PRECAR-CHITECTURE by Andy Hills

prekariat

ariat

prekariat prekariat

ANDREW HILLS

precar-chitecture how can architecture further expand the notion of the precariat as a simulator for change?

contents

1 4-5 FORMALITIES/ ABSTRACT 6-9 INTRODUCTION 10-19 chapter 1 - A RECENT HISTORY

15 -figure 1.1 / UK UNEMPLOYMENT 16 -figure 1.2 / HIDDEN NEGATIVE 17 -figure 1.3 / EU WIDE 18 - figure 1.4 / WORST OFFENDERS

20-27 chapter 2 - THE PRECARIAT

24 - figure 2.1 / WHO ARE THEY? 26 - figure 2.2 / CHARACTERISTICS

28-37 - Chapter 3 - THE POLISH SITUATION

31 - figure 3.1 / ‘RED’ MULTI’S 33 - figure 3.2 / UNEMPLOYED 31 - figure 3.3 / EMIGRATION 33 - figure 3.4 / HIDDEN FIGURES

38-43 - chapter 4 - PRECARIAT PROTEST

42 - figure 4.1

46 - figure 5.01 / INVESTMENT 49 -figure 5.02 / LUXURY UNI 50 -figure 5.03 / CATALYTIC UNI 52 -figure 5.04 / VACANT LAND 53 - figure 5.05 / KEY MOVE 54 -figure 5.06 / TERRITORY 55 -figure 5.07 / SERVICES 57 -figure 5.08 / CO-OPERATIVE 58 - figure 5.09 / HOW TO APPLY 59 -figure 5.10 / SPATIAL RULES 60 -figure 5.11 / OUTCOMES

44-61 - chapter 5 - EXPLORING ARCHITEcTURE AS A SOLUTION

continued

62-69 - chapter 6 - EXPANDING THE NOTION

15 -figure 1.1 / CURRENT SITUATION 16 -figure 1.2 / EXPANDING NOTION

70-73 - CONCLUSION 74-79 - BIBLIOGRAPHY

ko-oprekariat urban strategy by author

title THE FORMALITIES

AUTHOR: ANDREW HILLS STUDENT NUMBER: 232685 MODULE: ARCH 561 - RE-THINKING ARCHITECTURE TUTORS: SANA MURRANI, NIKOLINA BOBIC INSTITUTION: PLYMOUTH UNIVERSITY COURSE: M.ARCH YR2 YEAR: 2014 / 2015

graduation ceremony http://daily.kellogg.edu/2012/05/11/kcc-commencement-ceremony-pics-are-online-now/

abstract 5 As precarious work and life styles have become the unwanted norm for as many as one third of the workforce, unrest and protests are becoming ever more common. Those who suffer this indignity are known as the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;precariatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, yet despite gaining wide spread attention from experts and media outlets since the financial crisis, their voice has failed to find its way into mainstream political policies1. This paper aims to address how architecture can further the concept and assist the precariat to deliver social change. A critical analysis of the current landscape and the precariat situation, forms the platform for the introduction of an architectural proposition developed in response to the precariat concept. The paper highlights how the current debates and expert interventions have so far circumnavigated the precariats greatest problem, their lack of social cohesion due to a fragmented structure2 and outlines how architects and architecture are perfectly positioned to deliver a solution. Ultimately it aims to inspire many more architects to design precar-chitectures with the hope that one day we may reap the social benefits of their success.

1. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class. (London: Bloomsbury, 2011) p1 2. Standing, G The Precariat Charter (London: Bloomsbury, 2013)

INTRODUCTION

cash machine graffiti http://www.banksy-wallpaper.com/banksy-wallpapers/cash-machine-banksy.php

7 Remember all those hours you have worked for free? Whether it was an unpaid internship to get ahead or simply to avoid falling short of expectations during these ‘difficult’ times! Or Maybe...

how you only took that shit 9-5 job as it promised to help you climb the career ladder?, yet after years of rolling contracts you’re still no closer to the next rung and distinctly unfulfilled. Or perhaps...

how you have to reapply for your job every year? even though you have an exemplary record. or maybe...

all those job applications you still haven’t heard back from? despite your education and qualifications..Pick Me! Pick Me...

I’m Tired of it, How about you ? 1

Unemployed, Underemployed, Isolated, Devalued, Precarious ? Well forget what they’ve told you. The problem does not lie with us . Economists and theorists such as Guy Standing are helping us to realise this and it’s about time architects joined the debate, for we have an important role to play. 2

1. ‘The Problem’ AltGen Together we’re stronger n.d <http://www.altgen.org.uk/problem> 2. Ibid 3. Ibid

INTRODUCTION 8 Since the introduction of the neo liberal economic model in economies across the world, everything has been geared towards maximising competition in order to create growth and development4. The market is now held up as a ‘natural force’ beyond contestation from politicians, over fears ‘growth’ may be damaged5. As a result capital has escaped the redistributive model of old, with its social protections and public provisions, resulting in the creation of a highly diverse ‘precariat’, a new class in the making, characterised by a life without stability and little labour based fulfilment6. This group now accounts for close to 30% of the world’s free market labour force7. The precariat concept is still young, but has been developed rigorously by economists, political commentators, theorists and sociologists, resulting in a political escape plan, but no mechanisms with which to connect the two. Therefore this essay aims to address;

how architecture can further expand the notion of the precariat as a simulator for change? To achieve this the essay firstly outlines how this situation has developed, followed by a discussion on the precariat class status and their defining characteristics. Before switching focus to Poland, where the problem is at its most acute, followed by an analysis of the recent precariat protests worldwide. This sets the background for the discussion of an architectural project based in Katowice, southwest Poland recently developed by myself and two colleagues, which attempted to introduce architecture for the precariat and draws upon many of the elements highlighted in the previous 4. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class. (London: Bloomsbury, 2011) p1 5. Massey, D. ‘Vocabularies of the Economy’ in After Neoliberalism: The Kilburn manifesto, ed. By Hall, S. Massey, D and Rustin, M (2013) pp15-17 6. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class. (2011) p1 7. Ibid

9 chapters. Finally the closing chapter attempts to answer the question and outlines future research and is followed by concluding remarks.

CHAPTER 1 PRECARITY - A RECENT HISTORY

GLOSSARY ONS - OFFICE FOR NATIONAL STATISTICS EU - EUROPEAN UNION margaret thatcher http://fleurmach.com/2013/04/10/russell-brand-on-margaret-thatcher/

11 The sensation of precarity is decades old. From the agrarian societies of old to the modern societies of today, the sensation has always been present amongst those on the margins of the economy1. Today the marginal has become the core – across Europe and much of the world a sense of precarity now affects large swathes of the workforce the depth of which will be discussed later. This growth was first recognised, collectively at least, in 1997 during a two-day meeting of European delegates, economists and academics in the French city of Grenoble. For it was here that Pierre Bourdieu, now recognised as an ‘intellectual hero’2 of the precarious proclaimed; “It has clearly emerged, Job insecurity is now everywhere: both in the private and public sector; in industry, but also in the institutions of cultural production and diffusion, education, journalism and the media.3” Bourdieu suggested that the casualisation of employment had stealthily become the ‘new mode of dominance’, forcing workers into submission through a permanent state of insecurity4. So how did it come to this? Well there is no single smoking gun, however a combination of factors has been allowed to gradually gather strength5. One of these factors was the shift from the redistributive economic model known as Fordism. Fordism in its crudest form entailed the political system supporting and fostering mass production in order to produce economic growth, with the assumption that this growth would produce greater 1. Seymour, R. ‘We are all Precarious – on the concept of the precariat and its misuses’.New Left Project, 10 Feb 2012.<http://www.newleftproject.org/index.php/site/article_comments/we_are_all_precarious on_the_concept_of_the_precariat_and_its_misuses> [accessed 20/12/14] 2. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class. (2011) p2. 3. Bourdieu, P. Acts of Resistance: Against the new myths of our time. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998) p82 4.Ibid 5. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class. (2011) p2.

CHAPTER 1 12 inequality. In order to reduce the severity of the inequality the state’s role was to regulate the economy, through taxation, the provision of public services and other methods, in order to redistribute a portion of the wealth resulting from the increase in growth6. This redistributive model dominated much of the industrial world from the 1920’s7, however in the 1970’s and 80’s several political leaders such as Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Regan broke from this model by implementing a series of neoliberal economic policies which sought to reduce the role of the state, instead advocating reduced government spending on public services, extensive economic liberalisation, and free trade agreements in order to enhance the economic role of the private sector8. This step change, in which business forces are far stronger, can operate more aggressively, and with reduced opposition has been described by many political commentators as ‘capitalism with the gloves off’9. As a result of this de-regulation, much of Europe and the U.S entered into a new era of globalisation, whilst the eastern bloc and other communist nations delayed their entry until the fall of their respected governments, the repercussions of which will be discussed later. Those who liberalised their economies created an open market on a global scale. Trebling the available supply of labour almost overnight. One and a half billion workers from the developing countries were now available to the industries of Europe and the United states. Furthermore these workers were 6. Massey, D. ‘Vocabularies of the Economy’ in After Neoliberalism: The Kilburn manifesto, ed. By Hall, S. Massey, D and Rustin, M (2013) <http://www.lwbooks.co.uk/journals/soundings/pdfs/Vocabularies%2 of%20the%20economy.pdf> [accessed 20/12/14] 7. Cairola, E ‘Fordism’ International Labour Organisation - training for workers activities n.d <http://www.ilo org/global/lang--en/index.htm> [accessed 20/12/14] 8. Ibid 9. McChesney, R.W. ‘Noam Chomsky and the struggle against neoliberalism’ Monthly Review, April 1 1999 10. Standing, G. The Precariat the New Dangerous Class [youtubevideo] McCullochs Centre for Global Initiatives, 13 Feb 2012 [accessed 19/12/14] available from: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=w6QXHm8d7vM

13 available for approximately one thirtieth of the cost10. Neoliberal policies had facilitated capital’s desire to escape the demands of first world labour11. Competition between the workers of developed countries, where social insurance and union resistance had developed during the Fordism era, features linked to national territories and history, were now being pitted against the workers of the socially least advanced countries who were easily forced to accept poverty line wages12. Companies seeking to ‘reduce their costs’ were now able to exploit the situation by placing their workers in a permanent state of insecurity with threats or the reality of relocation in order to reduce their costs, as a result resistance could more easily be broken down as ‘economic inevitability’ provided an apparently natural mechanism for the justification of falling wages and reduced social insurances13. After decades of neo liberal policies continued to de-regulate the economic markets and as more countries followed suit, the degree to which the assumption of the markets as a natural force has become so deeply rooted, the fact that it is even an assumption has been lost. The economic was removed from the sphere of political and ideological contestation so completely14 the outcome was almost inevitable – In 2008 the global financial crisis began15. This crash made the economic markets nervous, half a decade later we are still in the process of recovery16. Yet despite the crash, neo-liberal economic

11. Massey, D ‘Vocabularies of the Economy’ (2013) p9 12. Bourdieu, P. Acts of Resistance (1998) pp84 - 85 13. Ibid 14. Massey, D ‘Vocabularies of the Economy’ (2013) pp15-17 15. Unknown ‘The origins of the financial crisis’ The Economist, Sep 7 2013. <http://www.economistcom/ news/schoolsbrief/21584534-effects-financial-crisis-are-still-being-felt-five-years-article> [accessed 20/12/14] 16. Ibid

chapter 1 14 policies still reign supreme and as a result ‘flexible’ work has spread to ever greater depths, as companies seek to offload ever more of the risk onto the workers, by reducing the potential for costly redundancies and social insurances17, as figures 1.1, 1.2, 1.3 and 1.4 show.

17. Duke, S ‘Age of Part timer 200,000 jobs were created last year. Only 3 percent were full time’ The Mail Online, 1 February 2011 http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1352333/Part-time-work-200-000 jobs-created-year-3-cent-time.html [accessed 20/12/14]

FIG 1.1 - uk unemployment 15

Image by Author REFERENCES: Office for National Statistics â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Employment up 115,000 compared with last quarterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; 17 December 2014 < http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/lms/labour-market-statistics/december-2014/sty-labour-market-statistics-december-2014.html> [accessed 20/12/14]

FIG 1.2 - hidden negative 16

Image by Author REFERENCES: TUC. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Only one in every forty nets jobs since the recession is for a full time employeeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. TUC, 12 Nov 2014 <http://www.tuc.org.uk/economic-issues/labour-market-and-economic-reports/only-one-every-forty-netjobs-recession-full-time> [accessed 20/12/14]

FIG 1.3 - eu wide 17

Image by Author REFERENCES: McKay and Others. Study on Precarious Work and Social Rights: Carried out for the European Commission (London: London Metropolitan University 2012) p18

FIG 1.4 - worst offenders 18

Image by Author REFERENCES: McKay and Others. Study on Precarious Work and Social Rights: Carried out for the European Commission (London: London Metropolitan University 2012) p18

CHAPTER 1 19 Whilst not all fixed term and part time positions are precarious, many exploit the opportunity to offer the employee far fewer social and employee rights and are often associated with low pay18, often below those who retain full time positions for work of identical or equal value. Furthermore they facilitate the sense of underemployment amongst those forced to take on ‘part time’ positions in order to survive19. Figures such as these created a surge in interest regarding the precarity of modern labour. Whilst many theorists reached the same inevitable conclusion as Bourdieu a decade earlier, the economist and professor Guy Standing took the concept a stage further, introducing the concept of ‘The Precariat’ in 201120. Standing’s book ‘The Precariat: The new dangerous class’ suggests that those who experience constant precariousness due to a seemingly endless cycle of unstable, poorly paying, low satisfaction ‘junk jobs’ have formed a new section of society - ‘The Precariat’21. Whilst the precariat is not yet a class in the Marxian sense22, Standing argues the precariat possess enough distinctive characteristics to be ‘A class in the Making’23.

18. Ibid 19. Ibid 20. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class 21. Ibid 22. Ibid p.11 23. Ibid p.11

chapter 2 THE PRECARIAT

precariat protests http://edition.cnn.com/2012/05/24/world/americas/mexico-protests/

21 The discussion of the Precariat in class terms is highly controversial1. Critics suggest that the notion of the precariat as a potential class is theoretically incoherent2, especially when viewed from an orthodox Marxist perspective3. Their reasoning lies in the allocation of class characteristics in Marxist philosophy. In this sense classes are determined by a matrix of practices related to the production of goods and capital, including the means of their production and the reproduction of the system as a whole4. Therefore as none of the class characteristics of the precariat bear a direct connection to productive relations and are not fundamental to the reproduction of the system, the theory of the precariat as an emerging class is theoretically incorrect5. In this sense the precariat are simply an element of the working class. Standing however clearly develops his argument beyond the ‘predominantly ‘two class’ system of Marxist theory. Firstly he builds on Andre Gorz’s suggestion that the working class as described by Marxism is dead6. Gorz rejects the Marxist conception of the ownership of the means of production as the source of social oppression. Instead suggesting that a source on the fringes of this relationship was now the principle problem.

1. Standing, G. ‘Response: Misunderstanding the Precariat’. New Left Project, 15 Mar 2012 <http://www newleftproject.org/index.php/site/article_comments/response_misunderstanding_the_precariat> [accessed 21/12/14] 2. Seymour, R. ‘We are all Precarious – on the concept of the precariat and its misuses’. 3. Ibid 4. Marx, K Capital abridged version ed. by Mclellan, D (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999) 5. Seymour, R. ‘We are all Precarious – on the concept of the precariat and its misuses’. 6. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class (2011) p8

chaPTER 2 22 “It is the technology of the factory that imposes a certain technical division of labour, which in turn requires a certain type of subordination, hierarchy and despotism. Thus technology is apparently the matrix and the ultimate cause of everything.7” For Gorz, workers control of production would change nothing. In essence the ownership of production would no longer be enough for the working class to overthrow the oppression of capitalists, leading to his inevitable conclusion, the impotency of the working class8. Whilst not focused on technology as the root cause, Standing based his concept of the precariat upon this belief. “A distinctive notion of the precariat is that much of the exploitation and oppression comes from outside the direct labour relationship.9” Therefore Standing is suggesting a reinterpretation of class, one that reflects the relations of class to the global market of the twenty first century10 and breaks with the predominantly ‘two class’ imagery11. He argues that the ‘Old working Class’ as described by Marx and the romantic socialists of today is too structurally divided by objective factors, developed as a result of the late twenty first century neo liberal global market system to be considered united as a single class12. Instead the concept of the Precariat is based upon the idea that they can be distinguished from the ‘old working class’ by a distinctive set of insecurities, a distinctive structure of social income and a distinctive set of controls over their existence13.

7. Gorz, A. The division of Labour, (Brighton: Harvester Press) 8. Gorz, A Farewell to the working class: An essay on post-industrial socialism. (London: Pluto Press, 1982) 9. Standing, G. ‘Response: Misunderstanding the Precariat’ p2 10. Hardt and Negri. Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000) pp8-11 11, Standing, G. ‘Response: Misunderstanding the Precariat’ p3 12. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class (2011) p8 13. Standing, G. ‘Response: Misunderstanding the Precariat’ p3

23 Firstly the precariat is constructed from a varied demographic consisting primarily of three key groups14, which has led to a lack of social identity (Refer Fig 2.1). The precariats core group tend to be young and well educated. They have come to expect a life of fixed term contracts, and job dissatisfaction, and grow increasingly frustrated by a system they did not create and entirely responsible for their ever increasing insecurity. This group is growing fast, but offer the greatest hope, for their education means unlike those from the old working class they are likely to more readily object to the extremes of populism15. Unfortunately their frustrations coupled with their lack of social cohesion have so far led to widespread political disengagement, because; “As they despair of escape, they hear the politicians and the people say, social mobility! Meritocracy! Yet they know the probability of moving up is low and declining. They are not fooled16” - they do not have a voice within the system. Together with this fragmented ‘membership’ the precariat also lacks a coherent work based identity, upon which social movements before them have built their foundations17. When employed, they are in career-less jobs, with little tradition or social memory despite many ‘requiring’ qualifications or sporting fancy titles. Of course some find the lack of moral and behavioural responsibility refreshing, however for the majority this insecurity creates great discomfort, whilst further fuelling their disengagement18. All the while, high levels of job insecurity mean the precariat have little control over their work based tasks and a distinct lack of opportunities for

14. Standing, G. The Precariat the New Dangerous Class [youtubevideo] 15. Ibid 13:00 16. Ibid 13:30 17. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class. pp20-21 18. Ibid

fig 2.1- who are they? 24

Image by Author REFERENCES: Standing, G. The Precariat the New Dangerous Class [youtubevideo] McCullochs Centre for Global Initiatives, 13 Feb 2012 [accessed 19/12/14] available from: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=w6QXHm8d7vM

CHAPTER 2 25 occupational development. They suffer from underemployment, particularly in regards to over qualification19. They are told they should be grateful, happy and positive be in work, yet they cannot see why20. Employment security is also no exception. The neo-liberal market has made it easier for companies to hire workers on precarious contracts, with little protection from dismissal. Therefore many in the precariat, are also expected to work increasing hours for no reward, in order to avoid falling short of expectations, or to try in vain to move towards a more stable position. The pressure to labour intensively has significantly reduced their access to ‘tertiary’ time, especially amongst those who must take on several jobs at a time in order to manage their risk, or to make ends meet21 (Refer Fig 2.2). Without both social identity and work-based identity the precariat have little access to community benefits, which traditionally provided support during moments of need, whilst the diminishing state benefit system encourages the precariat to blame themselves for their predicament22. As a result the precariat income is often irregular, and they suffer from great inequalities when compared to those further up the social ladder23 who reap an ‘array of enterprise and additional state benefits’24.

19. Ibid 20.Ibid p.35 21. Standing, G. The Precariat the New Dangerous Class [youtubevideo] 22. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class. pp20-21 23. Ibid 24. Ibid

fig 2.2 - characteristics 26

Image by Author REFERENCES: Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class. pp20-21

CHAPTER 2 27 Despite this the precariat is not an ‘underclass’, they are ‘wanted’ by and ‘necessary’ to the neo-liberal economic model25. Therefore Standing believes the precariat must become enough of a class in itself in order to seek ways of abolishing itself. It is this that makes it truly transformative and unlike any other class26. However in order to achieve this it must first achieve a common conscience.

25. Standing, G. The Precariat the New Dangerous Class [youtubevideo] 26. Weir, S ‘Review: The Precariat Charter, Building an alternative’, Our Kingdom power and liberty in great Britain, 16 May 2014 <https://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/stuart-weir/review-precariat charter-building-alternative> [accessed 21/12/14]

chapter 3 the polish situation

GLOSSARY gdp - gross domestic product gm - general motors lech WaĹ&#x201A;Ä&#x2122;sa http://www.local-life.com/gdansk/articles/solidarity

29 In 1989, General Wojciech Jaruzelski presided over the final days of the communist regime in Poland1. Upon revolution, the New Solidarity party led by Lech Wałęsa aimed to lead Poland’s economy through a transition, from a communist model into one of capitalism. This transition was delivered through the Balcerowicz plan, named after its author, Finance Minister Leszek Blacerowicz2. The plan aimed to introduce a neo liberal market economy, which until now had been largely alien to the political, social, and historic situation of Poland3. To achieve this the plan advocated rapid change known as economic shock therapy. For the West the transition signified the victory of capitalism over its sclerotic competitor4 and signalled the reintegration of the communist east back into the global capitalist fold5. Unsurprisingly western governments were fully behind the move and enthused about how straightforward the transition could be. However it was also supported by academics, participants and activists across much of eastern central Europe6. The plan was therefore easily legitimised through an appeal to the ‘logic’ of the free market, the three zatzijas: privitizacija, liberizacija and demokratizacijas (privatisation, liberalisation and democratisation)7. 1. Pick, H ‘General Wojciech Jaruzelski obituary’, Guardian Online 25 May 2014, World News section <http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/may/25/general-wojciech-jaruzelski> [accessed 23/12/14] 2. Balcerowicz, L. Socialism, Capitalism, Transformation ( Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995) 3. Ibid 4. Shields, S. The international political economy of transition (London: Routledge, 2012) p3 5. Shields, S. ‘Too much Shock, not enough therapy: Transnational capital and the social implications of Polands ongoing transition to a market’ Competition and Change Vo11 No. 2 June 2007 p146 <https:/ www.academia.edu/149041/Double_the_Shock_with_half_the_Therapy_Transnational_capital_class configuration_and_the_social_implications_of_Poland_s_ongoing_transition_to_a_market_economy> [accessed 23/12/14] 6. Shields, S. The international political economy of transition (2012) p3 7. Shields, S. The international political economy of transition (2012) p3 - 5

chapter 3 30 Poland’s dealings with capitalist markets had however been in existence for some time as figure 3.1 shows. Not only did this allow the transition to begin more easily but it also resulted in unforeseen consequences, the greatest of which was the failure to create greater competition and de-monopolisation of state owned industries, instead privatisation was allowed to perpetuate a market of domination and concentration8. Of course this was not simply a result of the ‘red’ multinationals but also the foreign multinationals who were enticed by government schemes of the 1990’s, which encouraged direct foreign investment (refer figure 3.1). Today Fiat and GM now dominate the auto sector in Poland after acquiring exclusive duty-free imports as a condition for investing in the country9. The government capitalised on the relative low cost of its labour force, and sought to keep it that way by breaking the resistance of the working class. This was achieved through macroeconomic stabilisation policies, involving the destruction of savings, mass redundancies, brutal reductions in real wage levels, non-payment of wages and loss of job related welfare entitlements. Whilst the compliance of the country’s two main unions (Solidarity and OPZ) in implementing these neoliberal strategies, ensured the working classes had little capacity to strike10.

8. Ibid p144 9. Gowan, P ‘Neo-liberal theory and practice for Eastern Europe’ New Left Review Sept 1995 <http:/ newleftreview.org/I/213/peter-gowan-neo-liberal-theory-and-practice-for-eastern-europe> [accessed 23/12/14] pp3-60 10. Shields, S. ‘Too much Shock, not enough therapy p144

fig 3.1 - ‘red’ multi’s 31

Image by Author REFERENCES: Sklair, L. The transnational capitalist class (London: Wiley, 2001) p225 Shields, S. ‘Too much Shock, not enough therapy p144

chapter 3 32 Therefore whilst the transition has been a ‘success’ for foreign and soviet era capitalists, the impact of the transition for many Poles has been severe social hardship11. Despite increased access to goods and services, unemployment has been a constant issue as figure 3.2 shows. As a result Poland ranks amongst the worst European countries for social insurance, recording some of the lowest figures as a percentage of GDP12. Poland’s admission to the European Union in 2004 has also created many problems. Today emigration is at an all-time high, with over two million poles now residing abroad permanently (refer figure 3.3). Many of these migrants have degree level qualifications or higher, a result of the states continuing commitment to funding university education. Unfortunately upon graduating the struggle to find well paid, rewarding and secure work often makes the grass seem far greener on foreign shores13 (refer figure 3.4).

11. Shields, S. ‘Too much Shock, not enough therapy p147 12. ZUS, Social insurance in Poland: Information and facts. (Warsaw: ZUS, 2009) 13. G.C. ‘Polands emigration headache’ The Economist, November 5 2013. <http://www.economist.com blogs/easternapproaches/2013/11/poland-and-eu> [accessed 23/12/14]

fig 3.2 - unemployed 33

poland 2014

Image by Author REFERENCES: Shields, S. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Too much Shock, not enough therapy pp.147-9

fig 3.3 - emigration 34

Poland

age 25-35 - 10.6% Emigrate 2.13million poles live abroad

Image by Author REFERENCES: G.C. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Polands emigration headacheâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; The Economist, November 5 2013. <http://www.economist.com/ blogs/easternapproaches/2013/11/poland-and-eu> [accessed 23/12/14]

fig 3.4 - hidden figures 35

junk jobs 85% of under 24 katowice unemployed 10% (see chapter 5)

silesia unemployed 5%

junk jobs 65% of under 30

(see chapter 5)

unemployed graduates 25%

polish junk jobs 30%

CHAPTER 3 36 As a result Poland is facing a social crisis. The Precariat is growing, whilst many poles look abroad for better opportunities. In turn the remaining population continues to age, leaving the countries pension system in danger of collapse14. Despite this the current government led by Donald Tusk, insists any diversion from neoliberal policies will hurt the economy15. Therefore rather than relinquishing its control over the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy throughout the last 15 years the Polish states control over the economy has like so many others, simply been reconstituted in favour of neoliberal economics which support globalisation and the values of the free market to the detriment of those who labour16. Crucially however, the communist spirit has not been totally extinguished. Many Poles residing in the remnants of state supported institutions, and old industrial communities still believe in the power of greater social equality, and whilst they do not wish to return to the communism of old they recognise the benefits a level of economic redistribution may bring17.

14. Ibid 15. Ibid 16. Shields, S. The international political economy of transition (London: Routledge, 2012) p134 17. Ibid

leszek balcerowicz author of the balcerowicz plan http://adamwalanus.pl/balcerowicz95html

chapter 4

title

the precariat protest

Recent graduates are a key group of the precariat. Graduates have always expected a certain period of precariousness, however the depth of neo-liberal economic policies forces them towards jobs, with little or no prospects and poor job satisfaction1. In turn their capacity for leisure is severely reduced, whilst pressure on their finances means accommodation is often short term or insecure. Despite a growing numbers of graduates in the precariat, they continue to find it difficult to form a collective association or political representative willing to address their concerns2. 1. Standing, G The Precariat a new dangerous class p112-113 2. ibid p220 http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/occupy-wall-st-1-year-anniversary-protest-gallery

occupy new york

39 As the precariat continues to grow in Poland and across the continents of Europe and the wider world, it has also begun to stir. Throughout the early 2000’s the EuroMayDay marches were successfully ‘hijacked’ from the ‘old unions’ by precarious youths. Beginning with just 5000 students and young social activists in Milan on the 1st May 2001, the number in their ranks had grown ten fold and spread across Western Europe by May 20051. However these annual demonstrations made few ripples globally and ‘even their most enthusiastic protagonists would admit that the demonstrations were more theatre than threat’2. In essence these initial marches amounted to what Hobsbawm described as the initial stages of ‘social banditry’; “A universal and unchanging phenomenon, (social banditry) is little more than endemic protest against oppression and poverty a cry for vengeance on the rich and the oppressors a vague dream of some curb upon them, a righting of individual wrongs.3” However these marches and acts of protest later became epidemic4; in 2011 discontent across the world was rife. Austerity was permeating everywhere, as the effects of the global financial crisis continued to be felt, whilst the uprisings in many arab nations appeared to spell the end of dictatorships and the triumph of democracy5 - Society knew no better means of self defence than increasing acts of social banditry during a period of abnormal tension and disruption6. 1. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class (2011) p4 2. Ibid 3. Hobsbawm, E, J. Primitive Rebels: Studies in forms of social movement in the 19th and 20th centuries ( Manchester: University Press, 1959 ) p5 4. Ibid 5. Campbell, S, Dr. ‘Does the Occupy Movement have a future? Lessons from History’ History Hub, n.d <http://historyhub.ie/does-the-occupy-movement-have-a-future> [accessed 29/12/14]

chapter 4 40 One such act was the occupation of New York’s Wall Street by the ‘Occupy movement’ in September 20117. This symbolic representation of discontent quickly spread to cities across the world and by November the movement had a presence in 951 cities in 82 countries8 (physical and virtual). However ‘primitive rebels’ made up the ‘mob’9. Its precariat actors were still largely ‘primitive’ in the ‘pre-political’ sense, so had yet to find or had only just begun to find a specific language in which to express their aspirations, as a result Occupy had no precise demands10, centering around what it was against rather than what wanted11. Its impact ‘spiked’ during the periods of disruption but largely failed to impact at a political level over the longer term12. Whilst some may argue that this was a deliberate tactic, in order to avoid submission to the prevailing political language13, there is no doubt that this lack of articulation created a lack of understanding and led many to lose interest in the collective action. As Sidney Tarrow points out social movements that fail to enter into politics quickly decline and fizzle out once repression and routine once again take hold14. Whilst some smaller offshoots of Occupy have since taken the step into politics and achieved minor success, such as Spain’s Podemos party. Much of the precarious movements momentum has indeed been lost since 2011. 6. Hobsbawm, E, J. Primitive Rebels (1959) p5 7. Occupy. ‘Background and Timeline’ Occupy Together, n.d <http://www.occupytogether.org aboutoccupy/> [accessed 29/12/14] 8. Campbell, S, Dr. ‘Does the Occupy movement have a future’ 9. Hobsbawm, E,J. Primitive Rebels (1959) pp4-7 10. Campbell, S, Dr. ‘Does the Occupy movement have a future’ 11. Standing, G. ‘The Precariat and class struggle’ Guy Standing, May 2014 <http://www.guystanding.com files/documents/Precariat_and_class_struggle_final_English.pdf> [accessed 29/12/14] 12 Townsend, L ‘The resonance of Occupy’ BBC News and Magazine, 24 November 2014 <http://www bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-30176406> [accessed 29/12/14] 13. Mitchell, W,JT, Harcourt, B, E, Taussig, M. Occupy: Three inquiries in disobedience. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013) p39 14. Tarrow, S. Power in Movement: social movements in contentious politics (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998) p4

41 The Occupy camps were deliberately placed upon the doorsteps of their foe, on the squares and parks outside financial districts and centres of corporations across the world to create maximum disruption. These ‘public spaces’ were of course, as always; already ‘preoccupied’ by the state and the police, meaning the reality of eviction was ever present15. Occupy commentators have since described the constant ‘nervous wait’ for the inevitable ‘rush from the blue and white cars and vans’, which surrounded them during the occupations16. Unlike the proletariat of old who resided within long established communities and had the ability to control production through their labour17, Occupy and other precarious movements had little semblance of territory and control. As a result Occupy was forcibly shut down in every city worldwide and had little effect on output18 (refer figure 4.1). Many theorists argue that the establishment of a secure territorial base gives particular strength to movements because it offers both greater opportunities for negation and creation19, whilst also allowing its actors the chance to establish long-term projects20. Therefore Occupy’s failure to secure their longterm presence within physical territories was also a crucial contributing factor in determining their political impotence, as a coherent collective conscience was unable to fully develop overtime amongst their pre-political actors.

15. Mitchell, W,JT, Harcourt, B, E, Taussig, M. Occupy (2013) p70 16. Ibid p12 17. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class (2011) pp3-4 18. Mitchell, W,JT, Harcourt, B, E, Taussig, M. Occupy (2013) p79 19. Holloway, J. Crack Capitalism (London: Pluto Press, 2011) p27 20. Zibechi, R. Territories in Resistance: Political Cartography on the urban latin American periphery. (Edinburgh: Akpress, 2008) p25.

fig 4.1 - occupy st paul’s 42

28TH FEB 2012

POLICE AND BAILIFFS CLEAR THE SITE AFTER COURT PROCEEDINGS RULE IN THE CHURCHES FAVOUR

St. Pauls, london

26TH OCT 2011

BISHOP OF LONDON CALLS ON PROTESTERS TO LEAVE

16TH OCT 2011 15TH OCT 2011

OCCUPY PROTESTS BEGIN IN THE SQUARE IN FRONT OF ST PAULS CATHEDRAL ( CHURCH OWNED)

SOME MEMBERS OF CLERGY INITIALLY SUPPORT THE PROTESTS

Image by Author REFERENCES: Townsend, L ‘The resonance of Occupy’ BBC News and Magazine, 24 November 2014 <http://www.bbc. co.uk/news/magazine-30176406> [accessed 29/12/14]

chapter 4 43 Of course territory as a facilitator of social movements can also be problematic, if taken by force and protected by military tactics it can exclude others from joining, remove those who do not belong or become closed off to the outside world. Or if the territory claimed is far flung like the desert or the prairie the temptation to abandon the world and seek simply to â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;traverse this vale of tears until liberated by deathâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; may ultimately result in the loss of the very revolutionary and reformist spirit which required such action21. If the precariat and their associated movements manage to identify and capture theirs in future, it must be handled with care.

21. Hobsbawm, E,J. Primitive Rebels (1959) p12

chapter 5

exploring architecture as a solution

GLOSSARY UOS - UNIVERSITY OF SILESIA university of silesia aerial view University masterplan documentation

45 Based primarily in the centre of the city of Katowice, Southwest Poland, The University of Silesia (UoS) is one of the largest higher education institutions in Europe1. The University is developing fast, supported by the state, the European Union and private investors2. The city itself is undergoing a postindustrial transition. Katowice was once the center of Silesia’s coal mining industry, and whilst the industry is still a key player in the regions development, the city’s most central coal mines have long since ceased production. Whilst the city is attracting large scale investments both from the European Union and the private sector and has recently completed a number of significant buildings such as a large philharmonic theatre, the city is not immune to the wider social issues of Poland as previously discussed in chapter 3, with up to 30% of the city’s population part of the precariat3. Together with the city, the university has also been investing in the built environment, recently completing the construction of the city’s latest landmark in the heart of its city centre campus, the seventy nine million zloty Ciniba library4. This investment signaled the start of a comprehensive master plan developed in partnership with the city, totaling a further three hundred million zloty and focusing on the construction of student accommodation, university faculties and sports facilities (refer figure 5.01).

1. Banys, W. ‘The University of Silesia’ University Of Silesia in Katowice, n.d <http://english.us.edu.pl university-silesia> [accessed 31/12/14] 2. Ibid 3. Kozek, B ‘Precariats World’ Green European Journal, 13 December 2012 <http://www. greeneuropeanjournal.eu/precariats-world/> [accessed 23/12/14] 4. ‘The Ciniba Project’ Ciniba Library, n.d http://projekt.ciniba.edu.pl/en/ [accessed 07/01/14]

University fig anticipated title 5.01 - investment job prospects of silesia 46

pln million public-private partnership

200

pln million partially eu funded

parking

biotechnology

dorm dorm

radio & TV

sports complex philology

dorm

pln million public-private partnership

pln million co-funded from national budget

130

pln million public-private partnership

Image by Author REFERENCES: Data Gathered by author during 10 Day study trip.

chapter 5 47 However with the University aiming to; “keep abreast of developments in all areas of study and life, in order to meet the challenges of a changing reality”5, together with the strong social conscience of its chief representatives, there have been many misgivings relating to the long-term social outcomes of the current plan. As a result The University of Silesia has sought analysis and suggestions from the University of Plymouth, M.Arch (master of architecture) program, with myself, Adam Duffill and Alex Horton-Howe one of a number of teams tasked with developing an alternative proposal. Our project began with a 10 day study trip, and included meetings and workshops with University representatives, students, local politicians, the public and residents of Katowice. Drawing on this initial research the resulting urban strategy and master plan developed over the following three months. The resulting project aimed to address the precariat problem at a city scale, facilitating their progressive potential by capitalising on the university’s position as a socially sympathetic, financially powerful and asset rich institution, in order to provide a ‘secure’ territory6 for this “class in the making”7. Allowing them time to form a collective consciousness, whilst acting out and realising an alternative future. Our analysis of the current proposal began by searching for cracks. Not in order to support the rejection of the current plan, but to exploit overlooked opportunities within it. Allowing us to create an alternative from within the existing political and economic context8, for the goal of the precariat is not to demolish the entire system, but to repair its rotten structure.

5. Ibid 6. Zibechi, R. Territories in Resistance (2008) p25 7. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new Dangerous Class (2011) 8. Holloway, J. Crack Capitalism (2011) pp8-10

chapter 5 48 “The global protest movement does not resemble the Communist movement, which declared that the world had to be overturned according to its viewpoint. This is not an ideological revolution. It is driven by an authentic desire to get what you need. From this point of view, the present generation is not asking governments to disappear but to change the way they deal with people’s needs.9” We concluded that the current investment strategy’s greatest social failure was a result of it following the ‘luxury university’ model (refer figure 5.02). Highly associated with the implementation of fee led education in the UK and U.S the ‘luxury model’ is designed to attract and compete for ever more students through fancy accommodation and sparkling faculties, whilst simultaneously ignoring the long-term fate of students upon their graduation. A fate which will likely result in many becoming simply another member of the precariat. Creating instead a continuous production line of ‘improved human capital’ for the ruthless neo-liberal labour market10. Therefore we sought to adapt the investment strategy in order to facilitate the possibility of a more progressive outcome for the University’s graduates (future precariat), whilst preserving much of the investments necessary to improve the universities dated facilities. (refer fig 5.03)

9. Hessel, S ‘Indignez Vous’, 2012 http://indignez-vous-indignacion.blogspot.co.uk/p/english.html [accessed 07/01/14] 10. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new Dangerous Class (2011) pp115-23

fig 5.02 - luxury uni 49 private investors

accommodation

“Luxury University”

sports

facilities

EU & State

NOBODY CARES

Image by Author REFERENCES: Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class (2011) pp115-23

fig 5.03 - catalytic uni 50 potential students

catalytic university ko-op

â&#x20AC;&#x153;we careâ&#x20AC;? city & cities prekariat

Image by Author REFERENCES: Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class (2011) pp115-23

future change?

chapter 5 51 According to the current plan new student accommodation blocks were to be developed within the boundaries of the UoS Katowice campus by private investors in partnership with the university for one hundred million zloty. Our strategy suggested the relocation of these student accommodation blocks to some of the many large and empty development sites located just a few hundred meters outside the existing UoS campus boundaries. By purchasing the sites in advance the university could then sell/lease them to private investors, wishing to profit from the accommodation development. Not only would this provide part of the required infrastructure for students during their studies, but would also free up capital, whilst generating a short term return on investment, or an ongoing income stream which could be used to fund the development of our alternative proposal (refer figures 5.04, 5.05). This approach also provided space for a physical realization of the alternative within the existing boundaries of the university campus. Space within land owned by the university and often directly connected to the institution itself. This allowed the possibility of a precariat territory11 (refer figure 5.06), within which they could operate autonomously but also be provided with a framework of support and protection from a receptive and socially minded institution. The project suggested this support may include the provision of initial infrastructure, such as services and shared spaces, (refer figures 5.07) together with financial support, in terms of below market rate rents / charges and guidance from university professors, departments and students. This powerful combination could provide a long-term platform, allowing the precariat community to evolve from â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;primitive rebelsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;12 to a political force, whilst acting out an alternative future that would inform and strengthen their future policies.

11. Zibechi, R. Territories in Resistance (2008) p25 12. Hobsbawm, E,J. Primitive Rebels (1959) pp4-7

fig 5.04 - vacant land 52

university campus

L E B

vacant plots vacant/semi-vacant buildings

Image by Author REFERENCES: Data Gathered by author during 10 Day study trip.

fig 5.05 - key move 53 university acquires land outside of boundary

university of silesia sold with planning permission for student accomodation

land leased to developers

developers build student accommodation

profits go to ko-operative

ko-op

Image by Author

FIG 5.06 - territory 54 offers protection from ‘removal’ or ‘destruction’ tactics by authorities gathering is not fragmented control rental prices of accommodation

A long term vision

univ nd

d la

wne

ty o

ersi

ko-op zone

control rental prices of cooperative spaces protection from current neoliberal model

Image by Author

failure is not marginalised university can participate

fig 5.07 - services 55

GAS ter wa ower P i-fi w

Image by Author

UNIVERSITY

chapter 5 56 Finally the project suggested both a shared spatial framework and administrative (co-operative) structure. As a result suitable plots for precariat activity within the aforementioned territory were initially outlined by the design team. In order to achieve ownership of a plot, individual precariat actors would be required to join a wider precariat co-operative (refer figure 5.08, 5.09), whereby plots would be allocated to members via a framework of rules (refer figure 5.10, 5.11). This multi-layered approach aimed to generate increased co-operation and participation between the otherwise fragmented precariat actors, whilst ensuring equality across all possible levels. Whilst many of the projects intricacies are site specific and would vary considerably from one city or country to another, we believe the project highlights several key moves that have considerable opportunity for general application within the context of the precariat concept.

fig 5.08 - CO-OPERATIVE 57 ko-op vote to accept new members members responsible for shared spaces

all members free to contribute to meetings

flat hierarchy

everyone is valued

1 member = 1 vote collective decisions

Image by Author

FIG 5.09 - HOW TO APPLY 58 anonymous application

application in a variety of formats application unsuccessful can reapply at a later date

questions on skills, interests, living situation & rent and employment status

ko-op vote

split vote

joins ko-op

Image by Author

applicant presents in person

SPLIT VOTE

APPLICANT MAY PRESENT IN PERSO BEFORE A RE-VOTE

FIG 5.10 - SPATIAL RULES 59

ST (HY OREYS BRID PE ST /MU RMIT (SINOREYS LTIP TED GLE PER LE k KO- MIT O-O OP) TED P) PLO TS A LLO CAT ED PER SON S

potential to build upward and costs shared

1 2 3 4-8 8-16

Image by Author

FIG 5.11 - OUTCOMES 60 medium spatial requirements

small spatial requirements musicians

micro-brewery

MUSICIANS

web based retail LABORATORY

creatives research lab mechanics

art workshop cafĂŠ large spatial requirements

Image by Author

visualisation of built project by author

CHAPTER 6 the precariat

exPANDING THE NOTION

1. current class structure 2. a hidden statistic 3. precariat characteristics 4. who are the precariat? GLOSSARY 5. living at home UOS - UNIVERSITY OF SILESIA 6. living at home changes riba - royal institute of british architects Precar-chitecture â&#x20AC;&#x201C; a combination of precariat and architecture meaning architecture which seeks to assist THE precariat struggle (see chapter 5). ko-oprekariat urban strategy by author

63 Solutions to the precariat concept are so far based upon political policies. Following his initial book, The Precariat: The new dangerous class, author Guy Standing has since released a follow up entitled The Precariat Charter. The book contains a twenty nine article charter, outlining broad political and economic policies he believes the precariat must implement in order for them to achieve the ‘great trinity of freedom, fraternity and equality’1. Whilst he later summarises that the precariats acts of primitive rebellion have lifted spirits and their growing numbers now mean the establishments can no longer deny their existence, his final words preceding the charter and with reference to its implementation speaks volumes; “The Big question is: Where is the agency to give it strength2” Therefore whilst Standing once again reinforces the call to arms with his prose and provides a solid framework for political policy on which the precariat can build, he alludes to the fact that as yet, it fails to provide any real mechanisms with which they can bridge the gap (refer figure 6.1).

1. Standing, G. The Precariat Charter (London: Bloomsbury, 2013) p150 2. Ibid

fig 6.1 - current situation 64

Image by Author

chapter 6 65 Of course, as an expert in economics and economic policy, Standing has focused his skills in areas where they can best be utilised. However as outlined in the previous chapter when considered from another perspective, such as architecture these mechanisms may be realised. Why should architects care? Because they too are becoming part of the precariat. In the UK the Neo-liberal policies have seen professional guilds such as the RIBA become ever more impotent, in terms of their ability to provide mechanisms of social and occupational protection for its members3. For example the removal of the architects fee scale, by the monopolies and mergers commission under the guise of ‘free market competition’ has led to ever decreasing fees for architects4. As architects must now compete to offer the ‘cheapest price’ in a market where anyone is allowed to ‘design’ a building, rather than being judged on their skills and ability in comparison with their peers5. As a result of such policies; “The great professions such as teaching, law, accountancy, engineering, medicine and architecture have been restructured with elites, salariat, proficians, core workers and a precariat, with a proliferation of auxillaries, adjuncts and assistant titles that symbolise inferiority and stunted mobility. Intra- occupational inequalities have grown, as have inter-occupational inequalities, with benefits and privileges for the elites and salariats, and low insecure wages for the precariat tracks.6”

3. Ibid p177 4. Fulcher, M ‘The Thatcher Years: Architects reflect on the legacy of the Iron Lady’ Architects Journal 11 April 2013 < http://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/daily-news/the-thatcher-years-architects-reflecton-the-legacy-of-the-iron-lady/8646400.article> [accessed 07/01/14] 5. Ibid 6. Standing, G. The Precariat Charter (London: Bloomsbury, 2013) p191

chapter 6 66 With structures such as these now dominating architectural practice following increasing pressures on firms to stay afloat against a backdrop of falling revenue, those who wish to enter the profession or wish to climb it, struggle to obtain basic economic rights7. As what remains of the professions occupational governance8, forces those who wish to obtain charter ship to work for years after the completion of their education within an ‘authorised firm’9. Firms who are now increasingly willing to take advantage of their situation by offering low wages, and long hours, in order to reduce their own risk. As a young aspiring architect, I am living it, as are my colleagues. In 2010 looking for ‘experience’ between university terms, I was offered 2 months full time work on expenses only. Like so many others I took it, with the hope of obtaining a job after my studies. The job offer came… but with the caveat of another 3 months on expenses before I would be ‘lucky enough’ to receive a 12 month contract on a reduced wage of 80% due to the ‘uncertain economic climate’. Worse still a Greek colleague seeking experience, provided the majority of his living by selling fish caught daily before work on an early morning spearfishing expeditions, despite working full time as an architect’s assistant. Unfortunately young architects, like; “Most in the precariat have dreams of what they wish to do by way of work and labour. They just cannot realise anything like those dreams, and do not have the institutions to do so.10”

7. Ibid pp194-195 8. Ibid 9. Ibid 10. Ibid p177

67 Crucially architects possess the ability to facilitate institutional collaboration with the precariat. Our clients such as universities and public authorities often own large or multiple sites, they may control key resources and provide specialised skillsets and knowledge. Of course not all institutions will be as socially sympathetic as the UoS, but it is by searching for cracks and by fully understanding the precariat situation, our situation, that we may create opportunities within the briefs of these institutions to design outcomes and support networks for the precariat. By implementing â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;precar-chitectureâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; across a number of projects, from tiny to sprawling, both locally and across the world, over time we may be able to go beyond building icons and instead facilitate social change by offering territories, support and alternative ways of doing to the precariat. With the ultimate aim of assisting the bonding process between fragmented precariat actors allowing them to build the strength to utilise, develop and implement the political framework that awaits them (refer figure 6.2), whilst demonstrating that alternatives are achievable and sustainable. Future research must involve the wider architectural community. Competitions could be introduced, with designs deliberately tendered toward precarchitecture, linked where possible to socially sympathetic clients requiring built outcomes. Not only would this help expand upon the initial design strategy and spatial solutions outlined in chapter 5, but could culminate in the publication of a precar-chitecture compendium, pushing the precariat concept further into the public sphere, whilst achieving projects on the ground.

fig 6.2 - expanded notion 68

Image by Author

chapter 6 69 At an occupational level the RIBA could certainly carry out greater research into how best to assist, but more importantly protect those entering the profession. One such solution would be to develop an improved pedagogical approach, with a greater focus on the rights and protection mechanisms available to young architects, particularly during the education process, but also throughout their careers. Another would be to research ways in which young architects may achieve far greater representation in decision making policies, both at practice and institutional level, so that they may deliver true progressive change. If this does not sit well, then perhaps we young architects must strive to set up our own, to ensure our voices and our plight is no longer ignored.

conclusion

GLOSSARY Precar-chitecture â&#x20AC;&#x201C; a combination of precariat and architecture meaning architecture which seeks to assist THE precariat struggle (see chapter 5). masterplan model by author

71 The introduction of the neo liberal economic model in the 1970’s and the decades since has created a global proliferation of precarious work and lives filled with instability1. Those affected no longer make up the periphery of society, instead they are quickly becoming its greatest mass2. Whilst some experts wish to linger and joust over the technicalities of the precariats class status, the characteristics of this social group undoubtedly exist and are clear for all to see. Whilst the precariat represents a global problem, the delay and seismic shift from communism to capitalism and the resulting adoption of the neo liberal free market model has intensified the situation in countries such as Poland. Unfortunately as the precariat stirs worldwide the failings of its ‘primitive’ rebels have been clear to see. So far their choice of territory has been provocative but unsustainable, as anger and sense of what they are against prevail. ‘They do not yet know where they want to go’3 and are incapable of retaining a foothold long enough to find out. Experts have drafted a political escape plan, as a result the precariat now have the ropes and sails with which to navigate the ship but too little togetherness to form a crew who can sail it with any great skill and commitment. It is from here that architecture can expand the notion of the precariat as a simulator for change. Architects through their role as designers, confidants and mediators can marry institutions and associations with the precariat. By capitalising on their social sympathies, but also by searching for ‘cracks’ within their ambitions, we can provide the precariat with the necessary knowledge, infrastructure, support, and most importantly the secure territorial bases which they so desperately require. The spatial and administrative

1. Standing, G. The Precariat: The new dangerous class. (London: Bloomsbury, 2011) p1 2. Ibid 3. Standing, G. ‘The Precariat the New Dangerous Class’ [youtubevideo] McCullochs Centre for Global Initiatives, 13 Feb 2012 [accessed 19/12/14] available from: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=w6QXHm8d7vM

conclusion 72 frameworks developed as a result can also be designed to further facilitate the togetherness of this otherwise fragmented group. By creating precarchitectures we can ensure the precariat achieves the collectiveness required to hammer home the political framework and achieve the progressive social change we so badly need.

polish parliament wearing guy fawkes masks http://www.collegehumor.com/post/6701019/polish-parliament-wearing-guy-fawkes-masks

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precar-chitecture a combination of precariat and architecture meaning architecture which seeks to assist THE precariat struggle.

2014 / 2015