a part of the “Maccys smashers” (Young Person, 2015). Their need to belong and be part of the social interactions is evident from conversations with the adolescents (Kuntsche et al., 2005).


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The greater design of the urban fabric has an impact on young peoples’ use of the city. From the spatial hubs proximity to transport links, the reassuring amount of supervision at these locations and the lack of activities in the 20th Century ‘neighbourhood units’, these factors all

have some responsibility in encouraging young people into the city centre at night. However the research in this paper shows that the primary reason young people enter Plymouth city centre at night is because of the greater opportunities for social interaction. The city is the stage and creates drama and activity for the young people, they want to be with their peers and be part of the performance that ensues. As Goffman (1997, p.97) defines it, the performer puts on a ‘front’ and functions in a certain way that will gain the attention of their audience. This theory has even greater significance in regards to young people as they seek to gain acceptance from their peers (Kuntsche et al., 2005) As has been discussed in the analysis of this research it would appear that young people sometimes incite conflict with others to provide themselves with entertainment as the current setup of the city does not produce sufficient activities to keep them occupied. This self produced entertainment is often perceived as intimidating and rude (Millie, 2007, p. 383 ) and causes confrontations between them and management of the city centre (Morris, 2016).

Discussion


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There are several architectural qualities that cause the area outside 13 - 17 New George Street and the Civic Centre Plaza to be spatial hubs for young people. Although these are secondary in their choice of a place the conditions still have an impact on where they have chosen to congregate (Ward Thompson and Travlou, 2007, p. 74). In addition to McDonald’s being the only food outlet where affordable warm food can be purchased and eaten inside, the environment adjacent to McDonald’s offers benches and flower bed walls for seating externally. Skateboarding happens on the Civic Centre Plaza because it is a flat surface with a limited flow of pedestrians compared to the other large flat surface, the Armada Piazza, which is frequented by many consumers [Figure17]. This results in fewer encounters with the public and so the skateboarders can reappropriate with limited people getting in their way and only minor confrontations with their ‘audience’ (Woolley and Johns, 2001). The young people that congregate outside McDonald’s are constantly being observed due to the high flow of pedestrian movement. It would seem that teenage subcultures enjoy being in view of the general users of the city, perhaps in order to feel safer and protected from any confrontation that may happen. As Jacobs has noted, if a city street is well used then it has the much greater possibility of being safe, rather than an empty street which is more likely to be unsafe (1993). This shows that the young people Discussion



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need somewhere that they can congregate in the city centre that is safe and under informal observation. It also appears that the young people relish the opportunity of an audience when they ‘perform’ (Goffman, 1997 p. 95). When in view of others they exaggerate their behaviour in an attempt to gain the acceptance they seek from their peers (Kuntsche et al., 2005). This behaviour is sometimes viewed as discrepant and threatening although, the adolescents are in groups mainly to make themselves feel safer (Travlou, 2003, p. 17).

Figure 17 Plan comparing primary pedestrian routes through Armada Piazza and Civic Centre Plaza

For many years gatherings of certain groups of young people have been viewed unfavourably due to their negative historical perception (Socrates, 490B.C) with their actions seen as unacceptable. The negative perception of the youths congregating in the city centre is one of the main factors that causes dispute with the other users and the authorities. The city centre management is concerned about the way that the youth use the space (Morris, 2016). This is because they do not use it in the way that it was originally designed and perceived to be used (in 1988 when the centre was pedestrianised), as a welcoming space for all ages, not just one specific demographic with negative overtones. As there is currently not a specific location, the young people use whatever public space is available, they have taken ownership of certain locations in the city centre that would otherwise be left empty and lifeless (Woolley and Johns Discussion


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2001, pp. 214-215). The young people could be seen as a benefit as they are adding life to the city centre and creating the drama that any public space needs to make it inviting and enticing for passive users of the space (Gehl, 2011). If this reappropriation can be made more acceptable in the eyes of the general public there is the possibility that there will be less confrontations between the young people, the authorities and the other users of the city centre. Through the provision of a location that is mutually acceptable to the authorities and the young people, where all will feel safe and welcome, their behaviour can begin to be viewed positively as a vital part of the drama that is played out in city centres (Ward Thompson and Travlou, 2007, p. 80).

Discussion


Conclusion

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Young people are congregating in Plymouth city centre at night because they prefer to be with their friends away from parental supervision and where they can feel a sense of autonomy and anonymity (Ward Thompson and Travlou, 2007, p. 71). However, there is currently nowhere specific for them to go resulting in them ‘hanging out’ at McDonald’s on New George Street as it is the only affordable place open that they are allowed to enter that offers seating. The ‘skateboarder’ subculture has also been observed, reappropriating the Civic Centre Plaza so that they can take part in their physical activities as well as social interactions. These locations have manifested themselves as spatial hubs for these particular groups of young people and thus become the ‘urban stage’. The analysis and discussions have shown that due to several factors in the urban fabric of Plymouth, the city centre becomes the epicentre for young people at night. When the adolescents are in groups their behaviour sometimes becomes that of a performance as they seek to gain the acceptance of their peers (Kuntsche et al., 2005). Inevitably this behaviour can lead, in extreme cases to hostility between them and authorities as they seek entertainment for themselves in the otherwise desolate city centre (Woolley and Johns 2001). However, it has been understood through literature and analysis of their behaviour that if the youth are provided with a specific location for them to congregate this largely positive and harmless behaviour could begin to be



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perceived as acceptable. Further research is needed to investigate what sort of space could be created that would facilitate and promote the gathering of young people in city centres. The conclusion of this essay is that the life and drama young people bring to city centres should be celebrated and encouraged through the provision of dedicated locations where a diverse range of adolescent subcultures can gather. If cities continue supplying inadequate provision of venues for young people they will congregate and reappropriate public spaces, which can result in confrontations with the authorities overseeing city centres.

Conclusion



References

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Barton, T. and Edgington, T. (2015). Youth services spending down by one-third - BBC News. [online] BBC News. Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk26714184 [Accessed 1 Dec. 2015].

Borden, I. (2001). Skateboarding, space and the city. Oxford [England]: Berg. Centres, Y. (2016). Plymouth City Council - Youth Centres. [online] Plymouth.gov.uk. Available at: http://www. plymouth.gov.uk/homepage/education/youthservices/ youthcentres.htm [Accessed 25 Jan. 2016]. Clarke, J. (2013). Plymouth City Council - Sir Patrick Abercrombie and James Paton-Watson. [online] Plymouth.gov.uk. Available at: http://www.plymouth. gov.uk/makingofamoderncity.html [Accessed 25 Jan. 2016]. Gehl, J. (2011). Life between buildings. Washington, DC: Island Press. Goffman, E., Lemert, C. and Branaman, A. (1997). The Goffman reader. Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell. ITV News, (2014). 40% cut to Devon’s youth services budget. [online] Available at: http://www.itv.com/news/ westcountry/update/2014-06-11/40-cut-to-devons-


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youth-services-budget/ [Accessed 25 Jan. 2016]. Jacobs, J. (1993). The death and life of great American cities. New York: Modern Library. Kuntsche, E., Knibbe, R., Gmel, G. and Engels, R. (2005). Why do young people drink? A review of drinking motives. Clinical Psychology Review, 25(7), pp.841-861. Landry, C., Rowe, D., Borden, I. and Adams, J. (2005). What are we scared of? The value of risk in designing public space. 1st ed. [ebook] London: CABE Space. Available at: http://webarchive.nationalarchives. gov.uk/20110118095356/http:/www.cabe.org.uk/ publications/what-are-we-scared-of [Accessed 19 Nov. 2015]. Low, S. (1996). Spatializing culture: the social production and social construction of public space in Costa Rica. American Ethnologist, 23(4), pp.861-879. McDonald’s, (2016). Restaurant Locator. [online] McDonald’s UK. Available at: http://www.mcdonalds. co.uk/ukhome/Restaurants/restaurant_locator.html [Accessed 25 Jan. 2016]. Millie, A. (2007). Anti-Social Behaviour, Behavioural Expectations and an Urban Aesthetic. British Journal of References


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Criminology, 48(3), pp.379-394. Minton, A. (2009). Ground control. London: Penguin Books.

Morris, A. (2016). Young People congregating outside McDonalds. [email]. Mumford, L. (1937). “What is a City?�. Architectural Record, pp.92-95. Shearing, R. (2016). Plymouth City Council - Youth services. [online] Plymouth.gov.uk. Available at: http://www.plymouth.gov.uk/homepage/education/ youthservices.htm [Accessed 25 Jan. 2016]. Sky, N. (2014). Cuts Lead To Mass Closures Of Youth Clubs. [online] Sky News. Available at: http://news.sky. com/story/1319517/cuts-lead-to-mass-closures-ofyouth-clubs [Accessed 25 Jan. 2016]. Sommer, R. and Sommer, B. (1991). A practical guide to behavioral research. 3rd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. Travlou, P. (2003). Teenagers and Public Space (literature review). 1st ed. Edinburgh: OPENspace Research Centre Edinburgh College of Art/Heriot Watt University. Available References


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at: http://www.openspace.eca.ed.ac.uk/pdf/appendixf/ OPENspacewebsite_APPENDIX_F_resource_30.pdf [Accessed 16 Nov. 2015]. Travlou, P., Owens, P., Thompson, C. and Maxwell, L. (2008). Place mapping with teenagers: locating their territories and documenting their experience of the public realm. Children’s Geographies, 6(3), pp.309-326. Ward Thompson, C. and Travlou, P. (2007). Open space. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Taylor and Francis Group. Watson, J., Abercrombie, P., Stamp, L. and Robinson, G. (1943). A plan for Plymouth. Plymouth, Eng.: Underhill, Ltd. Woolley, H. and Johns, R. (2001) Skateboarding: the city as a playground, in Journal of Urban Design 6(2): 211230. Worpole, K. (2003). No particular place to go?. Birmingham: Groundwork UK. Young Person, (2015). Why do you hang out at McDonald’s?.

References


Figure References

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Figure 1:

Authors own image, original OS plan from http://digimap.edina.ac.uk/

Figure 2:

Authors own image, original OS plan from http://digimap.edina.ac.uk/

Figure 3:

Authors own image, original OS plan from http://digimap.edina.ac.uk/

Figure 4:

Authors own image, original OS plan from http://digimap.edina.ac.uk/

Figure 5:

Authors own image

Figure 6:

Authors own image

Figure 7:

Authors own image

Figure 8:

Authors own image, original OS plan from http://digimap.edina.ac.uk/

Figure 9:

Authors own image, original OS plan from http://digimap.edina.ac.uk/

Figure 10: Authors own image Figure 11: Authors own image


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Figure 12: Authors own image, original OS plan from http://digimap.edina.ac.uk/ Figure 13: Authors own image, original data from http://healthprofiles.info Figure 14: h t t p : / / w w w . p l y m o u t h . g o v . u k / makingofamoderncity.html Figure 15: Authors own image Figure 16: Authors own image, information from http:// mcdonalds.co.uk, http://nandos.com, http://hubbox.co.uk and http://digimap. edina.ac.uk/ Figure 17: Authors own image, original OS plan from http://digimap.edina.ac.uk/

Figure References


Appendix

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Young people congregating outside McDonald’s


Original behaviour mapping notes/sketches


Original behaviour mapping notes/sketches


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PL2 5AW PL4 0HF PL4 9QN PL9 9PP PL3 6 BQ PL6 5UQ PL4 9EX PL4 9HA PL4 9NQ PL2 2AW PL1 2HD PL2 3DP TQ10 9HR PL4 0PR PL1 5PB PL2 2PE PL5 2RX PL6 6TB PL4 7PR PL2 1DS PL9 9JJ PL9 9UR PL12 6 AV PL8 PL4 9PZ PL4 9QE PL5 2SU PL12 6HJ PL6 8TS PL2 3SY PL2 3SY PL12 4TA PL6 8YZ PL5 1FE

PL5 4LX PL5 1NJ PL2 3SA PL9 9FI PL5 3DW PL1 4PZ PL6 FMJ PL1 4BZ PL5 3NH PL2 1HU PL12 6 BN PL6 8SD PL9 9FL PL2 2AP PL5 6JW PL2 3AN PL4 9NQ PL9 0TF PL9 9JN PL3 6EG PL3 5QL PL1 4DQ PL21 9HN PL1 3DA PL2 3HY PL12 4SG PL4 8SR PL2 2AB PL2 2AW PL7 2VY PL7 2VY TQ10 9AB PL6 5AS PL1 5EP

PL4 7BD PL1 5AJ PL1 4JU PL3 4BR PL9 7QU PL11 2HJ PL4 8NB TQ10 9BX PL5 2BW PL9 8PE PL9 9JN PL9 9NZ PL12 6DB PL6 5TX PL3 4JE PL4 0ZN PL5 3BR PL5 2LU PL4 6PJ PL2 PL2 3JE PL6 8TD PL3 6HX PL9 9NT PL1 5HX PL4 9NB PL6 6DQ PL1 5JB PL4 8QZ PL4 9QW PL1 1TN PL2 2PJ PL7 4RN PL2 2LJ

PL9 9JT PL5 3LQ PL5 3LG PL5 3TB PL3 6DP PL2 1PA PL2 1EX PL2 2JR PL3 6IP PL9 7DZ PL5 1NJ PL6 6DX PL4 0PS PL2 3XQ PL3 6BJ PL4 7HU

Young people’s home address postcode provided by New 4 You


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Plymouthcentralhall.co.uk, (2015). New4You - Plymouth Methodist Central Hall. [online] Available at: http://www.plymouthcentralhall.co.uk/index.php/ young-people-children/11-18-years/weekdays/new4you [Accessed 2 Dec. 2015]. New 4 You website


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Questions directed at the young people... Why do you McDonald’s?

hang

out

at

What is it about McDonald’s that means people go there? Why don’t you hang out anywhere else? Why don’t you stay at home?

?


Funding Application

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The Tudor Trust First-Stage funding Proposal (Provided by Veronica Graham): Q1: The work that we do. New4You is a youth project that runs on a Friday night in the city centre of Plymouth, Devon. It runs in two age brackets with 11-14 year olds meeting from 6.15pm – 8.15pm and 15 – 18 year olds from 8.15pm – 10.15pm. The younger group follows a programme consisting of activities that young people chose to do. Examples of such activities are: Cooking, sports, competitions, craft and space to just chat with other teenagers. The older group is an open space in which young people can engage in sport, dancing, pool, X box games or just spend time chatting with friends and leaders. The venue is set out in separate zones for sports, café, disco dancing, with on occasions a music area for a band. The group began in January 2001 with a small number of 11-14 year olds. In 2006 it received a grant to enhance a space in the church basement making it much more user friendly for teenagers and at that point a much larger number of young people began attending. In November 2009 a detached group of youth workers, went out into the city centre and invited young people loitering around to come in. This began an amazing journey that saw us meet some very colourful and interesting characters.


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It opened our eyes to some very broken young people who were living in care, or had suffered poverty or, in some cases, extreme abuse. Relationship with the police, youth court and county court, as well as the social services became at one point an almost weekly occurrence. It was not unusual to be calling ambulances when young people came in and collapsed under the influence of alcohol, repairing windows and areas of the premises when young people ‘kicked off’, or ringing social services to report a homeless young person or declaration of abuse. Incident forms piled up and core meetings became an almost weekly occurrence. Q2: What practical difference do you want to make? This project is a response to what we have experienced in recent years and the challenges that have come our way. Through our current youth work we have met many disadvantaged young people and this project is a part of our response to meeting their needs more effectively. We wish to build a purpose built youth centre that can be a hub for teenagers who hang around the city streets at the weekends and weekday evenings as well as a base for youth workers. One young person wrote at age 16: “The big idea is to develop the space as a city centre venue for youth. To have it kitted out with full café, games and craft areas, sports/cinema/karaoke and DJ


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equipment so anyone can feel at home. It will be one venue with many parts. The upstairs area would be a quieter area with room for art/computers etc and the top floor a designated music area with a recording studio facility. Or you could not use the upstairs area at all! It would be a place for young people to just ‘hang’ out, within which there would be opportunities to bring in local people with expertise in areas to run sessions. ie: How to DJ/Trapeze/dance/ local artists. The possibilities are endless.” The practical difference that this project will make is that it will provide this amazing facility for teenagers and the city centre. By having the youth group offer more activities for the young people it aims to reduce the amount of young people engaging in crime and alcohol abuse by offering a safe space for them to spend evenings and meet with positive role models. Q3: The community that we work with and the challenges that it is currently facing: New4You youth group works with the full age range of teenagers who are in the city centre on a Friday night. From within that community of young people the leadership team meet young people from all areas of the city and its outskirts. They see a range of needs and New4You youth group, intentionally targets those


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who ‘hang around’ the city centre who often prove to be those from more deprived backgrounds. The Plymouth Fairness Commission in March 2014 stated that if you were born in one of Plymouths most deprived areas, this deprivation will influence your life chances from the moment you are conceived. The statistics produced talk of a tale of two cities with life chances severely hindered or enhanced depending on your post code. New4You youth group has evidenced that the city centre is a magnet for young people having a signed up membership of over 250 teenagers in the older group alone since July 2015. The recorded postcodes of these young people range across the whole city and surrounding catchment area. Meetings have been held with the Police, the Out Reach and detached Plymouth City Council youth workers, to discuss the problems of young people congregating and being seen as a nuisance by the general public. In Plymouth there are two McDonalds, a sea front and other areas where young people are known to ‘loiter’. Different teenage groups meet in these areas. They are known to use illegal substances, legal highs and often vandalise disused buildings. Statics published by Plymouth City Council (2014) whereby 194 young people entered the youth offending team in a year and a further 200 were put in touch with key support teams due to alcohol and/ or substance abuse verify the problems being faced. Some members of the public are intimidated by their presence and police are often called to deal with them.


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Lack of educational success by young people in the city, has resulted in 7.7% of young people identifying as Not in Education, Employment or Training (Plymouth City Council: 2014) with only 59.7% achieving A* - C at GCSE (Office of National Statistics: 2014). By having New4You offer more activities and an appropriate space for the young people, it aims to reduce the amount engaging in crime and alcohol abuse by offering a safe space for them to spend evenings and meet with positive role models instead of ‘loitering’ in public areas where not only can they be perceived as a nuisance they are also vulnerable to bad influence and inappropriate adults.

Q4: The strengths and opportunities in our community: The strengths and opportunities of the community of New4You youth group are immense. One, immediate strength of the group is that it has run consistently since January 2001 having grown out of a long standing history of youth work in the city centre. New4You has a solid core of voluntary youth leaders all of whom are trained in safeguarding and come from a wide variety of age brackets, backgrounds and professions. The young leaders have often grown up from within the group and serve it by volunteering as they become young adults. There is also a core of older teenagers who join as junior volunteers and help each week. They receive appropriate


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training that helps them develop their personal gifts and confidence. Students from the local university and colleges volunteer and some take up placements within the youth work as part of their professional courses. This has benefits for the teenagers who attend and also for the students themselves. The positioning of the New4You premises is unique. It is one of the only youth facilities solely for teenagers running on a Friday night in the city centre. Data from those who attend evidence the wide range of young people who see it as their youth group and they come from all localities, backgrounds and walks of life. There is no exclusion as to who can attend; the only boundary is behavior. The aim of the group is fun in a safe environment and behaviour that makes it unsafe or unpleasant for other young people is challenged and dealt with appropriately. Q5: How can Tudor best help help us: The basement of the church that New4you currently runs in becoming too small to accommodate the numbers attending and is restricting us from offering the positive opportunities we aspire to. Also, the sports hall that we currently use is in a very dire state and in need of desperate repair, it is on the verge of being unsafe and it would be terrible to have to stop using this area and thus restrict us even further. So we are seeking


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funding to take this renovation and expansion project to planning. We have a group of Architects (Poynton, Bradbury, Wynter Cole Architects LTD) on board who are doing a feasibility study at present of the development and the sports hall it will be attached to. The £10,000 needed to do this feasibility study has already been secured and we are now looking for the funds required to take the project through the planning process. It is estimated that this will cost a further £25,700. We will be more certain of this cost once the feasibility study is complete. New4You are now asking funders to partner us in achieving the further £25,700 needed to get it to the next stage. This will allow New4You youth group to have the project professionally drawn up and accurate costs to take it to completion.


City Centres are currently lacking dedicated areas for adolescents to congregate with their peers. This has resulted in teenagers reappropriating public spaces, bringing life to these otherwise lifeless places at night. However, some of this behaviour is perceived as negative at present and can result in conflict with the owners and other users of the locations. Through the analysis of several pieces of literature the city is understood as an urban stage that creates and influences the drama that takes place within it. The actions of people are understood as performances that are executed for their audience, in the case of young people this can sometimes cause confrontations with the authorities in charge of city centres. These disputes are usually because of the safety concerns of the management but the outcome results in the centres becoming sterile. Using Plymouth city centre as a case study, this essay examines why particular locations attract young people and the reasons why they congregate. The results show that certain places are not being used purely because of their aesthetics but also as a result of the social interactions that are facilitated by the location. If the drama that young people bring to city centres can be recognised through the provision of dedicated locations and activities their presence can begin to be celebrated and considered as a priority in public space design.

Andrew Morris 10275174 ARCH 654 Urban Methodologies


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