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50 YEARS OF UNCENSORED NEWS

The peop ple's choice Gerry Adams on the

Jim Gibney remembers

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MAKE SURE YO

August | September 2018 Lúnasa | Meán Fómhair

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‘WE HAVE BIG IDEAS’

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Interview with new Sinn Féin president Mary Lou McDonald

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Sinn Féin Vice President Michelle O’Neill writes for An Phoblacht

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Standing up for ‘Liberty Equality and Justice’

WHAT NEXT FOR RIGHTS AND EQUALITY?

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THE STORY IN PICTURES

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An Phoblacht looks at the life and legacy of Martin McGuinness

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Louise O’Reilly on the need for a grassroots campaign to win the referendum - 9

48 YEARS OF GAZA IS AN ACTIVISM OPEN AIR PRISON

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We remember Joe Reilly

Sinn Féin MEP Martina Anderson on Palestine

REMEMBERING THE 1981 HUNGER STRIKES

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Raymond McCartney reflects on the past and future challenges

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1969

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One Island

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RAI LÚNAS SIA B H AO N D UL

50 years on Aontacht na

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contents - clár

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1

50 YEARS OF UNCENSORED NEWS

UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

NO RETURN TO THE STATUS QUO The peop ple's choice Gerry Adams on the

Jim Gibney remembers

1970 SPLITS DICKIE GLENHOLMES

AN PHOBLACHT Editor: Robbie Smyth An Phoblacht is published by Sinn Féin. The views in An Phoblacht are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sinn Féin. We welcome articles, opinions and photographs from new contributors but contact the Editor first. An Phoblacht, Kevin Barry House, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, Ireland. Telephone: (+353 1) 872 6 100. Email: editor@anphoblacht.com www.anphoblacht.com PRODUCTION: MARK DAWSON

CONTRIBUTORS

Michelle O’Neill MLA Caoimhe Archibald Mary Lou McDonald Seán Mac Brádaigh Mícheál Mac Donncha David Cullinane TD Senator Maire Devine Cathal Óg Donnelly

Sinéad Ní Bhroin Claire Kerrane TD Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin Kathleen Funchion TD Naoise Ó Faoláin

Dr Cian McMahon Gerry Adams Piarais Mac Alastair Jim Gibney

Michelle O’Neill lays out the Sinn Féin strategy in the Executive based on the principles of Rights and Equality.

SEE PAGE

Assembly Challenges

Caoimhe Archibald outlines the work so far done in the first six weeks of the executive and maps out what’s next.

The Leinster House elections

5 7

‘The real winners need to be the people’ Dáil speech of Uachtarán Shinn Féin Mary Lou McDonald

Seán Mac Brádaigh interviews Pearse Doherty. Mícheál Mac Donncha reports from Dublin Bay North. Rose Conway Walsh TD on victory in Mayo. David Cullinane TD on record breaking Waterford. Senator Maire Devine on the campaign trail in Dublin South Central. Cathal Óg Donnelly gives a Tyrone view of the campaign. Sinead Ní Bhroin on Donegal. Claire Kerrane TD on Roscommon-Galway. Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin reflects on 23 years in the Dail. Kathleen Funchion TD on a revolution in Carlow-Kilkenny.

14 17 19 21 22 26 30 32 34 37

Post Cards from a New Republic

Toscaireacht go Cúba

Planning a left green republic

1969-70: The watershed years

Soldier of the Republic

Stair Ghluaiseacht na Gaeilge in Ard Eoin

Cairo’s Ultras

Dickie Glenholmes

50 years of An Phoblacht

Sinéad Ni Bhroin imagines the outcome of the climate emergency. Naoise Ó Faoláin ar oileán Fidel agus Che. Dr Cian McMahon on the economic, social and political challenges of delivering a new Ireland. Gerry Adams writes o the IRA Sinn Fein splits. Mícheál Mac Donncha reviews Conor McNamara’s new book on Liam Mellows. Piarais Mac Alastair ag scríobh faoi stair na teanga i mBéal Feirste thuaidh. Robbie Smyth reviews Ronnie Close’s book on the politics of Egyptian soccer fans. Jim Gibney writes on the life of veteran republican Dickie Glenhomes who died last November. Delivering the republican message at home and abroad.

anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

Huge challenges remain in the North, particularly in relation to tackling inequality and delivering the type of public services people deserve in the face of Tory budget cuts

SINN FÉIN VICE PRESIDENT

Michelle O’Neill MLA

EDITORIAL

anphoblacht EAGARFHOCAL

THE OLD ORDER MUST PASS

hese were the words of Sinn Féin President Mary Lou McDonald, speaking in the Dáil on February 20th. In a passionate address, Mary Lou excoriated the Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil parties for their refusal to accept the need for

fundamental change in Ireland.

ROBBIE SMYTH editor@anphoblacht.com

McDonald said, “Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil have run the show for almost a century, and by Christ, they are not minded to let go”. In one of the most viewed Sinn Féin videos ever, McDonald’s speech has set the tone for the weeks that have followed the election. Voters want change. Mary Lou put this in context in her Dáil speech. She explained the Sinn Féin vision of change, stating that for voters, “Change means a secure roof over their heads. Change means not having their adult children and perhaps their children living in the box room. Change means being able to pay your

The people who vote for us aren’t going anywhere. They deserve good government. They deserve the respect of being heard SINN FÉIN PRESIDENT

MARY LOU McDONALD

rent”. “Change means not having your elderly relative on a trolley, not having that surgery or procedure cancelled again. Change means knowing you have enough to get by and get by reasonably well”. “Change means dealing with the climate emergency, not rhetorically or in the box ticking way that the establishment do, but really getting to grips with the green agenda”. “Change also means the old order must pass”. McDonald stressed that, “The real winners in all of this need to be the people”. Emphasising this, she said, “The people who vote for us aren’t going anywhere. They deserve good government. They deserve the respect of being heard”. Unfortunately in the world of the Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil there has been a failure to respect the Sinn Féin vote. Instead, there has been a stream of negative heckling directed at Sinn Féin supporters, particularly in the context of the ongoing meetings the party has organised around Ireland. But, the message is clear. The voice of the people in the February election needs to be heard. This edition of An Phoblacht celebrates the February election with contributions from Donegal to Dublin and Waterford to Westport. It has contributions from Michelle O’Neill and Caoimhe Archibald on the business end of restoring the Executive and power sharing. We have reviews and articles from Gerry Adams, Jim Gibney, Grace McManus and a long read from Cian McMahon. We also begin to mark 50 years of An Phoblacht and look forward to you being with us on this journey of remembering. 

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

A GOVERNMENT WORKING IN EVERYONE’S INTERESTS BY MICHELLE O’NEILL Sinn Féin government ministers have now been in place since January 2020 when the Northern Executive and power sharing institutions were re-established. Ahead of getting the Executive up and running, Sinn Féin was in negotiations with the British and Irish governments, as well as the other political parties, to deliver a sustainable government, working in the interests of everyone. We made it clear there would be no

return to the status quo and while we wanted to see the Executive in place, it had to be credible and based on the principles of rights and equality. There is no contradiction in declaring and delivering on our firm commitment to power sharing with unionism in the Stormont Assembly while also initiating a mature and inclusive debate about new political arrangements which examines Ireland’s future beyond Brexit.

anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

Similarly, a functioning Assembly, delivering for everyone, is the most effective bulwark against Tory austerity. Sinn Féin Communities Minister Deirdre Hargey has very effectively demonstrated this. In one of her first acts as an Executive minster she binned the bedroom tax. She also moved to extend the unique package of welfare protections previously secured by Sinn Féin beyond the March 2020 deadline to ensure those most in

need continue to be protected from the worst excesses of unfair Tory cuts and policies. The Executive also moved quickly to raise pay for the North’s health workers and improve safe staffing in the sector. A genuine power sharing Executive also protects the rights of everyone and that is why we fought to secure an Irish Language Act. The inclusion of the legislation to protect the rights of Irish speakers in the ‘New Decade, New Approach’ document, published by the British and Irish governments, was historic and marked a first for the north. Of course, huge challenges remain in the North, particularly in relation to tackling inequality and delivering the type of public services people deserve in the face of Tory budget cuts. Since coming into post as Finance Minister, Conor Murphy has fought for the resources to allocate to all government departments in the North. He has met with British government Treasury ministers and challenged them to live up to commitments made in the ‘New Decade, New Approach’ document, including their financial commitments. Conor Murphy has also met with the finance ministers of Scotland and Wales to coordinate an approach on how to deal with the British government’s upcoming budget. Challenges also remain over the British government’s continued failures to deal with the legacy of the conflict. In the ‘New

• Conor Murphy

Decade, New Approach’ document, the British government committed to bringing forward proposals for legislation on legacy issues but, to date, these have not been forthcoming. This is the latest in a litany of occasions where the British government have

While we wanted to see the Executive in place, it had to be credible and be based on the principles of rights and equality

reneged on and resiled from agreements entered into. We will continue to challenge them on their commitments to make sure they live up to their responsibilities. The Executive also has a role to play in protecting the interests of the people of the North and the all-Ireland economy from the onset of Brexit. As the Brexit negotiations enter the second phase on the future relationship between Britain and the EU post Brexit, it is important that the protections contained in the Irish Protocol of the Withdrawal Agreement are maintained and implemented. All-Ireland co-operation is also a key aspect of the work of the Executive and while the first meeting of the North/South Ministerial Council has not yet taken place because of the historic election in the 26 Counties, cooperation has been continuing, particularly in relation to dealing with the Coronavirus outbreak. As Joint Head of Government, I held a meeting alongside Arlene Foster, Health Minister Robin Swann and the caretaker Taoiseach and Tánaiste. As the Executive continues to bed in, Sinn Féin in government will work with others to ensure we keep delivering for everyone.  Michelle O’Neill is Joint First Minister of the Northern Ireland Assembly and an MLA for Mid Ulster

• Getting the Sinn Féin message out at the packed ‘Government for Change’ meeting in Newry

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

Impacting on the lives of citizens for the better With the Northern Assembly and Executive back in operation, what are the Sinn Féin MLAs and Ministers working at? East Derry MLA CAOIMHE ARCHIBALD gives a flavour of the long ‘to do’ list, from binning the bedroom tax, restoring pay parity for healthcare workers and urging the MLAs to declare a climate emergency. On Thursday 9th January after the latest round of negotiations which began in May last year, the British and Irish governments published the ‘New Decade New Approach’ document and presented it to the media. The next day the Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle met and concluded the document provided us with the basis of reentering the Executive and Assembly. On Saturday 11th January, the Assembly was recalled, a five-party Executive was formed and Ministers appointed. Almost three years on from the collapse of the political institutions due to the RHI scandal and allegations of corruption, unfilled commitments from previous agreements, and the DUP’s disrespect for nationalists and minority communities, much water has passed under the political bridge. Marriage equality and

abortion reform are now a reality in the North. An Irish language act has been agreed to. A progressive programme for government including important commitments to regional balance and directing resources on the basis of ‘demonstrable and objectively measured need’, has been signed up to by the parties. Following the British election in December, Boris Johnson’s Tory government has a large majority. In January, the Withdrawal Agreement Act was passed, it importantly contains the Irish protocol which ensures no hard border on the island of Ireland. We effectively left the EU on 31st January and are now in the ‘transition phase’, entering the next phase of negotiation. There is much still to play for and still the real potential for a ‘no deal’ at the end of this year. So we face many challenges in the remaining two years of this mandate, not least dealing with Brexit and its fallout. But for us this is about delivery, it is about impacting on

• East Derry MLA Caoimhe Archibald anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

the lives of citizens for the better, it is about ‘no return to the status quo’. The first action of the new Executive was to restore pay parity for healthcare workers. The first Sinn Féin motion to be debated in the new Assembly was one that I as Economy and Climate Action spokesperson brought forward to declare a Climate Emergency and commit to urgently implement the commitments in ‘New Decade New Approach’ on the climate and environment; it passed with cross-party support (with the exception of the DUP and TUV). Sinn Féin Minister for Communities Deirdre Hargey took immediate steps in office to bring much-needed relief to thousands of hard pressed people and families by binning the bedroom tax. As Sinn Féin Spokesperson for the Economy and Climate Action and Chair of the Assembly’s Economy

We face many challenges in the remaining two years of this mandate, not least dealing with Brexit and its fallout. But for us this is about delivery

• We have the opportunity to re-balance and reshape our economy across the island on the basis of a fair and just transition that creates a better society for us all

Committee, I will be working with colleagues to ensure we have progressive economic strategies which are based on the principles of fairness, regional balance and decarbonisation, and which strengthen the all-Ireland economy. I am also working to ensure that the Irish protocol of the Withdrawal Agreement is implemented to protect the economy and communities across the island; to ensure mitigations are in place and businesses are supported in dealing with the worst impacts of Brexit. As we deal with the climate emergency and plan for constitutional change, we have the opportunity to re-balance and reshape our economy across the island on the basis of a fair and just transition that creates a better society for us all.  Caoimhe Archibald is a Sinn Féin Assembly member for East Derry and Chair of the Assembly’s Economy Committee • Sinn Féin Stormont Ministers: Declan Kearney, Michelle O’Neill, Deirdre Hargey and Conor Murphy, with Mary Lou McDonald

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

IRELAND’S BIGGEST POLITICAL PARTY

here were so many firsts in the February 8th Dáil election, from the highest vote share to poll topping in 30 constituencies. There were victories across the constituencies where Sinn Féin contested seats. And in the 35 constituencies where Sinn Féin won seats there were historical record votes.

anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

Full election coverage inside Inside

Burnt ollet 30 years on 5 ■■■

Fearghal O’Hanlon lecture 10/11 ■■■

An Phoblacht REPUBLICAN NEWS

Break Unionist veto Sraith Nua Iml 20 Uimhir 23

—

Déardaoin 7 Meitheamh 1997

New Year message urges governments to overcome Unionist stalling

IRA

IN A New Year message the IRA has said that the unionist leadership appears “wedded to the politics of domination and inequality and are opposed to a democratic peace settlement”. The IRA leadership statement said that “both governments have a responsibility to confront the attempted exercise of the unionist veto and move the situation on. Attempts by unionist politicians to block progress must be faced down. The fulfilment of the existing potential for the resolution of the conflict in an all-Ireland context requires immediate forward movement.” The New Year message acknowledges the “growing frustration at the failure thus far of the Belfast Agreement

One TD and two MPs

EURO bad news for Ireland

Total votes by party from Westminster General election (December 2019) & General election (February 2020)

Sinn Féin 717,448 Fianna Fáil 484,320 Fine Gael 455,584 Democratic Unionist Party 244,127 Green Party 157,696 Alliance Party 134,115 Social Democratic and Labour Party 118,737 Labour Party 95,588 Ulster Unionist Party 93,123 People Before Profit 64,946 Social Democrats 63,404 Aontú 51,428 8

50p

LAND, D, SCOT ENGLAN LES 55p WA

to deliver meaningful change’ and puts the onus on the two governments to overcome the unionist veto which is blocking progress. The IRA leadership welcomes home recentlyreleased prisoners and sends solidarity greetings to those still imprisoned. They also praise those organisations which have worked on behalf of the prisoners over the years and pay tribute to Volunteers who have died in the past decades of struggle. The message says that the IRA leadership approaches the New Year “optimistic and confident of the ultimate achievement of our republican objectives, a united and independent Ireland”. Full statement — page 3

To bring a flavour of the campaign and election counts, we have recruited our widest ever group of Sinn Féin members from TDs to activists on the ground to report on the election result. We also have a great piece from Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin that gives a context and depth to the journey the party has taken in the 26 Counties when he first won a seat in Cavan-Monaghan for Sinn Féin in 1997. Ó Caoláin’s victory came weeks after Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams won seats in that year’s Westminster election. In this election Sinn Féin reclaimed its two seats in Donegal, while in CavanMonaghan Pauline Tully and Matt Carthy made history as Sinn Féin took two seats here too. David Cullinane’s poll topping in Waterford meant that Sinn Féin had more votes here than Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil combined. Kathleen Funchion broke another electoral glass ceiling in being the only women ever to be re-elected in CarlowKilkenny, while overall 13 women were elected asSinn Féin TD, making it the largest party in the Dáil in terms of female representation. There were only 36 women TDs returned in this election. In Dublin West, it was Sinn Féin poll topper Paul Donnelly who took the first seat in this constituency, while Taoiseach Leo Varadkar had to suffer the ignominy of waiting until the 5th count to take his seat. In the same constituency, the Labour slump worsened as former party leader and Tánaiste Joan Burton lost her seat.

Election highlights

 Sinn Féin is the most popular political party in Ireland  Sinn Féin topped the poll in 30 of 39 constituencies  Sinn Féin now have 37 TDs elected to Leinster House, an increase from 22  For first time ever, each of 32 counties in Ireland is represented by a Sinn Féin TD, MP or MLA ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

• 37 newly elected TDs for Sinn Féin on their first day at Leinster House

Seán Mac Brádaigh interviews Pearse Doherty, Councillor Mícheál Mac Donncha gives the view from Dublin Bay North. Newly elected TDs Rose Conway Walsh and Claire Kerrane write on the

challenges and expectations ahead. Returning TDs Kathleen Funchion and David Cullinane write from CarlowKilkenny and Waterford, while Senator Máire Devine takes us through the

campaign on the ground in Dublin South Central. Cathal Óg Donnelly gives a Tyrone view on the scale of the Sinn Féin victory. Sinéad Ni Bhroin takes us to Donegal and back again. 

2016 / 2020 26 counties general election results: TURNOUT

TURNOUT

65.1%

62.9%

SF SF

2020

FF FF 2016

FG FG 2016

2020

2016

2020

LP LP GP GP 2020 2016 2020 2016

2020

2016

2020

2016

2020

2016

SINN FÉIN

535,595 votes

295,319 votes

37 seats

23 seats

24.5%

13.8%

FIANNA FÁIL

484,320 votes

519,356 votes

38 seats

44 seats

22.2%

24.3%

FINE GAEL

455,584 votes

544,140 votes

35 seats

50 seats

20.9%

25.5%

GREEN PARTY

155,700 votes

57,999 votes

12 seats

2 seats

7.1%

2.7%

LABOUR

95,588 votes

140,898 votes

6 seats

7 seats

4.4%

6.6%

anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

‘THE REAL WINNERS NEED TO BE THE PEOPLE’ MARY LOU McDONALD

The most viewed Sinn Féin online video ever is the Dáil speech of Uachtarán Shinn Féin Mary Lou McDonald on 20 February, which we carry in full here. She had been nominated for Taoiseach by Sinn Féin Teachtaí Dála Pearse Doherty (Donegal) and Claire Kerrane (Roscommon-Galway). She received 45 votes in the Dáil division, beating Mícheál Martin and Leo Varadkar into second and third place. Her speech directly followed that of Mícheál Martin whose vitriolic attack on Sinn Féin backfired spectacularly.

too commend every Teachta Dála elected here, particularly the new Deputies and their families. I thank Deputies Doherty and Kerrane for proposing and seconding me for the position of Taoiseach. In line with the theme of change it is only appropriate to note that today for the first time a nominee from a party other than Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael has managed to garner the greatest number of votes. Perhaps that makes us winners again. I see that we still live rent free in Deputy Micheál Martin’s very narrow and bitter mind. I see that he proposes to continue the diatribe and vitriol that sustained him and served him very badly in the course of the election campaign. We are all agreed that the motif and theme emerging from this election is change, but I hear a note from some Members who might seek to suggest that this is some kind of capricious nonsense on the part of the electorate, that perhaps people were not really sure what they meant by change, that it was some kind of fuzzy ill-defined feeling. Nothing could be further from the truth. I was delighted to go the length and breadth of this State and to talk to hundreds, maybe thousands, of people and they told me what change means. Change means a secure roof over their heads, it means not having their adult children and perhaps their children living in the box room. Change means being able to pay your rent and not worrying from week to week or month to month that the landlord might knock on the door and tell you that it is game over. Change means not having your elderly relative on a trolley, not having that surgery or procedure

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

cancelled again and not getting a letter from the authorities in the hospital saying the good news is that you have an appointment but the bad news is that it is 18 months away. Change means knowing that you have enough to get by reasonably well. Change means that you are not constantly bothered by the €2,000 in rent, €1,000 for childcare, and a real struggle to insure your car. That is what Imelda told me after the election. She is from Cork but now lives in Coolock and she voted for another winner, Deputy Mitchell. Change also means dealing with the climate emergency, not rhetorically or in the box-ticking way that the establishment do but really getting to grips with the green agenda. Change also means that the old order must pass. That is really what the problem is here because of course government formation is about numbers. We can add. Of course it is about policy coherence, no one is arguing to the contrary but government formation is also about power and who wields it. The reality is that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have run the show for almost a century and, by Christ, they are not minded to let go. That is really what all of this is about.

eople told me very clearly that they were voting for us to be in government . The 500,000 or more people who voted for us were clear that a vote for Sinn Féin was not a protest, it was a vote for a different Government - a Government that would have the courage, the imagination and the energy actually to do things differently, a Government that would put the citizen

anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

and families and communities front and centre, not big corporates, not the elites, not the well-networked, not the people that Deputy Micheál Martin used to knock around with in the Galway tent. Everybody who has been elected here is a winner, but the fact is, to do the maths, the winners were Sinn Féin, our colleagues in the Green Party, the Social Democrats and every party who said to the people there is a different and a better way to do government. I know in voting for us people said we want to give you the chance, we have seen the shambles, the same old same old same, the same problems persisting generation to generation on the watch of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael and they said, “Sinn Féin, show us what you’re made of. Get in there, perform and deliver”. The real winners in the midst of all this need to be the people. That is what this is all about. I have not heard anybody ask Deputy Micheál Martin to stay quiet. Although I suggest that some in his party might proffer that advice to him. The reason the issue of mandate is such a big deal is because two parties – but let it be said, Fianna Fáil in particular – have decided, in an arrogant, dismissive, selfrighteous way, to disregard entirely the representatives of more than 500,000 people.

will be honest: I do not really care what Deputy Micheál Martin thinks about me. I care less what he thinks about Sinn Féin. I will not take personal offence at that. What I will not tolerate and what is

backwards. I am very clear that is not what people voted for.

grossly offensive is to suggest to the citizens who vote for us that somehow uniquely their representatives are to be left in perpetuity on the sidelines because Deputy Michéal Martin does not like us. We could extol the past. We could all write books on that. We could all trade hurts and insults. That gets us nowhere. As a matter of fact mechanisms to deal with legacy and the past have been agreed. Deputy Micheál Martin should know this, I know that Deputy Varadkar knows this. They need to be legislated for. Rather than all of the bile that Deputy Micheál Martin exudes, the constructive thing to do is to commit his party to moving those structures forward and to get the British Government on board for that. The most important thing that needs to happen now is a serious attempt to form a new Government. Many people will speculate about what change means with regard to forming a Government. We have spoken about this before and share this view with colleagues. My first preference is for a leftleaning, progressive Government without Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael. We will continue to work for that. I also recognise that the very worst possible outcome from this election is Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael being back in government together. Not only do I think that would be a disastrous outcome, I will wager that the vast majority of people would regard that as a step

propose that we actually listen to what people have said in a generalised way about change, a new beginning and moving forward, then in a very specific way about specific policy items. We need to talk to each other about those things. If Deputy Micheál Martin is concerned about the democratic practices within my party, I am deeply concerned by a party and a leader who sat around a Cabinet table with people who were subsequently jailed for corruption. I have a problem with that and I think that most reasonable people have a problem with that. I trust that that is no longer the case within Fianna Fáil and I am sure that we will be assured that it is not the case. I also know that if one keeps reaching desperately for the past, it really says that one is not up for the future. It says that there is something profoundly wrong, arrogant and dysfunctional in one’s political positioning. I hope that Deputy Martin will change that position but perhaps he will not. Whether he does or not, the people who vote for us are not going anywhere. They live here. They deserve good government and the respect of being heard. Nobody, including Deputies Micheál Martin and Leo Varadkar, will disrespect the people whom we represent. We have made a commitment to them to represent them well and to make our very best effort to deliver that Government of change. That is precisely what we intend to do. 

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

• Kildare South TD Patricia Ryan (10,155) is joined by Martina Anderson, Kildare South TD Réada Cronin and friends and comrades to celebrate

• Sinn Féin’s TD for Longford-Westmeath, Sorcha Clarke (11,848) with Mary Lou McDonald speaking to media at Mill Bank, Athlone, while visiting areas flooded in recent storms

• Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (14,057) and family voting at Glasheen BNS in Cork South-Central

• Réada Cronin (8,705), Kildare North signs in as a new TD anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

• Tipperary’s Martin Browne (10,004) gets the thumbs up

• Johnny Guirke (12,652), Meath West never forget the late great Meath republican legend Joe Reilly 13

THE VOICES OF ORDINARY PEOPLE WILL BE HEARD IN THE CORRIDORS OF POWER In the aftermath of the Leinster House elections as a shameless Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil began once again to attack Sinn Féin, SEÁN Mac BRÁDAIGH sat down with PEARSE DOHERTY, Sinn Féin’s Finance spokesperson to talk elections, government formation negotiations and Irish unity.

What has changed that led to this election result? PEARSE DOHERTY: Sinn Féin went out to the electorate with a very clear message. Something that was very different from the other parties. We understood the challenges they were facing in their daily lives – things like the housing crisis, the costs of childcare, people facing dole queues at 65 years of age. They were being ignored by the other parties. There has been an economic recovery but it hasn’t benefited ordinary people. Most people will tell you they actually have less disposable income now compared to three or four years ago. Just look at issues like insurance costs. Insurance companies are making big profits while ordinary people struggle to pay higher and higher premiums. And what did the Government do about it? Absolutely nothing. Housing was the top issue for many voters. They have had enough of parties representing the interests of landlords and developers while the housing situation escalated completely out of control. I think younger people and those in the private rental market have suffered most. They want to see a party like Sinn Féin, that has clear policy solutions, go in there and solve the housing crisis by cutting rents and freezing them and by initiating the largest house building programme the state has ever seen. Is this a long term change in the Irish political landscape? PD: This election has seen a seismic shift take place in the political landscape of this state. It’s no longer a case of two big parties, alternating which of them is in government despite having almost identical policy platforms. The vote for Taoiseach, on Thursday 20th February, showed how significant a change has occurred when Mary Lou McDonald became

the first person that wasn’t from Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil to get most votes in a vote for Taoiseach. We saw from the reaction of Mícheál Martin in particular, but also from the reaction of other politicians in Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil that this has been met with shock. Politicians from these parties are lashing out in a way that is actually insulting to the many people who voted for Sinn Féin. The certainty that these parties enjoyed is gone. Did Sinn Féin over promise in its manifesto? PD: Sinn Féin did not over promise in the election. Our manifesto was fully costed and our priorities were clear throughout the campaign. The manifesto now serves as the basis for discussion with other parties

Sinn Féin’s preferred option is for a left-led government. We believe that would best represent the verdict delivered by voters about putting together a Programme for Government that delivers on issues such as housing, health, childcare, pensions, giving workers and families a break, and preparing for Irish unity. What will be different about a government involving Sinn Féin as a major participant? PD: Any government where Sinn Féin is a major or leading participant ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

• Sinn Féin negotiation team including Pearse Doherty, Eoin Ó Broin, Louise O’Reilly and Matt Carthy at Sinn Féin Ard Oifig, Kevin Barry Hall, in Parnell Square, Dublin

will be very different to the governments that this state has had to date. We will ensure that the voices of ordinary people are heard within the corridors of power. We are determined to form a Government for Change that actually delivers on issues such as housing, childcare, healthcare - a government that gives workers and families a break by restoring the pension age to 65 and taking the first €30,000 you earn out of the USC. We are also about fundamentally changing this country to deliver Irish Unity and build an economy that serves society. So, when we talk about an economic recovery, what we are talking about is a recovery that improves the standard of living and quality of lives of ordinary people who carried most of the burden during the economic collapse. What difference do you think such a Government for Change can make in the lives of the average person? PD: For a long time, people thought that we would never break the cycle where the only choice was a government led by Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil. This meant people lowered their expectations of what

We are also about fundamentally changing this country to deliver Irish Unity and build an economy that serves society could be achieved – what could be changed. Whatever else happens, that old certainty is shattered. The old mantra of these parties that there is ‘no alternative’ is gone. So, what can we achieve in government? We can lift the burden from the backs of ordinary people who haven’t experienced the benefits of the economy recovery; we can give workers and families a break – we can stop them being fleeced by insurance companies, banks and landlords; we can build public housing and improve our public services so that they actually meet the needs of citizens. There are many areas where the change that Sinn Féin wants to deliver cannot be delivered overnight but there are some things that we can do within the first few months - freezing rents restoring the pension age to 65, and reopening closed hospital beds to deal with trolley crisis. Is Irish Unity now on the agenda? PD: Irish Unity is clearly on the agenda. It is a conversation that is

happening across Ireland, North and South. For many people, Brexit fast-tracked this discussion. What Sinn Féin wants to do now is create the space for this discussion through the creation of an All-Ireland Citizens’ Assembly on Irish Unity and through starting to plan for Irish Unity now. This forms part of our discussions with other parties and groups. Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil have both ruled out doing business with Sinn Féin and the numbers don’t seem to be there to form a left-led Government, so where does that leave things? PD: Sinn Féin’s preferred option is for a left-led government. We believe that would best represent the verdict delivered by voters. But we have been very clear before, during and after the election, that we are open to discussions with all parties and that we respect all mandates. Unfortunately that has not been reciprocated. It is increasingly obvious that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are preoccupied with carving-up political power between them to block any political change, and are doing everything in their power to keep Sinn Féin out in order to maintain the status quo. This flies in the face of what people voted for and does not represent change in any shape or form. I think any party or group of individuals who would seek to give cover to this Fine Gael/Fianna Fáil carve-up will pay a very heavy political price in the long term. What Sinn Féin must do now is to stay true to its election pledges, to what we said to the people about the need and the possibility for change, and that we should do all in our power to bring that about. That means stretching ourselves; exploring each and every option; reducing the space to manoeuvre for the parties of the right; and seeking to find common ground with as many progressive TDs as possible to construct a government for change. I don’t believe that we have yet exhausted that process. So, I believe work is still to be done, that we have more people to talk to - and in greater detail - and that possibility remains open. What are you saying to those parties you are talking to? PD: What we are saying to other parties is that we have a mandate to build a Government for Change and in the first place we want to talk to and work with others who have a similar mandate or with whom we share common ground. That’s why we started by talking to those parties and independents who received a mandate for change, including the Social Democrats, The Green Party, Solidarity/People Before Profit and the Independents for Change, among others. In the time ahead we will continue the discussion about how we address the issues that were central to this election campaign - building homes, cutting rents and freezing them, guaranteeing a pension age of 65 years, health and the trolley crisis, climate change and Irish Unity.  ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

A shadowy figure reflects

MÍCHEÁL Mac DONNCHA REPORTS FROM RECORD BREAKING DUBLIN BAY NORTH • Poll-topper of the whole election Denise Mitchell in Dublin Bay North with Mícheál Mac Donncha

In the RDS on the morning of one of the most phenomenal counts in Irish electoral history I was asked to go on an RTÉ Radio panel with former Justice Minister Michael McDowell. Chatty and jocular before we went live, Michael went into attack mode as soon as the red light went on. Sinn Féin could not be trusted, they are not a normal democratic party, they are run by shadowy figures from… Andersonstown! With a straight face, reddening as he got into his stride, the former leader of the long defunct Progressive Democrats party, located the shadowy figures not just in Belfast but in one suburb of our second city. I had to laugh and pointed out that I am one of the shadowy figures, elected to the Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle to represent fellow Councillors across the country. Poor Michael had yet to grasp, as the rest of the political and media establishment had also yet to grasp, the enormity of what was taking place before their eyes as the votes were counted. They could only revert to their hackneyed old agenda as they sought comfort in the type of Sinn Féin bashing that the voters had just rejected so overwhelmingly. The sheer scale of it all was quite literally brought home to me in my own constituency of Dublin Bay North. Outgoing Sinn Féin TD Denise Mitchell was re-elected with the highest first preference vote in the entire General Election – 21,344. Not only anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

that, it was the second highest first preference vote in the history of the 26-County State. In 2016, I was Denise’s running mate but we were far from winning enough votes to elect two TDs. And in the local elections of May 2019 we lost three of our five councillors in the constituency and so did not risk running a second Dáil candidate for the 2020 General Election.

Outgoing Sinn Féin TD Denise Mitchell was re-elected with the highest first preference vote in the entire General Election – 21,344. Not only that, it was the second highest first preference vote in the history of the 26-County State What had changed between May 2019 and February 2020? Students of politics will ponder over that question for many a year to come. Of course Council and EU elections are very different from Dáil elections. For one thing, the Council elections were almost invisible in the mainstream media. Voter lack of awareness of and apathy about those elections was widespread. 17

• 21,344 Sinn Féin votes as far as the eye can see

The Sinn Féin message did not resonate with voters, turnout was low and we suffered losses. But we dusted ourselves off and faced the road again. I was among a group who carried out a consultation within Sinn Féin and complied a report on the elections. The report was finalised by myself and Claire Kerrane and as we signed off on it one day last summer in Leinster House, we never dreamed that about six months later Claire would be the new Sinn Féin TD for Roscommon-Galway. That report and much other work carried out by the party last year concluded that the core message of Sinn Féin was sound

In Dublin Bay North and across the 26 Counties, we finally broke the stranglehold of the two-party system but that it had not been communicated plainly and clearly and concisely enough to the people. Our Dáil and Seanad spokespeople and our publicity workers took that ball and ran with it. The consistent message that Sinn Féin is the force for change against the political establishment and twin Government of Fianna Fáil/Fine Gael was delivered loud and clear. When the General Election was called and we went out on the canvass in Dublin Bay North it was clear that something had changed. The response was more positive than any of us could remember in any previous election. Many of those telling us they were going to vote Sinn Féin were telling us with gusto – they couldn’t wait to vote. Never before did we meet so many people assuring us they were going to vote Sinn Féin for the first time. Areas of the constituency that had previously been lukewarm were now very positive. Our candidate Denise Mitchell, our election directorate and party workers and supporters rose to the challenge and the opportunity. A huge amount of ground was covered in a short space of time. We felt that the harvest would be great and we were determined to gather it in. As the campaign went on the positivity towards Sinn Féin increased. In our constituency our support was built high on the solid foundations laid over many years by our activists, foremost among them one of the longest serving Councillors in the country, Larry O’Toole, a candidate since 1991 and a member of Dublin City Council since 1999.

On polling day over 21,000 voters entrusted us with their first preferences, with their mandate for government and with their hopes for change. That is a humbling endorsement and a big responsibility. In Dublin Bay North and across the 26 Counties we finally broke the stranglehold of the two-party system. Others attempted to do it in the past and fell far short – Clann na Poblachta, Labour, even Michael McDowell’s Progressive Democrats. This time it is entirely different in scale, in politics and in commitment. The day after the count I met a mother and daughter who congratulated me. “Well done, youse did brilliant”, said the mother. Her daughter added: “We need to see big changes”, and that is our job now. 

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

Now all we need is the Sam Maguire! By noon on Sunday 9th February I knew we had succeeded in achieving what we set out to achieve twenty years ago here in Mayo; to win a Sinn Féin seat in the County. To win it in style with 14,633 first preference votes was very satisfying. It was a historic day for Sinn Féin and for myself. The first woman from Erris ever to be elected to the Dáil. The first Sinn Féin TD in Mayo since Dr John A Madden in 1927. The first Erris TD elected for half a century - Joseph Leneghan was elected in 1969 winning a seat in the Mayo West constituency. I always believed we could take a seat here in Mayo. It was frustrating for me over the years to listen to people inside and outside the party detailing the reasons why this could never happen; geography (I am based in Belmullet, the extreme North West of the County), Mayo is too conservative, the party membership is not strong enough and many other reasons. Luckily, the more I’m told something can’t be done, the more determined and focused I become. As a republican from the home county of our three hunger strikers, Jack McNeela (1940), Michael Gaughan (1974) and Frank Stagg (1976) there was no way to avoid the ‘curse of the cause’ by playing my part

in the republican struggle. It’s an inner thing I’ve always worn with ease. I was sad some of the dedicated republicans like Dan Campbell, Francis Ginty, Paddy Ginty and others were not here to share the pride of winning the seat. Pat Doherty was the first person I rang when the tallies confirmed we were going to take the seat. I wanted to thank him and Mary for keeping the faith and always believing

For Sinn Féin as a party we have been given a golden opportunity to break ground in rural Ireland. We must not waste this chance it could be done. A number of years ago Pat turned to me while attending a funeral in a local graveyard and said “Can you take a Dáil seat in Mayo?”. I said “I can”, and he said “ok then”. I’m so glad I was able to keep my word. Also, to Gerry McIvor, Tommy & Ann Devereaux, Gerry Adams, Mary McGing, Joe McHale and others.

BY ROSE CONWAY-WALSH anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

I knew from the first day I started the canvass for this election in Castlebar that something different was happening. There was an appetite for real change. Don’t get me wrong I’ve seen an appetite for change before. What was different this time is that people were clearly willing to vote for the change they wanted. I can never explain how heartening it was to see that people were no longer prepared to do what they were told. They were taking back control. I am so glad I have lived long enough to see people realising their own power. The excitement of what an empowered nation could achieve is awe-inspiring. This seat is their seat. For Sinn Féin as a party we have been given a golden opportunity to break ground in rural Ireland. We must

We must now remain rooted, relevant and republican while fulfilling our promises to those who placed their trust in us not waste this chance. We must put rural Ireland front and centre of all we do both internally and externally. We now have strong representation all along the western seaboard. Hard work and focus on the issues that really matter will ensure that the votes loaned to us at this election will remain with us in future elections. It is up to us to demonstrate real transformative leadership that will make a difference to people’s lives. This election sets out fundamental change in rural Ireland. The stranglehold of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael has had a devastating impact on the counties along the Western Seaboard. I believe the failure to have a proper peace and reconciliation process in the aftermath of the civil war has given us decades of tribal politics. People were defined by whether they were Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael. Successive governments saw no need for serious investment because voting behaviour could be predicted with a high degree of certainty. They didn’t have to invest because they knew whatever happened, people would vote for more of the same. Until now! It is precisely for this reason that I take a deep personal

interest in the peace and reconciliation process in the North. We need to remember and learn from the high social and economic cost we have had to bear along the western seaboard for the absence of such a process; emigration, unemployment, poor infrastructure and neglect. This is why we need to be earnest, sincere and inclusive in our language and actions as we play our part in shaping the future of our Island. Overall, this was a very enjoyable and successful campaign with a team of committed hardworking comrades headed up by my two directors of election Brían MacSuibhne and Gerry Murray who did a brilliant job. We must now remain rooted, relevant and republican while fulfilling our promises to those who placed their trust in us. It’s no more complicated than that. Now all we need is the Sam Maguire!  Rose Conway-Walsh is the Sinn Féin TD for Mayo

• At Leinster House – Joe Mulchrone, Mayo Sinn Féin Councillor and directors of election Gerry Murray, Mary Lou McDonald, Rose Conway Walsh (14,633 first preference votes), Fiona Conway and Joe McHale 20

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

WATERFORD SINN FÉIN'S

20,,569 VOTES 20

MORE THAN FIANNA FÁIL AND FINE GAEL COMBINED BY DAVID CULLINANE Election 2020 was ground breaking and historic. Sinn Féin won the most first preference votes and now has a clear mandate to deliver change. The electoral progress in Waterford since 2002 is staggering. In the General Election of that year, Sinn Féin won 2,955 first preference votes. It laid the foundation for local electoral success in 2004 when the party won three council seats across the constituency. In 2014, this representation at local level increased and doubled to 6. In 2016 a Dáil breakthrough was made with Sinn Féin achieving just under 9,800 first

In the aftermath of the election, it remains clear that both parties have learned nothing. They arrogantly dismiss the Sinn Féin mandate

In the aftermath of the election, it remains clear that both parties have learned nothing. They arrogantly dismiss the Sinn Féin mandate and the citizens who voted for the party in record numbers. They petulantly sit on the side-lines while the Sinn Féin team roll up their sleeves to get the job done. In Waterford, Sinn Féin received over 20,500 first preference votes; more than Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael combined. That mandate cannot be ignored. We will continue to work hard to deliver for the people of Waterford and the South East to bring about transformational change across the island. Irish Unity, ending the crises in health and housing, reducing the pension age, achieving social and climate justice are a step closer - now we need to finish the job.  David Cullinane is the Sinn Féin TD for Waterford

preference votes. The priority was to work hard, consolidate the seat and build the party. This was possible through a collective effort by a determined party membership, councillors rooted and relevant in their constituencies and delivering strong representation to the people of Waterford. The recent election campaign was like no other. The desire and hunger for change was palpable. Door after door voters were demanding real change and an end to the status quo. They want a change of Government and they want an end to Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael’s failures. They voted for solutions, for hope and for delivery. • David Cullinane anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

25 DAYS FOR CHANGE

WE WON! 22

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

Sinn Féin SENATOR MÁIRE DEVINE writes on the three hectic weeks of the Dublin South Central election campaign The Liberties holds a special place in the hearts of the Dublin working class. Named so since the 12th century as it was the only part of Dublin to be free of the city laws. It has no shortage of history which dates back before the 1798 rebellion, to the 1803 execution of Robert Emmet, and its insurrection hot spots of the 1916 Rising. Dublin 8 is steeped in a history of great events, great characters, a community of street traders, thousands of Guinness workers, market stalls and home to our national treasure - Kilmainham Gaol. Like many Dubliners, my family connections to my hometown are strong - I was born, raised, educated and worked here. My old home at Ceannt Fort had Commandant Michael Mallin’s family as its first tenants. We erected a plaque there three years ago, among the many in Dublin 8. I know these streets. I’m familiar with the people and looked forward to, yet again, knocking their doors for the 25 days of the 2020 election campaign. The election was called on January 14th and the directorate for Aengus’s campaign was shovel-ready. We were prepared. The first posters went up on a water drenched stormy day and the intense canvassing of Dublin 8 commenced. A fast-paced and flexible team of activists gathered three times daily with our sturdy walking boots, hideous rain-gear, shiny new clip boards, information leaflets and set forth. An eclectic mix of people with varied skills, from the seasoned and experienced to novices with little experience and mainly female. A motivated crew who put their lives on hold for the duration of the campaign. The approach was, as always, for a positive campaign engaging meaningfully with communities and listening to their concerns. There was much for the team to digest politically added and addled by many feeds from the media that could have had heads spinning with information overload. We warned against overanalysing day-to-day events, opting to keep the focus and carry on. While ‘change’ was the primary party message, ‘change’ became pivotal as people at their doors, at the shops, at community events and on the street cited this as their number one reason to vote Sinn Féin. What gave people this new-found confidence is an interesting conversation. It included the recent referendums, the loosening stranglehold held for too long by the ‘Ancient Régime’, successful byelections and credible spokespersons all played their part. However, undoubtedly it was the tempest that is Mary Lou whose deft leadership dumped the pretenders in the ha’penny place. We were acutely aware of and fully expected the media hysteria directed to any voter contemplating having a Shinner about the place. There is a falling trust in traditional media outlets and they no longer own the news. Online media is a growing and powerful influence with audiences of young people having largely abandoned main stream media. There is a simple demographic divide with those over 64 years getting their news offline and voting along traditional lines, voting for the ‘steady eddies’. Those excited by the opportunity for change got their news online and voted for Sinn Féin. Doorstep after doorstep, people were referring to articles viewed online. Mainstream media set the agenda, but its power has been hit; especially after the grossly miscalculated two way leaders debate, slow to cop on and blind to the revolt occurring under

BY MÁIRE DEVINE anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

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• Dublin South-Central – Aengus Ó Snodaigh got a huge 17,015 votes

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their noses. It was a magnificent own goal as people tuned out and became increasingly enraged by the calculated, persistent hammering of Sinn Féin by the fourth estate. Their relentless ‘exposé’ of shadowy figures did a deserved disservice. The exclusion of Mary Lou in a leader’s debate took the biscuit and it opened many hesitant minds to

Mainstream media set the agenda, but its power has been hit especially after the grossly miscalculated "two way leaders debate", slow to cop on and blind to the “peasants’ “revolt occurring under their noses vote for change. People were no longer endeared by or listening to the charmless establishment campaign. Social media engagements were phenomenal and hats off to Fearghal who did an expert job reaching and responding to the masses via social media platforms. I remember the Liberties as blin

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a thriving, bustling area. As a Frawley’s Saturday girl, I served people from all over Dublin who thronged the Meath and Thomas Street area. It has suffered wilful neglect over the decades with more recent alienation of this tight-knit community by gentrification and tourist only construction. A determined community demanding attention for its many large pockets of poverty and deprivation is leading its revival. Anti-social behaviour is terrifying residents and an incident while canvassing in a large inner-city flat complex reinforced what people are suffering. Arriving to do a second canvass we were faced with open hostility and threats of violence by hooded youths and men who were dealing drugs. They were not from the area. As we canvassed door to door, balcony to balcony many women residents came out to support us. On each balcony and each floor, they stood sentry and called out this intimidation. They were determined that their community deserved its say and vote without the dangerous harassment and volatility created by these few criminals. This is what they encounter on a daily basis. There were campaign house rules and practicalities. Feeding the troops was vegan inclusive! We lived off a staple diet of sambos, jellies and Tayto crisps (cheese and onion only please) for 25 days. Fluids were restricted as the bitter cold effected kidney function necessitating extra pit stops for peeing in a friendly house or discreet shrubbery, the only options available. Fitbits were an unexpected important part of canvassing and a great motivator, especially for the top floors of complexes. These Santa gifts came into their own and the competition for step counts was fierce and

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

ruthless. The WhatsApp group littered with poll topping step self- congratulations and friendly begrudgery. 2020 was the most significant election for decades, with Sinn Féin daring to disturb the universe. From the very first canvass we knew something extraordinary was happening; the social media posts of “great response on the doors” etc were no longer the overused clichés of many elections. This time we dared to believe that the rumblings of shifting dynamics were not hyperbole. We were cautiously astonished by the apparent widespread discontent at the uneven social and economic conditions. The idiom ‘all politics is local’ was largely disproved as the national issues of housing, health, childcare, pensions and Irish unity were prioritised by voters. Areas not usually strongholds of the republican vision came out strong and demanding change. They surprised us with the strength of their conviction to act for the common good. The campaign was challenging, the pace and the work rarely boring while providing a host of experiences and levels of excitement that are difficult to match in any other environment. We were obsessed with and followed the minutiae of the campaign with a close eye. It built skills, confidence, experience and camaraderie for the future, giving all a unique perspective on our democratic process and making new discoveries of our heritage, history and modern-day issues in every nook and cranny of the Liberties. Thanks to the early work of the South Central directorate, the Dublin 8 team led by Críona Ní Dhálaigh and Aengus Ó Snodaigh whose calm, easy manner was a steadying

influence amidst the three week election whirlwind. For now, we are standing at ease awaiting resolution to this Irishstyle Mexican standoff between the ‘Ancient Régime’. When removing the posters, we were met with shouts of “keep them up” from the communities of the Inner-City. There was and remains a perceptible fury at the side-lining and blocking of over 500,000 votes that demanded

The idiom "all politics is local" was largely disproved as national issues of housing, health, childcare, pensions and reunification were prioritised by voters Change. However this pans out, the barrier is smashed. The Goliath conservative parties have met their David who arrived with aplomb on the back of Storm Ciara, who graciously waited for the end of canvass. Move over Cork, Dublin South-Central is The Peoples’ Republic – not a blue shirt or a soldier of destiny in sight. Beware the Risen People. Comhghairdeas all. We won! 

anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

CONNECTION, DISCONNECTION AND THE LEGACY OF CONFLICT BY CATHAL ÓG DONNELLY The importance of collective memory in understanding who we are as Irish people was demonstrated clearly in the uproar that followed the Fine Gael Government’s proposed RIC commemoration. The RIC and Black and Tans are remembered as a ruthless force, tasked with the violent undoing of movements toward democratic selfdetermination and independence. In seeking to accomplish this task they left numerous atrocities and collective traumas in their wake. The stories of these traumas have been handed down from the generation who experienced first-hand the brutality of the wars that birthed the Free State. Now, for the first time since 1918, Sinn Féin holds the majority of the popular vote across the island of Ireland. The exceedingly hostile response by the Irish media to this election victory has been unsurprising. It is not without precedent. Many will remember the censorship of Sinn Féin on the national airwaves under the infamous Section 31, which lasted until 1994. The singular threat posed by the party to the vested economic interests served by sections of the media also sets it up for special treatment. The upsurge in media coverage has seemed to result in greater collective scrutiny of the party and historical links to the Irish Republican Army by Irish people south of the border. As a Tyrone man and a Republican living in the South with plans to marry a Dublin woman, the disconnect between the Northern and Southern experiences of the recent phase of conflict in Ireland has been brought into sharp focus by this election. I increasingly find myself having conversations with friends and family whose principal understanding of the conflict has centred on the virtually isolated role of the IRA with an occasional perfunctory reference to the British Army. While likely a reflection of a simplistic media narrative that served to insulate people from the violence in the North, these conversations do uncover limitations in perspective. The context in which the IRA restructured in the late 1960s following the Border Campaign was one of great hardship, systematic discrimination, and violence wrought upon the Catholic population by 26

a structurally sectarian Orange State. The British Army, purportedly sent to Ireland to protect Catholic areas from violent pogroms by the police and Loyalists, was initially welcomed as a force for protection, but betrayed this by launching

• The Civil Rights movement was beaten off the streets by the RUC

As a Tyrone man and a Republican living in the South with plans to marry a Dublin woman, the disconnect between the Northern and Southern experiences of the recent phase of conflict in Ireland has been brought into sharp focus by this election its first attacks against Catholic areas. The peaceful Civil Rights movement primarily seeking votes for Catholics was beaten off the streets by the RUC, successors of the RIC. Internment, i.e. imprisonment without trial, saw nearly 2,000 people put behind bars. Fourteen innocent protesters in Derry were murdered by the ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

• Celebrations for Mairéad Farrell the new Sinn Féin TD in Galway West, (below) the same Tricolour drapes the coffin of her aunt and namesake leaving the family home in West Belfast 16th March 1988. Mairéad was assassinated by the SAS in Gibraltar

Parachute Regiment on Bloody Sunday. The men and women who chose to resist the inherent violence of the State did so by joining the IRA, for which they received the popular support of many trying to make a life within embattled communities like my hometown of Coalisland. No matter where you go in my town, you will always meet people who have lost someone to the conflict. Indeed, members of my own family were murdered in their home by Loyalists on the pay of British Intelligence, using weapons provided to them by the British Army. When Mairéad Farrell was elected as a Sinn Féin TD in Galway West, the Tricolour that draped her aunt and namesake’s coffin following her assassination at the hands of the SAS in Gibraltar was held as a backdrop at the count centre. Republicans are not ashamed of the IRA. This will never change. However, that does not mean that we fail to reflect and to deeply regret IRA actions that resulted in the loss of innocent lives. The same Martin McGuinness who fought the British Army on the streets of Derry brought my community from a war they never asked for, to peace. The conflict in the North was complex and people on all sides still live with unprocessed trauma. The media narrative in the South will never meaningfully reflect that, but as a people, we have a duty to listen to one another, remember together, and to move forward in building a lasting peace on this island.  Cathal Óg Donnelly is a Sinn Féin activist anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

• Sinn Féin’s Martin Kenny (15,035) who topped the poll in Sligo-Leitrim. He had defied death threats and had his car set ablaze outside his family home

• Eoin Ó Broin (11,842) in Dublin Mid-West, Seán Crowe (20,077) in Dublin South-West and Mark Ward (9,808) also Dublin Mid-West

• New Kerry TD Pa Daly (15,733) with Dodie Horgan and Kitty Galvin. Pa was anoter Sinn Féin candidate who came in on the first count

• Mná an Iarthair - Sinn Féin’s Claire Kerrane (8,003) in Roscommon-Galway and Mairéad Farrell (8,464) Galway West 28

• John Brady (17,297) celebrates holding his Wicklow seat in style ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

• Dessie Ellis (14,375) celebrates after being re-elected in Dublin North-West

• Paul Donnelly (12,456) in Dublin West, gets a kiss from his mother Bridie at the Count Centre in Phibblestown Community Centre

• Wexford Selfie – Veteran Republican Mick ‘a mhic’ O’Leary, and regional organiser Séamie Davitt with Johnny Mythen (18,717)

• Wee County - big vote! Ruairí Ó Murchú (12,491) and Imelda Munster (17,203) elected on the first count

• Pat Buckley (12,587) is congratulated in Cork East anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

• Elected – Sinn Féin’s Chris Andrew, wins a seat in Dublin Bay South (6,361) 29

There were some tough nights. We saw firsthand the hardships endured by families. Sinn Féin’s historic result places a heavy burden on all of us, from the leadership to the grassroots and everyone in between to deliver the change these families so desperately need

EMBRACING THE PEOPLE’S POLITICS OF THE FUTURE BY SINÉAD NÍ BHROIN

#GE2020 was a big one for me. I had skin in the game. My better half was fighting to regain the seat he had lost in 2016. As a family and as a county we had been preparing for this election for the last four years, and we were ready for it. I love campaigns. The camaraderie of a campaign team. Getting out knocking on doors and really talking to people. The late nights and early starts. Working on some aspect of the campaign that I’ve never done before, a fear of getting it wrong but ploughing on regardless. More than any other election, I felt we were given the opportunity to really spell out on the door what our policies would look like in action. What was obvious to me from the outset was the positivity towards Sinn Féin and our two candidates. Years of hard work locally and standing up for people nationally was acknowledged at the doors time and again. Pádraig’s humility on losing his seat in 2016 and the gusto at which he went right back to work for the people of Donegal was noted time and again on the doors. People wanted to see him back in the Dáil alongside Pearse, whose fearlessness in taking on the insurance chiefs was a talking point throughout the campaign. That’s the thing you see. Donegal Sinn Féin is a team and the very best of who we are came to the fore during this campaign. Our two candidates, ten Councillors, Directors of Election, constituency workers, Comhairle Ceantair, cumann officer boards, activists and supporters were united in common cause. Our campaign team were nimble and 30

• Pádraig MacLochlainn (13,891) on OceanFM

straight talking in their approach. Crucially, not a single vote was taken for granted by any of us. Donegal’s election rally the Sunday before the election was really special. Over 600 people attended, and the atmosphere was unlike any election rally I’ve ever attended. When Mary Lou walked up the hall with Pádraig and Pearse to a piper playing A Nation Once Again you could physically feel the emotion in the room. We were proud of our team, of our country and of one another. Our friends in Derry Sinn Féin deserve special mention. It’s not just that they showed up; it’s that they wanted it as much as we did. Wrapped up in the two Dáil seats for Donegal were all our shared hopes and aspirations for both counties and our island. In the early days of the campaign people

were raging about the proposed RIC commemoration. It appeared to typify an arrogance that had become synonymous with Fine Gael, and their disregard for those outside their political and social class. Similarly, the increase in the state pension age gave voice to a much deeper feeling of being taken for granted, for the steady stripping away of hope for the future, and worse for their children’s future. A sense of being left behind not only by Fine Gael but also by Fianna Fáil. Parties who keep talking about full employment but ignoring the reality of widespread low pay, regional imbalances and the distances people with kids were having to travel for moderate wages. Parties who don’t care that two working

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• Pearse Doherty (21,044) getting ready for media work

parents cannot afford to send their kids to university or help out with their soaring rents. Or the woman who had to go part time or give up on a job she loves because she simply can’t afford the childcare costs. Children waiting years for speech and language appointments or families relying on autism or respite services run by volunteers. Healthcare came up time after time after time. Women were distraught at the doors when relaying their elderly parents’ experiences on a hospital trolley or the latest cancellation of a long awaited procedure. On the doors Fianna Fáil was usually lobbed in with Fine Gael when people spoke of change, and this was not limited to age or indeed town or townland. They felt that Fianna Fáil no longer represented them, or

that they were no longer the ‘small man’s party’ as Kevin Boland once put it so aptly. Right across the county people of all ages turned to Sinn Féin, many of whom had not voted for us before but felt we now deserved the chance to govern. They are impressed by our spokespersons, their competency and the determination they have demonstrated in the Dáil. There were some tough nights. We saw first-hand the hardships endured by families. Sinn Féin’s historic result places a heavy burden on all of us from the leadership to the grassroots and everyone in between to deliver the change these families so desperately need and have clearly articulated to us. They took us into their homes and into their lives.

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Harry Leslie Smith, a British writer and political activist who died in 2018, wrote a beautiful book in 2017 entitled ‘Don’t let my past be your future’. Harry, a survivor of the Great Depression, a veteran of World War II and a lifelong member of the British Labour party concludes this beautiful book with the following: “My past won’t become your future if you hold firm to the belief that all people are born equal and deserve the right to a life free of want, ignorance and sickness. Believe in yourselves, in social justice, and live by the creed that we are all our brother’s keeper.” Over the last few weeks the establishment classes have lost their minds at the prospect of Sinn Féin in government. It’s as if they previously tolerated us with pinched noses on the unspoken yet shared belief that we would never be in power and the people we represent would certainly never ever have to be listened to. As an activist committed to Irish unity, social justice, sustainable economics and climate action I have never been surer of my politics, my party or the people. We now have the opportunity to build a transformative consensus for change from urban to rural, young and old. This is happening at a critical juncture for both the global community and the European Union. Imagine what we can now achieve when we set aside the outdated establishment politics of the past and embrace the people’s politics of the future. I tell you what, I for one simply cannot wait!  Sinéad Ní Bhroin is a Sinn Féin activist and political adviser 31

D N A L E R I L A RU R FEELS LEF T BEHIND

BY CLARE KERRANE For me, General Election 2020 was worlds apart from the 2016 General Election. I was just 21 years old when I was first selected to run for Sinn Féin in Roscommon/ Galway in 2015. Looking back, the experience I gained between then and the 2020 election really stood to me. I stood for the party, as I did in 2016 with the aim of building the party’s vote in Roscommon/Galway, neither of which would traditionally be a stronghold for Sinn Féin. I was also mindful that my constituency had always, since the foundation of the State, returned either a Fianna Fáil or a Fine Gael representative. That and the fact that we have two very strong independent TDs in the constituency meant that maximising our vote was what we really set out to achieve. In 2016, I polled 3,075 first preference votes, 6.73% of the vote. While the announcement of the election came as no surprise having been dangled in front of us since the previous election four years earlier, the pressure was on given the short lead in that we had. The General election was called on January 14th with polling day on February 8th. That began the countdown – 25 days. Nationally, the party’s campaign from start to finish was a positive one and I think this played a huge part in our election success. It was about providing an alternative, putting our solutions out there and in doing so, showing that the many crises we face as a State could actually be tackled. Our solutions are credible and costed and that message got through to the electorate in this election. Of course, there were attempts by our opponents to divert away from our message and our positivity but 32

in this election, those tactics did not work to the same extent as they may have in the past. I think that part of that was down to the youth vote who to put it bluntly are not interested in the past but rather the here and the now and their future. The need for positivity was also something that came through from the review following the Presidential Election (I sat on the review panel) and the party, as a whole learned that lesson. Sinn Féin’s message of ‘giving us a chance’ resonated with people in rural Ireland in a way that the

‘‘

There is no evidence of a recovery and there hasn’t been in recent years despite talk of economic growth. I think that has frustrated those living in rural towns and villages to such an extent that in this election, they simply had enough party had not resonated before. I met people in towns, in villages, down boreens, professionals, farmers, people of all ages who were willing to give Sinn Féin that chance this time. Many that I met were previously either Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil supporters, some having voted for one party or the other for a lifetime. The big message from my constituency in the election was rural Ireland really feels left behind. ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

• NEW CHAPTER – Clare Kerrane signs in to Leinster House as the new the Sinn Féin TD for Roscommon Galway

It is also important to note that rural Ireland is not just farmers. It is towns and villages that have witnessed years of closures, loss of services, drained of investment and mass emigration of young people and young families. There is no evidence of a recovery and there hasn’t been in recent years despite talk of economic growth. I think that has frustrated those living in rural towns and villages to such an extent that in this election, they simply had enough. Life in rural Ireland is unique. If you grow up there, chances are you will want to live there and raise your own family there as you were raised yourself. So, the job of work is to make that possible – it is a challenge, but it is absolutely necessary if we want to sustain our rural communities. For me, that will be my greatest challenge as an elected representative for Roscommon/Galway.

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As I begin this new chapter, I am excited, but more than that, I am immensely proud to represent the people of Roscommon and Galway. The big task now is to deliver for them and to work hard to make life better for them and their families. While elections come and go, and naturally some better than others, I think we, as a party should reflect on how lucky we are to have the team we have around us. Sometimes it is easier to criticise in the obligatory post-election analysis but this time, I think we should be proud and extremely grateful for the people we have around us who have worked so hard to take us to where we are today.  Clare Kerrane is the Sinn Féin TD for Roscommon Galway

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One small step by Sinn Féin

a giant step for Republican Ireland BY CAOIMHGHÍN Ó CAOLÁIN Just a little short of twenty-three years ago Sinn Féin secured the election of its first non-abstentionist TD since the imposition of partition. Eleven years had passed since the party took the decision to enter the Dáil. General Elections were fought without success in 1987, 1989 and 1992. Sinn Féin candidates had to contest those elections with at least one hand tied behind their backs. With the lifting of the Section 31 censorship ban Sinn Féin election candidates were able, for the first time since its introduction, to compete on a more level playing field. The electorate could now for the first time see and hear Sinn Féin representatives on television and radio. They now had the chance to see and hear their local Sinn Féin candidates put forward their republican platform and to debate with show presenters and other candidates. They could now evaluate and judge for themselves the validity of the republican analysis and the reasonableness of Sinn Féin’s policies. And they responded. From a core first preference vote of 4,500 over the preceding

I was that first Sinn Féin TD. While I faced a Dáil term of five years as the sole Sinn Féin voice in that 28th Dáil, I knew always that I was never alone, never on my own three elections, the Sinn Féin candidate in Cavan-Monaghan saw his first preference vote rise to over 11,500, a seven thousand increase. Other Sinn Féin candidates recorded marked improvements in other constituencies. I was that first Sinn Féin TD. While I faced a Dáil term of five years as the sole Sinn Féin voice in that 28th Dáil, I knew always that I was never alone, never on my own. The rousing cheers of

• Cavan-Monaghan – Matt Carthy (16,310) and Pauline Tully (10,166) gave a giant leap forward for Republican Ireland

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countless friends and comrades stayed with me throughout that first term and into the following Dáil term when I was joined by four colleagues, Deputies Arthur Morgan, Aengus Ó Snodaigh, Seán Crowe and Martin Ferris. Throughout those first five years, and for seventeen years of my Dáil service, I was ably assisted and greatly supported by my longstanding friend and comrade Mícheál Mac Donncha who was later elected as a Sinn Féin member of Dublin City Council and served a term as Ardmhéara Átha Cliath, a very deservedly won post of responsibility. Looking back over the many changes that have taken place, not least, our electoral advances in this State in 2011, in 2016, and now again in 2020, I am greatly heartened by the never weakening resolve of our membership to keep focussed on the real prize. This

In 1997 I was vilified repeatedly and subjected to a barrage of abuse both inside the Dáil chamber and in other fora, including the media. That continued for some considerable time and it never ceased from some is our primary goal of Irish reunification and the establishment of a truly inclusive and pluralist republic worthy of the name, an allIreland republic that will deservedly have the allegiance of all the people of this island. That is what inspired me to join our ranks decades ago and it is that strong belief that has sustained my contribution and service over these past 35 years as a Sinn Féin elected representative and over those years prior to our 1985 County Council success. It is because Sinn Féin remains the primary vehicle for the achievement of our republican goals that I will continue to be a fully committed party activist over whatever time lies before me.

The most important role I can now play is as a support, a resource, for those who come after me. In Cavan-Monaghan, we are delighted with the success of our 2020 General Election campaign that saw the election of my two successors, Deputies Matt Carthy and Pauline Tully. This was a mighty achievement and I am so very proud of them both. There is a striking similarity between the establishment reaction, both political and media, to that 1997 breakthrough election and the result of the February 8th 2020 contest. In 1997 I was vilified repeatedly and subjected to a barrage of abuse both inside the Dáil chamber and in other fora, including the media. That continued for some considerable time and it never ceased from some. That same spew of abuse has been pouring out in recent weeks from all the predictable quarters, Mícheál Martin out-performing Leo Varadkar in his anti-Sinn Féin outbursts in the Dáil and in television and radio studios. Whole newspaper groups are in an anti-Sinn Féin frenzy. But it is among the presenters in our so-called national broadcaster where the worst offenders reside. Paid for in part by our licence fee, these grossly overpaid RTÉ broadcasters have, in the immediate run up to the General Election and in an even more naked and vicious reaction since the election result unfolded, endeavoured to influence public opinion in a most partisan effort to dislodge support from Sinn Féin. Their disgraceful abuse of their positions merits serious examination by the Broadcasting Authority of Ireland. To the 37 Sinn Féin TDs, and the Senators who will soon join their ranks; to the very talented and dedicated support staff who will serve them over the term ahead; to our party membership and very especially our activist base across the island of Ireland; I will make a very simple plea. Stay strong and keep focussed on the prize. They couldn’t break our will in 1997 and they won’t break it in 2020. In 1997 we took one small step. This proved to be a giant leap forward for Republican Ireland. Let’s keep in step. A great day awaits. Slán tamall.  Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin was the Sinn Féin TD for Cavan Monaghan from 1997 to 2020

• 6th JUNE 2002 FIRST DAY BACK IN LEINSTER HOUSE: Caoimhghín is joined by newly elected Sinn Féin TDs Martin Ferris, Aengus Ó Snodaigh, Arthur Morgan and Seán Crowe 36

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AN ELECTION OF HOPE

BY KATHLEEN FUNCHION

I call the most recent election, one of hope as it really did see the political landscape change in a way we have never seen before here in the 26 counties. As someone who has contested many elections since 2007, I know a count centre can be filled with so many highs and lows. May 2019 had been one of the more difficult experiences for us in Carlow and Kilkenny. I cried many tears that day and in the days that followed for our hard working Councillors that suffered such unfair losses. I questioned (a lot) how people in such a time of crisis in our health and housing systems could still vote overwhelmingly for FF and FG who have caused such stress, worry and difficulty for people with their policies. However the resilience of Republicans never ceases to amaze me and we continued our work to the best of our ability in Carlow and Kilkenny, helping people who were struggling and who in general have been let down and forgotten about by the establishment. Roll on nine months and things had definitely changed. This campaign was different to any other I had been involved in, people were engaged and angry and people wanted to talk about the issues. For the first time since I became involved in politics, it felt like people were finally making the connection between the political parties in power and the detrimental affect their policies were and continue to have on people. This was evident in how many people transferred to the left. People Before

• Gerry Adams helped out Kathleen Funchion (17,493) in Carlow/Kilkenny canvass

I’m confident after the recent election that we will see a left wing government in the 26 Counties in the near future

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Profit and the Greens were the benefactors of our surplus which saw a second left seat for the first time ever in Carlow/Kilkenny. Change is slow but I’m confident after the recent election that we will see a left wing government in the 26 counties in the near future As someone that was written off as having no hope of retaining the seat, (even a week before the election) it not only is an honour to get the opportunity to keep representing the people of Carlow and Kilkenny but to do it as the first woman to be re-elected in the constituency and the first woman to top the poll makes the victory even sweeter. Times are definitely changing, at last!  Kathleen Funchion is the Sinn Féin TD for Carlow Kilkenny 37

• Cork North-Central’s Thomas Gould (13,811) with family, friends and comrades at the first day back at Leinster House after the election

• Newly elected Sinn Féin TD for Clare, Violet-Anne Wynne (8,987) facing the media

• On their way in to the first meeting of the newly elected Sinn Féin TDs, Louth’s Imelda Munster and Dublin Fingal’s Louise O’Reilly (15,792)

• Limerick City Sinn Féin TD Maurice Quinlivan (11,006) clearing up the last of his posters after election

• New TD for Meath East, Darren O’Rourke (10,223) with Sinn Féin President and TD for Dublin Central, Mary Lou McDonald (11,223) at the Rally for Early Years Sector during the election campaign 38

• Sinn Féin’s Laois-OffalyTD, Brian Stanley (16,654) listens to Mary Lou McDonald plans for change at the Parliamentary Party meeting

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

the New Republic’ The ‘Postcards from t, British designer, artis series is a hat tip to ’s cialist William Morris entrepreneur and So m series of articles fro News from Nowhere e Commonweal, the 1890 published in th t cialist League and se newspaper of the So ere Morris’s socialist in a distant future wh r has been secured. Ou and romantic utopia ir are Willa Ní Chuairteo story’s protagonists ur mpanied by their fo and Lucy Byrne acco o wh , Banba and Alroy children James, Afric d endure the equity an together enjoy and re’s New Republic. exigency of the futu family visit To check in with the

POSTCARDS FROM A

BY SINÉAD NÍ BHROIN

NEW REPUBLIC

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The latest bad weather has affected public bus and rail services out of the city. Private cars have been effectively non-existent for decades. Fares are long gone. After Sinn Féin successfully secured the necessary support from progressive member states, the EU agreed to drop its regressive State aid rules on public investment in infrastructure. Public transport provision in Ireland is first class, but it operates in an increasingly changed natural environment. Willa has gone into the kitchen to make hot chocolate, a much-needed treat on a miserable night. They should all be in bed but Banba has them all up watching

mini Minister is about to give a speech, Afric teases. Alroy has fallen asleep on his big brothers lap. James sighs and mutters under his breath. Lucy smiles at Banba and says, “Don’t mind them love, tell us what you thought of it.” “It reminded me of the Frederick Douglass speech you’re always quoting Ma. You know the bit that goes – ‘Power concedes nothing without a demand.’ There’s another bit that talks about the amount of injustice people will take, what is it Ma.” Lucy knows the speech by heart. ‘The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress.’ “That’s it Ma. It’s like the people quietly endured all the wrongs of the Great Recession but when things didn’t get better for families the people said they’d had enough. Sinn Féin heard them and stood up for them.” The old parties and all those who benefited from an unfair system went absolutely mental. They spoke to the people as if they were children. They spoke about Sinn Féin and their voters like how our history books tell us the British lords and politicians used to talk about and treat the Irish people when they occupied Ireland. Lucy smiles at her daughter and says, “it’s a lesson for us all love. As a politician I understand I must stay true to my commitment to equality, and never ever take the people for granted. We have nothing to fear from change. It can be an opportunity or a challenge. Together we can face both in the interests of all.” Afric nudges her sister and says with a cheeky smile, - and in that spirit, any chance of you sharing that last madeleine you greedy lump. 



Change. Willa, Lucy and their four kids are huddled around the laptop late on a Monday night. It’s the family’s fourth day relying on the generator for power. Coastal floods have plagued the town for months and the persistent heavy rain of the last few weeks is affecting every aspect of the family’s life. They’ve all been housebound for the last few days. James, their eldest is fit to be tied. He was recently appointed Coordinator of the Community Garden, known locally as the Big Feed. James is universally loved by all. Sincere, serious and like all their kids he has a big heart. Poor James is utterly dejected. For decades the Big Feed has used tens of hectares of raised beds to grow crops for the community. It’s the town’s primary source of fresh produce. The raised beds can weather the rain and power outages, but the hydroponic gardening system is not faring so well. Sporadic power outages have impacted on the crops. They’ve tried to tend them manually, but crops are starting to die. Willa and Lucy can’t travel to work, a fact of life that has become common place. Lucy’s Mam Eileen has just been on the phone. She was due to come up today to mind the kids. Willa needs to get to Dublin to start planning for the next edition of her magazine Dublin’s Voice. Lucy, who is a government Minister for Sustainable Economics, is due in Belfast for this week’s sitting of the shared parliament. Thanks to the weather all their plans have changed. Eileen lives in the city. Truth be told she would like to be closer to Lucy. She’s lonely at home and feels the change would do her good. Eileen was going to talk to Lucy and Willa this week about moving up. Oh well she thinks, it will have to wait.

an old documentary on YouTube. After listening to Lucy rehearsing a speech that referenced the 2020 general election Banba, ever the researcher, had found an old TG4 documentary about the election. Willa pops a tray of steaming hot chocolates and sugary madeleines on the table. TG4’s documentary is simply called ‘Change’. It charts Sinn Féin’s success from the 2020 election when it won the largest vote share in a general election to its first majority government. When the documentary ends Banba closes the laptop, sits up straight and gets ready to give her analysis. Here we go, the

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Toscaireacht go Cúba LE NAOISE Ó FAOLÁIN Ar na mallaibh, d’fhreastail mé féin agus triúr chomrádaí déag ar thoscaireacht dlúthpháirtíochta go Cúba. Oileán beag atá ann. Tá sé suite sa Mhuir Chairib, 90 míle amach ó chósta Miami sna Stáit Aontaithe agus níl ann ó thaobh daonra de ach 11 milliún duine. Leoga, ní féidir a shéanadh go bhfuil stair shaibhir agus córas polaitíochta réabhlóideach tógtha acu cé gur beagán an daonra. Tá dlúthpháirtíocht shuntasach ann idir rialtas réabhlóideach Chúba agus an ghluaiseacht phoblachtánach. Is é sprioc na toscaireachta; dlúthpháirtíocht a dhaingniú leis an réabhlóid, gaol a chothú idir Éirinn agus an scoil Arturo Monteray in Havana, agus oideachas a fháil ar an chóras rialtais réabhlóideach atá i bhfeidhm i gCúba agus na héachtaí atá déanta acu i réimsí an tsláinte, oideachais, tithíochta agus fostaíochta. Ní mór tuiscint a bheith againn go bhfuil Cúba faoi chois toirmisc trádála ag rialtas na Stáit Aontaithe a chuireann bac as cuimse lena gcumas a gheilleagar a fhás agus earraí nó amhábhair a allmhairigh. Sin mar a bhí nuair a raibh ceathrar déag againn i Havana at 1 Deireadh Fómhair 2019. Chaith an toscaireacht an chéad ceithre lá i bpríomhchathair Chúba; Havana. Chas muid ansin le Fernando Gonzales, Uachtarán ICAP (Coiste Idirnáisiúnta do Chairdeas an Phobail) agus iar-cime polaitiúil a bhí i ngéibheann i Miami in éineacht le ceathrar chomradaí eile. Ciontaíodh iad as bailiú eolais ar eagraíochtaí frith-réabhlóideacha lonnaithe sna Stáit Aontaithe. Thug seisean coimre pholaitiúil don toscaireacht faoi stair na réabhlóide agus stad reatha cúrsaí polaitiúla i gCúba. Mhínigh sé go raibh daingniú imeartha ag na Stáit Aontaithe faoi cheannasaíocht Donald Trump. D’admhaigh sé go raibh an gaol idir Cúba agus na Stáit Aontaithe ag feabhsú faoi riail Obama agus gur scaoileadh é féin agus a chomrádaithe ón phríosún de thairbhe sin. Mhínigh sé go bhfuil Trump ag cuir nirt san fheachtas i gcoinne na réabhlóide. Tá na Stáit Aontaithe anois ag imirt feall ar cheannas náisiúnta Chúba chomh maith le ceannas náisiúnta tíortha eile fosta. Faoi Acht Helms-Burton 1996 tá sé de cheart ag saoránaigh Meiriceánach cás cúirte a thabhairt in éadan aon ghnó nó tír a dhéanann trádáil le Cúba. Feictear go soiléir an dochar a bhfuil sé seo ag déanamh do mhuintir na tíre de dheasca an heaspa breosla atá ag déanamh bac ar ghnáthshaol an lae faoi láthair. 40

•An grúpa Éireannach ag uaigh Ernesto Che Guevara

Tá dlúthpháirtíocht shuntasach ann idir rialtas réabhlóideach Chúba agus an ghluaiseacht phoblachtánach

Agus muid i Havana, chás muid le Ramon Labanio, atá mar chuid d’eagraíocht National Assembly of Cuban Economists agus thug seisean achoimre don toscaireacht ar na constaicí atá roimh an gheilleagar. Mhaígh sé go raibh fás le sonrú ach go raibh srian air de dheasca an lánchoisc atá á imirt ar Chúba. Níl ach $6bn acu mar cáinaisnéis bhliantúil chun oideachas, sláinte agus tithíocht saor in aisce a chur ar fáil dá chuid saoránaigh. Ina theannta sin, bhí Ramon mar cheann den Cuban 5 agus nocht a chuid taithí a bhain le ceithre bliana déag a chaitheamh mar chime polaitiúil i

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• Ómós ó na hÉireannaigh ag uaigh an cheannaire Fidel Castro

Miami agus ghabh sé a bhuíochas ó chroí le muintir na hÉireann as an tacaíocht a thug muid dó. Tar éis Havana, thaistil muid go Santa Clara, an chathair stairiúil a ghabh Commandante Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevarra i 1958 ag deireadh na réabhlóide. Chás muid leis an ionadaí áitiúil ICAP agus thug seisean cur amach dúinn ar stair na cathrach. Chuaigh muid ansin, go másailéam Che Guevarra, áit a bhfuil a chuid luachra faoi shuaimhneas in éineacht lena chomrádaithe a maraíodh leis sa Bholaiv. Is áit naofa é seo do mhuintir Chúba agus tá cosc ar aon phictiúir a thógáil taobh istigh ann. Tá lasair bhuan ar lasadh chomh maith mar shiombail den laochra chalma atá curtha ann. Tá iarsmalann Che taobh leis ina gcoinnítear réimse leathan d’earraí Che, agus chomhdaíonn sé a bheatha agus a chuid ghníomhartha ar dhóigh spreagúil. Tugtar blas den chineál duine a bhí ann agus ar na híobairtí a rinne sé ar son a chomrádaithe san ionad. D’fhreastail muid théis sin ar shuíomh an luíocháin traenach Santa Clara. D’fhoghlaim muid faoin chaoi ina raibh Che Guevara agus scuaid de 40 óglach an traein a leagadh agus 408 shaighdiúir de chuid Batista a ghabhadh. Ba bhua cinniúnach é sa réabhlóid ar an ábhar gur thit Santa Clara ceithre lá níos déanaí agus theith an deachtóir Fulgencio Batista Chúba. Tar éis Santa Clara, chuaigh muid i mbun taistil trasna na tíre a fhad le Santiago de Cuba. Stop muid dhá oíche i Trinidad, áit ar chas muid le Coise Chosaint na Réabhlóide áitiúil. Bhunaigh Fidel Castro na coistí seo

tar éis cathréime na réabhlóide ar mhaithe le cosaint a thabhairt don idéalachas a chothaigh an réabhlóid agus an pobal a larnú i gceisteanna cosanta na réabhlóide. D’fháiltigh siad muid agus lúcháir orthu agus d’eagraigh siad féile sráide dúinn chun an ócáid a cheiliúradh. Léirigh an ócáid seo an chomrádaíocht a mhaireann idir mhuintir na hÉireann agus muintir Chúba. Casadh amhráin agus rinneadh damhsa le muintir na háite. Ó Trinidad, chuaigh muid go Camaguay agus chaith muid an laá ann. Cathair aoibhinn a atá ann. Chaith muid oíche ansin le grúpa pobail a chur ranganna damhsa ar fáil do pháiste óga. Blaiseadh iontach a bhí ann, nochtadh an cultúr damhsa a mhaireann sa tír fós. Tá ranganna saor in aisce le cinntiú nach bhfágfar aon pháiste ar lár. Tacaíonn an rialtas leis na scéimeanna seo chun tacú le daoine óga agus chun ligint dóibh caitheamh aimsire a bheith acu a sholáthródh gairm dóibh agus iad níos síne. Míníodh dúinn go rachaidh neart páiste i dtreo an damhsa phroifisiúnta. Thaistil muid ansin a fhad le Santiago de Cúba, áit ar chaith muid trí lá. Thug muid cuairt ar Reilig Santa Ifigenia agus ar uaigheanna Fidel Castro agus an ceannaire ón chéad chogadh saoirse, José Martí. Is áit naofa é seo do mhuintir na tíre agus tá garda míleata cois uaighe ar feadh an lae. Athraítear an garda gach 30 bomaite. Tá an reilig suite ag bun an tsléibhe Sierra Maestra, áit ar fhorbair Fidel, Che agus Raúl an réabhlóid tar éis dóibh landáil ag trá Las Coloradas i 1956. Chuaigh muid go Moncada Barracks ansin inár rinneadh an chéad ionsaí den réabhlóid

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ar an 26 Iúil 1953. Is iarsmalann atá ann anois a léiríonn stair na hionsaithe agus an tionchar polaitiúil a bhí aige sna blianta a tháinig ina dhiaidh. Chaith muid ár laethanta deiridh ar ais i Havana. D’fhreastail muid ar Iarsmalann na Réabhlóide agus bhí cruinniú againn eadrainn féin chun achoimre a dhéanamh ar an toscaireacht. Bhí cruinniú amháin eile againn le ICAP chun measúnú a dhéanamh ar an toscaireacht agus chun coimriú a dhéanamh ar an mhéid a d’fhoghlaim muid. Rinne muid plean a chruthú faoin mhodh is fearr dlúthpháirtíocht a léiriú leis an réabhlóid. D’fhág muid Havana ag meán oíche ar 15ú Deireadh Fómhair. Ba choicís trom leis an uafás cruinnithe agus taistil. Tháinig muid abhaile le heispéireas dochreidte a nocht buanna na réabhlóide a fheiceáil feicthe againn. Is léir go bhfuil an toirmeasc ag imirt feall suntasach ar gheilleagar na tíre agus go bhfuil an pobal ag fulaingt dá bharr. Caithfidh an pobal idirnáisiúnta brú suntasach a chur ar rialtas Meiriceá an toirmeasc a chuir ar ceal agus ligean don tír forbairt gan srian a chur uirthi. Tá dualgais orainne ar fad ár gcuid féin a dhéanamh chun taispeáint go bhfuil muintir na hÉireann agus an ghluaiseacht Phoblachtánach ar fad báúil leis an rialtas réabhlóideach agus caithfimid ár dtréan iarracht a dhéanamh dlúthpháirtíocht a léiriú leo i gcónaí.  Is gníomhaí Naoise Ó Faoláin le Sinn Féin na Gaillimhe. 41

BY CIAN McMAHON In the aftermath of the Westminster general election, and with a majority of nationalist MPs returned in the North for the first time ever, it’s clear that the entire Brexit debacle has dealt a potentially fatal blow to political unionism. As DUP MLA Edwin Poots commented reflecting on the historic and symbolic loss of DUP Deputy Leader Nigel Dodds’s seat to Sinn Féin’s John Finucane in North Belfast, the cradle of the Northern Irish statelet and a unionist stronghold going back to Edward Carson: “Ultimately, if we are going to protect the union, enhance the union and secure the union, then we’re going to have to have people voting unionist”. The lingering threat of a hard Brexit and harder border, while hopefully now receding, has nonetheless reignited the political debate surrounding Irish reunification. Indeed, there appears to be a growing consensus right across civil society that, for better or for worse, a united Ireland is now in the offing. It seems only prudent then to start planning for this eventuality. Guarded comments to this effect from the former leader of the DUP and former First Minister of Northern Ireland, Peter Robinson, have been well publicised. As

• John Finucane’s historic Sinn Féin victory in North Belfast unseated DUP Westminster leader Nigel Dodds

The case for Irish unity and a have recent, credible opinion polls indicating that, again for the first time, a majority of voters in the North favour reunification in the event of a border poll. History may have needed a push, but the winds of economic, political, social, and demographic change have been blowing in the direction of Irish unity for some time. This conjuncture has also witnessed a marked shift in attitudes south of the border, with a majority now polling in favour of a referendum on Irish reunification within the • It is prudent then to start planning for a united Ireland

next five years. Even the traditionally partitionist Southern political establishment are increasingly anxious not to be left behind by the course of events. Absent is an effective political strategy for Irish left-wing revival. However, Seán Byers of the insightful Brexit, Europe and the Left blog has argued that “increasingly it looks like this united Ireland will be delivered by bourgeois and civic nationalism in cooperation with liberal Unionism”. That is to say, without a return to left cooperation and a shared vision of a socialist united Ireland, any conceivable “new departure” will be guided by the forces of neoliberal continuity, North and South, Orange and Green. If the Irish Left is to assert itself in this debate, then the articulation and planned implementation of a socialist programme of all-Ireland economic integration will be paramount. This holds especially true against the backdrop of deepening economic stagnation and financial instability in the global economy, quite aside from the economic impact of Brexit in and of itself. The rift in the Irish establishment caused by the Brexit crisis is perhaps best exemplified by the recent, rather public disagreement between highprofile economists at the state-sponsored (and, hence, generally conservative) Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI), regarding the economic implications of a united Ireland.

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On one side of the debate, former ESRI Director Prof John Fitzgerald argues against Irish reunification, for the foreseeable future at least, on the basis that any conceivable adjustment would be too costly (economically, socially, politically) for both North and South. This analysis assumes a narrow set of policy options, however, whereby the transition is taken to be relatively immediate, and where there is a convergence, rather than a cotransformation, of economic structures – all within the bounds of what economic orthodoxy considers “sound finance” (i.e. balanced state budgets) and “necessary structural reform” (i.e. privatisation and deregulation). On the other side of the debate, current ESRI Research Professor Seamus McGuinness believes that a united Ireland is workable in the nearer term, once the combined effects of a sensible transition period and a transformational, all-Ireland industrial policy are factored in. As McGuinness concluded in a September 2019 Irish Times Article: McGuinness wrote that “There is little to be achieved through a static analysis of Irish unification whereby

contribution towards servicing the UK federal debt and UK military costs. When such expenditures are excluded, as in a negotiated united Ireland scenario, the North’s fiscal deficit (the difference between government expenditure and revenues) falls from around £9-10 billion to more in the region of £5-6 billion (i.e. “identifiable expenditure” relating directly to the North’s public services).

left green economic strategy the estimated current costs of administering Northern Ireland, which are themselves highly debatable, are simply superimposed on the current tax and welfare systems of the Republic”. Instead he wrote that, “Responsible debate on the economics of Irish unification should be based on facts that have been established through rigorous research that fully accounts for the likely dynamics associated with any unification process”. McGuinness is backed in this view by the current ESRI Director Prof Alan Barrett, who has likewise called for a more sober economic analysis ahead of the very real possibility that a border poll may be triggered sooner rather than later under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. Yet, as McGuinness alludes to, even at the level of crude accounting there is a case to be made that the economic costs of subsuming the North into the Southern statelet are frequently overstated. Former Nevin Economic Research Institute (NERI) Director Tom Healy, for example, points to the so-called “nonidentifiable expenditure” component of the UK subvention to the North, which is primarily composed of the North’s

Even accounting for the additional spending needed to align living standards in the North with those of the South, it’s likely that the shortfall could be covered by a solidarity tax amounting to around 2% of current Irish GDP. And less again if, as Sinn Féin Finance Spokesperson Deputy Pearse Doherty advocates, the £3-4 billion of identifiable expenditure attributed to pensions were to remain the responsibility of the British State, to which the North’s workers have been paying their pension contributions. Taking all of this together, the economic costs of Irish reunification starts to look like much less of an insurmountable barrier. Again, this is before we have even considered the potential economic benefits of a progressive, pro-worker structural transformation of the all-Ireland economy, as advocated by the trade union-backed NERI. SIPTU economist and researcher Michael Taft underscores that this will require more than simply increasing taxation on high-income and wealthy households and corporations to help fund better public services, necessary and all as that may very well be. He calls for a greater focus on increasing social insurance contributions (particularly from employers), alongside

History may have needed a push, but the winds of economic, political, social, and demographic change have been blowing in the direction of Irish unity for some time

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• Canadian journalist, author, and activist Naomi Klein

a state-led industrial policy to develop Ireland’s historically weak indigenous enterprise base. Indeed, some of the policies being developed by the left-led British Labour Party indicate how the latter might be achieved in the face of technological advance and globalisation; all the while privileging democratic worker and community ownership and control across both state and private enterprise. James Meadway has advanced complementary ideas regarding the future of work in an Irish context. Still, a left Keynesian programme, however “greened” and “worker controlled”, will ultimately prove insufficient, and even counterproductive, given the nature and seriousness of today’s environmental crisis. The esteemed Canadian journalist, author, and activist Naomi Klein warns against such “climate Keynesianism” in her latest book, On Fire: The (Burning) Case for a Green New Deal. Klein writes that, “Any credible Green New Deal needs a concrete plan for ensuring that the salaries from all the good green jobs it creates aren’t immediately poured into high-consumer lifestyles that inadvertently end up increasing emissions”. Klein believes that we need “transitions that recognise the hard limits on extraction and that simultaneously create new opportunities for people to improve quality of life and derive pleasure outside the endless consumption cycle”. This speaks to a more general issue concerning the fetishisation of Nordic social democracy within the Irish and international labour movements. While boasting impressive scores on most indices of national human development, the Nordic model has only been able to achieve this relative success through the superexploitation of both the environment and workers in the Global South. By way of illustration, Dr Jason Hickel of the London School of Economics (LSE) shows how even allowing that the Nordic countries regularly top human development

rankings (based as they are on purely economic and social criteria), they fall way down towards the bottom of the list once environmental impacts are factored into the analysis. Rather than attempting to replicate a flagrantly unsustainable social-ecological model, the people and the planet would be better served by turning instead to socialist Cuba for inspiration. Cuba tops Hickel’s Sustainable Development Index (SDI) as the only country in the world to have achieved such high levels of human development combined with such low levels of environmental impact. By contrast, though the 26 Counties currently ranks towards the top of the Human Development Index (HDI), it falls well down the list to 128th place via the SDI. The 26 Counties is also a noted climate action laggard amongst European peers, the most environmentallyactive of whom are still implicated in outsourcing their carbon emissions to the Global South. The UK, which presently includes the Six Counties for statistical purposes, comes in at 131st place via the SDI; well below its corresponding HDI ranking of 15th place. Without ignoring the unique historical circumstances in which Cuban socialism arose, and the continuing challenges and shortcomings of that experience, sustainable development has been demonstrably achieved through state-led economic, social, and environmental planning. And this in spite of the devastation wrought by an aggressive and illegal six-decade economic blockade from Cuba’s nearest and largest potential major trading partner, the United States. As an initial thought experiment at least, one then wonders what could be achieved by participatory and decentralised (within reason) socialist planning in the overdeveloped (as opposed to overexploited) national economies of the Global North – and, in particular, within a united Ireland. No doubt, in reality, this still seems far ahead; yet the carbon bomb is ticking, and material conditions are changing rapidly. The political divergence of the past decade, tracing back to the 2008 global financial crisis and intensified by Brexit and environmental degradation, can be expected to sharpen further in response to continuing financial instabilities in the global economy. Only recently, the Financial Times (FT) reported that the pre-2008 neoliberal financial deregulation agenda is back with a vengeance; and just in time to accentuate another likely downturn. As Financial Times Financial Editor Patrick Jenkins wrote last December in an article titled, “Worrying signs that a great global deregulation has begun”. If the Irish Left is to outflank the neoliberal and far Right in response, who together offer only a sordid path to what Naomi Klein terms “eco-fascism” and “climate barbarism”, then a worker-led Popular Front of our parliamentary and extra-parliamentary forces will be necessary – united in diversity. The present historical juncture calls for a Green New Departure

The present historical juncture calls for a Green New Departure towards a 32-county, eco-socialist workers’ republic, drawing on Ireland’s rich heritage of national liberation struggles for popular democracy and environmental stewardship

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towards a 32-county, eco-socialist workers’ republic, drawing on Ireland’s rich heritage of national liberation struggles for popular democracy and environmental stewardship. The raw materials for such a programme already exist, in the combined output of progressive left researchers and activists across the island. Prof Kathleen Lynch and her colleagues at the University College Dublin (UCD) Equality Studies Centre and UCD School of Social Justice, for example, have studiously documented and critiqued the economic and social inequalities that blight contemporary Irish society. Likewise, left-leaning (some further than others) research and advocacy organisations such as TASC, Social Justice Ireland (SJI), NERI, Trademark Belfast, Northern Ireland Public Service Alliance (NIPSA), and Development Trust Northern Ireland (DTNI), amongst others, have produced valuable policy analysis that can begin to cohere and form the basis of an all-Ireland manifesto. Lessons can also be learned from the successes and shortcomings of the left-wing Right2Change political initiative. In future alliances, can such a policy platform be devised on an all-Ireland basis? Take for example the potential for a detailed policy proposal around an all-Ireland universal public health service to mobilise cross-class and cross-community support, particularly in the current era of Tory cutbacks and the stealth privatisation of the NHS in the North.

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That said, the implementation of a transformative economic, social, and environmental programme in a united Ireland will also very likely require breaking with the neoliberal straightjacket of the eurozone and EU institutions. UCD’s Dr Andy Storey has argued that the strategic terms of disengagement is a not straightforward matter for the Left. Trade Unionists for a New and United Ireland (TUNUI) could potentially play an important role in coordinating the necessary debate and policy development in all of this. It is unfortunate that, to date, economic arguments in favour of Irish unity have tended to be couched in the language and theoretical assumptions of mainstream, “orthodox” economics, which knows the price of everything and the value of nothing. A prominent example is the oft-cited Modeling Irish Unification report (KLC Consulting, November 2015), written by consultants and academics based in Canada. The dynamic analysis therein argues that the all-Ireland economy could reap the benefit of “significant longterm improvement through a programme of economic liberalisation (particularly benefitting the North) – low-tax harmonisation; the removal of barriers to trade and foreign investment; and all-Ireland membership of the Eurozone”. While the assumed parameters of the model are certainly open to question, the broader concerns are twofold: (1) these so-called “general equilibrium” models, by definition, generate fair weather projections that are blind to even the very possibility of the kind of systemic economic and financial instability and crisis that befell the Irish and global economies in 2008; (2) even a relatively resurgent neoliberal economic structure cannot create the broader conditions for sustainable social and environmental development, as the Southern Irish political economy currently attests. Left economics requires not only the development of progressive, pro-worker policies and models; but also a strong sense of, and connection with, the class-based political movement that can make them a lived reality. This kind of radical political economy approach can according to Frank Stilwell, be distilled from the rich traditions of non-mainstream, “heterodox” economics – the class struggle emphasis of Marxist economics; the monetary and financial focus of left Keynesian economics; the institutional economics concern with social structure; the feminist economics study of unwaged and caring labour; and the social-ecological economics study of the metabolic relation between human society and non-human nature. Both in theory and practice, we need to stop working away in our own little silos, and instead be prepared to play a small part in something much bigger. A Tory Brexit, modelled on what Sasha Breger-Bush terms Trump’s “national neoliberalism” is unlikely to set about the conditions for a revival of the UK’s forlorn political economy. As Duncan Weldon, a left-wing economics correspondent with The Economist writes, it is likely that “Brexit will not generate a new model for the UK, but simply an inferior version of the existing one” and “the results are likely to be messy”, but England’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity.  Dr Cian McMahon is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the International Centre for Co-operative Management (ICCM) at Saint Mary’s University (SMU) in Halifax, Nova Scotia.

The Sinn Féin and IRA splits of 1970

Our responsibility is to establish the Republic envisioned in the 1916 Proclamation 1969 was a watershed year for the North and for republicans. It began with a People’s Democracy march being attacked by B-Specials and Unionists at Burntollet, outside Derry. That was in January. In July a Catholic pensioner, Francis McCloskey, was killed in Dungiven and Samuel Devenny died from injuries he received when batoned in his home in Derry in April by the RUC. In the following months there were further attacks on Catholic neighbourhoods. These included attacks by the Shankill Defence Association, supported by the RUC and B-Specials, against Unity Flats and Catholic families in the Crumlin Road area. Young activists like me spent a lot of our time assisting people in these communities. The situation deteriorated further when the Unionist regime at Stormont allowed the annual Apprentice Boys parade to go ahead in Derry. This decision resulted in the Battle of the Bogside. In Belfast the Civil Rights Association agreed to organise demonstrations against the actions of the state police across the North. In Dublin, three cabinet ministers proposed that the Irish army cross the border and seize Derry, Newry and other areas of majority Catholic population. On August 13th the then Taoiseach Jack Lynch went on television to announce that “the Irish government can no longer stand by and see innocent people injured and perhaps worse”. They did. Widespread pogroms against Catholic areas then took place in Belfast. Unionist mobs, including

BY GERRY ADAMS many members of the B Specials, armed with rifles, revolvers and sub-machine guns petrol bombed dozens of Catholic houses in the Falls and Clonard areas. The RUC opened fire with heavy calibre Browning machine guns from Shorland armoured cars. Very quickly the Clonard

area and the Falls Road was turned into a war zone. Catholic families fled their homes across Belfast. Over the two days of the 14th and 15th of August eight civilians were killed. Seven – including two children - died in Belfast and one person was shot dead by the B-Specials in Armagh. In two months - August and September – 3,500 families fled their homes in Belfast. 85 per cent of them were Catholic. This was the background to the tensions that emerged within republicanism. The IRA leadership had failed to recognise the dangers that existed. Local IRA units did defend communities to the best of their ability but the authority of the IRA leadership was being significantly questioned. Behind the barricades that now sealed off large parts of nationalist Belfast older republicans, who had drifted from the movement after the 50’s campaign, began to come back. Younger people flocked to join the IRA in order to protect their families and

The pogroms changed everything, demanding unity of purpose and clarity and resoluteness of action districts. Side by side with this there was a rapid growth in people joining Sinn Féin. The failures of the IRA leadership were compounded by its inability to grasp the emerging opportunities for change and for advancing nationalist and republican demands on civil rights. It was unable or unwilling to provide a leadership capable of unifying or encouraging the maximum unity

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The Sinn Féin and IRA splits of 1970

• (clockwise from top left) Billy McKee, Seán Mac Stíofáin, Jimmy Steele and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh

August 1969 became a watershed moment in our history. The response of republicans was to split. Movements rarely split of their own accord. Leaderships split first

some time before 1969 they had resisted the directions being set out by the leadership. Their views were articulated by veteran Belfast republican Jimmy Steele at the re-interment of Barnes and McCormack in July 1969. Barnes and McCormack had been hanged in England in February 1940. Jimmy Steele criticised the republican leadership and its political direction in his oration. Those who supported his position had one thing in common with the Goulding leadership; both failed to see the need to stay united. I attended the re-interment. I did not realise the full impact of Jimmy Steele’s remarks except to note to myself that it was unusual for a republican to criticise the leadership in such a public way. These internal difficulties were compounded by the Dublin leadership’s decision to act on the recommendations of the Commission which it had been mandated to establish at a previous Ard Fheis. The Commission made recommendations about future direction, including the establishment of a National Liberation Front, the ending of abstentionism and the development of electoral politics. However, all of this had been initiated some time before the August pogroms. The pogroms changed everything, demanding unity of purpose and clarity and resoluteness of action. At the very least, the leadership should have recognised the need for urgent new priorities and suspended its pursuance of the new departure in republican strategy

until a more settled time. To come before the membership, as it did in the autumn of 1969, with findings recommending the ending of abstentionism and the development of a wider and demilitarised, broadly antiimperialist movement was irresponsible. These proposals were not only anathema to older activists, who had returned, but to

of progressives, anti-imperialists, liberals, socialists, republicans and nationalists. However important the lack of defensive weapons, the primary problem was the lack of political awareness, vision, energy, or acumen needed to provide leadership based on the objective reality and conditions at a historic point of crisis. Sometimes leaderships work within their own little bubble, detached from their base and the people. This is fatal. Some of those older republicans who came back, like Billy McKee, also lacked a strategic or a political view of events or of the future route of struggle. They coalesced with Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, Seán Mac Stíofán and others. For anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

The Sinn Féin and IRA splits of 1970

• Seán Mac Stíofáin with delegates who walked out of the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis in January 1970, including (bottom left) 1916 veteran Joe Clarke; the monthly An Phoblacht was established in February.

newer, younger activists. It also, and more importantly, showed a fixation with these ideas and a blindness to the real needs of the moment. The smaller, mostly younger cohort of members who had been active in the years before ’69, in Belfast at any rate, were uncomfortable that some of those who were most critical, particularly of the Army’s lack of capacity during the pogroms, were themselves inactive in the build up to August. Some of these older elements may also have had personal or historical differences of opinion with the people in the leadership. We younger activists also had differences with the Dublin leadership but we did not have the experience or authority to have any real influence on internal developments. So August 1969 became a watershed moment in our history. The response of republicans was to split. Movements rarely split of their own accord. Leaderships split first. Belfast republicans passed a vote of no confidence in the Dublin leadership and suspended its contact with it. Despite this, in December at an IRA army convention, the Dublin leadership pressed ahead with its proposals. There was a walkout. For many of those who left the issue was not only about abstentionism but what it had come to represent: a leadership with a wrong set of priorities which had led the IRA, as they saw it, into ‘ignominy’ in August. The split was now out in the open. A provisional army council of the IRA was established. The Sinn Féin Ard Fheis was held in January 1970. Before this, the leadership manoeuvred to prevent delegates who were critical of the IRA leadership’s direction from attending the Ard Fheis. I attended and spoke at the pre-Ard Fheis Belfast meeting. I was on cordial terms with those assembled, mostly younger activists who had been busy on housing and civil rights campaigns. 48

But when I arrived at the Ard Fheis in what was then the Intercontinental Hotel (now the Ballsbridge Hotel) in Dublin, I was blocked. I was a delegate from my local cumann but I was told that I didn’t have proper accreditation. I went off to an anti-apartheid protest instead. At the Ard Fheis the Dublin leadership’s position was defeated. It failed to achieve the required two-thirds majority for a change of the Sinn Féin constitution. However, the leadership then stupidly brought forward a motion expressing confidence in the army

We should be guided by democratically agreed strategic objectives. The reconquest of Ireland by the people of Ireland, our aim. It is all about the people. Empowered, connected, organised people with a stake in the struggle leadership. That same leadership had just split. There was another walkout and the split was complete. Hindsight is a great person to have at the table. Over the years I have learned that some activists are splitters. The primary objective of the national struggle in Ireland is to win national freedom by ending the Union and Partition. All republicans should unite around that central objective. We should not be distracted by other issues, no matter how important these may be in their own right. Unfortunately some allow this to happen. National independence or liberation

movements which split usually do so on social or economic issues. James Connolly had the best formula. He said that the national and social are opposite sides of the one coin. That should be our mantra. It makes sense. It marks Sinn Féin out from other parties on the left. Socialists should be the best republicans. All of us need to be uniters. We should be guided by democratically agreed strategic objectives. The reconquest of Ireland by the people of Ireland is our aim. It is all about the people. Empowered, connected, organised people with a stake in the struggle. Conspiratorial manoeuvrings by cliques, Stalinist factions or militaristic fantasists have no place in this. In May 2000 at an event in Cork a Workers’ Party TD, the late Joe Sherlock, a decent man, congratulated me. He said we had done what they had failed to do. Last week I was at Tommy Smith’s funeral in Dublin, another decent man, an outstanding republican and patron of the arts. At that funeral a former prominent ‘Official’ congratulated me on Sinn Féin’s General Election result. “Ye succeeded in doing what we tried but failed miserably to do.” I have long believed that the split represented a significant set-back for the struggle. The ‘feuding’ which followed was reprehensible and totally wrong. Advancing republican objectives is best done with a cohesive, united party pulling in the same direction. The recent election results, North and South, have shown there is a growing appetite for republican politics across the island. Support for Irish Unity is also growing. Our responsibility, our historic task, is to end partition, achieve national self-determination and unity and to establish the Republic envisioned in the 1916 Proclamation and the Democratic Programme of the First Dáil.  Gerry Adams is a former Sinn Féin president, MP and TD.

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

BOOK REVIEW

anphoblacht LÉIRMHEAS

Liam Mellows – Soldier of the Irish Republic – Selected Writings 1914-1922 By Conor McNamara. Published by Irish Academic Press, €18.95.

A remarkable Irish revolutionary BY MÍCHEÁL Mac DONNCHA As I was finishing this book both Mícheál Martin and Leo Varadkar were in the news for again trying to rubbish the idea of an Irish Unity referendum. They demonstrated how prophetic were the words of Liam Mellows in his Dáil speech against the Treaty: “The time will inevitably come, if this Free State comes into existence, when you will have a permanent government in the country, and permanent governments in any country have a dislike to being turned out, and they will seek to fight their own corner before anything else. Men will get into positions, men will hold power, and men who get into positions and hold power will desire to remain undisturbed and will not want to be removed, or will not take a step that will mean removal in case of failure.” In that speech Mellows was countering the stepping-stones argument which defended the Treaty on the basis that it could be used to get to the Republic and Irish Unity. The enduring influence of Mellows on Irish republicanism probably lies most significantly in his identification of the vested interests who were lining up to back the Free State and who in the years after his execution in Mountjoy Jail would entrench a conservative, repressive state in the 26 Counties. In his writings from Mountjoy Mellows analysed the economic and political forces backing the Free State and urged a socialist direction for Irish Republicans. It was a call that could not be implemented then, in the midst of a disastrous Civil War or counter-revolution, but it was a blueprint for the future. Conor McNamara has done a good service in collecting the writings of Liam Mellows including articles, speeches and letters, in this one volume. And it is as such a collection that the book succeeds. anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

At times it is difficult to tell if the author is attempting a biography because he makes some arguments and draws some firm conclusions that are more suited to a full biography than as relatively brief notes for collected writings. The definitive biography of Mellows remains ‘Liam Mellows and the Irish Revolution’ by C. Desmond Greaves but the author here seems want to refute the assessment of Mellows by both Greaves and Peadar O’Donnell. While the latter two can be criticised for perhaps trying to fit Mellows too neatly into a strict Marxist interpretation of the Irish revolution, I think Conor McNamara goes too far in the opposite direction. For example, he is stretching his interpretation of one letter too far by saying it showed Mellows wanted a Catholic Irish state. In his notes he also omits the personal and political influence of James Connolly on Mellows, with only two references to Connolly in the book. It was in Dublin with Connolly that Mellows was introduced to socialist ideas, not later in New York as stated here. Was Mellows “a troubled individual who hid his despair behind a mask of frivolity”? That is a big statement to make but it is not adequately sustained by any evidence presented here. Certainly he was driven to near despair by the disgraceful way he was treated by a section of Irish Americans during his time in the States, but he was also careful not to let this get in the way of the cause. Having said all this, the primary purpose of the book is to present the words of Mellows himself and this is its great value. His speeches in the USA would be new to most people and these along with more familiar writings, as well as the letters, form a positive picture of a remarkable Irish revolutionary.  Mícheál Mac Donncha is a Dublin City Sinn Féin councillor 49

Stair Ghluaiseacht na Gaeilge in Ard Eoin LE PIARAIS Mac ALASTAIR Is dócha go bhfuil an Ghaeilge á labhairt fá cheantar Bhéal Feirste Thuaidh a fhad agus atá sí á labhairt áit ar bith eile sa tír seo. Tá a fhios againn, mar shampla, gur suíomh tábhachtach ag sliocht Uí Néill, rítheaghlach Uladh, Cnoc na hUaimhe nó Beann Mhadagáin anallód. Thóg Brian Mac Airt Uí Néill dún clúiteach ar an chnoc seo, Dún Mhic Airt, a raibh ríchathaoir istigh ann leis na céadta bliain go dtí gur scriosadh í ag loitiméirí dílseacha na háite sa 19ú céad. I mí Meán an Fhómhair 1795 d’fhoilsigh Ó Loingsigh agus a chara Thomas Russell duine de lucht Éirí Amach 1798, a bhí ina chónaí i mBéal Feirste ag an am, an chéad agus an t-eagrán deireanach den iris dhátheangach dar teideal “Bolg ar tSolair.” Bhí teach darbh ainm ‘Ard Righ’ ar Bhóthar Aontroma agus ba le Francis Joseph Bigger an teach seo. Bhí clú agus cáil ar theach Bigger mar ionad cultúrtha agus Gaeilge sa chathair agus is iomaí duine clúiteach a thug cuairt ar Ard Righ, Pádraig Mac Piarais, Eoin Ó Néill, Dughlas de hÍde, Bulmer Hobson, Roger Casement agus Alice Milligan ina measc.

Tús an 20ú chéid

Sa bhliain 1908 bunaíodh Craobh Ard Eoin de Chonradh na Gaeilge, Craobh na bhFiann a bhí mar ainm air. Bhí baint leis ag Seán Mac Diarmada, Cathal Bradley, Eoghan Mac Thiarnán a bhí

Is scéal streachailte, pobail, lándóchais scéal na Gaeilge in Ard Eoin agus níl anseo ach an tús. Lean ar aghaidh mar mhúinteoir scoile, agus Mícheál Ó Cairealláin, a bhuaigh suíochán ar son Shinn Féin i gComhairle na Cathrach, Béal Feirste. Chaith an Caireallánach sé mhí i bpríosún de dheasca óráide as Gaeilge a thabhairt sa chomhairle. Thosaigh an chraobh nua ranganna sa cheantar agus bhí siad lonnaithe i mbunscoil na Croise Naofa. Bhí an scoil lonnaithe ar an ghabhal idir Bóthar Ghleann na Coille agus Bóthar na Cromghlinne. Bhí an Ghaeilge á teagasc i seanscoil na ngasúr mar ábhar breise sa bhliain 1911 de réir Oifig an Oideachais agus tar éis do Joe Devlin, Teachta Parlaiminte d’Iarthar Bhéal Feirste, scoil na ngasúr a oscailt go hoifigiúil i 1914 ag Bóthar Ghleann na Coille. D’úsáid an Conradh Halla Ard Eoin do bhunús imeachtaí Gaeilge an cheantair go dtí na 70í. Ag tús na 30í a tháinig fear óg as Tír Eoghain chun tosaigh i gcúrsaí Gaeilge sa cheantar. Ba as Achadh na Cloiche i gContae Thír Eoghain ó dhúchas Seán Mac Eochaidh, ach bhog a chlann

chuig Ard Eoin nuair a fuair a thuismitheoirí bás. Chaith sé na blianta ag saothrú na teanga. Chuaigh sé chuig ranganna áitiúla agus spreag sé seo a ghrá don teanga. Bhíodh ranganna Gaeilge aige i seomraí os cionn ‘Foster’s Yard’ i Sráid Chatham sa cheantar. Chuaigh sé isteach i gConradh na Gaeilge agus ghnóthaigh sé scoláireacht chuig an Ghaeltacht áit ar chuir sé barr feabhais ar a chuid Gaeilge. Nuair a tháinig sé ar ais ón Ghaeltacht, thosaigh sé ag teagasc san Ard Scoil i Sráid Dhuibhise. Bhí Mac Eochaidh bainte fosta leis an IRA sa cheantar agus faoi dheireadh 1941, bhí sé ina phríomhoifigeach ar Ard Eoin nuair a gabhadh é agus cuireadh os comhair na gcúirteanna míleata é i mBaile Átha Cliath. Fuarthas ciontach é as an iarPhríomhoifigeach Stephen Hayes a fhuadach ar amhras gur bhrathadóir de chuid na nGardaí é. Lean Mac Eochaidh leis ag éileamh ar stádas polaitiúil agus in Aibreán 1946, chuaigh sé ar stailc ocrais. Chuaigh sé ar stailc tarta fosta tar éis cúpla seachtain agus fuair sé bás i bPríosún Phortlaoise ar an 11ú Bealtaine 1946.

Ón Dara Cogadh Domhanda go dtí 1969

Bhí an Ghaeilge bríomhar i gceantar Ard Eoin tar éis an Dara Cogadh Domhanda. Bhí Craobh Ard Eoin de Chonradh na Gaeilge gníomhach san am ag reáchtáil ranganna agus imeachtaí eile sa cheantar ar feadh na mblianta sin i seanscoil na ngasúr ag an Chrois Naofa. Bhíodh ranganna ann achan oíche Déardaoin, bhí Ruairí Fenton, Seosaimhín Ní Chonghaile, Paddy Liddy, Manas Mac Gabhann agus Máire Ní Loinsigh ar chuid de na daoine ag teagasc ranganna ag leibhéil éagsúla an t-am sin.

Tacaíocht an Phobail Ról na n-Iarchimí

Ar theacht amach de roinnt de na cimí chuaigh siad díreach isteach i bhfeachtas na Gaeilge tar éis na teanga a fhoghlaim sna príosúin. Bhí ról lárnach ag na cimí i gcur ar bun Naíscoil Ard Eoin agus bhí dlúthbhaint acu le Conradh na Gaeilge sa cheantar. Ba iad Rab McCallum, Kevin Corbett, Seán Mag Uidhir, Perry McLarnon agus Leonard Ferrin na hiarchimí is mó a bhí chun tosaigh san fheachtas seo. Tháinig na hiarchimí seo le chéile leis an phobal le Naíscoil Ard Eoin a chur ar bun. Shocraigh siad cruinniú poiblí sa cheantar i mí Bealtaine 1984 leis an phlean a cur os comhar tuismitheoirí a raibh spéis acu a bpáistí a chur chuig an scoil. D’fhreastail thart ar 30 clann ar an chruinniú seo. Tháinig Áine Andrews as Bunscoil Phobail Feirste, Máire Ní Bhruadar as Naíscoil Mhic Airt agus Séamas Mac Seáin as Gaeltacht Bhóthar Seoighe chun labhairt ag an chruinniú. I mí Meán Fómhair na bliana sin thosaigh 15 pháiste ar an naíscoil a bhí lonnaithe sa ‘Sweat Box’ mar a tugadh air san am i Sráid Ardilea. Bhí Breandán Ó Fiaich agus Áine Anderson as Tír Chonaill ó dhúchas mar mhúinteoirí ann.

ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

Bhí daoine ar nós Rosemary McGuigan, Geraldine Rice, Pat Boyle, a bhí ina n-iarchimí in Ard Mhacha, iontach gníomhach ar choiste na scoile agus ag tógáil airgid.

Is é Brad a bhí mar thiománaí ar an fheachtas le go mbeidh bunscoil i dTuaisceart Bhéal Feirste. D’oscail Bunscoil Bheann Mhadagáin i 1994 le 15 dhalta.

Comharthaí Sráide

Club Óige Mhachaire Botháin Máirtín Ó Dochartaigh

Bhí feachtas chomharthaí sráide sa cheantar i 1984 ag Conradh na Gaeilge agus Sinn Féin. Bhailigh siad £230 ag na doirse sa cheantar agus faoi thús 1985 bhí comhartha mór “Fáilte go dtí Ard Eoin” curtha suas ag Breandán de Léigh sa cheantar.

Ról na ranganna ar Ghluaiseacht na Gaeilge

Bhí roinnt múinteoirí ag teagasc ranganna ar fud na mblianta, Séamus de Brún, Liam de Fréinse, Pól Mac Cumhail, Proinsias Mc Giolla Éid, Páidí Ó Cléirigh, Ailbhe Hannaway, Seosamh Ó Buachalla ina measc. Ach is í clann de Léigh a d’fhág an lorg ba mhó ar an Ghaeilge sa cheantar. Bhí Pól de Léigh agus a bheirt mhac Breandán agus Michael ag teagasc ar feadh na mblianta. Bhí Pól de Léigh ag dul don Ghaeilge ó na 50í ar aghaidh, chaith sé seal beag i bPríosún Bhóthar na Cromghlinne ar ordú imthreorannaithe. Bhí baint aige le ranganna sa cheantar le breis is 50 bliain, agus gan phingin rua a ghlacadh ar a shon, le bunú Naíscoil Ard Eoin agus Bunscoil Bheann Mhadagáin.

Na 90í- Tionchar Bhreandán Uí Bhrolcháin

Ag teacht isteach sna 90í tháinig fear chun tosaigh a raibh tionchar nach beag aige ní amháin ar phobal na Gaeilge ach ar an phobal iomlán ina raibh sé ina chónaí. Bhí suim i gcónaí ag Breandán Ó Brolcháin, nó ‘Brad’ mar ab’fhearr aithne air i gcultúr agus i dteanga na hÉireann. Bhí Brad ar dhuine de na daoine a thug Fleadh Ard Eoin ar ais chuig an cheantar, agus faoina stiúir bhí an Fleadh ar an imeacht saor pobail ba mhó san Eoraip. Agus chomh maith leis seo chuir sé féin agus a chara Pól de Léigh, a bhí ag teagasc na Gaeilge in Ard Eoin ó bhí na ‘50í ann, Cumann Cultúrtha Bhéal Feirste Thuaidh ar bun leis an chultúr Ghaelach a chur chun cinn.

anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

Agus méid na ndaltaí a bhí freastal ar Ghaelscoileanna i dtuaisceart na cathrach ag dul i méid gach bliain le Bunscoil Bheann Mhádagain agus anois Bunscoil Mhic Reachtain sa Lóiste Nua, d’aithin tuismitheoirí gur beag imeachtaí a bhí ar fáil do dhaoine óga taobh amuigh den scoil agus go raibh gá le club óige a chur ar bun. Bhí Máirtín Ó Dochartaigh mar cheannródaí ar an tionscadal le club óige a bhunú. Tháinig Máirtín le chéile le tuismitheoirí eile, a raibh a gcuid páistí ar Ghaelscoileanna, Christine Beattie, Ailish O’Conor, Leonard Ferrin, iarchime as an cheantar, agus bhunaigh siad Club Óige Mhachaire Botháin siar in Eanáir 2001. Tá breis is 80 páiste anois ag freastal ar an chumann óige. Ar an drochuair chaill muid Máirtín I mí na Nollag 2011 agus tá Cumann Óige Uí Dhochartaigh ainmnithe in ómós Mháirtín agus an tionchair a bhí aige ar an chumann.

An Staid Reatha

Tá dul chun cinn suntasach déanta thar na blianta ní amháin in Ard Eoin ach ar fud Tuaisceart Bhéal Feirste. Tá trí Bhunscoil againn, Bunscoil Bheann Mhadagáin (144 dalta) Gaelscoil Éanna ( 186 dalta) Bunscoil Mhic Reachtain (100 dalta). Tá Cúram Lae nua oscailte in Ard Eoin, Cúram Lae Bheann Mhadagáin. Tá Cumann Óige Uí Dhochartaigh againn le breis is 80 duine óige ag freastal dhá oíche sa tseachtain. Tá grúpaí pobail againn anois, Croí Éanna, Glór an Tuaiscirt agus Cumann Cultúrtha Mhic Reachtain atá i mbun oibre iontaí ag cur na Gaeilge chun cinn. Tá feachtas ar bun leis an dara Meánscoil a oscailt i dtuaisceart na cathrach agus tá dóchas ann go mbeidh sé oscailte i 2022. Is scéal streachailte, pobail, lán-dóchais scéal na Gaeilge in Ard Eoin agus níl anseo ach an tús. Lean ar aghaidh.  Is gníomhaí pobail é Piarais Mac Alastair

BOOK REVIEW

anphoblacht LÉIRMHEAS

Cairo’s Ultras: Resistance and Revolution in Egypt’s football culture

By Ronnie Close. Published by the American University in Cairo Press, €29.95.

Football freedom fighters BY ROBBIE SMYTH The first inescapable conclusion from reading Ronnie Close’s Cairo Ultras was the need to rethink the idea and meaning of being a football fan. I know many diehard soccer fans, from Sinn Fein councillor Larry O’Toole’s devotion to Bohemians and some friends and colleagues who are waiting in expectant righteousness for Liverpool’s first premiership. And then there are the myriad of republicans who have an unconditional support for Glasgow Celtic. But, accompanying this is a parasitic commercial soccer corporate business culture, which has built in some leagues multi million euro profits from merchandising and marketing a sanitised soccer fandom to the masses. We can buy the replica kit and pretend from afar to be a fan. And then there are the actual fans who turn up in victory and defeat, on the rainy cold winter days to support their team. Cairo’s Ultras is a story delicately unwrapped by Dr Ronnie Close, who in full disclosure, was An Phoblacht’s photographer in a previous life. The book tells the story of soccer fans who have been beaten, murdered and suppressed by the political regime in Egypt. There is

The Ultras had protected the protesters from the Egyptian police and military and ultimately helped, albeit temporarily, to topple the corrupt brutal regime of Hosni Mubarak also some great photo documentary work by Close in this book. These soccer fans show a resilience and belief in their teams found increasingly less in the sanitised football culture of EUFA and FIFA, where any display of politics or overt fandom is deemed unacceptable. Close tells the short history from 2007 to 2018 of two groups. They are Ultras Ahlawy and the Ultra White Knights fans of the al-Ahly and Zamalek soccer clubs. These clubs have a complicated history. In particular, al-Ahly played a role in the emergence of Egyptian nationalism and an independent state in the 29th century. The two groups share a soccer ground in Cairo. For many of us, the story of Egyptian domestic soccer exploded into life with the massacre of 72 al-Ahly fans on February 1st 2012. Close goes into depth on the days leading up to this incident and the repercussions afterward when the allegations of state collusion in the killings grew. He sums this up writing, “for many ordinary Egyptians Port Said symbolised the disintegration of the ideals that came to life with the 2011 uprising”. According to Close the Cairo Ultras had played a significant role in the Tahir Square protests that symbolised the Arab Spring reaching Egypt. The Ultras had protected the protesters from the Egyptian police and military and ultimately helped, albeit temporarily, to topple the corrupt brutal regime of Hosni Mubarak. From the early days of the Ultras emergence in 2007 they were 52

met with hostility and repression by the Egyptian state. Their chants, posters and banners were perceived as a threat. They had in the years up to the Tahir protest experienced frequents beatings, imprisonment and torture by the Egyptian police. In 2015, new emergency laws prohibited the public assembly of the Cairo Ultras and the groups were reclassified as a ‘terrorist’ organisation. Close’s book is a great read and jumps between excellent telling of the history of the Cairo Ultras to the analysis of football sub-cultures. This is where for me the work shows incredible depth in the analysis. Close weaves in the theories of a range of philosophers and writers on culture, sport, contemporary society and repression to create an excellent piece. He creates an alternative version of Ultra culture, very different from the views we get in western media. He sums this up with a quote from Isaiah Berlin, “Freedom for an Oxford don, others have been known to add, is a very different thing from freedom for an Egyptian peasant”. The second conclusion from reading Close’s Cairo Ultras is that I need to be a better fan.  ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

REMEMBERING DICKIE GLENHOLMES

A towering figure who struggled for justice and equality y Veteran Republican Dickie Glenholmes died last November. In this edition of An Phoblacht we are delight to carry Jim Gibney’s funeral eulogy for Dickie. BY JIM GIBNEY Picture this scene if you will – a bitter cold Christmas Eve around 9pm. A deserted street in Riverdale but for the lonely figure of my good self valiantly striding along trying to hide my face from a biting wind. Buoyed up by a slight touch of intoxication in the blood-stream and the experienced knowledge that in the shortest time I will be in the warmth and good cheer of a Santa Claus party in Michelle and Pat Wilson’s home. In the far corner of the living room is a large Christmas tree which is almost lost beneath a mound of Christmas presents for all those gathered. They are the values that embraced callers to the homes of Richard and And especially for Richard Glenholmes senior, who carefully placed Lily, whether in Ballymacarrett or Riverdale. himself at the centre of the party to avail of presents from many quarters, They are the values that made it possible for Richard and Lily to be with a glass of wine – the level of which was measured by Lily’s silence, active republicans and parents and grandparents for over 60 years. They and expert eye, regularly examining the content of the glass and Richard’s were sown into the invisible fabric of their lives and drawn off throughout demeanour, with a remarkable unspoken, yet productive impact on the years of war and conflict. A war and conflict whose impact was ‘part Richard. and parcel’ of family life for Lily and Richard and their children because For the next few hours three generations conversationally mixed Richard was ‘part and parcel’ as a leading Belfast IRA activist. while the hosts, Michelle and Pat, served up the fayre for the evening And can I at this point seek forgiveness from Richard for breaching one affording pride of place to Richard, Lily and friend Anna Roe, with myself of his life-long golden rules, which he regularly lectured me about “Never and Eibhlín, the bridge between the first and third generations which loose talk, Jim!” is a loose gathering of siblings, Richard, Damien and Michelle and the Sorry Richard, on this occasion managed loose talk is required to place grandchildren, Catríona and her husband Hugh, Ruairí, Cushla, Owen you and your family in the story of the Republican Movement in Belfast. Roe, Caoimhe and Dulta. And to pay due respect to you and your family and The highlight of the evening was the distribution your contribution and theirs to making the Belfast IRA of presents which took place in an atmosphere of The ‘Battle of St the formidable organisation it was. childish expectation, rushed endeavour, confusion, Matthew’s’ on June 27th My first memory of Richard and Lily and their but always great satisfaction that Santa had been very family is in the violent chaos that engulfed the street 1970 was a turning point good to all gathered, wherever you sat on the age we lived in, Bryson Street, during Internment week spectrum from the first decade of life until the eighth. in the IRA’s history. It in 1971. In a week that saw Farrington Gardens in The ebb and flow of the conversation reflected the marked the re-birth of Ardoyne burn to the ground, Bryson Street, narrowly festive mood of the season and equally important, missed a similar fate. But it did lose all the families of the IRA and Richard took in this particular company, the political mood of the Street including the Glenholmes family and republican struggle. great pride in the fact that Bryson my own family. The gathering marked an end to the family and the modern IRA emerged I recall as a 16-year-old watching Richard and Lily political year and did so with love, warmth, respect and others, helping them flee in the face of loyalist and above all generosity for all gathered between all from the ‘Battle of St intimidation, to a safer part of the district carrying ages but particularly for Richard and Lily. Matthews’ – a battle he with them their worldly possessions on the back of a In so many ways the gathering in Michelle and was directly involved in handcart. Pat’s home, which has been taking place for as Little did I know then that my life would integrate long as I can remember, represents the values that with the lives of Richard and Lily over the next 50 years. Richard and Lily had instilled in their family and which shaped them and Can I say from the outset of Richard’s IRA history and his family’s that their life’s journey. the story would be entirely different but for the direct involvement by Lily Richard Glenholmes and Lily Martin inherited these values from their in that history. own families. They had served them well growing up and they served well So let me start there. Lily was a republican activist in her own right. the family that Richard and Lily jointly led. And that activism was as dedicated and loyal mother, wife and partner, at These were the values that welcomed me into the Glenholmes family home and on the streets, in support of the prisoners and various protest decades ago as an adopted son and brother. anphoblacht  UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1 - 2020 - ISSUE NUMBER 1

Prior to joining the IRA, Richard’s background was in trade unionism. movements opposing the British military occupation. It was as a trade unionist he learned about the struggles of the working While Richard’s IRA life took him out of his home, Lily was the classes and his introduction to socialist ideas. Time in prison helped him constant that ensured the children were reared, that Richard was visited develope his socialist republican outlook and he blended this with his IRA on the three occasions he was in prison – twice interned and in gaol in activities. England for many years. Comrades of his describe him as being ‘fearless’ in the formative years It was particularly difficult for Lily when Richard was in gaol in of the struggle when prison life or the grave were often the only alternative England because of the travelling involved and the frequency with options for those on active service. His leadership qualities were noticed which he was ‘ghosted’, moved from prison to prison. On many and he rose up through the ranks of the Belfast IRA. occasions without Lily’s prior knowledge and she would turn up at the Richard was a steady, safe pair of hands, whose prison to find that he had been moved. wisdom and leadership was often required and when it It was Lily’s republican beliefs and her quiet and I recall Richard in the wasn’t, he offered it up in the interests of the struggle. patient manner that ensured that she managed the mid-70s telling a group of He was by nature a mild-mannered, thoughtful, expected and unexpected difficulties that came to her door through her family’s active involvement young republican activists caring and generous man with firm views about how the movement should conduct itself and he regularly in the Republican Movement. To survive those very from Ballymacarrett/ made his views known. He was vocal. His voice was difficult days Lily had three jobs – in the home and Short Strand that the not silent. two others. I recall Richard in the mid-70s telling a group of Richard’s imprisonment in England, Eibhlín’s IRA had only one enemy young republican activists from Ballymacarrett/Short long absence from the family home, and young and it was the British Strand that the IRA had only one enemy and it was Richard’s move to Dundalk were particularly forces – not unionists, nor the British forces – not Unionists, nor Protestants. I difficult periods in the family’s life. Yet they were recall him forcefully telling the same group that the absorbed with fortitude and without complaint. Protestants IRA was not a sectarian organisation. The Battle of St Matthew’s on June 27th 1970 was With others, including the late Fr Alex Reid and the late Fr Des Wilson, a turning point in the IRA’s history. It marked the re-birth of the IRA and he mediated peace between the different armed republican groups in this Richard took great pride in the fact that the modern IRA emerged from city. At a time when most IRA volunteers of his age were assigned to other the Battle of St Matthews – a battle he was directly involved in. appropriate duties Richard went on a mission to England to rescue the A week later in the company of Dessie Kennedy and the late Jimmy late Brian Keenan from prison. George, Richard found himself trapped inside a house in Milan Street in He spent years in prison. Long before Bobby Sands wrote that everyone the Lower Falls, during the Falls Curfew. had a part to play in the struggle Richard was living out that sentiment. He They were there of their own volition to help the people of the was adaptable and proud to work for the republican struggle whether on Lower Falls at a very dangerous and life-threatening time. These were active service for the IRA or active service for Sinn Féin. momentous happenings and they left a deep mark on Richard. He was comfortable in the National Grave Association, the Felons, The IRA were part of Richard’s family background. His mother Mary a tenant’s association, in Connolly House, supporting the many street was a republican and his father Dicky was an active IRA man who campaigns for people’s rights. Wherever people were struggling, there you defended Ballymacarrett-Short Strand during the years before and after found Richard. partition.

• Dickie Glenholmes in the car park of Long Kesh, the day he was released on the last day of Internment, 5th December 1975 54

• Dickie and his wife Lily on Dooey Beach in Donegal, Dicky described Donegal as: ‘Every northerners spiritual homeland’ ISSUE NUMBER 1 – 2020 - UIMHIR EISIÚNA 1  anphoblacht

And one of his most prolonged yet enjoyable struggles wasn’t that posed by the British government but by a life-long comrade and friend Dessie Kennedy whose life-long ambition, next to his contribution to achieving a united Ireland, was to ‘better’ Richard as a prankster. Richard described Dessie as the ‘bane of his life’ and Lily described him as his ‘saviour’. An inseparable comedy duo like Laurel and Hardy or Morecambe and Wise they laughed their way through their fifty years of friendship. Listening to Dessie it was like they lived two lives – a life in the struggle lane and a life in the comedy lane. A prize possession of Dessie’s is a hand-made pillow which sits on a seat in his living room with portrait photos of Richard and him on each side of the pillow. At a special dinner one night, the company sat down to a steak each with all the trappings – while Dessie sat down to a glass of water and a loaf of bread and a framed poster from Richard inscribed with Dessie’s philosophy of a humble man – ‘A glass of water; A loaf of bread; Somewhere to rest my weary head; That’s all I ask in life’. Dessie took some time to recover. But he did. Lily confided in Dessie that she was worried about Richard’s soul because he was not attending mass as often as he should. One morning • Brian Keenan, Harry Thompson, Tommy Devereux, Martin Ferris and Richard discovered a pair of rosary beads in one of his shoes. Dickie Glenholmes right behind them He asked Dessie did he put them there. He said he did and explained that Lily was worried about his soul but of course it was not the sole of Richard’s shoe that Lily was worried about. Dessie took great delight in presenting to Richard a Christmas card he sent to him signed from Long Kesh in the early 70s. It was signed ‘Dicky Glen Short Strand’. No mention of his much-beloved Ballymacarrett there said Dessie. My abiding memory of Richard in Long Kesh was as OC of the internees. Under his leadership, there were more successful and attempted escapes. His eyes would light up and he would smile generously at me. He loved that story. One of Richard’s other great comrades and life-long friends was like Dessie a Ballymacarrett man, Harry Thompson. Harry’s illness and passing affected Richard deeply. Harry was never far from our conversations over the years and his contribution to the republican struggle. • August 2009: Dickie and Eibhlin Glenholmes with Harry Thompson Richard had comrades and friends ‘over the bridge’ and one such protesting in Belfast calling for the ban of the use of plastic bullets friend was Gerry Adams. They met in Long Kesh during Internment and formed a close bond of comradeship which remains to this day. figures”, Richard and Fr Des who “struggled all their lives for justice and In a tribute Gerry wrote: “Dickey was a truly remarkable and equality”. exceptional human being. He was a freedom fighter and a political He said Fr Des was “not just a believer in the gospel of hope and prisoner in British prisons in Ireland and England. In the hard years liberation he was a practitioner of the gospel of hope and liberation”. when the British imprisoned him without trial and he was locked away Because of their work, Niall said “we can look forward to the best for years in England he kept the faith. years”. “So did Lily. A republican in her own right. Lily was the perfect And in the company at the Santa Claus party in Michelle’s and Pat’s I partner for Dickie and a wonderful, grounded and strong woman. She could see the best years. It was there on all the faces – young and not so and her clann minded Dickie through his long illness and she reared young. The ‘not so young’ were the custodians of the IRA’s history. the children through his long years in prison and on We knew what it meant for the IRA to fight as Long before Bobby Sands they did. And we are proud that they did. the run”. Gerry went on to say: “Dickie demonstrated And Eibhlín put it so clearly when she said wrote that everyone time and again enormous strength of character, “War came to us”. It did. The Glenholmes had a part to play in the perseverance and vision. His legacy will continue to family were part of that war. They are now part inspire his family and all of us in the time ahead”. of the peace. Their grandchildren and great struggle Richard was I visited Richard a few times a week over the living out that sentiment. grandchildren can be proud of their roots. They last 18 months when he was house-bound. There can enjoy the ‘best years’ speaking Irish and He was adaptable and was not a time he didn’t praise Seanadóir Niall Ó English in the full knowledge that their Granda Donnghaile. He was very proud of Niall and Niall Dickie and Granny Lily fought for them so they proud to work for the was very proud of him. Niall would be with us today did not have to.  republican struggle but he is on his way to Canada to represent the party whether on active service at several meetings. Jim Gibney is a Republican activist, former But before he left, yesterday in the Seanad Niall political prisoner and parliamentary for the IRA or active paid tribute to what he described as “two towering adviser to Senator Niall Ó Donnghaile

service for Sinn Féin

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