"Fortress Precariat" - Katowice, Poland. A final year Masters of Architecture project by Andy Hills. by Andy Hills

ANDREW HILLS

fortress precariat TOWARD A PRECARIAT REVOLUTION

CONTENTS

PROJECT OVERVIEW URBAN STRATEGY 8. URBAN STRATEGY

MASTERPLAN 12. MASTERPLAN 18. DESIGN THREAD

PROJECT SYNOPSIS 21. PROJECT SYNOPSIS

ARCHITECTURAL DISCUSSION 25. INTRO

THE PRECARIAT 27. THE PRECARIAT

NEO LIBERAL ECONOMICS 29. NEO-LIBERAL ECONOMICS

TERRITORY IN REVOLUTION 31. TERRITORY IN REVOLUTION

COMMUNITY IN REVOLUTION 37. COMMUNITY IN REVOLUTION

BUILDING FOR REVOLUTION 41. BUILDING FOR THE REVOLUTION

WIDER CONTEXT ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL 48. PRECARITY A RECENT HISTORY 50. POLISH POLITICS 52. HIDDEN STATISTICS 53. POLISH EMIGRATION

THE PRECARIAT 56. A NEW SOCIAL ORDER? 58. WHO ARE THEY? 59. CHARACTERISTICS

THE REVOLUTION IN CONTEXT 63. INTRODUCTION 66. PRECARIAT TENDENCIES 68. ENGAGEMENT AND FEARS 70. THE STORY SO FAR 71. FAILURES 72. WHAT WORKED 73. ZAPATISTAS

CONTENTS CONT...

74. LACK OF COHESION 76. CAN IT BE ACHIEVED?

COFFEE WASTE 80. VALUING WASTE 82. CONSUMPTION 83. WASTE – POLAND 84. WASTE – POINT OF SALE 85. WASTE – PRODUCTION 86. POTENTIAL

LOCAL CONTEXT THE CITY AND THE SITE 92. KATOWICE OVERVIEW 94. SITE OVERVIEW 96. KEY INSTITUTIONS 97. PROPOSED SITE

UNIVERSITY 101. UNIVERSITY MODEL 102. UNIVERSITY INVESTMENT 103. GATHERING PREVENTED ‘104. AUTONOMOUS’ UNI

KEY PRECEDENTS 106. NORTHEAST BIODIESEL 108. STARBUCKS ROASTERY 109. POLITICAL SPACES 110. POLISH MILK BARS 112. COFFEE HOUSES OF 1700’S

BUILT PROPOSITION 117. BUILT PROPOSITION 118. DEVELOPMENT 119. FINANCIAL MODEL 120. INDUSTRIAL STRATEGY 121. POLITICAL STARTEGY 122. COMMUNITY STARTEGY 123. SITE STRATEGY 124. INDUSTRIAL SCHEMATIC 126. COMMUNITY SCHEMATIC 128. REVOLUTIONARY SCHEMATIC 130. GROUND FLOOR PLAN 131. 1ST FLOOR PLAN 132. 2ND FLOOR PLAN 133. 3RD FLOOR AND ROOF PLAN 134. EXTERNAL VIEW 136. EAST SECTION

138. NORTH SECTION 140. USER STORIES 142. COFFEE BAR 144. MILK BAR 146. EXISTING RESDIENTIAL 148. DISSIDENT BOOTHS 150. BEAR PIT 152. PROTECTED RESIDENTIAL

technical strategy STRUCTURAL STRATEGY 159. STRUCTURAL SYNOPSIS 160. STRUCTURAL STRATEGY 162. FEM BERLIN PRECEDENT 163. STOREFRONT GALLERY PRECEDENT

MATERIAL PROTOTYPING 166. WHY RAMMED COFFEE 167. INITIAL EXPERIMENTS 168. PROTOTYPING PROCESS 170. COMPRESSIVE STRENGTH 172. CALCULATIONS 174. DURABILITY 176. THERMAL CONDUCTIVITY 178. COSTING 180. CONCLUSION AND FUTURE

CONSTRUCTION STRATEGY 184. CONSTRUCTION SEQUENCE 192. SEQUENCE EXPLAINED 193. FIRE RESISTANCE 194. CDM 195. ACCESS

TECTONICS 199. INTRODUCTION 200. FOLD OUT OVERVIEW 1:50 202. 1:20 SECTIONAL MODEL 204. 1:20 SECTIONAL MODEL DETAIL 206. WALL SHELTER 207. STEEL TO COFFEE WALL 208. BUTTERFLY ROOF 210. FOOTING TO COLUMN 212. TYPICAL FLOOR 214. U VALUES 216. CONSTRUCTION METHOD

ENVIRONMENTAL STRATEGY 221. INTRODUCTION 222. THERMAL STRATEGY 223. THERMAL CALCULATIONS 224. LIGHTING 225. ACOUSTIC 226. SUSTAINABLE INDUSTRY 228. REUSING WASTE 230. HEAT RECOVERY 232. WASTE TO ENERGY 233. COFFEE LOG PROCESS 234. EQUIPMENT

CRITICAL APPRAISAL 238. DESIGN PROCESS 239. COMMUNICATION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

introduction 5 This booklet sets out the framework from which fortress precariat has developed, it explores the design itself and highlights the technical and environmental aspects with which the project is entwined. It begins by recapping the Ko-oprekariat urban strategy and masterplan which set the foundation for this project before delving into the specific details which led the built proposition. The architectural discussion summarises the exploration of the wider context and outlines the key topics. The context is then outlined in detail before the architectural proposal is delivered. followed by the technical design elements. The booklet concludes with a critical appraisal of the projects design approach and communication

PROJECT AIMS: - provide the precariat with a territory from where they can both build a future and stand their ground - develop a financial approach which will offer the precariat the opportunity to support themselves. - provide the opportunity for the precariat to interact everyday in order to facilitate their unififcation - engage with the precariats wide ranging fears and vulnerabilities and design spaces which help to appease them - consider how the political rise of the precariat may be combatted by authority and propose both strategic and built solutions

project OVERVIEW

URBAN STRATEGY 8. URBAN STRATEGY

MASTERPLAN 12. MASTERPLAN 18. DESIGN THREAD

PROJECT SYNOPSIS 21. PROJECT SYNOPSIS

URBAN STRATEGY GUY STANDING..... IMAGE.... OR SIMILAR

9 “Our Urban Strategy and Masterplan aims to harness the potential of the precariat, capitalizing on the University of Silesia’s position as a socially sympathetic, financially powerful and asset rich institution, by providing a secure environment for a Precariat co-operative – ‘The Ko-oprekariat’. Allowing them to form a collective consciousness, whilst acting out an alternative future.” Based primarily in the city of Katowice, southwest Poland, The University of Silesia is one of the largest higher education institutions in Europe and has outlined plans for a 300million zloty (£60m) investment program. Despite the colossal figure, the current plans fail to address the Universities aim to ‘keep abreast of developments in all areas of study and life, in order to meet the challenges of a changing reality’. Instead the plans produce the prospect of another homogeneous educational institution, whose sole role is producing ‘improved human capital’ for a ruthless neoliberal labour market. The university must therefore ensure its future plans address not only the needs of current students but also the wider issues affecting its alumni, the city of Katowice and its people. Poland recently surpassed Spain as the European leader in fixed term (temporary) contracts. Making ends meet through a seemingly endless round of unstable, poor paying, and low satisfaction ‘junk jobs’ is becoming an increasingly common experience for a generation of young poles. Theorist Guy Standing has termed those who suffer this reality ‘The Precariat’.Described as an emerging but highly fractured social class or ‘class in the making’, the Precariat possesses the combined potential to be highly progressive in matters of our political, economic and social futures.

university acquires land outside of boundary

university of silesia

sold with planning permission for student accomodation

land leased to developers

developers build student accommodation

profits go to ko-operative

ko-op 2

offers protection from ‘removal’ or ‘destruction’ tactics by authorities

gathering is not fragmented

control rental prices of accommodation

A long term vision

univ nd

d la

wne

ty o

ersi

ko-op zone failure is not marginalised

control rental prices of cooperative spaces

university can participate

protection from current neoliberal model

potential students

ko-op

“we care” city & cities prekariat

future change?

MASTERPLAN

13 The masterplan is delivered via a phased development and consists of a series of plots, containing 2x2m grids. Each plot contains infrastructure provided by the university and this is shared between the self build co-op units which occupy the remaining plots on the 2x2m grid. As the masterplan grows and develops through the phases it begins to offer the co-operative units the possibility to become part of a larger production line, ensuring greater long term viability. Due to the fragmented nature of the precariat, space is allocated to co-operative members via a set of spatial rules, designed to encourage collaboration.

â&#x20AC;&#x153; It is hoped that greater collaboration between members will facilitate the development of a greater collective conscious, from which the precariat can build.â&#x20AC;? The rules provide a single member with a small 2Ă&#x2014;2 space, however to gain more space co-op members can group together. To encourage further cross collaboration additional storeys may only be constructed by those groups containing different disciplines.

ST (HY OREYS BRID PE ST /MU RMIT (SINOREYS LTIP TED GLE PER LE k KO- MIT O-O OP) TED P) PLO TS A LLO CAT ED PER SON S

potential to build upward and costs shared

1 3 INTERCHANGEABLE panels

4-8 8-16

FRAMEWORK

KO-OP SELF BUILD PLOTS ALLOCATED TO MEMBERS

PROTECTION AND ABILITY TO PLUG-IN FOR SMALL UNITS

UNIVERSITY BUILT INFRASTRUCTURE PROVIDES FOR AND PROTECTS KO-OP UNITS

LOUVRES

GLAZED SOLID

FRAME

SLOTS INTO EXISTING

DESIGN SOMETHING ELSE

PLOTS IN

8 PLOTS / 2 STOREYS NOT ALL PLOTS BUILT ON 4 PLOTS / SINGLE STOREY IRREGULAR SCALES AND LAYOUT

8 PLOTS / SINGLE STOREY HALF PITCH

storey height max 5m (ridge)

storey height max 4.5m

8 PLOTS / 3 STOREYS ADDITIONAL STOREYS PERMITTED

8 PLOTS / 2 STOREYS IRREGULAR SHAPES FROM HALF PLOTS 8 PLOTS / 2 STOREYS IRREGULAR SCALE AND ROOF TYPES KO-OP MEMBERS MEET, DISCUSS AND MAKE DECISIONS

BIO-TECH ACCOMMODATION

DERELICT RESIDENTIAL RESTORED FOR PRECARIAT ACCOM

HUB ACCOMMODATION KO-OP

ices serv

NCLUDE VARIETY OF SERVICE AND SPECIALIST HUBS

university

power

e wast

sh rk

service hub

hubs plug into uni where possible

ko-op

wi-fi™ provide basic facilities

DESIGN THREAD 18 This project builds upon a number of threads from the urban strategy and master plan. Firstly it seeks to prove that the Precariat could deliver ‘alternative’ industries capable of sustaining both themselves and others in order to develop a strong community. Secondly it seeks to build a ‘political’ core that addresses the characteristics of the three key precariat groups and the reasons for their lack of engagement (see section ‘the revolution in context’). Whilst recognising that the progressive change this project seeks may not always be entirely peaceful or pain free for both individuals and the wider collective. However it also delivers a further layer to the urban strategy and master plan, which upon analysis may have been missing in the original proposal. Whilst both small and large scale elements were significantly developed, the original designs perhaps lacked an intermediate scale. Whilst this was theoretically possible, once the plots were significantly developed by many small groups intermediate scale developments would have been difficult to deliver, this project identifies this issue and aims to explore it further. Identifying how these intermediate scale projects may be delivered, how they would play a role in the wider development of the master plan and how they are crucial to promote the everyday gatherings required to develop political engagement.

project synopsis

21 As a test and development of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Ko-oprekariatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; proposal this project takes a three scaled approach, looking at the wider economic and political context of Poland (and by extension much of Europe and the western world). At the potential of an existing and untapped waste flow, together with its potential to deliver an alternative economic model. And finally at a micro scale of how the building, its logic, surroundings and its details can cater to the wide ranging insecurities and characteristic of the individual precarians and the collective precariat, at any stage or moment of the progressive revolution.

The built outcome aims to facilitate the precariat revolution through a series of infrastructures; Industrial, Political (community) and Revolutionary. The industrial symbolises economic and productive alternatives, whilst allowing the precariat to become autonomous and build a community that can support itself. The political (community) infrastructure aims to be highly inclusive, providing social provisions for those from all walks of life, while providing opportunities to voice and test ones opinion within a secure environment. The revolutionary infrastructure encompasses both of the previous infrastructures and is largely temporal as well as symbolic. It becomes highly effective in times of unrest or attack by the authorities, protecting the revolutionaries both at an individual and collective level, a place where they can stand their ground.

ARCHITECTURAL DISCUSSION

25. INTRO

THE PRECARIAT 27. THE PRECARIAT

NEO LIBERAL ECONOMICS 29. NEO-LIBERAL ECONOMICS

TERRITORY IN REVOLUTION 31. TERRITORY IN REVOLUTION

COMMUNITY IN REVOLUTION 37. COMMUNITY IN REVOLUTION

BUILDING FOR REVOLUTION 41. BUILDING FOR THE REVOLUTION

INTRODUCTION 25 This discussion is the culmination of the work undertaken throughout the 2014-15 academic year and stems from both the “Ko-oprekariat” urban strategy and the critical essay “Pre-carchitecture”. As a result the wider context is summarised from previous works and interwoven with further ideas and possibilities, which have developed and informed the projects trajectory. Therefore this discussion explores the following themes:

- The notion of the Precariat and the contributing political and economic factors - The role and importance of territory in revolution. - The role of community in revolution and its importance in the context of the precariat.

The reason for these themes is to consider how architecture can help facilitate the creation of a community from the fragmented and disconnected precariat and help them to realise progressive change, whilst at the same time understanding how the building may be required to act as this change takes place.

THE PRECARIAT - A BRIEF INTRODUCTION

27 The term ‘Precariat’ was first coined by economist Guy Standing in 2011 in his book The Precariat: The new dangerous class. A portmanteau of the terms precarious and proletariat, it describes those who suffer from an existence without predictability or security due to a lack of employment security (underemployment and lack of satisfaction) and job insecurity (short term contracts/ little protection). The emergence of the precariat was first recognised, collectively at least in 1997 during a two-day meeting of European delegates, economists and academics in the French city of Grenoble. For it was here that Pierre Bourdieu, now recognised as an ‘intellectual hero’ of the precarious proclaimed; “It has clearly emerged, Job insecurity is now everywhere: both in the private and public sector; in industry, but also in the institutions of cultural production and diffusion, education, journalism and the media…. Casualisation of employment has become the new mode of dominance’ forcing workers into submission through a permanent state of insecurity” (Bourdieu, 1998 p82) Unfortunately two decades later economic figures serve only to reinforce his observations;

- 14% of the EU work force are on fixed term contracts (McKay, 2012 p18) - Over 1 in 4 workers are in junk jobs (in the worst offending EU countries – Spain and Poland) (McKay, 2012) - Of 1 million UK jobs created between 2008 and 2014 – 97% part time / fixed term (TUC, 2014)

So how did it come to this? Whilst there is no single smoking gun, a step change in economic policy by some of the world’s most powerful nations laid down the foundations. (Standing, 2011, p2)

NEO - LIBERAL ECONOMICS - A CATALYST FOR PRECARITY

29 The late 1970’s and early 1980’s saw the introduction of the neo liberal economic model, with the leaders of the United kingdom (Thatcher), United States ( Reagan ) and Chile ( Pinochet ) the main protagonists. Its introduction represented a significant shift from the previously dominant redistributive model known as Fordism. Fordism in its crudest form entailed the political system supporting and fostering mass production in order to produce economic growth, with the assumption that this growth would produce greater inequality. In order to address this the state played a key role in the redistribution of wealth, through greater taxation and provision of public services. (Massey, 2013) In contrast the neo liberal model sought to reduce the role of the state, advocating reduced government spending on public services, extensive economic liberalisation, and free trade agreements in order to enhance the economic role of the private sector. By maximizing competition, growth would be not only be generated but would also be trusted to make everyone ‘better off’. (Massey, 2013) Yet as markets were opened up on a global scale, the supply of labour was trebled almost overnight. For one thirtieth of the cost, workers from developing countries were now readily available to the industries of Europe and the U.S. Workers of developed countries, where social insurance and union resistance had developed during the Fordism era were now being pitted against the workers of the socially least advanced countries who were easily forced to accept poverty line wages (Standing, 2012). As a result resistance could be easily broken down as ‘the market’ provided an unquestionable justification for falling wages and reduced social insurances (Bourdieu, 1998, p84-85)….Capital had successfully escaped the demands of first world labour (Massey 2013, p9).

TERRITORY IN REVOLUTION

31 As a result of the global financial crisis, 2011 saw an outpouring of discontent across the world as austerity permeated everywhere. Shouts of “They can’t represent us” rang through the streets of Russia - in Cairo choruses of “Enough!” in Spain chants of “Real Democracy Now!”, whilst perhaps the best known “We are the 99 Percent” rang out in much of the remaining western world. (Sitrin, Azzelini, 2014) The squares, the parks and streets outside financial districts and centers of corporation became the centre of world attention. Unfortunately, as always these so called public spaces were already ‘preoccupied’ by the state and the police. As a result the protests were forcibly shut down in every city worldwide. (Mitchell, 2013, p70) Therefore whilst they achieved a spike in interest, and had a momentary effect on output the protest failed to resolve the wider issues and they have since been swept back under the carpet. So how can future revolutionary movements be more successful? “The answer is to assemble, as countless people have done since 2011, but then to stay put. The answer is not to have a demonstration and then go home. No. YOU STAY!, WE STAY!.” (Sitrin, Azzelini, 2014) In Mexico this approach is already well underway. The Zapatista rebels of Mexico also seek political and economic revolution and over the last two decades have claimed many areas of the Lacandon jungle in order to achieve it. Initially a militant force the Zapatistas now reject violence as a means to deliver political change. However they do not reject the possession of weapons or the use of force in order to protect the territories they control from government repression and their public appearance in balaclavas and military garb together with provocative road signs serve to reinforce this message.(Mentinis, 2006) You are now in Zapatista rebel territory. Here the people command and the government obeys.” ( see image overleaf)

33 However if one looks beyond the superficial the Zapatistas are effectively using ‘protected territory’ as a means to fulfill their social ambitions. First and foremost it is important to understand that the Zapatistas openly reject the traditional political system. They believe that any attempt to run for office would simply perpetuate the existing system (Mentinis, 2006). Instead they utilize their territories to demonstrate and experiment with an alternative economic and political system. Within their self-declared municipalities they control their own economies and elect their own representatives. These representatives form “Local Councils of Good” and oversee local community programs on food health and taxation. As their most visual spokesperson Subcommandante Marcos reiterates. (Mentinis, 2006) “Our commander is the people” Having operated their local territories in this way for over a decade not only have the Zapatistas demonstrated a viable alternative to the current paradigm they have also had the time to develop a clearer and more effective political message than the short lived militant violence with which their campaign began. This was demonstrated in 2005 when the Zapatista reached out to the wider community with a communique entitled the sixth declaration of the Lacandon Jungle. “Workers, farmers, students, teachers, and employees ... the workers of the city and the countryside” were all targeted to participate in a conversational platform resulting in the drafting of a new constitution and the development of a new political culture. Following meetings at a local level, the Zapatistas have since embarked on national and worldwide tours and engaged hundreds of thousands of people (see overleaf) with their political and social vision. (Mentinis, 2006) By using territory in this way, the precariat could not only bring together their fragmented members overtime, but more importantly could STOP DEMANDING CHANGE AND INSTEAD ENACT IT THEMSELVES!!!

COMMUNITY IN REVOLUTION

37 In the modern context the major revolutions (in terms of power and organisational shift ) develop from socialist ideologies to the left (precariat revolution) and fascist and extremist ideologies to the right. It can be argued that both of these revolutions require a sense of all or some of the following; disengagement, underrepresentation, anger, fear, struggle, isolation and alienation. As a result both desire to deliver a sense of community and identity. However it is here that the similarities end. (Sitrin, Azzelini, 2014) The fascist and extremist revolutions of the modern day, led by the neo-Nazi and religious extremists develop a false sense of community. Those who are considered to belong are welcomed and quickly feel empowered. However those who are considered outsiders are persecuted and alienated at will and often become the ‘cause’ of every societal ill. As the movements grow in power and membership the false sense of community is reinforced by symbolic rituals such as military marches, despicable acts or crimes against those who do not belong and a sense of unquestionable hierarchical order. (Sitrin, Azzelini, 2014) In contrast the precariat revolutions, led by movements such as Occupy and 15-M (Argentina/Spain) whom also appeal to a ‘community’ ideal are highly inclusive. Us vs the system, creates little room for demographic alienation and persecution and instead promotes inclusivity. (Sitrin, Azzelini, 2014) “The composition of the 15-M was something the media continually attempted to caricature, depicting it as either a bunch of lost young people or a pre-organised group on the left. What the participants stress is that it was neither young nor older people, but was instead a coming together of a diverse group of people without predetermined ideologies, inventing something new” (Sitrin, Azzelini, 2014) Crucially both Occupy and 15-M actively identified both the fears that were preventing specific groups from participating and the everyday provisions that were required to make individuals participation viable.

38 â&#x20AC;&#x153;There were immigrants who participated. But there was the question of legal fear. We we were all identified by the police, we were all visible, and immigrants were obviously afraid of repression. Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve seen many argentines, but for sure Argentines are more integrated into Spanish culture, and they also tend to be more secure in their legal status. Immigrants have been treated so badly here, so to ask them to identify with the Spanish people is like a bad joke. We had to demonstrate that we were practicing a different type of Spanish Citizenship. In Sol there was a working group on immigration, and in a week we had brought together more than a hundred immigration associations.â&#x20AC;? (Sitrin, Azzelini, 2014) In addition Childcare centres were provided for young mothers who were finding it hard to sustain their public participation whilst caring for their children. Chairs were provided for the elderly, soup kitchens provided sustenance for not only those in need but for those whose active role was reducing their day-to-day earnings. Many activists and theorists believe that maintaining this provision within the everyday is the only way to bring the fragmented precariat together and to achieve real change.

BUILDING FOR THE REVOLUTION

41 Solutions to the precariat concept are so far based upon political policies. Following his initial book, The Precariat: The new dangerous class, author Guy Standing has since released a follow up entitled The Precariat Charter. The book contains a twenty nine article charter, outlining broad political and economic policies he believes the precariat must implement in order for them to achieve the ‘great trinity of freedom, fraternity and equality’(Standing, 2013 p 150). Whilst he later summarises that the precariats acts of primitive rebellion have lifted spirits and their growing numbers now mean the establishments can no longer deny their existence, his final words preceding the charter and with reference to its implementation speaks volumes; “The Big question is: Where is the agency to give it strength” (Standing, 2013 p 150) Therefore learning from the Zapatistas this project aims to provide the precariat a secure territory from where they can build and develop the missing agency, a base from where they can stand their ground and maintain a long-term project. It aims to build community from a highly diverse and fragmented demographic by providing everyday provisions that deliver not only needed services but also cater to reduce the barriers to engagement. Visually the project draws on two key influences. First the deliberately provocative appearance of the Zapatistas and its role in providing them with “non-violent” protection whilst at all times demonstrating the ability to defend themselves. Second the work of the revolutionary Russian artists the constructivists, whose geometric abstractions and experiments with new industrial materials aimed to deliver political and social revolution by pointing towards a new mode of production and culture for the masses (Ramon & Marquardt, 1992). With the striking collages of Alexander Rodchenko influencing the presentation and explorations and experimentation with new materials featuring heavily in the buildings aesthetics. (see overleaf) “These artists were not trying to create a revolutionary new kind of art, they were trying to create art that would facilitate a revolutionary new society.” (Margolin, 1997)

wider context

43 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL 48. PRECARITY A RECENT HISTORY 50. POLISH POLITICS 52. HIDDEN STATISTICS 53. POLISH EMIGRATION

THE PRECARIAT 56. A NEW SOCIAL ORDER? 58. WHO ARE THEY? 59. CHARACTERISTICS

THE REVOLUTION IN CONTEXT 63. INTRODUCTION 66. PRECARIAT TENDENCIES 68. ENGAGEMENT AND FEARS 70. THE STORY SO FAR 71. FAILURES 72. WHAT WORKED 73. ZAPATISTAS 74. LACK OF COHESION 76. CAN IT BE ACHIEVED?

COFFEE WASTE 80. VALUING WASTE 82. CONSUMPTION 83. WASTE – POLAND 84. WASTE – POINT OF SALE 85. WASTE – PRODUCTION 86. POTENTIAL

economic & political

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;today it is easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalismâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Turbulence: 2008

PRECARITY - a history 46

precarity margins of society

47 The sensation of precarity is decades old. From agarian societies of old to the industrialised societies of the previous centuries, the sensation has always been present amongst those on the margins of society. Today the marginal has become the core – across Europe and much of the world a sense of precarity now affects large swathes of the workforce the depth of which will be discussed later. This growth was first recognised, collectively at least, in 1997 during a two day meeting of European delegates, economists and academics in the French city of Grenoble. For it was here that Pierre Bourdieu, now recognised as an ‘intellectual hero’ of the precarious proclaimed; “It has clearly emerged , job insecurity is everywhere: both in the private and public sector; in industry but also in the institutions of cultural production and diffusion, education, journalism and the media” Bourdieu suggested that the casualisation of employment has stealthily become the ‘new mode of dominance’, forcing workers into submission through a permanent state of insecurity. So how did it come to this? Well there is no single smoking gun, however a combination of factors have been allowed to gradually gather strength . One of these factors was the shift from the redistributive economic model known as Fordism. Fordism in its crudest form entailed the political system supporting and fostering mass production in order to produce economic growth, with the assumption that this growth would produce greater inequality. In order to reduce the severity of the inequality the state’s role was to regulate the economy, through taxation, the provision of public services and other methods, in order to redistribute a portion of the wealth resulting from the increase in growth . This redistributive model dominated much of the industrial world from the 1920’s , however in the 1970’s and 80’s several political leaders such as Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Regan broke from this model by implementing a series of neoliberal economic policies which sought to reduce the role of the state, instead advocating reduced government spending on public services, extensive economic liberalisation, and free trade agreements in order to enhance the economic role of the private sector . This step change, in which business forces are far stronger, can operate more aggressively, and with reduced opposition has been described by many political commentators as ‘capitalism with the gloves off’ .

POLISH politics 48 HEAVY INDUSTRY 45% OF POLAND’S GDP. UNDER STATE CONTROLLED ECONOMY

MAJORITY OF EUROPE AND U.S PROMOTE ‘FLEXIBLE’ LABOUR AND GIVE GREATER POWERS TO PRIVATE SECTOR

CONTROL OF FOOD PRICES RELAXED POLAND suffers recession

POLAND RETURNS TO GROWTH

POLAND LEADS EUROPE IN ‘FIXED TERM CONTRACTS’

1989

inflation @ 250% BALCEROWICZ PLAN: A FORM OF ECONOMIC SHOCK THERAPY INITIATES TRANSITION

TUSK GOV’T INSISTS DIVERTING FROM NEOLIBERAL POLICIES WILL HURT POLISH ECONOMY

POLISH TAXES AND SOCIAL INSURANCE AS % OF GDP AMONGST LOWEST IN EUROPE

49 In 1989, General Wojciech Jaruzelski presided over the final days of the communist regime in Poland . Upon revolution, the New Solidarity party led by Lech Wałęsa aimed to lead Poland’s economy through a transition, from a communist model into one of capitalism. This transition was delivered through the Balcerowicz plan, named after its author, Finance Minister Leszek Blacerowicz . The plan aimed to introduce a neo liberal market economy, which until now had been largely alien to the political, social, and historic situation of Poland. To achieve this the plan advocated rapid change known as economic shock therapy. For the West the transition signified the victory of capitalism over its sclerotic competitor and signalled the reintegration of the communist east back into the global capitalist fold . Unsurprisingly western governments were fully behind the move and enthused about how straightforward the transition could be. However it was also supported by academics, participants and activists across much of eastern central Europe . The plan was therefore easily legitimised through an appeal to the ‘logic’ of the free market, the three zatzijas: privitizacija, liberizacija and demokratizacijas (privatisation, liberalisation and democratisation) . Immediatly after the transistion the government capitalised on the relative low cost of its labour force to encourage foreign and private investment and ensured it stayed that way by breaking the resistance of the working class. They acheived this was achieved this through various macroeconomic stabilisation policies, involving the destruction of savings, mass redundancies, brutal reductions in real wage levels, non-payment of wages and the removal of job related welfare entitlements. All the while the compliance of the country’s two main unions (Solidarity and OPZ) ensured the working classes had little capacity to strike. Therefore whilst the transition has been a ‘success’ for foreign and soviet era capitalists, the impact of the transition for many Poles has been severe social hardship. Despite increased access to goods and services Poland ranks amongst the worst European countries for social insurance, recording some of the lowest figures as a percentage of GDP, whilst unemployment and associated migration is becoming a huge social issue (see overleaf).

hidden statistic 50

On the surface Katowice and the surrounding Silesian voivodeship present strong economic figures. With Katowice well below the national average for unemployment and the Voivodeship broadly tracking the national average. However these figures hide a deeper economic problem. Poland recently surpassed Spain as the European leader in fixed term contracts. Making ends meet through a seemingly endless round of unstable, poorly paying and low satisfaction â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;junk jobsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; is becoming an increasingly common experience for a generation of young poles.

polish emigration 51

As a result of the political policies and the resulting economic conditions, Polish emigration figures are at near record levels. Over 2 million Poles now live abroad. A large proportion of these emigrants are young poles between 25 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 35 years old who often leave with the hope of finding greater economic opportunity, whilst the remaining population ages. With birth rates also at all time lows, if this trend continues the countries pension system will struggle to stay afloat.

THE PRECARIAT

53 Anxiety, audacity, fear and courage,despair and hope are born together. But the proportion in which they are mixed depends on the resources in ones possessions Owners of foolproof vessels and skilled navigators view the sea as the site of exciting adventure; those condemned to unsound and hazardous dinghies would rather hide behind wave breakers and think of sailing with trepidation. Fears and joys that emanate from the instability of things are distributed highly unequally. Zygmunt Baumann: Identity in the Globalising world

a new SOCIAL order? 54

ELITE SALARIAT PROFICIANS OLD WORKING CLASS

55 According to the theorist Guy Standing, we need a new language of class to describe the modern state of class relations. One that replaces the old class structure of an orthodox Marx perspective of a predominantly two-class system of capitalists and workers, one that considers the new economic landscape which perpetuates insecurity. Standing believes this new structure includes a ‘new dangerous’ class - the precariat: “It consists of people who have minimal trust relationships with capital or the state, making it quite unlike the salariat. And it has none of the social contract relationships of the proletariat, whereby labour securities were provided in exchange for subordination and contingent loyalty, the unwritten deal underpinning welfare states. Without a bargain of trust or security in exchange for subordination, the precariat is distinctive in class terms.” Standing continues that whilst the precariat is not yet a class in the “Marxian sense” however it possesses all the required characteristics of a class in formation In essence, the precariat is class that anybody can enter. Whether through economic circumstances beyond ones control, or through a conscious rejection of the alternatives. Unfortunately however many enter the precariat with the hope of using it as a ‘stepping stone’ to reach their full potential. Unfortunately many discover that this stepping-stone often becomes an inescapable dead end.

who are they? 56

Characteristics 57

[the] REVOLUTION IN CONTEXT

Rise like Lions after slumber In unvanquishable number, Shake your chains to earth like dew Which in sleep had fallen on you Ye are many, they are few Percy Bysshe Shelley - The Mask of Anarchy 1819

61 refer diagram overleaf: A revolution represents a fundamental shift in power or organisational structure They have taken place throughout history and may take place at a macro or micro level. Revolutions vary widely in terms of methods, duration, and motivating ideology with their results including major changes in culture, economy, and socio-political institutions. Revolutions often include a level of violence or significant unrest, as a consequence revolutionaries may be described as heroes, terrorists and tyrants depending upon the context and or their relative success. In the modern context the major revolutions (in terms of power and organisational shift ) develop from socialist ideologies to the left (precariat revolution) and facist and extremist ideologies to the right. It can be argued that both of these revolutions require a sense of all or some of the following; disengagement, underpresentation, anger, fear, struggle, isolation and alienation. As a result both desire to deliver a sense of community and identity. However it is here that the similarities end. The facist and extremist revolutions of the modern day, led by the neo-nazi and religious extremists develop a false sense of community. Those who are considered to belong are welcomed and quickly feel empowered. However those who are considered outsiders are persecuted and alienated at will and often become the ‘cause’ of every societal ill. As the movements grow in power and membership the false sense of community is reinforced by symbolic rituals such as military marches, despicable acts or crimes against those who do not belong and a sense of unquestionable heirarchical order. In contrast the precariat revolutions, led by movements such as Occupy and M-15 whom also appeal to a ‘community’ ideal are highly inclusive. Us vs the system, creates little room for demographic alienation and persecution and instead promotes inclusivity. This is further reinforced by the implementation of everday provisions at rallies, camps and protests, where participants create child care centres, legal advice centres, soup kitchens, gardens and many more in order to ensure participants from all walks of life and physical ability may participate.

SYMBOLIC ACTS REINFORCE ‘COMMUNITY’

PRECARIAT TENDENCIES 64 Despite the precariat revolution being highly relevant to the precariat themselves, as previously discussed their individual isolation, disengagement and fractured society makes them vulnerable to those who wish to deliver a less desirable revolution. The educated youth are the least likely to fall prey to such political ideologies. Their education and analytical capabilities allow them to understand the weaknesses and falsehoods of both facism and extremism. Combine this with their disgust at a system in which they had little hand and their desire to build a progressive and viable alternative - there is little chance of this sub group turning towards the extremes of the right. The migrant members of the precariat are also highly unlikely to turn towards fascism. The very basis of the fascist rhetoric rejects and alienates them. However as this desire to alienate spreads into wider society a small number of the precariats migrant members may fall into other categories of extremism. This has been recently demonstrated by those defecting to support such groups as Isis. In contrast to both the migrants and educated youth, members of the precariat from the old working class are easily led towards the sirens of the right. As their historical communities disintegrate so does their political strength. Often uneducated and desperate to maintain what they once had they are easily swayed by thinly veiled fascist and extremist rhetoric..’they are stealing our jobs’, ‘they are taking our benefits’. The educated youth must use their skills of reasoning and demonstrate attractive alternatives to ensure the right can not gain a revolutionary foothold. Therefore whilst the precariat cannot guarantee its swelling ranks will not support an undesirable revolution, the chances are small and the precariat itself maintains the tools to ensure the alternative maintains a greater draw.

65 KEY PRECARIAT GROUPS CHANCE TO BUILD ALTERNATIVE

INCLUDED IN SOCIETY

DRAWN TOWARDS SOCIAL AGENDA

EDUCATION PREVENTS TURNING TO RIGHT

SMALL NUMBER OF RELIGIOUS EXTREMISTS

CAN BE EASILY LED BY SIRENS OF POPULISM

REVOLUTIONARY TENDENCIES

fear of engagement political engagement (current) fear of future

ENGAGEMENT AND FEARS

67 The precariat desire revolution and are united by a fear of a future in which the current political and economic narrative is maintained, resigning them to a life of economic struggle and a feeling of being perpetually unfulfilled. Despite this desire their current levels of political engagement and levels of insecurity relating to their participation in revolution vary greatly throughout the distinct sections of their fractured structure. The young and educated members have little fear of engagement... they have nothing to lose. They have yet to achieve any kind of economic security of job satisfaction and they know that despite politicians claims to the contrary this is unlikely to change without significant political upheaval. Unfortunately this feeling of hopelessness is reflected in their low levels of engagement, as yet they are largely unrepresented. The migrant members of the precariat, have huge insecurities regarding political engagement. They know they can be easily alienated and any ‘dissent’ can be heavily penalised. As a result they are forced to keep their heads down both politicaly and analytically. Finally the precariat members from the old working class partially maintain both a level of political engagement and representation from their historical political importance. However this is increasingly declining as they are scapegoated as “lazy spongers” and as a result they are struggling to balance their fears of losing what little social security they have and a future which looks altogether more difficult. As a result of these distinct insecurities the authorities tactics to prevent and quell a precariat revolution can be easily implemented and are highly effective. The educated youth can be arrested and have their reputation tarnished, making an already difficult future even harder. Migrants are most at risk, as they can be easily criminalised and at worst deported and have little support from locals. Finally those from the ‘old working class’ can be threatened with the loss of their minimal security. Any social housing can be easily revoked, whilst the removal or restriction of their social security can ensure their life and that of their family becomes harder to maintain.

the story so far... 68 As the precariat continues to grow in Poland and across the continents of Europe and the wider world, it has also begun to stir. In 2011 discontent across the world was rife. Austerity was permeating everywhere, as the effects of the global financial crisis continued to be felt, the arab nations revolted and ‘Occupy’ became front page news. The Occupy camps were deliberately placed upon the doorsteps of their foe, on the squares and parks outside financial districts and centres of corporations across the world to create maximum disruption. These ‘public spaces’ were of course, as always; already ‘preoccupied’ by the state and the police, meaning the reality of eviction was ever present (See Left). Occupy commentators have since described the constant ‘nervous wait’ for the inevitable ‘rush from the blue and white cars and vans’, which surrounded them during the occupations . Unlike the proletariat of old who resided within long established communities and had the ability to control production through their labour, Occupy and other precarious movements had little semblance of territory and control. As a result Occupy was forcibly shut down in every city worldwide and had little effect on output . Many theorists argue that the establishment of a secure territorial base gives particular strength to movements because it offers both greater opportunities for negation and creation , whilst also allowing its actors the chance to establish long-term projects . Therefore Occupy’s failure to secure their long-term presence within physical territories was also a crucial contributing factor in determining their political impotence, as a coherent collective conscience was unable to fully develop overtime amongst their pre-political actors. Of course territory as a facilitator of social movements can also be problematic, if taken by force and protected by military tactics it can exclude others from joining, remove those who do not belong or become closed off to the outside world. Or if the territory claimed is far flung like the desert or the prairie the temptation to abandon the world and seek simply to ‘traverse this vale of tears until liberated by death’ may ultimately result in the loss of the very revolutionary and reformist spirit which required such action .

failures! 69

what worked! 70

One of the great successes of the Occupy movement was the community infrastructure that sprung up within their temporary territory. Unfortunately this like the protests were eventually removed. However the provisions serve as an excellent guide to the type of facilities that are required to sustain a revolution and develop a community. If provisions such as this can be mainatined over the long term, the chance of revolution is far greater as more and more people will begin to realise there is another way.

zapatistas! 71

An example of a revolutionary group who have successfully defended their territoy for over 20 years is the Zapatistas of Mexico. Having declared themselves non violent after a bloody uprising in 1991, the zapatistas control many towns and villages in the Lacandon Jungle. The people live within zapatista controlled autonomous zones, the community are given great political responsibility with all major decisions being decided by vote and all governing members only allowed a maximum of two weeks in power. The economy is made up largely of community co-operatives that provide the income for community provisions such as schools and hospitals. The main commodity the Zapatista control is coffee, which is now exported to Europe. Having once been a relatively closed community the Zapatistas no aim to connect with the rest of Mexico through political dialogue and rallies. (see architectural discussion for more)

LACK OF COHESION 72

73 Solutions to the precariat concept are so far based upon political policies. Following his initial book, The Precariat: The new dangerous class, author Guy Standing has since released a follow up entitled The Precariat Charter. The book contains a 29 article charter, outlining broad political and economic policies he believes the precariat must implement in order for them to achieve the ‘great trinity of freedom, fraternity and equality’ .Whilst he later summarise that the precariats acts of primitive rebellion have lifted spirits and their growing numbers now mean the establishments can no longer deny their existence, his final words preceding the charter and with reference to its implementation speaks volumes; “The Big question is: Where is the agency to give it strength” Therefore whilst Standing once again reinforces the call to arms with his prose and provides a solid framework for political policy on which the precariat can build, he alludes to the fact that as yet, it fails to provide any real mechanisms with which they can bridge the gap.

can it be acheived? 74

very few votes cast

Based on the employment figures approximately 25% of the population of Poland are precariats. If they can be mobilised and motivated to vote they would be more than capable of delivering a step change in the political landscape.

coffee waste

“It’s just this little seed, yet it has AN ENORMOUS political, social and economic impact on human beings.” Mark Pendergrast ‘Black Coffee: The irresistable bean’

valuing waste 78 A key element of the Ko-oprekariat strategy and masterplan was based upon innovation and the reuse of materials. Although specific waste flows were not analysed, the infrastructure for internal waste streams was laid out and formed an integral part of the self-build strategy, whilst the idea of innovation was integral to the ko-operatives economic model. Which relied upon a small percentage of innovative ideas developing into profit making enterprises, who could in turn support the wider ko-operative over the long term. Therefore in keeping with the strategy this project sought to seek out available waste streams that had potential for either self-build, innovation or both. Following initial research waste coffee grounds* were identified as being easily obtainable and possessing great potential. Firstly in the Polish context waste coffee grounds are almost entirely ‘untapped’ and ‘valueless’ meaning it currently holds a significant opportunity for both experimentation, innovation and possible profit. Secondly as a ‘commodity’ it is still largely outside of the current economic and political spectrum and as a result could form an integral part of an alternative spproach.

38,500 TONNES waste produced

3122 tonnes per km PRODUCED IN 2013

silesia

CONSUMPTION 80

WASTE - POLAND 81

WASTE - POINT OF SALE 82

WASTE - PRODUCTION 83

NESTLE

ELITE & UNILEVER

TCHIBO

KRAFT

84 As shown by the previous diagrams, there is clearly a wealth of waste coffee grounds within Poland. Not only does Katowice possess several hundred coffee shops for local collection, but it is also close to major manufacturers such as Kraft and Tchibo. Whilst researching this project it became clear that waste coffee grounds have many potential uses. The highest value of which is in biodiesel production ( see right ). By extracting the left over oils within the waste coffee grounds it is possible to manufacture excellent biodiesel. (for more details see technical strategy). Other uses include interior design products, soaps, bio-logs and compost.

POTENTIAL 85

LOCAL context

THE CITY AND THE SITE 92. KATOWICE OVERVIEW 94. SITE OVERVIEW 96. KEY INSTITUTIONS 97. PROPOSED SITE

UNIVERSITY 101. UNIVERSITY MODEL 102. UNIVERSITY INVESTMENT 103. GATHERING PREVENTED ‘104. AUTONOMOUS’ UNI

THE CITY AND THE SITE

We place a skull on our desks, like the monks of old, not to glorify death, but to focus on the impending danger and intensify the struggle for life. It no longer makes sense to speak of patience as a revolutionary virtue or to talk of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;future revolutionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. What future? We need revolution now, here and now. John Holloway: Crack Capitalism

katowice overview 90

The city of Katowice (Miasto Katowice) is one of the main cities in the Upper Silesian region. It is the 16th most economically powerful city by GDP in the EU. It has a heritage as an industrial centre but has more recently had a focus towards large business and trade with itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Spodek stadium hosting trade fairs and multinational corporations setting up offices within the city. It is also a large scientific centre with over 20 schools of higher education with over 100,000 students

SPHERE OF IMMEDIATE INFLUENCE

Katowice is surrounded by several other cities with significant populations. The experience of travelling between the cities is often of each city merging seamlessly into another, there is very litle delineating the borders. There are 14 cities in the larger greater Silesian metropolis (the largest of which are listed above) combined these cities create a population of well over 2 million. The potential of this area and the Katowice sphere of influence is highlighted by the failure of recent efforts to govern all the cities from a central location because of fears that a single conglomeration would make the area more powerful than Polands capital. Therefore an project like this represents a huge opportunities to spread alternatives across a large and powerful geographic area.

SITE OVERVIEW 92

KEY INSTITUTIONS 94

NATIONAL BANK OF POLAND

UNIVERSITY LIBRARY (BIBLIOTEKA) The site is located close to key institutional landmarks. Firstly the national bank of Poland. The building is one of the key buildings in the national banking network and as such makes high level decisions on the nations economy. The proximity to this building is crucial, as it allows the project to be a symbol of an alternative. Secondly the University Library is a symbol of the university and a key gathering place for students, the project site aims to capitalise upon this, whilst standing as an alternative to the current â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;luxuryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; university model.

PROPOSED SITE 95

1. VIEW OF SITE FROM LIBRARY

RESIDENTIAL TO BE DEMOLISHED AND RESIDENTS REHOUSED IN WODNA STREET 2. VIEW OF SITE FROM PAWLA STREET The chosen site has not only been chosen for its location but also for the fact that it is currently low density and largely empty, whilst it borders two key routes into the campus, Pawla and the route along the river. Allowing the project strong access to the KO-OP units proposed in the masterplan but also requiring minimum demolition and disruption to the existing residents. Where demolition is required the residents can be moved one street over into the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;renovatedâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; precariat residences and the small mechanics garages will be offered free ko-op units of equivalent size and location. Finally the site has excellent access to transport links, whilst being able to preserve the pedestrianised campus laid out in the masterplan.

UNIVERSITY

Better to step out in what may be the wrong direction and to go creating the path, rather than stay and pore over a map that does not exist. So let us hold our fears and doubts in one hand and look at the source of hope, the attempts to break with the logic of destruction. John Holloway: Crack Capitalism

UNIVERSITY MODEL 98 private investors

accommodation

“Luxury University” sports

facilities eu & state

nobody cares! “Universities tend to compete not by better teaching but by offering a ‘luxury model’ – nice dormitories, fancy sports and dancing facilities, and the appeal of celebrity academic, celebrated for their non-teaching achievements.” Standing, G. (2011) This is the direction the University of Silesia is currently taking - directly competing with other “successful” universities in the world. This project allows the university to develop an alternative model, creating abtter future for its students and pushing their involvement in progressive critical thought (see urban strategy ‘catalytic university’).

UNIVERSITY INVESTMENT 99

During our study visit, the University presented an overview of its future investment strategy regarding built infrastructure. The total spend is estimated at approximately 320,000,000zt. The planned projects include Student Accommodation, new faculties and sporting facilities and will be funded through both state, EU funding and where appropriate private investors. This project aims to utilise the universities political position as a key investor in the city to provide a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;secureâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; environment for the precariat.

GATHERING ‘PREVENTED’ 100

1968 When the University was constructed in 1968 Poland was still a totalitarian communist state. As students featured prominently in protests around the world throughout the 1960’s the state saw student gatherings as increasingly dangerous. Therefore the university was required to build its accommodation blocks several miles from the campus and city centre in order to decrease the possibility of student protests and rallies.

‘autonomous’ uni 101

GOVERNMENT TREATS UNIVERSITY AS ‘AUTONOMOUS’ AS A RESULT AUTHORITIES MUST GAIN PERMISSION TO ACT WITHIN THE CAMPUS

Together with the spatial seperation of the universitys accommodation and campus the university continues to be funded by the state. As a result of this the university is prevented from profiting from its students and is therefore prevented from selling food and drink in cafes or bars on campus. Therefore in order to enjoy this everyday experience students are required to go into the city centre, meaning their potential to gather is decreased as they disperse across a number of establishments. Crucially however government authorities and police require permission to act within the university campus as it is classed as an autonomous zone by the government.

KEY PRECEDENTS

103

KEY PRECEDENTS 106. NORTHEAST BIODIESEL 108. STARBUCKS ROASTERY 109. POLITICAL SPACES 110. POLISH MILK BARS 112. COFFEE HOUSES OF 1700’S

NORTHEAST BIODIESEL 105

Northeast biodiesel are a community co-operative based in Massachusetts. The idea is to forge mutually beneficial relationships between members and restaurants, in which members support the restauarnts whom recycle their oil for biodiesel. Community members are then providing with a lower cost, more sustainable alternative to standard diesel. Having raised 3.5 million USD the co-operative constructed its factory in 2012 and has been going strong ever since producing 1.75 million gallons of biodiesel par year and are planning to double production to 3.5 million gallons in the near future.

STARBUCKS ROASTERY 106

The flagship Starbucks roastery opened recently in Chicago, home of the very first Starbucks. This new concept is aimed at developing a premium brand within the starbucks portfolio. The design brief was to create the willy wonka of coffee shop, fuly immersing the customer in the roasting and brewing process.

political ‘spaces’ 107

Top: Jaques Louis David’s sketch of ‘Tennis Court Oath’ during the french revolution. Bottom Left: A gathering at a factory during the Russian Revolution Bottom Right: A political meeting in France held in a industrial warehouse

POLISH MILK BARS 108

There probably isn’t a single Pole from the older generations who has never dined in a milk bar at some point in his or her life. The bars’ customers represented a cross-section of the entire society: workers, officials, university professors, students, and pensioners. The cheap and nutritious menus were funded by the state and provided fuel for the people. “House specialities” were dishes made with eggs and flour: omelettes, egg cutlets, and pancakes, as well as various kinds of dumplings, groats, soups, and less commonly, meat dishes. This almost lost but fondly remembered institution provides the opportunity to regularly draw the fractured precariat together into a single space, whilst providing social assistance.

coffee houses of 1700 110

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Whether a man was dressed in a ragged coat and found himself seated between a belted earl and a gaitered bishop it made no difference; moreover he was able to engage them in conversation and know that he would be answered civillyâ&#x20AC;?(cowan)

111 The coffee houses of 18th century London served as a catalyst for huge political and economic change. As the monarchys absolute power was waning, political debate began to spill beyond the institutions that traditionally contained them as the absence of alcohol provided a place where people could engage in more serious conversation than the alehouses. The coffee houses prided themselves on equality (although not gender equality),and the universal rules and order of the coffee house as printed in 1674 decreed. â&#x20AC;&#x153;no man of any station need give his place to a finer manâ&#x20AC;? As a result the coffee houses became a place of enlightenment, those close to the royal society became places where scientists would conduct public lectures and experiments, those near the docks became the hub of shipping auctions and insurance (leading eventually the firm llyods of london). Newspapers were published, often by the individual coffee house themselves, with political and theoretical writings contributed by customers making up much of the additional text. However this age of enlightenment developed often in opposition to the monarchy and the previous political paradigm. As a result the coffee houses were often located in back streets and narrow alleys in order to protect the widening of political discourse. As long as publicity had its seat in the secret chanceries of the prince, reason could not reveal itself directly. Its sphere of publicity had still to rely on secrecy; its public, even as a public, remained internal. The light of reason, thus veiled for self-protection, was revealed in stages (Habermas 199, p35)

BUILT PROPOSITION

113

114

BUILT PROPOSITION 115 Following the KO-OPREKARIAT urban strategy and masterplan for the University of Silesia in Katowice Poland. Fortress Precariat aims to provide a building which will facilitate the pracariats unification, whilst providing them with a place to stand their ground as they seek to deliver a progressive political revolution. The built outcome aims to facilitate this goal through a series of infrastructures; 1. Industrial 2. Community 3. Revolutionary The industrial element utilises waste coffee grounds to produce valuable biodiesel, with the profits being reinvested into the community infrastructure, whilst its own waste streams offer the wider ko-oprekariat the opportunity to develop their own enterprises. The community infrastructure aims to be highly inclusive, providing social provisions for those from all walks of life in an everyday capacity, whilst overcoming individuals fears of engagement with the ultimate goal of uniting the precariat. The revolutionary infrastructure encompasses both of the previous infrastructures and is largely temporal as well as symbolic. It becomes highly effective in times of unrest or attack by authorities or other other foes and protects the precariat revolutionaries both at an individual and collective level.

development 116

Early development of this project focused on ways of mixing the industrial process with the everyday spaces of the coffee house and community spaces. The focus centred around elements such as the drying tower and fuel tanks, with the aim of putting them on show as much as possible. Later models explored the spatial layout, which led to the formulation of the coffee wall concept, which is the element which really sparked the further development of this project.

financial model 117

The financial model is based on the northeast biodiesels precedent with a modest yearly capcity of 0.5million gallons per year. This is approximately 1/3rd of the northeast biodiesel and therefore should be easily manageable. Production costs are based upon the cost of turning vegeatble oil into biodiesel as no coffee biodiesel plant is currently trading. However the processes and transesterification machinery used are universal. Production could easily be scaled up as the current model uses roughly 10% of Polands coffee waste.

INDUSTRIAL INFRASTRUCTURE

industrial strategy 118

WASTE FROM INSTANT COFFEE FACTORIES WASTE FROM COFFEE SHOPS

AUTONOMOUS ECONOMY

REVOKED WHEN REQâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;D POLITICALLY

The industrial strategy not only aims to provide the precariat with an income but by taregting the city as the main buyer for the biodiesel the hope is that the low income precariat will benefit as well as the wider population.

POLITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE (SI

POLITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE (SITE) political strategy 119 AUTHORITY

AUTHORITY CONTROL / CONTROL / ATTACK ATTACK

SPREAD SPREAD REVOLUTION REVOLUTION PROTECT PROTECT VULNERABLE VULNERABLE PRECARIAT

PRECARIAT

LAYERS OF PROTECTEDLAYERS OF TERRITORYPROTECTED

TERRITORY

PROTECTED / TEST SPHERE

PRIVATE SPHERE (KO-OP UNITS)

PUBLIC FORUM

PRIVATE SPHERE (KO-OP UNITS)

may help if instant coffee companies revoke/ charge for waste

WASTE FROM INSTANT COFFEE FACTORIES

WASTE FROM

The buildings political strategy aims to provide layers of protection within the university INSTANT COFFEE FACTORIES campus. Additionally by providing the city with a service (cheap fuel) it is hoped that this will provide the precariat with some political leverage and at the very least reduce attempts to attack them, whilst they build their community.

community STRATEGY 120

POLITICAL CHARTER

Fortress Precariat aims to create an environment in which the precariat meet one another everyday, and begin to feel part of a community, allowing them to grow from their pre-political status to one where they can deliver real and lasting change.

site strategy 121

industry schematic 122

123

COmmunity schematic 124

125

revolution schematic 126

127

GROUND FLOOR 1:500

PAWLA STREET

128

1ST FLOOR 1:500 129

2ND FLOOR 1:500 130

3RD FLOOR & ROOF 1:500 131

132

133

134

135

136

137

user stories

138

139

coffee bar 140

The coffee bar serves as the main space for the everyday precariat, who has yet to engage in political discussion.. Surrounded by the alternative industry, the political discourse and communtiy provisions, it is hoped everyday users will become engaged and form part of a strong community. The bar itself includes integrated bookshelves stocked with draft copies and completed copies of self published books from the library and printing press, with the users encouraged to leave feedback.

141

milk bar 142

The milk bar nestles under the long term residences and provides subsidised food to the precariat users. In the early stages this provision is crucial in bringing the precariat together as each of the key users take advantage of the low cost meals, creating multiple opportunities for interaction. Additionally the milk bar is run by the precariat themselves, with many volunteering or providing their time in exchange for legal help or accommodation.

143

existing residential 144

The existing residences will be repaired and renovated with several of the properties now looking into the coffee hall. With their accommodation now secure, over time the residents will begin to interact with the coffee hall and the political discussions.

145

dissident booths 146

Dissident booths take advantage of the coffee walls mass. These booths offer privacy from the more communal spaces in the hall. Allowing precariats who are otherwise uncomfortable engaging in political discussions ( such as migrants ) or those who are planning protests or disruption to engage with one another without the feeling of being overheard. Several booths are elevated to provide additional security, whilst sliding screens indicate whetehr or not the booths are occupied, whilst providing a further layer of security.

147

BEAR PIT 148

The bear pit surrounds the oil extraction tanks and provides an informal space to sit and relax as well as a gathering space with the extraction platform not only allowing for maintenance but doubling as a speakers platform to address either the gathered crowd or the everyday users.

149

protected residence 150

151 The Protected Residences are located in the walls of the western wing of the building. The users envisaged for these spaces are likely to be either activists whom may be under pressure from authorities or vulnerable precariat under pressure from, banks, loan sharks, immigration or other such institutions or nefarious characters. Located on the 2nd and 3rd floor they are lifted above the street level. This gives the resident a sense of protection and prevents them being overlooked by neighbours and makes surveillance more difficult as onlooking buildings are owned by the university. The protected residences are also accessed via a hidden lift. The lift appears to be part of the coffee conveyor which takes the coffee to the top of the drying tower. This allows the residents to feel protected from bailiffs / loan sharks or authorities who may be seeking them. Furthermore the residences elevation provides an excellent look out allowing residences the opportunity to make themselves scarce if they notice any of their foes. Escape routes hidden in the walll help them to move to another part of the building and blend in with other users if the lift is compromised. The residences are designed to provide the minimum spatial requirements, this is so that the user will be encouraged to spend additional time in the communal spaces such as the library and coffee hall, where there stories and situation are likely to spark much debate.

TECHNICAL STRATEGY

STRUCTURAL STRATEGY 159. STRUCTURAL SYNOPSIS 160. STRUCTURAL STRATEGY 162. FEM BERLIN PRECEDENT 163. STOREFRONT GALLERY PRECEDENT

CONSTRUCTION STRATEGY 184. CONSTRUCTION SEQUENCE 192. SEQUENCE EXPLAINED 193. FIRE RESISTANCE 194. CDM 195. ACCESS

153

structural strategy

155 Now you don’t fight for us But expect us to die for you You have no sympathy for us But still i cry for you Now you may kill the revolutionary But the revolution you can never bury Don’t speak to us like we work for you Selling false hope like some new dope we’re addicted to I’m not a desperate man but these are desperate times at hand This generation is beyond your command And it won’t be long ‘til the people flood the streets To take you down One and all Ben Harper ‘Black Rain’

156

STRUCTURAL SYNOPSIS 157 The chosen structural strategy combines steel framed construction, with an experimental material made from waste coffee grounds - Termed ‘rammed coffee’ due its proposed construction method. Developed from the intricacies of the projects industrial process together with its wider theoretical approach, this material was subjected to prototyping, laboratory testing, observation and experimentation in order to ensure its potential capabilities could be understood and applied effectively within the context of this project and future projects alike (See prototyping). Whilst these materials are hugely contrasting in terms of their structural properties, methods and speed of construction, aesthetic and symbolic qualities, it is this contrast that makes them such an appropriate combination. Firstly the steel frame allows the industrial element of the building to be constructed swiftly and effectively (See construction sequence). Its structural properties allow it to span large distances, creating open spaces within which the industrial process may be unhindered and visible, whilst providing ongoing flexibility. Finally when exposed its aesthetic qualities are highly synonymous with the ‘factory’ the birthplace of so many revolutions. In contrast ‘rammed coffee’ walls are both time and labour intensive. Its relatively low structural strengths requires a ‘massive’ approach, which provides a sense of security and protection to those within, whilst creating ample opportunity for unexpected community inhabitation. Visually it represents the underutilised waste streams that exist in today’s economies, symbolising both the buildings basic functions, whilst demonstrating an alternative to the traditional methods of construction. Olfactorily it pervades one’s body and delivers an instant connection to the buildings everyday function. Together they provide the enclosure and openness, pragmatism, experimentation and protection required for the precariat to create an alternative community... make a stand... or perhaps start a revolution.

STRUCTURAL STRATEGY 158

159 PRESERVE EXISTING BRICK RESIDENCES

west facing residences look into coffee hall STEEL FRAME @ 6M CENTRES provide open voluminous hall where industry is unhindered and can be physically and visually mixed with community STEEL COLUMNS @ 6m (north - south) and 7M CENTRES (east - west) allow ‘wings’ to be open plan and adaptable if community requirements change steel beams support floors comprised of steel deck and concrete slabs

ROOF LIGHTS AND VENTIALTION PRE CAST INSULATED CONCRETE ROOF (constructed in sections) ROOF GARDEN RESIDENTS DECK

SELF SUPPORTING ‘massive’ RAMMED COFFEE WALLS, provide sense of protection and security STEEL FRAMED DRYING TOWER WITH INSULATED STAINLESS STEEL SKIN OPENINGS & inhabitation (not shown) IN RAMMED COFFEE WALL TO BE SUPPORTED WITH CONCRETE LINTELS SELF SUPPORTING RAMMED COFFEE WALLS (TIED TO STEEL FRAMES)

fem - berlin 160

The FEM (free university experimental medicine faculty) is a colossal concrete structure with place for 88,000 test-animals. It is known colloquially as the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Mouse Bunkerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; due to its solid, imposing appearance. Completed in 1980, during the ten years it took to build the original forecast cost of 4 million Deutschmarks had become 126 million. The buildings sloping walls and angualr shapes were highly influential when designing the facade, whilst the exposed and exagerrated service pipes present on both the facade and the roof, inspired the pipework and hoppers on the architectural proposition which aim to highlight the process and possibilities of the waste coffee.

storefront gallery 161

The storefront gallery inspired the idea of the massive coffee walls becoming more than just structure and becoming spaces of inhabitation. Here the gallery walls articulate to create openings and opportunities for relaxing and working, whilst offering glimpses into the gallery space behind.

MATERIAL prototyping

163

â&#x20AC;&#x153;In order to educate man to a new longing, everyday familiar materials must be shown to him with totally unexpected perspectives and in unexpected situations. â&#x20AC;? Alexandre Rodchenko

WHY ‘RAMMED COFFEE’ 164 The buildings industrial process utilises waste coffee grounds to produce Biodiesel. However once the oil has been extracted these coffee grounds once again become waste. This waste could not be ignored and provided the basis for further experimentation. Existing factories suggest low value uses such as composting, however further research highlighted its potential as a higher value design material in projects such as Raul Lauri’s Decafe range of lampshades and interior fittings (See Below).From here I began to experiment with possible combinations and processes which would allow the significant amount of waste material to be utilised - firstly within the buildings construction and later as a ‘valued’ material to which the wider ko-op would have access for further sustainable construction, experimentation and research.

Due to its lightweight, granular nature, I first experimented with materials using the coffee grounds as a substitute for sand (See Overleaf). Within a concrete mixture the addition of the coffee seemed to hamper the chemical curing process, leading to a brittle material. Whilst further experimentation may lead to a more successful outcome the materials appearance and smell was not significantly different to concrete and seemed to lose much of the beauty of the raw coffee, therefore this mixture was discounted. As an additive to a rammed earth mixture, the coffee again replaced the sand. Once again the material created was brittle and whilst a better balanced soil may lead to better results, this could not be guaranteed locally on site in Poland, particularly as there is no earth based vernacular. Therefore as local availability is crucial to the materials sustainable credentials it was discounted. Finally the material was mixed with PVA a thermoplastic, as this was the most readily available additive which would create a ‘plastic’ mix which is otherwise unspecified by the lampshade precedent. The results of the initial testing provided not only a seemingly strong material but also one whose smell and appearance maintained much of the original materials beauty. Therefore this material was taken forward for further testing.

initial experiments 165 coffee crete concrete + water + waste coffee

brittle / weak off grey dull smell

rammed earth water + earth+ waste coffee+ concrete <5%

brittle / weak dull colour dull smell

rammed coffee water + pva+ waste coffee

strong / dark colour / great smell

PROTOTYPING PROCESS 166

167 In order to test the material for both its compressive capabilities and thermal strength, further samples were manufactured in standardised engineered moulds 100mm x 100mm x 100mm to ensure consistency and to allow for any results to be effectively compared against themselves and other ‘known’ materials. In order to better understand the optimum mixture for the material, several different ratios of PVA:WATER were tested: 4:1 1:1 1:2 and 1:4. The first experiments revealed that’s a liquid content (pva:water) amounting to approx. 400ml – 500ml required a similar amount of coffee 400-500 grams to create a ‘stiff’ mix suitable to produce one 100mm x 100mm x 100mm sample. This then became the benchmark with which all test samples were mixed. In order to ensure the coffee weight was consistent across the board, the coffee was weighed once it had been subjected to 48 hours air drying. Each sample mixture was poured into the mould following the standards used for concrete moulds. First the mould was half filled and subjected to 20 tamps followed by top half of the mixture and a further 20 tamps. If required the mould would then be topped up and levelled off, or simply levelled off. The samples were left in their moulds for 2 days and then subjected to 7 days air drying before being tested for both compressive strength and thermal ability.

168

100mm3 To ensure useful results, each ratio was tested 3 times and an average with an average taken across the samples. Each sample was weighed and measured before the test in order to allow a better understanding of discrepancies, these figures along with the individual results are available in the appendix, the averages are shown overleaf. Unfortunately the samples consisting of a 4:1 pva:water ratio could not be tested, due to the significant cracking which occurred during the drying process. Interestingly the samples showed samples with a higher pva:water ratio performed significantly worse than the sample with the greatest water content. Further testing should seek to work around the 1:4 ratio and upwards to discover the optimum ratio.

COMPRESSIVE STRENGTH

UNTESTED

(SEVERE CRACKING)

COMPRESSIVE STRENGTH

2.1KN

COMPRESSIVE STRENGTH

3.7KN

PVA:WATER

4:1

PVA:WATER

1:1

PVA:WATER

1:2

COMPRESSIVE STRENGTH

PVA:WATER

5.0KN

1:4

CALCULATIONS 170

171 Whilst the compressive strength of the coffee and pva samples is relatively low. Calculations (opposite) suggest that the material would be capable of being stacked 90 meters high before failing under its own weight (based on a 100mm x 100mm x 100mm cube). Of course this calculation is limited in that does not take into account the tensile strength of the material, which would certainly be tested under wind loading and other additional stresses. However it is likely that the materials tensile strength could be significantly improved with the addition of fibrous material or reinforcement bars, however this requires additional research and exploration. With expectations also relatively low for the tensile strength of this material, the northern walls â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;pyramidâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; style shape and deep construction not only looks aesthetically pleasing but also provides additional structural stability and allows the material to build walls signifcantly higher than those of a thinner profile.

durability 172

During the drying process the samples containing high ratios of water began to exhibit signs of mould. Clearly as the waste coffee is a natural material and biodegradable, this should come as no surprise, the dampness of the mix and the mild conditions during curing contributing to its growth. However clearly this is not suitable for a building material both for health and structural reasons.

173

Fortunately initial tests using identical mixes and drying conditions but with the addition of a small amount of off the shelf mould killer appeared to solve this issue. Furthermore the industrial process carried out to extract the oil from the waste grounds prior to their use in the context of this project, requires the coffee grounds to be dried thoroughly. It is highly possible that heating the grounds to dry them will also prevent the future growth of mould as the heat sterilises mould spores. However both of these approaches require additional exploration to measure the long term effectiveness and in the case of the chemical additives, health and environmental effects.

174

Additional 100mm x100mm x 100mm samples were made for thermal testing. As before the samples were weighed and measured before testing commenced. The test were conducted using the RK-1 rock sensor thermal probe by Decagon Devices. A hole was drilled into the samples to allow the probe to penetrate fully. To ensure the readings were correct the holes were injected with toothpaste to ensure the probes were in an air tight setting. Previous testing has proven that toothpaste is almost as effective as the far more expensive thermal gels which are used in laboratory conditions. The results show the thermal conductivity of the coffee and PVA was broadly similar across all samples. However with the compression results in mind the 1:4 ratio was considered the benchmark mix and tested at between 0.1 and 0.15w/mk across all 3 samples. Therefore the coffee sample has similar thermal conductivity to concrete.

saMple size: 92MM X 93 MM X 93MM SAMPLE WEIGHT: 581.5 GRAMS

1:4 THERMAL CONDUCTIVITY 0.1 - 0.15 W/mk

COSTING 176 400L

100L

400KG

£103

250L

400KG

£70

160L

320L

400KG

£49.60

(MATERIAL COST ONLY)

177 Based upon the quantity of ingredients required to manufacture the 100mm3 test blocks, rammed coffee is significantly cheaper per square meter than both rammed earth and concrete. This is not suprising as the majority of the material is waste and currently available for free from both coffee shops and instant coffee factories (excluding delivery). If rammed coffee becomes a certified material it is possible that this cost will rise, as both shops and factories begin to realise that waste coffee grounds are not entirely worthless. However this cost is likely to be be relatively low as both of these providers will be making significant savings on refuse collections, whilst any significant increase in cost will reduce the demand for ‘rammed coffee’ and potentially destroy its market potential. Whilst the cost of the coffee is cheaper than both concrete and rammed earth per square meter. Its application must be thoroughly considered in order to ensure this is the case. In the case of this project the materials use is defined by the buildings output, whilst aesthetically its minimal strength and corresponding wall thickness provide a more ‘secure’ environment whilst presenting opportunities for further unexpected inhabitation. If the project context was simply seeking cost effectiveness, concrete may prove to be the more suitable material as its inherent strength would require far less mass, potentially resulting in a lower construction cost.

178

CONCLUSION & future 179 The results show that waste coffee does have some potential as a construction or at the very least a design material. The testing process shows that the material requires only basic skills and labour and its â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;safeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; list of ingredients mean it can be worked with little protection. Whilst itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ease of availability and low economic value further justifies its inclusion as a speculative material in this project. Whilst these tests are not conclusive, hopefully they offer a platform for further exploration. The research highlights several issues which can be explored further. Firstly the curing process and how to ensure a larger percentage of the material is cured quickly. Secondly the relationship between the stages of the curing process and the materials strength. Both of which will allow the material to be far more understood and to be utilised efficiently. Furthermore whilst the coffee and water is relatively sustainable, PVA is not environmentally friendly, therefore it would be useful to research natural resins such as pine resin as a substitute for the PVA. If a more sustainable bonding agent is not effective, further research should also seek to test suitable man made resins to ensure the most effective agent both in terms of cost and results is used. Once these basic issues have been explored, standardised testing for sheer strength, erosion, fire resistance, absorption, vulnerability to vermin amongst others will all need to be carried out in order to understand the true limitations and uses of this material. However if the material should fail any of these tests, the results presented thus far should at least serve as a precedent that failures can be overcome with some additional thought and perseverance.

CONSTRUCTION STRATEGY

181

We start from the particular, not from the totality. We start from the world of misfitting, from the multiplicity of particular rebellions, dignities, cracks, not from the great unified Struggle that simply does not exist, nor from the system of domination. We start from being angry and lost and trying to create something else, because that is where we live, that is where we are. John Holloway: Crack Capitalism

2. steel columns

steel columns bolted to pile foundations

concreteconcrete slab andslab ‘bearand ‘bear pit’ poured pit’ poured

3. internal floors 3. internal floors

site cleared, site cleared, groundworks groundworks undertaken, undertaken, servicesservices preparedprepared & foundations & foundations laid laid

4. roof trusses

arches support centre of truss

6. cast in situ roof

cast in situ roof onto insuated deck

temporary cladding makes the building watertight allowing bio-diesel production to begin

ko-op roof constructed by university in accordance with masterplan ko-op plots used for construction yard to mix and store coffee wall materials (waste coffee from hoppers)

coffee walls constructed by precariat using formwork and manual compaction. openings supported with pre-cast lintels.

east wing constructed

ko - op units develop and plug-in to hoppers to utilise waste coffee

precariat inhabit completed coffee walls

additional storey added

temporary cladding removed and coffee walls tied to steels

sequence explained 190 The construction sequence is based upon the fiancial model ( see architectural proposal). This model requires the production of biodiesel to generate a significant yearly profit in order to reinvest into the community infrastructure. Therefore the first stage - industry - is constructed from steel, allowing the factory to be up and running as quickly as possible. As the factory begins to generate income and of course its own coffee waste, the precariat can begin the intensive task of constructing the rammed coffee walls and the community spaces behind. As this task is in itself labour intensive it is hoped that this will form the first stage of bringing the precariat together as they â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;self buildâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; the coffee walls. Finally once the community spaces are constructed the potential for revolution begins as the precariat have all the tools they need to gather as a strong community and to use the fortress as a place to stand their ground.

fire resistance 191 Fortress Precariat consists primarily of 2 main construction materials. Steel and Rammed coffee. In order to meet Polish fire regulations all steel work and service pipes will be treated with intumescent paint. A single coating of intumescent paint to all structural steel work will deliver 120 minutes of fire protection. As the rammed coffee is still an experimental material, significant testing will be required in order to fully understand its flammability and fire resistance . However one may specualte that whilst waste coffee harbours some flammability (as it is used in coffee logs - see c.h.p page) this is a result of the oil content. In the case of fortress precariat the oil is removed by the industrial process before being reused as a construction material. As a result its flammability should be significantly decreased. The greatest hazard is instead likely to result from its partner ingredient, the thermoplastic binder (PVA). When this is exposed to fire it may well give off toxic fumes, therefore in case of fire the buildings ventilation system must be able to cope with the removal of these fumes, in order to protect the users. The buildings ventilation strategy may already be sufficient, however if this is not the case additional mechanical systems should be installed. Structurally the coffee walls are massive, as a result they should have an inherently high level of fire protection.

cdm 192 To ensure safe construction of the architectural proposition the following CDM regulations must be followed: - ensure that each layer of coffee wall is sufficiently cured before the following layer is constrcuted in order to prevent collapse of deformation. - Utilise cranes and/or heavy lifting machinery to move the steel components into place - wear breathing masks when working with the concrete floors to avoid breathing in cement dust - wear protective eyewear when mixing the rammed coffee materials to prevent splashes damaging the workers eyes. - ensure adequate fall protection when working at heights ( provided by guardrails, safety nets, personal fall arrest systems, positioning device systems and warning line systems ) - ensure appropriate hazard identification is completed prior to construction - ensure all workers wear appropriate protective gear ( hard hats, steel toe cap boots, high visibility jackets) - ensure the footpaths and roads below the construction area are clearly designated and that members of the public are diverted to a safe distance. - Inspect all equipment before use and ensure regular inspections and safety checks are maintained throughout the buildings life.

access 193 The project ensures equal access for all with the provision of lifts to all floors and all internal doorways at 800mm minimum width and external doors at 1000mm width. In addition to this the ground floor entrance and main space is largely level with the exception of the stepped bear pit. In addition induction loop systems will be provided to users hard of hearing in order to aid their participation in public discussions.

TECTONICS

195

“enough depicting..... time to build” Alexandre Rodchenko

196

INTRO 197 This set of drawing covers key construction details for the Fortress Precariat Project. The package takes a detailed look at areas relating to the rammed coffee wall and takes the form of both scale drawings and scale models. The 1:50 fold out section (overleaf) gives an overall picture of the areas study and provides the context to the individual details. Whilst the drawings have been scaled to fit the booklet, full size detailed drawings are available on the tectonics a0 sheet.

SECTION 1:50

ELEVATION 1:50

198 2

1 6

11 8

05 14

02 04

1. VACUUM PUMP 2. HEPA FILTER AND VACCUM NOZZLE 3. WASTE COFFEE HOLD 4. WASTE COFFEE HOPPER 5. COFFEE HOPPER STEEL FRAME CAST INTO RAMMED COFFEE WALL 6. STEEL BEAM 7. SHELTER AND SEATING AREA 8. STEEL TIES BRACE STEEL COLUMNS 9. WASTE COFFEE DISTRIBUTION PIPE 10. PROTECTED RESIDENTIAL UNIT 11. RAMMED COFFEE WALL 12. WASTE COFFEE COLLECTION / DISTRIBUTION PIPE 13. COFFEE DRYING TOWER 14. SERVICES HANGER 15. STEEL COLUMN 16. POLITICAL NEWSPAPER STAND

199

3D MODEL

FOLD-OUT OVERVIEW 1:50@A0

1:20 SECTIONAL MODEL 200

201

FOR DESIGN CONCEPT SEE PAGE 152-153

202

section 1:20 @ model scale

203

01. WALL SHELTER 204

1. PERIMETER DRAIN WITH STEEL GRATE 2. PAVING 3. SAND BLINDING 4. COMPACTED HARDCORE 5. CONCRETE CHANNEL 6. CAST IN COFFEE SEAT 7. CONCRETE BASE 8. REINFORCED CONCRETE FOUNDATION 9. REINFORCED CONCRETE LINTEL (200MM BEARING) 10. RAMMED COFFEE WALL 11. DPC 12. SUBSOIL

6 11 7

2 4

1:20 @ a3

02. STEEL TO WALL 205

5 4

1. STEEL COLUMN 2. 12MM STAINLESS STEEL BOLT 3. 100MM SQUARE ENDPLATE 4. RAMMED COFFEE WALL 5. STEEL BRACING 6. COLUMN FOOTING ( SEE FOOTING DETAIL)

1:20 @ a3

03. BUTTERFLY ROOF 206

4 9

1. INSUL-DECK (EPS RIGID FOAM) 2. INTEGRAL STEEL FURRING 3. SERVICE VOID 4. CONCRETE RE-BAR 5. CAST IN-SITU CONCRETE 6. ALUMINIUM GUTTER 7. CEMENT BOARD FINISH 8. STEEL TRUSS 9. RIGID FOAM INSULATION 10. COFFEE HOPPER (BEHIND)

207

1:5 @ a3

04. FOOTING TO COLUMN 208

209 1. 600MM X 600MM STEEL COLUMN 2. REINFORCED PAD FOUNDATION 3. GROUTING 4. STEEL ANCHOR BOLTS 5. 150MM CONCRETE SLAB 6. 100MM RIGID INSULATION 7. 50MM SAND BLINDING 8. 150MM COMPACTED HARDCORE 9. SUBSOIL 10. REINFORCED CONCRETE FOUNDATION 11. RAMMED COFFEE WALL 12. DPC

1:10@A3

05. TYPICAL FLOOR 210

1. 356 x 171 STEEL BEAM 2. STAINLESS STEEL BALCONY UPRIGHT 3. M10 STAINLESS STEEL ANCHOR BOLTS 4. CAST IN-SITU CONCRETE ON STEEL DECK 5. 150MM RIGID INSULATION 6. 38MM CONCRETE SCREED 7. IMPACT RESISTANT PIRELLI RUBBER FLOOR 8. SERVICES 9. M10 STAINLESS STEEL BOLTS

6 5 4

9 1 8

1:10@A3

211

U - VALUES 212 LAYER

THICKNESS

RAMMED COFFEE

3500

(MM)

CONDUCTIVITY (w/MK)

0.1

RESISTANCE (M2K/W)

35.00

TOTAL RESISTANCE M2K/W

35.18

U-VALUE W/M2K

0.03

CONDUCTIVITY

LAYER

THICKNESS

PLASTER

0.5

0.01

PLASTERBOARD

0.14

0.07

EPS

200

0.037

5.41

CONCRETE

1.4

0.04

(MM)

(w/MK)

RESISTANCE (M2K/W)

TOTAL RESISTANCE M2K/W

5.66

U-VALUE W/M2K

0.18

213 The U value for the coffee wall has been taken at the thinnest point of the northern coffee wall in the main coffee hall. Due to the good thermal properties of the rammed coffee material and the sheer mass of the walls the u values are very low. Unfortuantely the current roof construction requires further insulation to meet UK regulations for new build roof sturctures (0.13), however this should be cross checked with Polish regulations. Therefore this detail should be revised to add a minimum 100mm of insulation additional insulation. This would ensure the roof structure acheived a rating of 0.12, thus meeting requirements.

construction method 214 pre mixed, coffee, water and pva

step 1

layer is compressed with pneumatic tamper

step 2

layers may be visible due to different blends of coffee

next layer added

step 3

step 4

step 5

The method for constructing the rammed coffee walls is based upon rammed earth construction. Formwork will be constructed (see overleaf) and once secure the pre mixed coffee material will be poured into the formwork void. The material will then be compressed with a pneumatic tamper before being followed by a further load of coffee material, with the process repeated. Once the material has had sufficient time to dry vertical timbers the formwork is to be removed. Based on the material testing the coffee wall should be given a further 24 - 48 hours drying time once the formwork has been removed in order to ensure that it is structural sound. It may well be possible to get the material to dried section of coffee produce layers by making each indvidual layer from different sources of waste coffee. wall This is because each shop uses a different roast for their coffee which results in coffee grounds with a darker or lighter shade.This should be explored fully before construction as it could make for a beautiful aesthetic

215 step 1

step 2

step 3

step 4

step 5

vertical timbers

dried section of coffee wall

reinforced plywood frame horizontal fasteners

The formwork used to construct the rammed coffee walls is again derived from the formwork used to construct rammed earth walls. The formwork utilises reinforced plywood shuttering, vertical posts and horizontal ties to create a rigid form that can withstand the pressure of material compression. To remove the formwork the horizontal fasteners are removed and the holes left are plugged with rammed coffee to prevent penetration by unwanted organisms and the elements. Due to the mass of the walls it is likely that the walls will need to be constructed in strips to ensure compression is uniform.

ENVIRONMENTAL STRATEGY

217

â&#x20AC;&#x153;It is horrifying that we have to fight our own governments to save the environment.â&#x20AC;? Ansel Adams

218

INTRO 219 The environmental strategy for Fortress Precariat focuses on both the buildings design and the intricacies of the industrial process. Taking into account, ventilation strategies, lighting and acoustics, as well as heat recovery and waste streams of the industrial process, together with a solution for the buildings heat and power supply.

THERMAL strategy 220 automatic vents control airflow and internal temperature

3 VENTS ON EACH SIDE OF ROOF. EACH VENT 11 SQUARE METERS

AVERAGE JULY TEMP hot air drawn out roof vents

DESIRED INTERNAL TEMPERATURE

AT GROUND LEVEL

fresh air drawn in

SQ M OF ATRIUM: 462M

ATRIUM HEIGHT: 14M

ATURE

LEVEL

STACK HEIGHT (14M) X TEMP DIFFERENCE ( 5째C ) = 28 1.4 1.2 1 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0

100

120

140

STACK HEIGHT X TEMP DIFF

FLOW FOR 1 SQ M OF OPENING = APPROX 0.6 10

100

90 COOLING W PER M2 FLOOR AREA

awn ents

221 FLOW FOR 1SQ M OPENINGS

EACH OF. EACH ARE

THERMAL CALCS

80 70 60

50 40 30

1.5

20 10 0

0.002 0.004 0.006 0.008

0.01

0.012

0.014

0.016

FLOW RATE M3/S PER M2 FLOOR AREA

TOLERABLE TEMPERATURE DIFFERENCE FROM GROUND FLOOR LEVEL TO CEILING IS 6 DEGREES = 42W COOLING PER M2 FLOOR AREA ( SEE ABOVE ) TOTAL INTERNAL GAINS APPROX: 50W/M2 (BIODIESEL PROCESS) = 50W X 96M2 EQUIPMENT = 4800W 175W/M2 SOLAR GAINS (INDIRECT SUNLIGHT) = 175W X 82M2 WINDOWS = 14350W 20 W/M2 LOW ENERGY LIGHTING = 20 X 5M2 = 60W TOTAL = 19210W INTERNAL GAINS 19210 / 462M2 FLOOR SPACE = 41W PER M2

stack ventilation is sufficient for COOLING atrium DURING WARMEST SUMMER MONTHS.

LIGHTING 222

natural daylight is provided to the main hall via roof lights situated along the length of the east and west side of the butterfly roof. Whilst this means the daylight in the hall is not as constant as light from the north, the idea is to create atmosphere in the hall as light streams through and down into the space throughout the day. when daylight is not sufficient to light the hall artificial lighting will be used, with electricity from the C.H.P plant.

ACOUSTIC 223 Perfect acoustics are not crucial within the fortresses hall. In fact a reverberation time of 1-2 seconds will help to create a busy atmosphere as people converstaions may be heard but not distinctively. This will also offer the precariat a sense of security as it will be harder for their personal conversations about politics to be overheard. However when a gathering is required and the converstaion needs to be projected to an audience, speakers secured to the steel frames will be used to convey the speakers voice to the crowd, whilst this is an acoustically imperfect solution it will help to create a more exciting atmosphere and make the political theatre more open and enagaging. However specialist areas such as the library will require careful acoustic consideration in order to provide an atmosphere within which one can concentrate.

224

SUSTAINABLE INDUSTRY 225 As previously mentioned Fortress Precariat processing waste coffee grounds into biodiesel. Not only is the industry utilising a waste product but it also seeks to manage its own waste streams whilst ensuring that the process itself is as sustainable as possible. In order to acheive this, this project has taken into account the waste streams the biodiesel process generates, as well as the heat and cooling requirements of the process, combined with the energy needed to deliver these requirements.

REUSING WASTE 226 Whilst the industrial process itself utilises waste coffee for biodiesel as previously discussed the process itself produces waste. Firstly once the oil has been extracted the coffee grounds once again become waste and will be utilised as a construction material and offered up to the wider ko-op units for further experimentation. The waste coffee is seperated automatically once the oil has been extracted and is distributed to the hopper and elsewhere via a vacuum system. Vacuum pumps will be located in the hopper themselves and then located locally in order to allow a variety of users to draw on the resource. In addition to the waste coffee a further waste stream is created as the oil is refined for biodiesel. This waste is known as glycerin and is easily seperated from the refined oil during the transesterification process. Glycerin makes an excellent fertiliser and as such can be used in the roof garden to provide greater yields for the milk bar.

227 1.1:

waste coffee loaded by ‘coffee’ elevator

1.2:

dried coffee moves to extraction tank by conveyor

2.1

waste grounds removed from process and sent to coffee hoppers for further re-use SUCH AS CONSTRUCTION & C.H.P LOGS

HEAT RECOVERY 228 The biodiesel production process requires a variety of hot and cold processes. Firstly the coffee must be dried, in this case a drying tower is used, heated from the base by hot water pipes. The majority of the heat is provided as part of a closed circuit with top ups from a coffee pellet powered chp plant (see overleaf). The closed circuit draws heat from the extraction stage were the hexane is heated to 68 degrees celcius, once the heat has has been transferred to the tower the cold water is then used to condense the hexane, with the heat from the hexane once again transferred to the water and utilised in the chemical transesterification process. The process then begins again. By transferring heat throughout the processes the heating requirements of the industrial process can be kept to a minimum.

229

2.3:

boil hexane allowing coffee oil to be seperated and hexane to be recovered and resued

1.2:

as heat dissapates the now cold water is used to condense the hexane (2.2)

2.2:

allow hexane to codense and drip through coffee grounds (oil extracted and collected with hexane in tank below)

1.1:

heat (stored in water) from hexane boiling process (2.1) transferred to drying tower

N.B:

ADDITIONAL HEAT PROVIDED BY WATER HEATED BY COFFEE PELLET C.H.P

2.1:

HEAT hexane in tank to BOILING POINT (68 degrees celcius)

3.1:

transesterification adds methanol and hydroxide to coffee oil, splitting fatty chains so its more combustible

3.2:

waste glycerin removed and used for compost and fertiliser on roof garden

4.1:

biodiesel cooled & EXPOSED TO AIR

4.2:

biodiesel ditributed

WASTE TO ENERGY 230 Due to the volume of biodiesel produced daily, the industrial process will be continuous 24/7. This reduces the need for the waste coffee to be stored which would be highly significant in batch production. Due to the process requiring constant heat and power input a C.H.P plant is deemed to be the most efficient method of providing the required input. The C.H.P plant will utilise a steam turbine with fired boiler engine. The fired boiler engine will be fueled by waste coffee logs. These logs are made from waste coffee and a small amount of wax and molasses. This mixture burns cleaner and for longer than wood based pellets and logs, and with the waste coffee being cheap or free, provides a far cheaper source of heat and energy than the traditional methods. Additionally by providing the fortress with its own source of power and heat, It allows the building to be better protected from energy giants and authority intervention, who may otherwise seek to price the fortress out of business or to revoke connections during a revolution.

water

waste coffee logs

COFFEE LOG PROCESS 231

EQUIPMENT 232

233 The industrial process utilises an off the shelf transesterification machine to turn the extracted coffee oil into biodiesel (located above the coffee bar - refer to schematic). as process is complex and requires precise chemical mixtures and temperatures. The Fuelmatic GSX automates the entire process within a compact and highly efficient system. The fuelmatic is delivered as a complete unit and fits snugly within a 40 foot shipping container. With a capacity of 20,000 litres per day the fuelmatic would be running at approx 50% of its full capacity within the current business model, however this offers the opportunity for an increase in production at a later date without further investment or additional space. How the Fuelmatic Works: The feedstock (coffee oil) is heated, then measured into the reaction vessels where methanol and methylate are accurately injected into the flow Once the reaction is complete the mixture of crude biodiesel and crude glycerine is channelled through to the GSX separation unit where the two products are cleanly separated and the glycerine is discharged to storage. (Glycerin is utilised as fertiliser on the roof top garden) The crude biodiesel then passes through the machines purification process where any impurities are removed through an ion exchange process. Finally the residual methanol is recovered for reuse and the resulting biodiesel is automatically discharged to site storage.

CRITICAL APPRAISAL

235

CRITICAL APPRAISAL 238. DESIGN PROCESS 239. COMMUNICATION

design process 236 As previously discussed the design originated from the work carried out in both the Urban strategy and masterplan project entitled ‘Ko-oprekariat’ and the critical essay ‘Precarchitecture’. The idea of territory was borne out of the ko-op zone created for the urban strategy, however the theoretical framework supporting it was further stregthened and developed by the essay and the occupy precedents. This together with the ultimate goal of a united precariat formed a strong basis for the development of this project. The design process began with model making, however it was also by taking an alternative approach to the modern coffee bar that began to lead the projects direction. Modern Coffee bars are designed to be open to the street, with as much visual frontage as possible in order to maximise custom, it was not until the concept of protecting the precariat and providing them with confidence for revolution was explored more thoroughly that the rejection of this approach was realised with the coffee wall. The early concept models explored the idea of mixing industrial elements with the gathering spaces and I feel that this has lead to a clear and successful spatial arrangement which makes the most of the industrial elements for other uses. As my research into coffee waste developed it became clear that its potential as a material was exciting and the development of the coffee waste as a construction has both enriched and informed this project. Its structural qualities have informed the sheer mass of the walls and in turn forced me to think as them as spaces in themselves and led to some of the most exciting elements of the building, in particular the protected accommodation. I feel the project has great depth and I believe this is due to my year long interest in the Pracariat concept which allowed me to understand not only the human perspective but also the issues the precariat face as both individuals and collectively. One of the biggest hurdles this project has presented is the perception of the projects intentions. There has been many discussions as to whether the revolutionary element should be hidden or watered down, however as my research has gone on my belief that we need real change has stirred me into making a project which shouts its intentions from the roof tops - disengagement is so widespread because the majority feel helpless. However I also believe that this project is not just provacative but in fact has a real basis as a project that not only could provide for a precariat community but could be replicated elsewhere in order to deliver a widespread revolution and I sincerely hope that my work has done this fact justice. AT THE VERY LEAST I hope the thought process and built proposition can spark further soul searching by the university and lead to frank discussions about how they may be able to combat the precariat trap which so many of their graduates fall into, because if they do not a whole generation may be lost forever.

communication 237 Throughout the design process, peer and tutor presentations have led to great discussions about this project and have more often than not led to opposite views on how to present this project. As a result of these discussions I became determined to present the project in a way which would not shy away from its political desires. The reason for this is because the most exciting moments of this project came when I was being challenged about what it represented and the discussions that followed. I feel that whether or not one agrees with the ultimate aim of this project, it is these discussions that are the most important non architectural outcome, because it is from here that the viewers own political perceptions are challenged and the real problems the precariat face can be discussed openly. If the political aspect was too deeply â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;hiddenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; behind the architecture then many viewers may miss the real point of this project. However I believe that the architectural elements of this project have still been conveyed successfully and one of the greatest learning curves of this project has been to present architectural imagery in a highly stylistic manner. I believe this has pushed my own design and graphical skills, whilst at the same time allowing me to explore fields outside of architecture. This project has encompassed physical modelling, sketching, computer aided modelling and material testing and I believe that exploring these fields of communication has benefitted me personally but also given this project a depth and richness I would otherwise have found difficult to acheive.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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