MIGRATION:
Yau Ma Tei
油麻 地
ARCH2058 Modern Architecture
ASSIGNMENT 3: GUIDEBOOK
| Fall 2021
Migration: Localization in Yau Ma Tei Dun Man Lap Martin (3035696418) Fan Ka Mak (3035697515) Choy Joseph Jan YIp (3035660366)
Localization from transformation: Migration in Yau Ma Tei Migration has a profound influence on migrants by the transmission of new culture that interplays with his/her own lifestyle upon adaptation. With two times of migrant influx in the 1920s and 1960s as main impetus for urban transformation in Yau Ma Tei, we will trace back such origin in relation to daily businesses of the locals progressively in three layers: 1. Civil migration of management system in Yau Ma Tei Wholesale Fruit Market By observing how vendors use the extension of shop front, wareroom, and the rooftop of shop-houses in the market, a bigger picture linking space occupation and autonomous manage-ment of the market is mapped out.
2. Cultural migration of stall community in Yung Shue Tau Temple Street Yung Shue Tau, the area outside the Tin Hau Temple Complex, is a decent site to understand the adaptability of people and the resilience of hawker stall setting under urban constraints by observing the process of how people set up their stalls and operate in the evening. 3. Social migration of living standards in Shanghai Street tenement (as early example of Yau Ma Tei housings) As one of the significant representations of early housings, the Shanghai Street tenement shows how segregation and interaction between living and businesses works inside shophouses under rapid population growth in relation to policies, since residence is the mainstay of livelihood.
1. YMT FRUIT MARKET The Yau Ma Tei Fruit Market, also known as Gwo Laan (果欄) is a wholesale fruit market located near Waterloo Street. The market started operating in straw sheds in the 1910s. The merchants were then granted land by the Hong Kong Government to build permanent structures in the 1920s to the 1930s. The Fruit Market was not always the specialist fruit vendor it is today. It was originally the Government Vegetable Market which sold fruits and vegetables, which was later joined by fish merchants in the 1930s. In the 1965, the vegetable and fish stalls moved out into separate. The market is a historically valuable site and is classified as a Grade II Historic Building since 2009. With that said, this market has been considered a nuisance to the residence nearby due to the loud noises from the market causing sleepless nights. It is said that relocation of the market is the only way to solve this issue.
2. YUNG SHUE TAU, TEMPLE STREET Crowds gather to watch martial arts shows, visitors queue up for fortune telling, troupes and locals assemble for Cantonese opera singing… This is a “night” in the life of Temple Street in past, which has long been famed for its vigor and diversities of entertainment in the evening. Temple Street is a micronation, engineered and governed by a set of distinct social and civil practices. Although activities have been significantly affected by the pandemic in these two years, pattern of businesses in Pai-dongs are still valuable to study for understanding the reason behind shaping space usage, which are set of rubrics. While some of these are observable from outsiders through, most of these rules, in relation to boundary and space, are unspoken which are mutual agreements among vendors, performers, and residents. These rules are critical in maintaining the steady relationship between parties. From what we can see in night market, the definition of “migrant” is far deeper than its literal meaning as an “immigrant from foreign places”, but whoever start their business or performance in Temple Street, he/ she became “migrant” as undergoing adaptation on space and lifestyle within this territory given social transformation.
3. Early Tenement House, Shanghai Street no.313-315 Trace it back to the early 20 century when coastal business activities flourished in Yau Ma Tei, products were all gathered in these Chinese tenement houses and sold to the local neighborhood. Within the ground floors of these shop houses, markets were set up that you can find myriads of daily goods there, such as fruits, fishes and Chinese medicines. On the upper floors, it accommodated people originated from different background. Even until contemporary times, ranging from the dilapidated vertical suspended signboard to the finishes of windows and building exterior walls, the old people’s livelihood and vitality are reflected through these historical marks left in the architectures.
Autonomy from Colonialism: civil migration Joseph Jan Yip, Choy
This essay will focus on the cause of the spatial qualities and organisation of Yau Ma Tei using the Yau Ma Tei Fruit Market as precedents, by showing the developments shaped by the tension and negotiation of the private business institution and the government.
Hong Kong is one of the busiest cities in the world. If one would need to represent Hong Kong with a single district, it would undeniably be Yau Ma Tei. A district filled with energy and sense of purpose. It is here that the streets are filled with hustle and bustle throughout the entire day. All consumer needs can be satisfied here as it is filled with a diverse set of businesses, from traditional to modern. However, what is the most intriguing about Yau Ma Tei is not the diversity in terms of program, but the complexity in space. With that said, its spatial identity is not independent of its capitalistic nature. As we can see from the line of
the poem The Jade Market at Kowloon by Kendra Hamilton, “And no scent stronger than the smell of money.” Hence, Yau Ma Tei is a space shaped by consumption and capitalism, similar to Hong Kong.1 The majority of Yau Ma Tei development occurred in the past ninety years after the reclamation was completed in 1904.2 Therefore, the Yau Ma Tei Fruit Market (Guo Laan) shall be used as an example to study the relationship between the business and space in Yau Ma Tei. Urbanisation from Capitalism: How a private business institution shapes the urbanisation of a district In Hong Kong, the fruit industry is a huge business, but due to its perishable qualities, it is no easy job. Currently, two wholesale markets supply all the fruits in Hong Kong, the Western Wholesale Food Market on Hong Kong Island and the Yau Ma Tei Fruit Market.3 Contrasting the modern engineered and government-run institution, the Yau Ma Tei Fruit Market is a chaotic and messy institution owned by a traditional merchant’s association. With that said, the Yau Ma Tei Fruit provides more than twice the fruits of the government’s market.4 The Fruit Market imports fruits from all over the
world. Those that are imported from places other than China are managed by the Guild, while those from China are managed by Kwoh Pun Company.5 The prices of these fruits are negotiated by The Guild as a cartel, hence prices are based on a supply and demand basis. The government does not influence the prices of the fruits and there are also no official guidelines to regulate prices within the traders. Hence, it can be said that the Fruit Market is run on a free-market policy where merchants compete with one another in terms of price. However, the Guild sells their invoices to the traders to control prices, and it is said that the traders also communicate privately to control prices.6 As a result, this system also prevents outsiders to enter the business. With that said, this also allows the Fruit Market to be self-sufficient and independent from the government and allows the market to operate as an institution rather than individual merchants, where the Guild plays a role in looking after the interest of the merchants.7 Tensions between private and public institutes: Negotitation between private business institution and the government shape the space of a district
Even though it is said that the government has no direct impact on the Fruit Market, the tensions between the private institution and the government have shaped how the Fruit Market is today, in turn shaping Yau Ma Tei as a whole. With the demand for fruits growing, there is a need for space for the Yau Ma Tei Market. We can see that the current layout of the market is highly compact. There is the use of more modern materials, such as corrugated iron and iron sheets for expansion of the market. These materials are selected due to their resistance to fire hazards of overcrowding and also the slim profiles to save space.8 The lack of space in the market itself for expansion also meant that the market had to overflow onto the pedestrian streets, congesting pedestrian circulations. Some evidence of overlaying the pedestrian walkway with concrete to hold the expanded structure can be found. The pedestrian roads around the Fruit Market is also being used as storage space, causing the pedestrian to have to walk on vehicle roads. Even the vehicle roads would be used as storage space at night during the unloading process.9 These are strictly speaking illegal and has caused some serious traffic accidents. However, the government and
police have not been enforcing the law onto the Fruit Market, as seen in one of the interviews with a police officer that by doing so it would worsen the living conditions of the merchants and in turn affect the status quo of the district.10 The government instead tried to alleviate the traffic problems by prohibiting the parking of lorries and cargo handling on the street from 7 in the morning until 9 in the evening in recent years.11 This reduced the traffic congestion in the day but a new issue arises from this. Because the Fruit Market is now required to operate from midnight until morning, nuisance is being caused to the public in the form of sound pollutions and hygiene issues. As mentioned in a South China Morning Post article, the residence in the area was furious and thought that the operation of the Fruit Market should not be conserved as cultural heritage as it has caused them many sleepless nights due to the nuisance caused.12
Example of illegal spatial expansion of Yau Ma Tei Fruit market as a result of modern demands.
Modernism through Traditions: Traditions that adapt with time to meet modern needs With that said, the Fruit Market was not always the prosperous institute it is today. As the name “Guo Laan” implies, the stalls of the Fruit Market were operating initially as informal wooden mobile stalls that sold a variety of goods.13 This gathering of stalls was especially influenced by the second stage of reclamation in Yau Ma Tei in completed in 1904 and also the construction of the Yau Ma Tei Typhoon shelter in 1915.14 This can be tied back to the history of Yau Ma Tei when the sea people started to set up stalls on land illegally. It was only in 1935 that the hawkers were offered official licenses by the government to operate in designated zones, due to the uncontrolled growth of the number of hawkers.15 This event could also explain the complex ownership of the public areas in Yau Ma Tei, turning circulation space into both gathering and circulation simultaneously. Similar to these hawkers, the first vendors in the Fruit Market were originally operating independently from one another. That was until the “Kowloon Fruit and Vegetable Operators Guild” was set up in 1926 to unite all the hawkers into a larger body and act as their representative to deal with the
outside subject.16 After this, the business allowed for the construction of the permanent structure of the first row made out of brick and stone.17 As mentioned before the Fruit Market has been through the social and economic development of Hong Kong including one of its darkest times which was during WWII when Hong Kong was occupied by the Japanese. During the time of recession and when the main goal was to survive, fruits were considered as a luxury item due to the low disposable income.18 During that period, the market was closed and operated as coal storage warehouses for the Japanese Army, where only a few continued to operate on a very restricted basis.19 After the war in 1945, the business started to normalize and prosper, leading to more twostorey concrete buildings being built to house the increase in business in the 1950s.20 Eventually, in 1965, it is when the fruit market became a specialist in fruit selling after the wholesale of fish and vegetables moved out. This was due to the government’s concern about the abuse of New Territories vegetable farmers during the early post-war period.21 These actions in the past shaped what Yau Ma Tei Fruit Market into what it is today, in turn shaping Yau Ma Tei as a whole.
1935
1942
1960s
1980
Changes of Yau Ma Tei Fruit Market and its surrounding over the years. (1935, 1942, 1960s, 1980)
In conclusion, we can see that Yau Ma Tei has been evolving and adapting to the changes with time. It was the tensions and negotiations between the private business institution and the government that led to the complex organization of business and space in Yau Ma Tei. Using the Fruit Market as an example, it has adapted to its environmental conditions through the adaptation of methods and materials. The specialization of business has also occurred to cater to modern needs. Despite all the nuisance and disturbance caused, it still plays an extremely important social role in Yau Ma Tei. It is so embedded into Yau Ma Tei that the relocation of it by the government cannot take effect. There is the idea of urbanization where the business in Yau Ma Tei is interconnected to one another, forming a larger association. Even if their businesses are independent of each other, they would still look out for one another that can be seen as a form of “informal” urbanisation. This relationship in Yau Ma Tei can be seen in the documentary “My home is in Yau Ma Tei” where the residents and merchants look out for one another.22 Yau Ma Tei itself has become a self-sustaining system of its own, like a small scale city. Even though the
methods used by the merchants are traditional, but the underlying system is a modern one.
Notes 1. 2.
3.
4.
5.
6. 7.
8.
Hamilton, Kendra. “The Jade Market at Kowloon.” The Southern Review (Baton Rouge) 40, no. 1 (2004): 26. Hase, P. H., and Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain Ireland. Hong Kong Branch. In the Heart of the Metropolis: Yaumatei and Its People. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing (H.K.), 1999. 101. Martin, Jeffrey T, and Wayne W. L Chan. “Hong-Kongstyle Community Policing: A Study of the Yau Ma Tei Fruit Market.” Crime, Law, and Social Change 61, no. 4 (2013): 401. Martin, Jeffrey T, and Wayne W. L Chan. “Hong-Kongstyle Community Policing: A Study of the Yau Ma Tei Fruit Market.” Crime, Law, and Social Change 61, no. 4 (2013): 402. Hase, P. H., and Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain Ireland. Hong Kong Branch. In the Heart of the Metropolis: Yaumatei and Its People. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing (H.K.), 1999. 124. Veronica H. Y Ng., and University of Hong Kong. Postmodern Space in Yaumatei. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong, 2000. 51-2. Hase, P. H., and Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain Ireland. Hong Kong Branch. In the Heart of the Metropolis: Yaumatei and Its People. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing (H.K.), 1999. 124 Hase, P. H., and Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain Ireland. Hong Kong Branch. In the Heart of the Metropolis: Yaumatei and Its People. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing (H.K.), 1999. 122
9. 10.
11.
12. 13. 14. 15. 16.
17. 18.
Lee, L. T. 2009. Transforming Landscape: Yau Ma Tei Wholesale Fruit Market. M.L.A. Thesis, Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong. 23-5 Wayne W.L Chan, and University of Hong Kong. Community Policing in the Yau Ma Tei Wholesale Fruit Market in Hong Kong [electronic Resource]: A Social Capital Perspective. 2013. 142-3 Wayne W.L Chan, and University of Hong Kong. Community Policing in the Yau Ma Tei Wholesale Fruit Market in Hong Kong [electronic Resource]: A Social Capital Perspective. 2013. 182. Agnes Lam. “Heritage Market Residents’ Nightmare ‘Preservationists Don’t Know How Much We Have Suffered’.” South China Morning Post (Hong Kong), 2007. Lai, T. Y. and University of Hong Kong. Youth Hostel/ housing at Yaumatei. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong, 1998. 62. Lee, L. T. 2009. Transforming Landscape: Yau Ma Tei Wholesale Fruit Market. M.L.A. Thesis, Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong. 21. Seng, Eunice. Resistant City: Histories, Maps and the Architecture of Development. Singapore: World Scientific, 2020. 169 Hase, P. H., and Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain Ireland. Hong Kong Branch. In the Heart of the Metropolis: Yaumatei and Its People. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing (H.K.), 1999. 122 Lee, L. T. 2009. Transforming Landscape: Yau Ma Tei Wholesale Fruit Market. M.L.A. Thesis, Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong. 30. Hase, P. H., and Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain Ireland. Hong Kong Branch. In the Heart of the Metropolis:
19. 20. 21.
22.
Yaumatei and Its People. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing (H.K.), 1999. 122 Lai, T. Y. and University of Hong Kong. Youth Hostel/ housing at Yaumatei. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong, 1998. 55 Lai, T. Y. and University of Hong Kong. Youth Hostel/ housing at Yaumatei. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong, 1998. 63. Hase, P. H., and Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain Ireland. Hong Kong Branch. In the Heart of the Metropolis: Yaumatei and Its People. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing (H.K.), 1999. 121 Yip, Jackie., Han-yan. Yuen, and Rthk. My Home Is in Yau Ma Tei [electronic Resource]. Cool Hong Kong ; [20110831]. Hong Kong: RTHK, 2011.
Indigenous Indigenousmigrants migrant in The in Temple TempleStreet: Street: social migration culture migration Ka Mak, Fan
This essay will focus on the spatial distribution of events in Temple Street with reference to the boarder social and cultural background by showing how vendors and performers negotiate under transformation.
Between formal and casual: The distinct way of colonial administration shaping design of operation space Commercial and communal leisure activities in Temple Street emerged since the 1920s when some locals began their businesses of selling snacks and daily necessities. The gradual shift from itinerant activities to the establishment of fixed booths outside Tin Hau Temple subsequently began along with the influx of migrants from Guangdong into tiny tenements nearby, congested the area, businesses overflowed onto streets from day to midnight, with hawkers seized every available piece of space along the road….1, 2
The evolution of the bazaar in Temple Street demonstrated the elasticity of hardware in catering the demands in different time under colonial style community policing in a densely populated urban context. In particular, the unique organizational structure mediated by local bodies and the Royal Hong Kong Police Force, fostered the formation of distinct patterns and space of hawker clusters. In the 1950s, before the establishment of “Hawker permitted places” scheme (the scheme), most of them were itinerant, who carry their products in baskets attached on shoulder poles and settle down to do business on a decent site.3 But disputes and violence events over the occupation and obstruction of street spaces between vendors was inevitable given the complicated social structure with the copresence of multiplex bodies.4 And these events were often reconciled by the police and neighbor by way of Secretariat of Chinese Affairs via mobilizing the informality in authority-community relations, subsequently advanced the shift of mode of business to fix pitches basis, contributing to the formation of slot for Pai-dongs in the 1960s. It was the time that the
government promulgated a proposal relocating street stalls to the community center, but in vain by strong opposition among vendors. After mediation assisted by the police and the Yau Ma Tei Kai Fong Association, the government standardized the management by setting the scheme and demarcating the operation space for stalls.5 Subsequently, Pai-dongs, an adaptive structure incorporating local skills and traditions in the modernist idea of standardized operation, was introduced in Temple Street as a design solution for growing numbers of fix-pitched hawkers.6
The set up of a paidong, which which was widely introduced for fix-pitched hawkers since the 60s, shows its ability of efficient operation.
Therefore, the social migration from shoulder poles to Pai-dongs is a consequence of a series of manifold events contributed by distinct way of interaction between local and formal bodies, which has ultimately catalyzed the evolution of the whole bazaar after wide application of such type
of Pai-dongs. The impact on spatial and operative patterns among vendors due to the distinct way of community policing between local groups and the government can be elucidated. Capitalized religion: The order behind cultural activities at Yung Shue Tau The origin of Temple Street is the Yau Ma Tei Tin Hau temple which was built in 1864 for Tanka water people to honor the goddess of the sea. The present temple complex and the Banyan tree have been witnessing the social changes and crossover between culture and business for over 130 years in have been in Yung Shue Tau….7, 8 In and around the Yung Shue Tau aggregates open-air food stalls with foldable tables and plastic stools on the pavement. At night, lit up by the bright lamps of vendors and crammed with people including prostitute, the block right next to the temple complex was the areas with most diversified entertainments where fortune tellers, ballad singers, and musicians are in the adjoining street.
The coexistence of businesses, religious activities and entertainments illuminate the larger picture of spatial arrangement in Temple Street as a synthesis of capitalism and cultural significance, revealing the distinct social form shaped by groups of newcomers that settled down in Temple Street from the 80s to 00s. Among all events, Cantonese opera singing was once the largest in scale, particularly with ten troupes operating in the 90s.9 Although performances nowadays by the remaining two troupes were greatly affected by the pandemic, the history of opera singing significantly demonstrated the idea of mutual and complementary relations between different business groups under compromise of spatial use and arrangement.10 In the 80s, some newcomers used amplifiers to attract more audience given the surging number of singers in Yung Shue Tau leading to fiercer competition. Some performers were therefore arrested due to complaints from nearby residents.11 Soon in the 90s, stalls were relocated from the public square outside the temple complex, which was incidentally constructed as the public garden we see today, to either ground floor shop units, which trigger the emergence of
“opera hall”, or sites further away from residential buildings under pressure from the authority. 12 For the latter, since spaces for performance are limited in new locations, stalls owners show adaptation by adding new components and modifying the setting.13 It was at the time that mobile retractable canopy was employed to set space for stalls while some vendors prefer a more vernacular method by adding tarpaulin cloth hung and tied with twine as temporary shelters.14 They gathered in a cluster outside Carpark Building and used screen curtains for proper separation by minimizing the sound impact on other nearby stalls operating jade businesses. Such moves among performers benefits not only the whole business cluster by showing cordiality, but also themselves by receiving more patronage from higher customer flow because of improved comfortability.
The setting of performance outside Carpark Building nowadays: Cloth canopy and screen separation inherited from Cantonese opera booth
By using easily accessible material and localized building methods to maximize comfortability and functionality under spatial constraints, stall owners demonstrated a distinct adjustment in relation to a broad social context through add-ons and accessories.15 Therefore, spatial rearrangement and separation upon negotiation within groups and between parties, shaped the method of building and assembling stalls. Apart from these palpable actions that can be observed by outsiders, the form and distribution of space for present religious activities, particularly in Yung Shue Tau, right outside the temple complex, can be concluded as the result of the subtle relationship between stall owners piloted by a set of mutual agreements. As mentioned, troupes were relocated away from there in the 90s for the public garden construction. Replaced by a cluster of stalls operating businesses of divination, which moved into the alley next to the garden after completion of works, Yung Shu Tau has been primarily dominated by monolithic religious activities since then.16 What is so interesting is that a similar set of unspoken
rules governing the relationship between opera troupes with each other in the old days can be seen in stalls running businesses of divination subsequently. The most obvious rule is boundary delineation.17, 18 Each stall occupies its own space and does not poach on its neighbor’s area. According to a stall owner, it is common to use sundries such as water buckets or plastic stools to define the boundary between stalls before the wide application of movable canopy.19 These rules are unwritten but potently navigates operational practices and maintains harmony in Temple Street despite proximity of stalls.
Divination stalls outside the Temple Complex nowadays: the red stool and the traffic cone defined the boundary at the front.
So, the distribution and positioning of stalls found today is the result of civil relations navigated by set of unofficial accords. The interplay between occupancy and social relationship between neighbors
is an indigenous characteristic of Temple Street depicting the overall picture of how people’s habits, in terms of space usage, are impacted when adapting the unique set of social cultural context. All in all, the overall evolution from Tin Hau Temple to the present Temple Street and the social migration of hawker businesses showed distinct acclimatization strategies in constructing space in response to urban hindrance.20 Businesses, cultural and religious activities have been coexisting in Yung Shue Tau for over hundreds of years. They are observable from not only daily businesses but also significant events such as Yulan festivals where the Taoists and Buddhist rituals are synthesized after years of development and shift in location.21 Thus, the transformation of space are potent demonstrations illustrating the sophistication of sociopolitical events that have long been asserting mutual practices in Temple Street. Months ago, demolition of the famed Carpark Building began. Migration in Temple Street continues….
Notes 1.
Jeffrey T. Martin and Wayne W. L. Chan. “Hong-Kong-style community policing: a study of the Yau Ma Tei fruit market.” Crime Law Soc Change 61, (2014): 401–416. 2. Hase, P. H., and Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain Ireland. Hong Kong Branch. In the Heart of the Metropolis: Yaumatei and Its People. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing (H.K.), 1999. 136-140. 3. Leeming, Frank. Street Studies in Hong Kong: Localities in a Chinese City. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1977. 46-49. 4. Hong Kong Memory Project. 2012. Oral History Archives: Reminiscence of Temple Street and Yung Shue Tau: Dai Pai Dongs, hawkers, prostitutes, and drug-addicts. With Li P.S. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Memory Project. [Chinese] 5. Hase, P. H., and Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain Ireland. Hong Kong Branch. In the Heart of the Metropolis: Yaumatei and Its People. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing (H.K.), 1999. 150-152 6. Ibid., 154. 7. CHIU, H.M. 2001. Communal Foci in Yau Ma Tei. Department of Architecture. Thesis, Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong. 10-13. 8. Ibid., 22. 9. Lee, L. T. 2009. Transforming Landscape: Yau Ma Tei Wholesale Fruit Market. M.L.A. Thesis, Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong. 14-17. 10. LI, K.M. 2002. Reinvigorating Cantonese opera in Yau Ma Tei: a revivified urban district. Department of Architecture. Thesis, Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong. 22-24. 11. Ibid.
12. Hong Kong Shue Yan University. 2011. Oral history for Yau Ma Tei Wholesale Fruit Market. Hong Kong: the Department of History, Hong Kong Shue Yan University. [Chinese] 13. Yau Ma Tei District Office, and Yau Ma Tei District Board. 1982 Yau Ma Tei District Strategy. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Government Printer. 8-11. 14. Anonymous informant (one of the operators of the divination stall near Market Street) interview by author, Yau Ma Tei, Hong Kong, December 10, 2021. 15. Lee, L. T. 2009. Transforming Landscape: Yau Ma Tei Wholesale Fruit Market. M.L.A. Thesis, Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong. 15-17. 16. Architectural Conservation Office. Heritage Impact Assessment Report: The site of Yaumatei Theatre and the site of Red Brick Building. Hong Kong: Antiquities and Monuments Office, 2008. Online, https://www.amo.gov.hk/form/ YMTT_RBB_HIA%20Report.pdf 17. Hong Kong Memory Project. 2012. Oral History Archives: Tin Hau Temple and Yung Shue Tau in the 1950s and 1960s. With Li P.S. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Memory Project. [Chinese] 18. LAI, T.Y. 1998. Youth Hostel / Housing at Yau Ma Tei. Department of Architecture. Thesis, Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong. 10-12. 19. Anonymous informant (one of the operators of the divination stall near Market Street) interview by author, Yau Ma Tei, Hong Kong, December 10, 2021. 20. Ho K.C and Lau L.C. 廟街榕影 香港風華, TV program, published by Au S.K., Ho K.C., Lau L.C., and Asia Television Limited (Hong Kong, China) ATV News. April 24, 2005. [Chinese] 21. Land Development Corporation. Comprehensive Redevelopment Study for Yau Ma Tei North : Final Report. Hong Kong: Land Development Corporation, 1989. 19-21.
Living in Commerce: The social migration Man Lap Martin, Dun
This essay will focus on three time periods of Yau Ma Tei History to investigate the relationship between migration and architecture.
Yau Ma Tei, being the most prominent Hong Kong old district, is filled with historical atmosphere. The old stories regarding the early Hong Kong decades ago are left in every architecture in this place. In order to trace back the timeline of this district’s formation, it is necessary to look back to 1920s Hong Kong. Under the immigration phenomenon starting at that period, the government had implemented a myriad of building regulations to respond to the social changes caused, so that the interest of the Yau Ma Tei community could be fostered. Hygiene as fundamentals: Early tenements near Yau Ma Tei typhoon shelter as backbone of busi-
nesses. By examining the government’s adaptive measures regarding the early version of tenements near Yau Ma Tei typhoon shelter, impact of hygienic conditions of dwellings on people’s livelihood in relation to social development is comprehended. The Yau Ma Tei Typhoon Shelter was the second typhoon shelter built after the Causeway Bay Typhoon Shelter for local fishermen.1 As Yau Ma Tei Boat People began to settle in the shelter, due to the political crisis that happened during the war period of China, there was a massive influx of immigrants flooding into Hong Kong and moving into the shelter. This vast population became the early residents in the typhoon shelter who mainly lived on boats due to the lack of financial ability. As immigrants kept moving into the region around the typhoon shelter, the population grew rapidly and resulted in a range of social issues. One major problem was the hygienic issue, that as the fishermen boats lack a complete Sewerage system, it caused a lot of garbage and excrement to float besides the boats. Additionally, due to the mechanization of the fishing industry, traditional fishing methods were no longer effective.
It caused a lot of fishermen to leave their boat and seek job opportunities on shore. Furthermore, the inconvenient supply of fresh water and food, the disadvantages in education and the lack of safety were also the concerns.2 These factors collectively created an unfavorable living condition and forced the government to create space to settle these boat people who strongly request to come ashore. Therefore, in 1920, the authority started to develop low-rise residential buildings, known as the tenement houses, along the streets besides the typhoon shelter, including Shanghai Street, Reclamation Street and Temple Street.3 The tenement houses that combined commercial and residential units were able to provide extensive favorable living environment for the boat people while tackling their situation regarding hygiene and finance, especially in Yau Ma Tei that lacks buildable place.4 The early tenement houses were limited under building ordinance that their heights had to be within 1.25 times the width of the street with a maximum height of 35 feet and not more than four storeys. (Xue, 2018) Open space and scavenging lanes were at least 6 feet wide behind buildings while light well and larger windows are required within the building.5 These
regulations on tenement houses all emphasized on maintaining natural lighting and ventilation in the environment and improving the sanitary conditions.6 One example is the series of Tenement Buildings located along No. 313-315 Shanghai Street that were built between 1920 to 1930. These buildings portrayed a “Front shop and back residence” style that showed the mixed use of space. For the ground floor of the buildings, there are arcades formed by five-foot base supporting columns that facilitate a corridor for multifunctional purposes, such as for fruit stalls, Chinese medicine shops and markets. Thus, the corridor induced effective ventilation due to the spatial fluency.7
Shanghai Street tenements and its programme division of space.
To conclude, these events and examples demonstrated that hygiene is paramount objective of
early building codes that shaped space and design features to fit for multiplex daily activities among residents in early tenements, especially after resettlement of boat people. Coexist with capitalism: Large scale housing coping with quality of life Under the boost of population and economy in the 1960s, business activities, alteration of building regulations specific for larger scale estate in Yau Ma Tei shows the progression of modern capitalistic context in concert with infrastructural requirements. At that time, Hong Kong had reached a turning point in economics, with the number of registered factories increasing from 3,000 to 10,000 while the number of registered foreign companies increased from 300 to 500 between 1950s to 60s. The living standard of the people has also risen along with the economy.8 Besides, due to political disturbance and natural disaster (like the three-year famine) in Mainland China, a huge number of refugees had migrated to Hong Kong, that statistic show the population has grown from 500,000 to 3,000,000 between 1945 and 1960.9 In order to tackle the skyrock-
eting population, height control of buildings was moderated in 195510 to facilitate additional living space for people’s accommodation. According to Hong Kong Building control No.68 (1955) enacted by the Building Department, plot ratio, height and permissible street widths are raised to control development intensity and to allow higher and larger buildings to be built. (up to 9 or more floors) Despite flexibility of scale, control of environmental quality remains crucial. Building control G.N.A.83 (1959) specifying requirements for lighting and ventilation were set up simultaneously to maintain comfort and well-being. This regulation was further intensified under the introduction of Street shadow area limitations in the Building control L.N.54 (1969), that limited the height of a building by restricting the shadow cast by the building on the nearby street, which the shadowed area should not be more than half of the street area.11 Thus, concern on environmental standard along with surging housing demands during waves of economic growth clarifies the emphasis on public well-being. The Man Wah Sun Chuen in Ferry Street that was built in 1961 was an eminent portray of these reg-
ulations. It was a large-scale private residential development which tackled the increasing housing demand during the peak population in the 1960s. The building has eight blocks inter-connected with each other to facilitate an efficient use of space.12 The inward-leaning design of the top floors also complied with the Street shadow area limitations regulations to offer sufficient illumination on the street in a wider angle in order to reduce the chance of bacteria breeding while induce natural ventilation and lower outdoor temperature.13
lower floors of Man Wah Sun Chuen were also relatively pricey since the consuming ability of people had increased, such as the Lantern Seafood Restaurant in Man Ying Building. To sum up, negotiation between building restriction, outdoor environment quality, and population growth to cope with heightened quality of life, as impact of capitalistic context in the 60s, is illustrated from examples of estate development. Community modernization: the pursuit of contemporary lifestyle
Man Wah Sun Chuen and its inward-leaning design that facilitate light on street.
Under the deterioration of residential areas: The Urban Renewal Policies implemented by the government in Yau Ma Tei to tackle the situation and enhance people’s living quality from 1970 to presence
Furthermore, the Man Wah Sun Chuen was built to be a high-end residential area to cope with the higher living standards of people due to the economic growth that its value can be reflected by its premium seaside location and convenience traffic.14 Moreover, the restaurants operated on the
Promulgation of urban renewal policies to enhance quality of communal facilities and dwelling in urban context is a consequence of augmented living standards after waves of economic take-off in the 70s. In general, extensive dilapidated facilities, overcrowded environment and improper
modification works in residential area were issues to be addressed at that time. Particularly illegal structures on the rooftops and facade dealt great harm to structural and fire safety, leaving residents insecure. Therefore, “Urban renewal” is required to enhance the quality of living in the dilapidated areas by demolishing the old area and constructing new buildings and community facilities through regulation and planning. Under these circumstances, the Housing Society initiated Urban Improvement Scheme in 1974 officially,15 which one prominent project was the “Six Streets Redevelopment” in Yau Ma Tei, including Tung Kun Street, Lei Tat Street, XianGrui Street, Public Square Street, Canton Road and Ching Ping Street. These Streets were filled with six-story tenement buildings at that time. The redevelopment in Yau Ma Tei had transformed a myriad of old residential buildings into more modern buildings and built various community facilities to satisfy people’s needs towards varying aspects in their lives. Among different projects proceeded by the Housing Society, one representative project showcasing the emphasis on segregation of programmes
and spatial usage is the Prosperous Garden built from 1991 to 1995 in Yau Ma Tei Public Square Street. The cross-shaped design of each block of buildings has shown an efficient use of space unlike the traditional arrangement of old buildings, while the transition layer structure shown in the buildings has facilitated the lower section of Prosperous Garden to provide public facilities and leisure spaces for the community.
Prosperous Garden and its cross-shaped design of building blocks.
Based on such arrangement, to facilitate and standardize maintenance works, pipe ducts are specifically designed for drainage, which at the same time also shows the relevance towards modernism since consolidation of ductworks keep the facade clear and plain for decorative mounting, which is a significant advancement compared with previous projects. Furthermore,compared with Man Wah Sun Chuen, higher degree of privacy can be maintained since distance be-
tween and orientation of towers are meticulously considered in the design to prevent direct visual contact between towers.16 In short, as Hong Kong society developed, past buildings was gradually replaced by new buildings which not only tackle the deep-rooted community issues, but furnish the district with a more modern appearance. Until now, Yau Ma Tei is keep developing in an urban scale to tackle the needs of the people as the society is changing, such as many construction projects are proceeding in West Kowloon (Yau Ma Tei South) while old structures such as the Fruit Market are being revitalized into historical tourist spot. Trace it from the Urban Renewal in recent years back to the immigration wave in the Yau Ma Tei typhoon shelter during 1920s, it can be seen how this district had been navigating towards modernization under several social changes, yet, still being vivid and alive.
Notes 1. 2.
3.
4.
5. 6. 7.
“Yau Ma Tei Typhoon Shelter,” Academic Dictionaries and Encyclopedias, 2010, https:// en-academic.com/dic.nsf/enwiki/6391912. Haoyi Wong , “Fishermen in Yau Ma Tei Typhoon Shelter Fight to Go Ashore to See the Struggling Life of Hong Kong Fishermen,” Our China History, September 14, 2021, https://www.ourchinastory.com/zh/2435/. Mr. Lo Ka Yu, Henry, “Antiquities Advisory Board,” Heritage Impact Assessment Report for Fitting-out Works for Office Accommodation for Operations Section of Cyber Security and Technology Crime Bureau at Former Yau Ma Tei Police Station (Architectural Services Department, November 2017), https:// w w w. a a b . g o v. h k / f o r m / H I A _ R e p o r t _ y m t p s . p d f . “Vernacular Solution for Architecture (Yau Ma Tei),” Hong Kong Architecture: Guide to Architecture in Middle School Textbooks (The Hong Kong Institution of Architecture, 2012), http://minisite. proj.hkedcity.net/hkiakit/cht/DAT/lesson_10.html. Katy Chey, Multi-Unit Housing in Urban Cities: From 1800 to Present Day, 96-99 (Routledge, 2018). 96-99. David, “Tong Lau: A Hong Kong Shophouse Typology,” Gwulo: Old Hong Kong, September 5, 2015, https://gwulo.com/tong-lau-Hong-Kong-shophouse. “Vernacular Solution for Architecture (Yau Ma Tei),” Hong Kong Architecture: Guide to Architecture in Middle School Textbooks (The Hong Kong Institution of Architecture, 2012), http://minisite. proj.hkedcity.net/hkiakit/cht/DAT/lesson_10.html.
8. 9.
10. 11.
12.
13.
14.
James A. Dorn, China in the New Millennium: Market Reforms and Social Development (Cato Institute, 1998). 34-35. Keqiang Feng, “60s-The Germination of Hong Kong’s Modern Student Movement and Social Movement,” Master Insight.com, September 20, 2015, https://www.master-insight.com/. Charlie Q Xue, Hong Kong Architecture 1945-2015: From Colonial to Global (SPRINGER, 2018), 56-58. Han Zou and Charlie Q Xue, “Shaping the City with an Intangible Hand - Researchgate.net,” Research Gate, November 2013, https://www.researchgate. net/profile/Han-Zou-8/publication/315771653_Shaping_the_City_with_an_Intangible_Hand-A_Review_ of_the_Building_Control_System_in_Hong_Kong/ [12] “Vernacular Solution for Architecture (Yau Ma Tei),” Hong Kong Architecture: Guide to Architecture in Middle School Textbooks (The Hong Kong Institution of Architecture, 2012), http://minisite. proj.hkedcity.net/hkiakit/cht/DAT/lesson_10.html. Zhimin Yuan, “Old Hong Kong Buildings | Protecting Hong Kong People’s Right to Sunshine in the Colonial Era, Wan Chai Jordan’s Most Inclined Buildings ,” Apple Daily (Apple Daily, November 2, 2020), https://tw.appledaily.com/supplement/20201103/ DJHFWVKSRBEKTOUO4NVLSIC4AM/. “Chinese Houses and Street Children in Sixth Street in Yau Ma Tei,” Neighbourhood Collective Memories-Street-Sixth Street-Guide Notes: Community Ecology (Accessible version), 2014, http://www.hkmemory.org/ ymt/text/index.php?p=home&catId=698&photoNo=0.
15. “Three Urban Renewal,” Hong Kong Housing Society High School Liberal study Teaching Material, accessed December 17, 2021, https://www.hkhs. com/home/upload/pdf/liberal_Book2_Part2_03.pdf. 16. “Vernacular Solution for Architecture (Yau Ma Tei),” Hong Kong Architecture: Guide to Architecture in Middle School Textbooks (The Hong Kong Institution of Architecture, 2012), http://minisite. proj.hkedcity.net/hkiakit/cht/DAT/lesson_10.html.
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The Modern Architecture Guidebook Hong Kong’s built environment represents a unique site of inquiry in the global history of the Modern Movement. The Modern Architecture guidebook series draw from an inter-disciplinary toolkit of knowledge, references, and field studies to understand the processes at work in the built environment. Each walking tour in the series begins with one of the 98 MTR stations in Hong Kong as the meeting point. First opened in 1979, this modernist infrastructure has produced a city rationalized around transportoriented development. Organized around key themes (industrialization, colonization, environment, internationalization, migration, decolonization, counterculture, and globalization), the guidebooks present a critical yet open perspective towards the implications of large-scale modernist schemes on the environment and community.
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