I N F O C US
2021. 1st Issue ISSN 2677-111X
The V4 and Central Europe
Economy
History
Security
Foreign relations
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1
5
Welcoming Words
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2 Introduction 6 Central Europe and Its Most Important Cooperation, the V4 8 Central and Eastern Europe’s Interests within the EU—Interview with Hungary’s State Secretary for EU Affairs Attila Steiner 12 V4 in the World and within the EU—Interview with Executive Director of the International Visegrad Fund Edit Szilágyiné Bátorfi 17
3 How to describe Central Europe? József Antall’s Conception of Central Europe Political System Changes in Central Europe: A Bird’s Eye View Clash of Conceptualisations—Geopolitical Concepts and Their Significance in Central Europe New Visegrad in New Europe Subregionalism and Minilateralism in Contemporary Europe
20 22 29
37 47 50
4
108 110 120 123
129 135
140 145
6 Antall József Knowledge Centre
154
7 Authors Guest Authors Authors of AJKC
156 156 158
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Central Europe and the EU The Visegrad Group Countries’ Representation in the European Parliament after Brexit A Quadratic Nexus—The National Minorities of Central Europe in the EU Immigration and Multiculturalism in Central Europe—Social, Political, and Cultural Dilemmas Central Europe in the European Budgetary Politics: Can It Still Be Bypassed? The European Green Deal and its Implications for Central and Eastern Europe The Unquiet Frontier: The NATO Enlargement and Partnership from the Perspective of Central Europe 4
Great power politics in the CEE region American Interests in Central Europe: Continuity and Shifting Emphases Russia and the Geopolitics of the New Cold War Chinese Influence in Central Europe: Myth or Reality? The Crossed Red Line: The Past, the Present, and the Unclear Future of Chinese–Czech Relations Emmanuel Macron’s Vision on Central European Geopolitics A Special Relationship? The UK’s Relations with Central Europe and Its Countries Post–EU Exit Germany, a Central European Great Power
TABLE OF CONTENTS
58 60 66
72 82 90
97
References of pictures and used data
160
9 Next issue
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1
WELCOMING WORDS
Dear Readers,
Editor’s Note
Central Europe, and, more concretely, the tetrad that comprises the countries of the Visegrad Group, is often referred to as the new heart of Europe, for it is said to lend the old continent the economic vigour and the new ideas it needs. Still, Central Europe’s virtual borders sometimes seem blurred, and it is not always clear what the true nature of the Visegrad cooperation is. Our present issue provides a tour d’horizon of what Central Europe and the Visegrad Group are. It guides our readers through the most important issues the region needs to face today, encompassing topics such as geopolitics, economy, security, minorities, the role of external actors and partners, and the most pivotal challenges of the European Union. Our institution has as a mission to keep József Antall’s legacy and political tradition alive, and Central European cooperation was irrefutably a cornerstone of József Antall’s foreign policy. Therefore, this issue offers an overview of his thoughts on and political motivations for building a strong partnership in a region that historically bonds together but was marked by hostility among peoples and, thus, went through several trials and tribulations over the last century. Central Europe is, no doubt, a focal part of the continent, and it is getting into the swing of things now that, after freeing itself from communism and joining the Western multilateral world, it took its rightful place in the European concert. And what may the future hold for it? We are more than keen to keep close tabs on that.
The vast lands from the Danube to the Ural Mountains consist of many nations, small and great, perhaps differing in their culture, religion, or language, nonetheless having certain similarities, which enable the readers to distinguish them from any other parts of Europe. This magazine aims at showing what the meaning of being a Central European is, what kind of common interests these nations have in Europe, and what the global powers’ perception of this region is. Regional cooperation has appeared in many different forms during the history of Central Europe. Alas, not all the initiatives have been destined to survive, but the most important ones, especially the Visegrad cooperation, still have many tasks ahead. The V4 celebrates its 30th anniversary in 2021. Politically, the V4 countries have sometimes travelled on a bumpy road but could sometimes switch to high speed. Beyond the realm of high politics, the V4 created an atmosphere of cooperation, leaving historical grievances behind for good. If that was the only achievement we could thank József Antall, Václav Havel, and Lech Wałęsa, it would be more than enough. However, so much more has happened in the last thirty years that it seems a great task to list all of them. Thus, we intended to focus on three particular topics in this issue: the definition of Central Europe, the role of Central European countries in European politics, and great powers’ interests in our region. We sincerely hope that our magazine can give food for thought and contribute to broadening our readers’ knowledge of Central Europe.
Zsombor Szabolcs Pál—Editor-in-Chief
Péter Stepper—Editor WELCOMING WORDS
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CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE’S INTERESTS WITHIN THE EUINTERVIEW WITH HUNGARY’S STATE SECRETARY FOR EU AFFAIRS ATTILA STEINER Péter Stepper–Zsombor Szabolcs Pál, 30 October 2020, Budapest and region have something unique to offer to the European family, so we should cherish these unique national and regional characteristics rather than obliging a unified, multicultural attitude on European nations. This region is an integral part of the European Union, and, while maintaining stability, it has the potential to be the powerhouse of Europe. The Central European countries also support deeper integration in some crucial fields where more European cooperation has added value, for example, in security and defence policy.
How would you describe the role of Central Europe within the European Union? How may it change in the future? When and how will it provide the engine for growth in Europe as presaged on various occasions by many? Cooperation between Central European countries, such as the V4 countries, is a link dating back a thousand years. So it is a natural phenomenon that Hungary today exists and acts in unison with the countries of the region. The Visegrad cooperation is a success story; its leaders, despite their different political backgrounds, frequently find common solutions. Historical and cultural similarities help us to understand each other better and speak the same language. Unfortunately, this is often seen as a threat by many in Western Europe, mainly because they do not know the people living here and the history and the specifics of the region. We believe that every member state 12
INTRODUCTION
The multifold crisis of the EU highlighted the importance of solidarity and alliances. Who are the international partners of Hungary we can rely on? When it comes to solidarity, the current COVID-19 situation is a good example, as it has changed and is changing our lives to an unprecedented extent. Member states were doing their best to protect the citizens, and the pandemic showed that, in fact, sovereign member states are best suited to act quickly to tackle local challenges in these times, while international and community action was lagging a few steps behind. Even in the midst of the crisis, many criticised us. I believe that, during a pandemic, when the most important thing is to protect human lives, if someone cannot help, at least should not hinder the efforts of others. Solidarity is very important: Hungary has also provided assistance to several countries in the region (e.g., Serbia, Ukraine, Romania), and, most recently, we have offered 150 respiratory machines to the Czech Republic. The Visegrad Four (V4) cooperation is a good practical example of the efficient regional
collaboration of nation states that not only have similar views in several issues but also have the will and the ability to properly coordinate their activities. The COVID-19 situation reinforced our belief that the best foundation for the functioning of the EU is the close cooperation among strong nation states. The V4 countries are traditional allies; we rely on a strong network of relations among our countries and work along the principle of mutual trust in resolving strategic issues. The COVID-19 pandemic has just reinforced this strong engagement. What is the Central European and, more specifically, the V4 countries’ take on the future of Europe? Where do we have common ground with the older member states of the EU, and what are the main differences and divides? Who are our—if we may say so—greatest opponents? Due to the historical and cultural ties, the V4 countries have always belonged to the European community, and these ties have only been strengthened with the accession to the European Union. These countries have all fought for their freedom behind the Iron Curtain. The fall of the socialist regime was not that long ago, and the revolution of 1956 is still alive in the memories of our parents and grandparents. We always stood up against oppression even if the attempt was unsuccessful and was suppressed by force. I think this courage is what characterises these Central European countries; we have all fought for the freedom and democracy we live in today. Naturally, these countries are sovereign nations with their own specific interests. At the same time, we work every day not to deepen the gap but to look for common points along which we can work together. A great platform for this is the V4 Presidency, which is currently held by Poland. It is important that we can discuss anything at the negotiating table, keeping national interests in mind. What are the region’s interests in the “deepening or widening” debate? What do we expect from the possible future
THIS REGION IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, AND, WHILE MAINTAINING STABILITY, IT HAS THE POTENTIAL TO BE THE POWERHOUSE OF EUROPE. enlargements of the EU, such as the accession of several Western Balkan states? Is there not a threat that a wider but less deep Europe will eventually dilute and lose its initiative, torn between interests? In the previous months, quite rightfully so, the focus of the European political debate was on responding to the situation created by the coronavirus, tackling the challenges, and recovering from the crisis. The question whether we should deepen the EU integration or not divides the member states. Hungary opposes deepening the EU integration for now. Provisions of the current treaty framework offer ample room for further cooperation, and we think that, before deepening EU integration, we should look at using the existing tools at our disposal. On the other hand, we have already experienced on several occasions the creeping circumvention of the commonly agreed rules. I think that, first, we should focus on building trust among the member states by properly adhering to the treaties’ provisions, and, only after it is proven that there is no other way, would Hungary be ready to consider the idea of deepening. On the other hand, Hungary is a great advocate of the EU’s enlargement. The importance of INTRODUCTION
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THE COVID-19 SITUATION REINFORCED OUR BELIEF THAT THE BEST FOUNDATION FOR THE FUNCTIONING OF THE EU IS THE CLOSE COOPERATION AMONG STRONG NATION STATES. the Western Balkans in geographical, political, economic, security, and cultural terms speaks for itself. Unfortunately, there is indeed a certain “enlargement fatigue” within the EU. In Western Europe, there is an interpretation of Europe’s economic problems according to which the Western half of the continent would do much better without the past enlargements and the associated debates that have consumed so much energy. These member states are now predominantly interested in deepening. Furthermore, member states in favour of deepening integration would even resort to political blackmailing on some occasions in order to further their agenda while completely disregarding the will of EU citizens. Of course, they are mistaken. A considerable proportion of the European Union’s growth comes from Central Europe, and the enlargement of the internal market—and our accession meant just that—generated additional economic potential. Therefore, we do not think that further enlargement would dilute the union; rather, it would strengthen its economy and, thus, its position on the geopolitical map of the world. Europe needs a bigger market, a larger 14
INTRODUCTION
labour market, greater economic potential, higher growth, better results in competitiveness, and greater security. We can obtain all this from the Western Balkans. The EU needs to show credibility and geopolitical strategic thinking when it comes to enlargement; otherwise, other players will come and fill the geopolitical vacuum. Enlargement seems more realistic since the new European Commission took office with Commissioner Várhelyi in charge of the policy field. The new methodology, the negotiating framework for Albania and North Macedonia, and the recently released economic and investment plan all suggest that the Western Balkans are in the interest of not only Hungary but also the union. Europe is home to unique nation states that share several similarities and common goals and values while representing and respecting their own and each other’s characteristics. The cooperation of European nation states takes several forms: the European Union is at the forefront of these; however, there are many other ways of cooperation on a regional level (like the V4 group) that offer real added value. The strong partnership of the V4 countries is in the interests of not only our countries or the region but also Europe as a whole. Indeed, the V4 is a modern cooperation with relevant answers to the challenges ahead of the EU: it is an economic powerhouse, the only sustainably developing, politically stable area in the EU, and an active contributor to the debate on the future of Europe. The unity of the V4 countries has already proved to be able to transcend the division of party lines and to create a regional power that is unavoidable within the EU. The vacuum generated by Brexit offered momentum to channel the V4 position and vision more intensively into the EU’s political thinking, and the planned Conference on the Future of Europe will be a great opportunity to share our vision for the future of the continent. Generally, we are certain that endless theoretical debates on institutional matters would only burden the EU’s agenda and divide member
states. European citizens are rather interested in policy issues connected to the EU’s recovery, and it is their opinion that should be a guideline for the discussion on the future of integration. The common wish for more effective economic cooperation and increased competitiveness could serve as a great basis for discussion. What were the region’s joint interests during the multiannual financial framework negotiations? Do you feel that we could successfully stand by and argue for our case? How can the new budget help countries in the region to achieve their aims, and what are the potential setbacks or challenges? How do you see the process of the mentioned negotiations in the light of the cohesion policy? Even if economic growth has been significantly higher in the V4 countries than the EU average in recent years, the region still needs to catch up. That is why we emphasised from the very beginning of the negotiations that the treatybased objectives of the cohesion policy, such as supporting the convergence of less developed regions, should be deeply respected. The Visegrad Four—as net beneficiaries of the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF)— fought together during the MFF negotiations to keep the funding of the traditional policies at a high level. Several summits of the Friends of Cohesion countries were organised, where fourteen to sixteen member states signed the joint statements reiterating that the cohesion policy and the common agricultural policy proved their success and their treaty-based objectives remain valid. It is a huge achievement that, recognising the need to act urgently, the EU leaders were able to come to a decision and agree on a recovery package that we had never seen before. Our countries negotiated successfully as we managed to increase our cohesion envelopes, which, in addition to the recovery funds, will provide adequate financial means for boosting the economy. Our next task is to use the resources of the MFF and the Next Generation EU as effectively
as possible so our region and the whole of the European Union can recover quickly and become even stronger and more competitive. How deeply did the COVID-19 pandemic affect our region economically, and how do you assess the recovery plans for the European Union? Although the first wave of the pandemic affected us seriously, thanks to the prompt measures by the Hungarian authorities, we successfully managed to tackle the first phase in Hungary. Now, in the midst of the second wave, we can make use of the experiences and lessons learnt earlier this year. The Hungarian healthcare system was able to prepare for the pressure the pandemic constitutes. Our protocols on the functioning of schools and higher education institutions seem to be effective. We have not had to completely close these institutions, and we hope that future circumstances will not force us to do so. Actions have been taken to help businesses and employees to survive the most demanding
THE EU NEEDS TO SHOW CREDIBILITY AND GEOPOLITICAL STRATEGIC THINKING WHEN IT COMES TO ENLARGEMENT; OTHERWISE, OTHER PLAYERS WILL COME AND FILL THE GEOPOLITICAL VACUUM. INTRODUCTION
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THE V4 IS A MODERN COOPERATION WITH RELEVANT ANSWERS TO THE CHALLENGES AHEAD OF THE EU: IT IS AN ECONOMIC POWERHOUSE, THE ONLY SUSTAINABLY DEVELOPING, POLITICALLY STABLE AREA IN THE EU, AND AN ACTIVE CONTRIBUTOR TO THE DEBATE ON THE FUTURE OF EUROPE. period. Fortunately, employment rates started to recover during the summer months. Mandatory measures (e.g., face masks, social distancing) to stop the spread of the virus are in force. We hope we will be able to avoid tightening the measures, as it is questionable whether the economy could bear the serious consequences again. The functioning of the internal market has been greatly affected by the coronavirus pandemic. We are introducing, restoring, and reinforcing measures in order to recover the European economy. However, reaching the pre-pandemic state of the internal market will not be enough. We consider that Europe 16
INTRODUCTION
should focus on further deepening the internal market, but without creating new barriers. The emergency situation has also highlighted the EU’s dependence on imports; therefore, it is necessary to build capacities for key industrial sectors and strategic value chains within the EU in order to strengthen our industrial and strategic autonomy. In order to minimise the economic effects of the pandemic in the first phase, Hungary designated green lanes and transit corridors in March to guarantee the free flow of goods in the CEE region and the whole of the EU. These measures helped to sustain the functioning of the internal market to make the CEE region more resilient against the serious economic consequences of the pandemic. Hungary also designated humanitarian corridors to enable movement from border entry points to reach neighbouring countries. How does the pandemic affect the evolution of regional concepts about the future of Europe? Will it help them in the long run? What is the main takeaway we can have from it? Due to the pandemic, the number of face-toface meetings and work trips has been greatly reduced. At the same time, the possibility of digitisation and virtual encounters has reduced distance and brought the countries of the region even closer together in many ways. Coordination among neighbours has become more streamlined. Although there might have been technical difficulties, most of the partners easily switched to these new solutions. This can even serve as a guideline for the future as digitalisation is evolving. The union will certainly learn a lot from the pandemic regarding not only how to use digital tools in policymaking but also how to be more reactive to a crisis than before. The agreement about the MFF and the recovery fund achieved in July by European leaders illustrates that the EU can react to a crisis more swiftly than before if the cooperation is built on a strong agreement and solidarity between the member states.
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AUTHORS
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AUTH ST
Charvát, Jakub Assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Humanities, Metropolitan University,
The Visegrad Group Countries’ Representation in the European Parliament after Brexit
Prague
Garai, Nikolett Research fellow and project coordinator at the Institute for Foreign Affairs and Trade,
Subregionalism and Minilateralism in Contemporary Europe
Hungary
Grosse, Tomasz G. Sociologist, political scientist, historian, and a professor at the University of Warsaw
Emmanuel Macron’s Vision on Central European Geopolitics
Hevő, Péter Historian, researcher at the Hungarian Museum of Science, Technology and Transport,
Germany, a Central European Great Power
and lecturer at the Faculty of Humanities, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest
Lázár, András Máté Diplomat, international relations expert, and V4 national coordinator of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Hungary
156
AUTHORS
American Interests in Central Europe: Constancy and Shifting Foci
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AUTH ST
Matura, Tamás Lecturer at the Corvinus University of Budapest, president of the Central and Eastern European Center for Asian Studies, and the Hungarian
Chinese Influence in Central Europe: Myth or Reality?
member of the European Think Tank Network on China
Nyitrai, Levente Foreign policy attaché of the Embassy of the United Kingdom, Budapest
A Special Relationship? The UK’s Relations with Central Europe and Its Countries Post–EU Exit
Reichardt, Adam Editor in chief of the journal New Eastern Europe and a junior scholar and media fellow
Clash of Conceptualisations—Geopolitical Concepts and Their Significance in Central Europe
at the College of Europe in Natolin, Warsaw
Strausz, Péter Historian, head of the historical research group at Research Institute and Archives for the History of Regime Change, and a habilitated associate
József Antall’s Conception of Central Europe
professor of the Institute of Management, Corvinus University of Budapest
Strážay, Tomáš Director of the Research Center of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association and one of the founders
New Visegrad in New Europe
of the Think Visegrad—V4 Think Tank Platform
AUTHORS
157
C AUT JK
C AUT JK
RS OF A HO
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Dobrowiecki, Péter Historian, head of research
Herédi, Elina Project manager at the Brussels Office
Iszák, Krisztina International relations manager at the Brussels Office
Kocsev, Bence Historian, head of the Győr Office
Krajcsír, Lukács Historian, international relations expert
158
AUTHORS
The Unquiet Frontier: The NATO Enlargement and Partnership from the Perspective of Central Europe
The European Green Deal and its Implications for Central and Eastern Europe
Central Europe in the European Budgetary Politics: Can It Still Be Bypassed?
Political System Changes in Central Europe: A Bird’s Eye View
The Crossed Red Line: The Past, the Present, and the Unclear Future of Chinese–Czech Relations
C AUT JK
C AUT JK
RS OF A HO
RS OF A HE
Pál, Zsombor Szabolcs Senior Research Fellow
Restás, Bianka International relations manager
Stepper, Péter Senior research fellow
Interview with Attila Steiner Interview with Edit Szilágyiné Bátorfi
Immigration and Multiculturalism in Central Europe—Social, Political, and Cultural Dilemmas
Interview with Attila Steiner Interview with Edit Szilágyiné Bátorfi Immigration and Multiculturalism in Central Europe—Social, Political, and Cultural Dilemmas The Unquiet Frontier: The NATO Enlargement and Partnership from the Perspective of Central Europe
Szilágyi, Laura Intern, BSc student at the Faculty of Military Science and Officer Training, National University
Russia and the Geopolitics of the New Cold War
of Public Services, Budapest
Vass, Ágnes Head of the EU–V4 Office
A Quadratic Nexus—The National Minorities of Central Europe in the EU
AUTHORS
159