Archis Interventions 2010_Volume 26 insert by Archis Foundation

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Archis Interventions in South Eastern Europe Supplement to Volume 26 Architecture of Peace

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Politics of Architecture Kai Vöckler

In post-conflict contexts architecture and urban planning only have a disciplinary perspective when they consider themselves part of the overall political system – that is to say, of ‘governance’. The profession must also come up with a new planning strategy that can contextualize itself both internationally and locally, within various social situations, and by preparing new contexts for participants in society.

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NGOs operating in post-conflict situations have to find their own place within the global political regulatory system. To do this, they have to organize more among themselves, so that, ultimately, they form a political counterweight at an international level. Independent, international collaborations and associations would then also help NGOs to formulate comprehensive political goals.

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Social and political problems materialize in cities, but since every city is confronted with these problems and their potential future development, there is also a chance to actively influence the optimism of the residents, in ways that go beyond the provision of basic necessities. The pivotal meaning of the city as an agent for political and social change becomes particularly obvious in a post-conflict situation. In this case, a city’s development takes place under mostly unsafe, unstable conditions, and it is essentially defenseless against the mechanisms of political and economic events. This kind of city is scarred by conflicts; it is the expression of the crises in which the city finds itself. Cities that have to regenerate after a conflict share a recurring problem: the exchange of population segments that occurs when many residents flee during periods of armed conflict. Often, many do not return to their homes for a variety of reasons: they may have better prospects elsewhere, or the political situation in their homeland may have altered so much that they have no interest in returning. Often, the conflicts have not been solved, but have instead become embedded in the city itself; the numerous divided cities around the world – from Belfast to Nicosia, Mostar to Beirut – are evidence of this. In addition, many people migrate to cities from rural areas. The result is that existing communities dissolve, and new neighborhoods are rapidly assembled. The new residents did not know each other previously, and have little to do with the city and its history. And in the case of rural immigrants, they are often not familiar with city life, which requires people to live closely together with many different types of people. Living conditions are precarious, production has to be set up again, business has to develop, and jobs are scarce. Government institutions have to be rebuilt and do not function well; the political situation is unstable; corruption is everywhere. Most crucial though is the fact that, due to the influx of rural immigrants and the return of refugees after a conflict, the population of a city will grow rapidly in a very short period of time. Cities like Prishtina or Kabul tripled or even quintupled their populations within a few years after military interventions. This results in an unregulated, informal boom in construction, since the demand for living space increases dramatically. Not only does the reconstruction of the city – the rebuilding of ruins – make its mark on a post-conflict situation, but the construction of new buildings also has a significant effect. Political power vacuums at the national level, along with the absence of self-monitoring in the civilian population, generate uncontrolled forces which seriously damage these cities’ chances for recovery. For this reason, it is necessary to scrutinize the aid and planning strategies that are used, and intensify the search for possible alternatives.1 One fact that often goes unrecognized is that social and political structures are formed to a great degree by the way a city is developed. This raises the question of how the expertise of architects and planners can be utilized, not only to overcome the consequences of a crisis, but also to avoid more conflict in the future. What would an ‘architecture of peace’ look like?

Housing construction is strategically important in war or other catastrophic situations since it guarantees a minimum of safety and protection. And it is the key to urban development, as it also helps to constitute new types of social interaction, which have the immediate ability to help institutions begin functioning again. Still, just like the process of rebuilding urban structures that have been destroyed during armed conflict, the construction of housing, the restoration of architectural legacies, or the expansion of industrial and commercial buildings are not merely questions of architecture or urban planning. Political and economic interdependencies are embedded in these issues. Architects and urban planners

situation and are suitably appropriate. It is imperative that local political, cultural, and social conditions be considered in the process. Through urban planning, overlapping problems in the development of the society as a whole can be dealt with, and models for solutions can be concocted. However, this means that an ‘architecture of peace’ must have a clear understanding of the specific form of local political governance that arises in a post-conflict situation, and its own position in relation to that.

have to find their own positions in relation to this complicated association of intertwining forces. In recent years, the importance of the international community in managing local conflicts has increased considerably. Banding together international aid organizations, it not only contributes significantly to the regulation of conflicts, but also to the restoration of political, social and cultural institutions. Even when the primary task is to provide basic necessities, such as water, electricity, streets and public transportation, rebuilding a city’s infrastructure means that all of the decisions and steps taken in the process will profoundly influence the further development of the city. Thus, the urban transformations initiated by global players in very diverse regions around the world often follow the same pattern. However, there are an increasing number of problems: first, it is becoming ever more difficult to discern who is involved; and second, large organizations such as the UN, the OECD and the World Bank, along with countless NGOs, are unable to coordinate their efforts. In addition, these organizations are frequently in indirect competition with each other for political sway, their financial backing is opaque, there is no legal oversight of their actions, and lastly there are individuals employed in these organizations who are involved in outright criminal activities, and they often get away scot-free. Thus, it has become urgent to subject the methods and procedures of the international aid community to critical scrutiny.2

Numerous recent global conferences – for example, the 1992 World Environmental Conference in Rio de Janeiro, the 1996 HABITAT II in Istanbul, the 1999 URBAN 21 in Berlin, and the 2010 World Urban Forum in Rio de Janeiro – have all rehabilitated planning, in terms of influencing and managing social processes. Widely implemented by global players, such as the World Bank in the 1980s, the predominant neoliberal ideology and its efforts to minimize state influence has proved crisis-prone and increased the drive to reconfigure state structures and develop new forms of planning. This strategy, christened ‘good governance’, directly addressed urban agglomeration as the focal point of social transformation, referring to a development that has become increasingly apparent over the last two decades. Further, in conjunction with the significant expansion of cross-border exchange, new transnational structures have also arisen, and they express a new kind of relationship between the local and the global. This is associated with profound alterations in statehood itself, and also in planning, for it is no longer the hierarchic and centralistic state that comprises the center of politics and controls development when it comes to comprehensive planning. Governmental action instead distinguishes itself in various kinds of areas. The state now tends to play the roles of moderator and coordinator between the international and local levels. Non-governmental players are increasingly involved in decision-making and implementation processes, this being the aim of the term ‘governance’. Governance is defined as the sum of all possible options, within which public and private institutions and organizations are constantly regulating their common affairs in order to coordinate their interests and facilitate cooperative action.4 Within this structure, there are active balances of power that are worthy of special attention.

Global Governance and NGO Activities In a post-conflict situation, the process of rebuilding a city and restoring habitable living conditions is confronted with the necessity of quickly adapting to a specific situation marked by a great deal of ambiguity and insecurity. Most aid and development programs aim to establish new forms of good governance, which often simply imitate the political structures of the donor countries and try to apply generally unquestioned notions of a ‘civil society’ to the situation at hand.3 Hence, normalization strategies around the globe operate with images and concepts – from historical reconstruction to the idea of capacity building. However, despite all of the good intentions, these strategies disregard the realities of these cities. Ideas and concepts, such as ‘freedom and democracy’, are exported, even though most of the time, they are mere euphemisms used to cover up the introduction of the same capitalist principles of property and market economies that dominate the donor nations. Even the term ‘human rights’ is regarded as a political norm that should be valid everywhere, and the fact that human rights have a history, as well as a changeable definition, is overlooked. To spell it out, so as not to be misunderstood: of course, human rights are highly desirable and worth defending, but they do not represent a neutral system of values. Rather, they are always permeated by political claims and ought to be negotiated and adapted to suit local conditions. Briefly stated, too little consideration is given to the special circumstances of local political situations, and frequently, there is little knowledge of local culture and society. The result is a kind of ‘donor speak’, whose goal is to align everything with the political aims of the donor; this language is spoken by all of the members of local initiatives, as well as by those working for international organizations. Unfortunately, this is not a phantasm, but a political reality, and every plan in the crisis situation has to adjust to it. Donors are accountable to their own countries, and have to consider the political situations there, too. Consequently, it is all the more necessary to create a context for planning in crisis situations, and make sure that the goals of the plan reflect the local

Along with the cross-border expansion of communications, transportation, and information systems, the intensification of economic relationships in the global market, and the internationalization of production and labor conditions, new forms of political regulation have arisen on a global scale. First attempts at a kind of global governance have been carried out by NATO, the IMF, the OECD, and the United Nations, more or less successfully. They act on an international level, wherever there is a lack of formal democratic institutions. They are the protagonists in post-conflict situations, since they are the organs of the international community, which is supposed to guarantee reconstruction and integration into the global market and the international community of nations. They frequently replace missing state institutions, or participate to a large degree in their formation (nation building). Here, the international NGOs are important correctives. Evidence of this is the almost dramatic increase in the numbers of international NGOs that have begun operating in post-conflict situations in recent decades. However, their role within the current form of political regulation (policy regime) is also problematic. Are they simply one component of a dominant political and regulatory system, or do they represent the interests of local civil societies? 3

Accordingly, the policies of NGOs operating in post-conflict situations should be critically examined, but they should also be allowed to develop further. An important step toward reinforcing their position enough to oppose donors, gain independence from them, and to find their own place within the political regulatory system, is to strengthen their contacts with each other and to organize more among themselves, so that, ultimately, they can become institutionalized on an international level and form a political counterweight. Independent, international collaborations and associations would then also help them to formulate comprehensive political goals. This also means, however, that they have to develop new forms of democratic politics. New, more transparent, and therefore more open ways must be found to select and represent topics and content, as well as to develop decision-making processes. It is always evident that an ‘intervention’ from the outside is only successful when there is collaboration with local structures and support for political self-determination. This means that there must be more effort made to integrate non-governmental organizations and other civil society groups into the international system, and to increase their presence on the scene. The search for new ways must begin.

they represent interests that have no voice in existing political structures (political advocacy) they identify problems and topics, and include them in political negotiations and decision-making processes on both the local as well as international level (agenda setting) they mobilize factual expertise and knowledge in order to solve or debate topics in public they develop projects that are not undertaken by state and supra-state players, or else carry them out when governments or the international community cannot do so for organizational or political reasons

Their potential lies in their scientific, technical, or even political expertise, as well as in the fact that they are very familiar with the problems in their field and with the local structures. This assumes, of course, that an international NGO cooperates with local civil society organizations, so that they can successfully adapt their strategies to the local political, social and cultural context. One important component in the success of their work is their ability to mobilize the public at both an international and a local level, in order to further the goals of the interests formulated. If they can do this, they can make essential contributions to the processes of reaching the compromises and consensus necessary to political decision-making, and thus play an important role as mediators, since they are pursuing neither commercial nor wider political interests. Reality, however, has a somewhat different appearance: very few NGOs can finance themselves through donations, and therefore, they are highly dependent upon the financial support of governments, international governmental organizations (such as the EU), and their semi-public organizations. For financial support, the only other alternative is to turn to private foundations, such as Aga Kahn, George Soros or other foundations financed by international corporations.6 Therefore, NGOs are forced to adapt their approaches, to accommodate the goals and programs set forth by their financial supporters. In addition, professionalizing their workforce also means paying their employees, which leads to a factual constraint: having to compromise their own programs in order to conform to the donor’s agenda. Over time, NGO ‘companies’ have arisen, which are frequently only guided by self-interest. And the staffs of international NGOs are also part of the elite corps of managers and functionaries whom Mary Kaldor calls the ‘cosmopolitans’ – a community of like-minded, well-educated experts, who work for the United Nations, one of the international or non-governmental organizations, or for foreign investors (who also count local experts as part of their membership). This, too, is a new form of global domination, which Kaldor describes as the ‘new divide’. On one side are the generally impecunious local residents and migrants, who are seeking a place in the new urban communities, and on the other side are the global citizens and their allies – the local elite, most of whom have been educated abroad.7 Yet another difficulty is that NGOs specialize in specific topics, and this often prevents them from understanding an overarching

‘Us’ and ‘Them’ – the New Divide

complex of problems. Last, but not least, is the NGO’s own, non-elected (and therefore undemocratic) position within the political negotiation process. In practice, all of this often results in a condescending, paternalistic way of working.

Non-governmental organizations are, according to the general definition, civil society organizations that do not represent the state. They are supposed to be financially and organizationally independent of state apparatuses and private business, and they should not be involved in the pursuit of commercial interests, but the interests of the community instead.5 Ideally, the work of NGOs should conform to the following description:

‘Internationals’

Architects and Planners as ‘Agents of Change’ Architecture and urban planning only have a disciplinary perspective when they consider themselves part of this overall political system – that is to say, of ‘governance’. The profession must also come up with a new planning strategy that can contextualize itself within various social situations and simultaneously prepare new contexts for participants in society.8 Should one employ the contextualization necessary in order to plan (for that, too, can be considered a political project), fundamental principles consequently ensue. This is strategic, in the sense that it must react to various social and cultural contexts, while mediating between the special needs of individual social groups and the international power structure and its mechanisms. Yet it must also be cooperative, in as much as it provides, in its own turn, various participants with new contexts, in order to open up these spaces, whose effects go beyond local (and national) contexts. In this sense, planning must be communicative, because participants can only be mobilized through dialogue. This dialogue is not just local, however; it must also be conducted at an international level.

Planners and architects have a seductive perspective of the city from above, which can block the view of how the city should be used, as well as the view of the social relationships and political power relations inscribed in its spaces. Space is not neutral. Accordingly, neither is the position of the architect or planner; there is no such thing as ‘architecture for architecture’s sake’, nor is there any such thing as a ‘neutral’ plan. Every plan is the result of negotiation and power relations, and these things are expressed through the plan. When architects and planners regard themselves as ‘agents of change’, and try to intervene positively in city development, then they need to realize that they will need political ‘patronage’. This support, however, should not be based in opaque relationships and closed-door agreements; rather, it should be transparent and open. Only then would it also be possible to address the programs set forth by other political factions, and to include them in the negotiation process. This

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hammer, every problem looks like a nail’. From the standpoint of the architect, every problem becomes a construction project. Frequently, however, an urban problem can also be solved by other means: a space can be revitalized through public debate, by using it for something else, or else through an economic strategy or regulation, to name just a few examples. That means, when figuring out projects in a post-conflict situation, it always helps to ask a few basic questions:

requires a delicate tightrope walk in the political arena, which has to be undertaken by all independent groups whenever they attempt to intervene in the urban space. On one hand, one of their essential tasks is to formulate the interests of excluded segments of the population and to scrutinize the process of developing the city by mobilizing the public. On the other hand, they have to position themselves within the negotiation process, and, accordingly, be ready to cooperate or compromise with other political forces. In short, they have to have the ability to criticize the predominant political situation, while being part of it at the same time. This is because critique and public debate alone are not enough, even though they are prequisites for a successful intervention – for if sustainable change is indeed going to come about, then it is always brought about by assertive action, and hence, it is a question of power. The regulation of city development cannot be left up to society’s self-regulation and customary law, especially not in post-conflict situations. Accordingly, it is directly linked to the ability of state organs to act assertively, because they have a monopoly on the legitimate use of force. However, no plan, regulation or urban development strategy can be carried out if there is no consensus in society itself about the meaning and purpose of the plan. Yet, even here, limitations have to be set: when organs of the state (and the international institutions and organizations that support them) offer only repression and corruption, then they also have no legitimation. Even when they carry out measures through the threat of force, a critical distance must be maintained. But it is naïve to believe that an ‘architecture of peace’ can exist independently of an ‘architecture of power’.

where: where is the space? Where are there spaces that are not disputed and controversial, but ‘neutral’? what: is it possible to create a new space, which will open up new perspectives? why: who needs it? Who will profit from it? Who are the partners involved in the process? Is it in the interest of the public welfare? how: what tools and strategies are needed, in order to create this space? How can collaborations be established, and how can the process be shaped?

Flexible Planning The obvious failure of city government and the international organizations in post-conflict situations, which are together responsible for city development, can be traced back to a problematic understanding of planning and the role of the expert. Undeniably, plans are needed in order to structure and regulate the city’s development. However, in the traditional ‘top-down’ approach that is part of hierarchically structured planning – from the strategic master plan, to land zoning, to regulated building plans – there are already a number of troublesome aspects, which are not really taken into consideration. The main problem is the extremely tedious process that often drags out over several years: by the time it comes to an end, reality has already outpaced it. Also, the city is regarded as a coherent form – an object to be shaped and designed. The fact that the city has an active, constantly changing form is ignored. Of course, it is necessary that there be goals in planning, and that planning be a regulated force in urban development, but it is an ongoing process that needs to be flexible whenever circumstances change.

Non-governmental organizations in post-conflict situations must adapt their approach to the local context and thus, only limited generalizations can be made. However, it is possible to propose some fundamental principles for discussion: reflect upon and communicate one’s own position do not pursue any commercial interests address different interest groups, in order to incorporate them over the long term

If the traditional model of urban planning is rejected, then new forms of cooperation and processes of negotiation between private parties and governmental institutions need to be developed. ‘Master plans’ that attempt to treat complex layers of political and economic problems in the same way (comprehensive planning) are of no significance. Instead, it is necessary to develop processual, participatory, and hence, communications-based types of plans (collaborative planning). For this kind of flexible planning, it is crucial that new ways of collaborating be permitted. However, these kinds of cooperative efforts should remain transparent. Still, it has to be transparent enough to be monitored by the public. Therefore, the forces of civil society should be encouraged to participate; they need to be regarded as an important corrective to the planning process. The key to all of this is communication: public debate had to be stimulated, with the assistance of local media. Public campaigns should also stimulate active participation and provide opportunities for people to get involved.

gather various interests together for projects that require groups to cooperate in order to carry them out balance collaborations; advantages and profits must be shared equally create transparency: goals and procedures are openly discussed in public create room for negotiation, open up perspectives, mobilize knowledge and place it at everyone’s disposal plan and design the process; structure it through dialogue and keep it open

Correspondingly, the three fundamental pillars of the work are: (1) communication, (2) cooperation, and (3) shaping the process. What does this mean, specifically, for architects and planners who want to intervene in urban development? They should think less about a project, and more about the process of contriving projects, especially at first. And, as an aside, they should not assume that their project will necessarily wind up in a plan or as a building. As the saying goes, ‘when you have a

Archis Interventions in South Eastern Europe Here is where the Archis Interventions project begins. The aim of Archis Interventions, a community-based, non-profit offshoot of Archis, is to support cities by supplying ideas and concepts that will help to revitalize public space and renew faith in public dialogue. Local partners play the main roles in the process, since they are the ones requesting intervention in the development of their city.9 Archis Interventions’ activities in South Eastern Europe began in 2005, when some Kosovar colleagues and myself founded a local branch in Prishtina (Archis Interventions/Prishtina). Against this backdrop, Archis Interventions began expanding its activities across South Eastern Europe.10 A network of independent urban initiatives and organizations in South Eastern Europe was launched in 2008 by myself in cooperation with Srdjan Jovanović Weiss – and is still growing. In almost all larger cities in South Eastern Europe there exist independent urban initiatives that use their specialist knowledge and experience to defend the interests of civic stakeholders. Such initiatives often work in isolation from one another or have only limited opportunities to participate in international urban discourse on new urban development and planning methods and concepts. The aim of the Archis Interventions SEE network is to network regionally and develop international cooperation projects, to share past experience and transfer relevant knowledge. And last but not least to strengthen local initiatives by embedding them in supra-regional networks. By 2010 the network has been extended to the successor states of former Yugoslavia, and to Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey and Cyprus. Conferences have been organized in cooperation with local partner organizations in Basel, Bucharest and Vienna. Professionals from throughout the region have been involved in different local projects. And the initiative’s work has been presented in international exhibitions – such as the Balkanology exhibition at the Swiss Architecture Museum (2008), Architecture Centre Vienna (2009) and at the National Museum of Contemporary Art in Bucharest (2010) –, at conferences, and in local and international media.

Noten 1 See Sultan Barakat (ed.), After the Conflict: Reconstruction and Development in the Aftermath of War (London, New York: 2005); Gerd Junne, Willemijn Verkoren (eds.), Postconflict Development: Meeting New Challenges (Boulder, London: 2005); Kai Vöckler, Prishtina is Everywhere. Turbo Urbanism: the Aftermath of a Crisis, Amsterdam 2008; Jon Calame, Esther Charlesworth, Divided Cities: Belfast, Beirut, Jerusalem, Mostar, and Nicosia (Philadelphia: 2009). 2 See Regina Bittner, Wilfried Hackenbroich, Kai Vöckler (eds.), UN Urbanism. Post-conflict cities Mostar Kabul (Berlin: 2010); Linda Polman, War Games: The Story of Aid and War in Modern Times (London, New York: 2010). 3 See John E. Trent, Modernizing the United Nations System: Civil Society’s Role in Moving from International Relations to Global Governance (Farmington Hills, Opladen: 2007). 4 Ulrich Brand, ‘Stadt als runder Tisch: Zum neuen Leitbild “Global” oder “Good Governance”’, www.bmgev.de/themen/urban21/brand. See also Michael Zürn, ‘Regieren im Zeitalter der Denationalisierung‘, in: Claus Leggewie, Richard Münch (eds.), Politik im 21. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main: 2001). 5 See Ulrich Brand, Alex Demirovic, Christoph Görg, Joachim Hirsch (eds.), Nichtregierungsorganisationen in der Transformation des Staates (Münster: 2001). 6 Archis Interventions’ activities in South Eastern Europe have been mainly supported by ERSTE Foundation. ERSTE Foundation is the main shareholder of ERSTE Group (the savings bank). See www.erstestiftung.org. 7 Mary Kaldor, ‘Cosmopolitanism Versus Nationalism: The New Divide?’. In: Richard Caplan, John Feffer (eds.), Europe’s New Nationalism: States and Minorities in Conflict (New York, Oxford 1996). 8 See Nikolaus Kuhnert, Anh-Linh Ngo, ‘Governance’, Archplus 173 (May 2005). 9 Documented on www.archis.org. 10 See www.seenetwork.org. The Archis Interventions project in South Eastern Europe is supported by ERSTE Foundation.

In the conflict-ridden system of international politics (localized through governmental structures), a globalized market and civil society projects – developed in cooperation with local, independent urban initiatives – can develop new kinds of cooperative and communicative planning, which will help to support the society’s weak civil powers in particular. Thus, positioning within this new framework of governance is of crucial significance, because if an intervention is to succeed, then it has to develop relationships with government institutions and the civil sector likewise. Independent, non-governmental, non-commercial initiatives formed by professionals play an important part here, because not only do architects and urban planners bring their expertise to the table, but they frequently also act as both initiator and mediator, employing empowerment strategies to facilitate or influence urban developments.

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Post-Conflict Planning

Archis Interventions in Prishtina, Kosovo

Initiated 2005

Archis Interventions and Kosavarian architects and town planners began their cooperation in Prishtina in 2005 by co-founding a local NGO. Collaborators have included Hackenbroich Architekten (Berlin) and Co-PLAN (Tirana). The legalization concept and the study about the future development of Prishtina has been developed in cooperation with the Municipality of Prishtina.

After NATO intervention ended the war between the Serbian military and the Kosovo-Albanian liberation army in 1999, a building boom began in Prishtina. The majority population, made up of Kosovo-Albanians, immediately started erecting urgently needed housing, while at the same time, the real estate market became one of the most profitable branches of business, due to the enormous lack of both residential and commercial space. Demand intensified when the rural population began streaming into the city, along with Kosovo refugees being repatriated by Western European nations. Within a brief period of time, Prishtina tripled its population, resulting in the speedy rebuilding of the city. Those who did not participate in the construction boom were the socially disadvantaged, who had neither land nor money, and the minority population of Kosovo-Serbs, who, faced with a new power structure, were not interested in investing in real estate. Even though Prishtina had not suffered much damage during the war, about seventy-five percent of the city’s existing structures – and with them, their historical legacy – were demolished, until almost nothing was left. In addition, all of this construction activity was illegal, due to the breakdown of local government: until 2005 it was practically impossible to get a construction permit, even if you wanted to. Note that all of this occurred under the administration of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), which regarded its main task as not so much to regulate urban development for the good of the city, but to introduce concentrated market economy structures. Of course, institutional structures had to be rebuilt, and there were no fundamental documents (such as a land registry, for instance) to secure the legal system; but still, one wonders why the international community, as represented by the UN mission (whose power was ensured by the KFOR troops), was incapable of setting at least minimum standards for construction. The consequences were grave: not only is most of old Prishtina gone, but public squares are neglected, the in-

Built without Building Permits. The manual set up basic minimal standards that would make it possible to legalize existing structures, and contained a concept for carrying out this highly complex process. In July 2009 the City Council used the fundamentals of this concept to pass a resolution to start the legalization process. At the same time, we produced a television show about illegal construction, which was broadcast at the time the legalization process began. Furthermore, we worked out a preliminary concept for a set of guiding principles for architecture. Currently, we are at the point where we are working on more actions that might have an effect on the public, as well as on a possible model project, which would make it possible to apply a new process for coordinating some sort of agreement between the various interest groups and the realization of our ideas. What many representatives of international and local organizations thought was impossible in 2005 is now coming to fruition: the situation will be improved for the general good of society. To do all of this, however, we needed architects and planners, who wanted a change and who worked on behalf on their city: they can be regarded as ‘agents of change’.

Volume 11 in Spring 2007; we also presented the project at a number of different conferences on the theme, some of which were organized by the European Union and the UN Habitat. This immediately led to reports appearing in local media, which, in turn, resulted in greater public interest. We were able to take advantage of this when we organized a student workshop, which became a public presentation during the mayoral election in December 2007. The students took selected situations and developed possible future scenarios for them, which they then visualized in various ways. The visuals made it clear what would happen if the city were simply to continue development as before. This made such an impression on the new mayor of Prishtina, Dr. Isa Mustafa, that he appointed the co-founder of Archis Interventions/Prishtina, Florina Jerliu, as his personal consultant on urbanism issues. The altered political situation, along with the great interest in change shown not only by the politicians responsible, but also by a large portion of the population, made it possible for us to further develop our concept, and some of it has already been realized. In 2009, for instance, we collaborated with city administrators and the building ministry to create a Manual on the Legalization of Structures

frastructure is totally overwhelmed, and almost everywhere, there are blatant safety violations, such as blocked or missing emergency exits; insufficient, overburdened structures, where, for instance, load-bearing walls have been removed in order to enlarge rooms, or else single-family houses have been erected on the roofs of five-story apartment buildings from the Socialist era. Not least among the difficulties are the massive social conflicts that have arisen because neighbors have blocked each other’s entrances, or even put up new buildings a hand’s width away from a neighbor’s living room window. In short, Prishtina has serious problems in terms of safety for both people and buildings; it has social problems as a result of rebuilding of the city, and it has a problem providing for basic infrastructure and services. So, anyone who wants to know why planning is necessary and sensible ought to visit Prishtina today. The task in Prishtina was, first, to analyze the phenomenon and then to make it comprehensible. In order to do this, we collaborated with Archis Interventions in 2006 to produce a workshop in which selected situations were analyzed and then organized by type. The various situations were charted and mapped in order to make it clear how extensive the rebuilding of the city actually was. Parallel to this, we worked out an overall strategic concept, which allowed for a combination of various strategies: aside from the urban-architectural strategy, this affected communications, the support from the Archis network, the inclusion of different interest groups in a model project, and the support of local institutions and organizations. These parallel strategies were pursued from the start.

First of all, it was necessary to communicate the information about the newly founded, local NGO, the analysis of the situation, and the strategic concept. We were able to do this in an international setting, when the project was publicized in

Strategic Planning

Strategy Concept

Initiated 2005 The strategy concept developed in 2006 (see Volume 11) combined different approaches to achieve public awareness and impart a sensibility for environmental qualities and architectural values. It addresses different actors, local as well as international, and was designed to bridge the gap between them. An important aspect was the combination of a communication strategy (including the production of a TV show) with a support strategy (encouraging students), a participatory strategy (activation of local knowledge), a networking strategy (integration in the Archis network) and last but not least an architectural strategy (developing the manual and starting a model project). Actually most of these strategies could be successfully implemented.

Spring 2007

Phase 2

Phase 3

Phase 4

Support Strategy Ai Amsterdam

Capacity Building

Architectural Strategy

Archis Network

NGO Ai Prishtina

Participatory Strategy

Student Projects

Manual

Advisory Board

Activation of local knowledge

Stimulation of interest groups

TV-show

Newspaper campaign

Architectural competition

Prototypical small scale projects

Leaflet

Model Project

Architectural exhibition

Networking Strategy Workshops

Ai Berlin

LOCAL International

Communication Strategy

Volume issue

Stimulation of Balkan experts network

Integration in the Archis network 13

Conference

Completed in progress to be done

The Concept for a Manual and Recommendations on the Legalization Process

»Manual on the Legalization of Structures Built without a Construction Permit« The first step in developing an implementation strategy was a workshop, in which experts were brought together to develop a manual that explains the principles (relating to security, infrastructural networks and social aspects, etc.) necessary to improve the present situation. The manual was conceived in cooperation with international and local experts, including representatives of the municipality, the Institute for Spatial Planning of Kosova, and other official organizations. The workshop participants developed joint recommendations and strategies on how to act in the near future, and jointly formulated provisos for the manual. They consider this to have made an important step towards bringing major policymakers into closer contact and cooperation, with regard to the legalization issue.

Essentials

•

Legalization is a ONE TIME process

•

Day ‘X’ (the start of legalization) is announced 24HRS before

•

After Day ‘X’ a FUNCTIONING system for issuing planning permits must be in place

•

Buildings constructed after Day ‘X’ shall NOT BE LEGALIZED

•

Day ‘Z’ is THE END of the legalization process.

•

After Day ‘Z’ only URBAN PLANNING CRITERIA shall apply.

Public Debate and Resolution of the Municipal Assembly of Prishtina A public debate on the ‘regulation for legalization of structures built without a construction permit’ and the ‘manual for legalization of structures built without a construction permit’ took place in the Municipality of Prishtina, July 2–3, 2009. On the basis of the strategic concept presented in the manual, the Municipal Assembly passed a resolution to start the legalization process after the elections for mayor, which took place at the end of 2009. The legalization process started in October 2010. Download the ‘manual on the legalization of structures built without a construction permit’ at: www.seenetwork.org/projects

1.1. Security Aspect

2.1. Security Aspect

1.1. Security Aspect

2.1. Security Aspect

if the building is below 3.0 meters in distance from the neighboring building:

PROTOTYPE 1 buildings with max 450 sqm

if the building is between 3.0 – 5.5 meters in a distance from neighboring building:

Minimal Standard:

a) Each building should have direct access to a public road b) In case of not having direct access to a public road, agreement of use of the right to passage with the

2.1. Security Aspect

if the building is from 3.0 up to one fourth (¼) of its height, in distance from the plot line:

if the building is up to 1.0 meter distance from the neighboring building:

neighbor should be reached,

c) if agreement is reached, passage for pedestrian should be minimum 1.0 meter wide and the length of the passage from the building to the main street should be not more than 100 meters.

d) In order for the passage to have the character of the secondary street, it should be minimum 3.0 m wide for

access as street or building passage

a one-way street, or minimum 5.5 m for a two-way street.

fo fo r pe for r on des t tw e-w ria n o-w ay r ay stre oute stre et et

MAIN STREET

2. Prototipi 02

1.2. Social Aspect

1.1. Security Aspect

2.2. Social Aspect

2.1. Security Aspect

1.2. Social Aspect

Conflicts between neighbor’s results mostly out of the blocking of view (view, insulation) by building too narrow to the neighbor’s building, or out of the occupation of a neighbor’s plot. A negotiation between neighbors in case of such problems is also basis for the legalizations of a building.

PROTOTYPE 2 : -

if the building is more 3.0 meters from the plot line, the planning criteria are applied.

buildings above 450 sqm

No building applying for legalization

A1 / Blocking views (view, lighting) Minimal Standard: The building should not block the primary view of other buildings. The neighbor whose primary view is blocked, has the right to complain against the applicants for legalization permit.

Blocking of the primary view is considered when: - building with over 450 sqm applying for legalization is in a distance less than 1/4 ofi ts height from the plot line of the neighbor’s parcel, who has a building with max 450 sqm); - building with max 450 sqm applying for legalization is in a distance less than 5.5 meters from the bordering wall of the neighboring building with over 450 sqm which has openings other than windows of bathrooms and staircases;

In case of blocking, the building can be legalized if agreed by the neighbor whose front facade is blocked; In case there is no agreement, the blocking building needs to be cut back to create the due distance.

MAIN STREET

Street

Open Spaces

Water Supply

School, kindergarden

Sewage, etc.

Bus, etc.

2.2. Social Aspect

3.1. Security Aspect

Municipality

Neighborhood

Taxes

Investment

Technical Infrastructure

Water Supply

2.2. Social Aspect

1.3. Infrastructure

1.2. Social Aspect

Sewage

Social Infrastructure

Street

Open Spaces

Bus

School

SIDE WAL K

An 8-part TV-Series on Informal Building in Prishtina

TV Show A public campaign designed by Archis Interventions/Prishtina accompanies the process of regulating informal construction (included the legalization of existing buildings), which commenced in October 2010. Public presentations and a media campaign will raise public awareness of the most important aspects of this issue (safety regulations, public infrastructures and amenities, impact on the community, etc). Beside public presentations and reports in different media, an 8-part TV series has been produced in collaboration with Pixels Productions, Prishtina. Visar Geci, co-founder of Archis Interventions/Prishtina and a renowned TV star in Kosovo, produced the TV show in cooperation with Florina Jerliu and Kai Vöckler. Each of the series’ episodes addresses a different aspect of informal building. Recorded on selected sites in Prishtina, from August–December 2009, the TV series gave local citizens and officials a chance to express their opinions on the state of informal building in the city, in dialogue with Visar Geci.

Urban Study

Dynamic City Prishtina’s future prospects and how planning might best support them were the focus of an urban study developed in 2009. It is necessary to offer future prospects to citizens by developing a realistic strategy that takes the current situation into account but also establishes the principles of viable future development. This is strategic planning based both on a vision and on reliable information, and can therefore offer a solid foundation for consensus and negotiations. The study develops a key concept by analyzing Prishtina’s potential as the capital of Kosovo, and identified knowledge and education as the key factors for future development. The study focused on the latter’s spatial implications and formulated the major principles of future urban development.

New Attraction Points By introducing new typologies (incubators, public community centers, student housing) in the center, the recommended connection of high symbolic meaning between the nation to its history, economy and youth shall gain enormous quality. Those new typologies should be developed as new buildings in mainly abandoned areas, or should be accommodated in existing buildings suitable fur such typologies.

The Youth Is The Future The highly significant symbolic spaces and buildings in the inner city of the young nation is the backbone of future development. The youth is the future – the investment by the nation and the city in developing knowledge among its young citizens will be returned by the development of a knowledge-based economy.

Catalysts For students, lecturers and professors, as for future knowledge based-economies, it needs a good environment and close spatial connections – it shall be clustered and connected well. For that it will need specific catalysts to improve the situation.

PEDESTRIAN AREA

€

ATTRACTION POINTS

PUBLIC ECONOMIC SUPPORT

STUDENT HOUSING

MINIMAL UNITS 25 m² MAX

Student Housing AREA A specific studentPEDESTRIAN housing typology is missing. An investment PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES in this specific housing, with public and commercial functions integrated at the ground level, could be implemented strategically in the core zones of an education-related spatial developATTRACTION POINTS ment.

STUDENT HOUS I NG

COLLECTIVE FUNCTIONS

INCUBATOR

€ HISTORIC CENTER

STUDENT HOUSING

STUDENTS AND YOUNG ENTERPRENEURS

PEDESTRIAN AREA ATTRACTION POINTS li

H te fe Yl

STUDENT HOUSING

PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES I NCUBATOR

Meto Bajraktari

PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES INCUBATOR

Agim Ramadani

ë ën aT ere z lev ar d iN

arad inaj nH

€

PEDESTRIAN AREA

Business Incubator The city can support new start up-enterprises in the knowledge economy with specific ‘space incubators’ in which office spaces are concentrated information centers. Specific economic programs could support young entrepreneurs.

NATION

FI NANCI AL SUPPORT PRIS HT INA

SMALL OFFICE UNIT

ATTRACTION POINTS

I NFORMAT I ON CENTER

Lua

INCUBATOR

COLLEC TIVE FUNCTIONS

STUDENT HOUSING i

i PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES

Wi Fi

Lua

Garibald

arad i

naj

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

FREE WiFi

I NFORMAT I ON CENTER

HISTORIC CENTER

Meto Bajraktari

PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES UNIVERSITY CAMPUS

INCUBATOR

Public Community Center NEW ECONOMIC ZONE Public community centers installed in abandoned or newly erected public buildings shall combine different functions that are attractive to students, and other citizens interested in information and cultural exchange.

20 NATION

NEWS CENTER

CAFFE LOUNGE

arad

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

PUBL I C COMMUNI TY CENTER

H te fe Yl

STUDENT HOUSING

Lua

ATTRACTION POINTS

inaj

PEDESTRIAN AREA

SMALL EXIBI TION CENTER

PER FOR MANCE SPACE

PUBLIC ATTRACTION COMMUNITYPOINTS CENTRES STUDENT HOUSING INCUBATOR

PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTR

District behind Youth and Sport Center New recreation triggers small business and larger business development. Spatial incubators are designed to attract young professionals by offering work space with low running costs, by bringing together different forms of new knowledge-based businesses to form a creative atmosphere and combining this with public functions to enable an interaction with other citizens. Out of this combination spatial incubators are giving a lot of impulses to the urban development and become the nucleus of an urban regeneration and future economic prosperity.

INCUBATOR

PEDESTRIAN AREA ATTRACTION POINTS STUDENT HOUSING NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES New Community Center behind the Skanderbeg Monument A public community center shall combine different functions which are attractive to students, and other citizens interested in information and culture.

INCUBATOR 22

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

Recreated Public Space and Business District behind Youth and Sport Center A recreated public square leading to urban regeneration, small business and larger business development.

Redesigning Modernity

Strategies for Socialist Collective Housing in Bucharest, Romania Initiated 2009

An Archis Interventions, Zeppelin and Point 4 initiative, in cooperation with Hackenbroich Architekten (Berlin). An initial workshop was presented in 2009, in collaboration with ATU, Space Syntax Romania, and Platforma 9,81 (Zagreb). A public intervention was made in collaboration with studioBASAR.

Here is where the Archis Interventions project in Bucharest begins. In 2009 a variety of initiatives and organizations started discussing a central problem in Bucharest’s development: privatization of the old ‘collective buildings’ had resulted in administration problems for commonly held property. Property owners were plagued by difficulties with the unclear allocation of responsibility when it came to renovation, or with other owners, who often did not understand the necessity of maintaining not only their own property, but also the building itself, in order to prevent the entire property from losing its value. In addition, the situation was strongly influenced by overriding factors, such as traffic and roads, or the building’s location in the city, which affected the market value of the property, which in turn affected an owner’s ability to obtain loans for renovation projects. In the same vein, property owners in a single building, who might have different interests, do not have good guidelines for negotiating with each other. Additionally, the question of who is responsible for the public space owned by the city remains unsettled. And last, but not least, almost nobody is familiar with the different possible ways of shaping a city with architecture. The first step was to systemize this tangle of problems and make them understandable, and then to develop possible solutions. However, it is also clear that the public – especially those directly affected – is not yet sufficiently aware of the further problems that will develop if the current problems are neglected. Therefore, publications, exhibitions, public discussions, and local activity are an important part of a publically effective intervention, so that more attention is gained from responsible decision-makers in government, from private property owners, and from those who represent their interests. This is just the start of an exploration of future prospects for a section of the city whose size alone makes it impossible to conceive of the city without it, as well as for the people who live there.

Economic and social developments are condensed and concentrated in cities. Cities offer a place to call home, with the hope of a better life. They are the pivotal points around which international economies circulate, and are therefore directly at the mercy of any economic upheaval that may occur, and any crises that may accompany it. On the other hand, cities offer opportunities to improve one’s social status and participate in the global economy. Cities are threatened by social division; by a lack of hope on one side, and by inconsiderate behavior on the other; by rivalries in between cities, which not only diminish the sense of community, but have the potential to turn into ugly violence at any given moment – cities are vulnerable. One thing that all cities in former socialist countries had in common was that, after the collapse of the socialist systems, they had undergone a phase in which they transformed from planned economies to market economies. This phase took place under conditions dictated by a globalized economy and the financial capital coming from around the world. Of course, it had a dramatic effect on everyday life and development in the cities. Besides democratization, the paradigm for this socio-political transformation involved the speediest possible privatization and liberalization of the market. In most cases, the result was a weakening of the state’s ability to regulate and oversee the market. In particular, an overly confident belief in market forces ignored the non-economic factors that are just as important to a functioning community. This led to ‘turbo urbanism’, the deformalization of public space that results from unfettered neoliberal capitalism and all of its concomitant phenomena. Cities were overwhelmed by new construction booms, ranging from questionable investment projects in downtown areas to the large quantity of informal, private housing developments, generally on the urban periphery. Characteristically, these booms occurred with a weak oversight of the city, or even an outright lack of regulation. Even in the case of collective building stock, community property was privatized – something that was happening everywhere else in Eastern Europe (with the exception of East Germany) – and the new owners were mostly left to fend for themselves. Governments quickly unburdened themselves of their social responsibilities.

Socialist Neighborhoods

Behind the Concrete Curtains The cityscape of Bucharest is dominated by huge, standardized public housing estates built during the socialist era, mainly in the 1970s and 1980s – in which approximately 70% of the city’s population still live. Following the collapse of state socialism and the introduction of a market economy, most public housing was privatized. Sitting tenants were able to acquire their apartment for a minimal sum. Market factors have since come into play: an apartment’s value falls or rises according to its location, amenities and local infrastructure; some apartments are of interest to investors; others are suffering from neglect. Neither officials in the City Housing Department nor individual owners (most of whom are owner-occupiers) are equipped to cope with the new situation.

MILITARI

AVIAÞIEI

STEFAN CEL MARE

MOSILOR

Strategy on an Urban Scale In order to build up a strategy for the areas behind the ‘concrete curtains’, the first step would be to consider the bigger context of the city and to define essential types of areas and their specifics to be developed in the future. A zoning of the territory defined or influenced by the totalitarian axes comprises of three categories. First, an intervention area covering the left-over empty space behind the rows. It is essentially public property and that can be transformed into a system of public spaces through refurbishment actions conducted by the administration. Second, a protection area, more or less coinciding with the one defined by heritage regulations. Third, a buffer area in-between the other two categories, made-up of old streets, private plots and buildings, whose development should protect on one hand the urban fabric of the protection area by giving new commercial housing projects a possibility to invest under urban regulations, which will enforce the function of the buffer area to improve also the space behind the blocks along the boulevards. The intervention area has an important bridge-function between the blocks along the boulevards and the urban fabric behind. The development of the space behind the blocks cannot be seen without a strategy of developing the neighboring new building projects, which should appear in a buffer area with clear urban regulations in relation to the existing structure.

The Non-Spaces of Bucharest The totalitarian planning of the 1970s and 1980s produced uninterrupted, uniform rows of apartment blocks along the main axes. Behind them are empty land and the parts of the historic center that just managed to avoid the reconstruction process. The vacant space behind the ‘concrete curtain’ has enormous potential – if upgraded, it could successfully bring together the two disparate worlds: the historic fabric and the new city.

ARI

FERENT

BALTA ALBÃ

UNIRII

The project combines different strategies: ACTIVATING THE COMMUNITY / EMPOWERMENT

IMPROVEMENT OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT CAPACITY

- IDEAS - PRACTICAL SOLUTIONS

- CONSULTANCY FOR STRATEGIC PLANNING - DIAGNOSIS - DATA COLLECTION

> a governance strategy: by supporting the municipality with concepts and ideas of how to improve the situation, to support home-owner associations and to empower residents to articulate their needs.

Top Down – Strategies Governance Strategy Urbanistic Strategy

PROFESSIONALS

NGOs

> an urbanistic strategy: by defining different zones, an intervention zone (the non-space behind the blocks), which should be activated and improved and a buffer zone behind, where new building projects can be developed and which will have a positive impact on the existing situation by taking the pressure out of the protection zone behind.

> an intervention strategy: by defining ‘chill points’ to activate through peformative actions which will attract residents to interact.

Bottom Up – Strategies Intervention Strategy Architectural Strategy

SOLUTIONS CASE 03

SOLAR PANELS

€

THERMAL INSULATION MOVE

€ ELEVATOR

€ POSSIBILITY 1

GREEN BUFFER

SUN PROTECTION / SECURITY ELEMENT GREEN BUFFER

POSSIBILITY 2

> an architectural strategy: developing new concepts of financing the complex rehabilitation of buildings is an important part of an architectural strategy. A possibility is to create new roof apartments to accommodate the residents currently living on the ground floor. The space that becomes available on the ground floor could then be leased as commercial space. That revenue could, in turn, be used to cover the cost of maintenance and enhancement of the building and the outdoor space. To this end, coordinated finance and refurbishment concepts are necessary.

meeting place

open green space

analysis icons technical area/building

passageways

parking

Five selected areas The concept is focussing on five selected areas that are typical for the intervention area. The developed proposals can be also used for similar situations in the area.

open green space

Diffuse Border

DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION

COMPACT SOCIALIST AREA NEIGHBOURHOOD COURTYARDS

urban fabric meeting place

DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

parking

HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP

DIFFUSED BORDER

technical

green around

residual

area/building

technical

/undeveloped

The totalitarian axes are an interrupted project, one that aimed at the complete remaking of the central area. In certain areas, the operation was pushed into the depth of the fabric, creating a homogenous structure of apartment buildings and empty spaces. Still, the more or less defined interior courtyards have the potential to be turned into more defined neighborhood units.

public space /green area

informal

informal parking

border parking

in unused areas

street vendors

groundfloor

new collision place

cafe

commerce

outdoor cinema

carpet cleaner

P• •

old & new back to back

•• terraces

/terciary

recreation

urban fabric meeting place

proposal icons commercial

technical entertainment

technical

fenced off

new collision place

meeting place

open green space

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

public space

street vendors

green around

parking

COMPACT SOCIALIST AREA NEIGHBOURHOOD COURTYARDS

open green space

DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION

fenced playground

/green area

official parking

DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION

public space fenced off

analysis

HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP

official parking

secret place

square

sunbath/shower

hammock

viewing platform

seating

picnic

semiprivate garden

playground

swimming pool

fruit trees

pocket park

P• •

parking

for children

informal

informal parking

street parking

pedestrian

in unused areas

green

fee parking

parking area

P• •

parking

parking acces

social

cultural

community center

@ internet

Sometimes, setbacks from the general alignment of the boulevard, interruptions in the fronts and individual apartment blocks built behind the boulevard create a situation in which the old fabric and the socialist developments are intertwined, rather than clearly separated. A new fabric, with a strong connection to the boulevard can be created.

outdoor gallery

public space art

skating

bycicle parking

outdoor stage

graffiti zone

access point

basketball

INTEGRATION INTO NEW FABRIC

strategy/concept

P• •

sport

••

P• •

outdoor gym

ping pong

activation

••

•• terraces

cafe

commerce

/terciary

technical

commercial

proposal icons

P fountain

secret place

square

sunbath/shower

hammock

seating

green

fee parking

parking area

••

informal

informal individual

places (home owner associasion)

cultural

@ info point

internet access point

sunbath/shower

hammock

seating

P• •

fee parking

bycicle park

parking

chess

acces

social

parking

strategy/concept

parking

P• • underground

semiprivate garden

garrages

parking

recreation

collision place

border parking

•• covered roof

sport

meeting place

urban fabric

new

P indoor meeting

on public ground

acces

privat fence

parking

social

P• • commercial

open green space

ANALISYS

pocket park

P• •

parking

PROPOSAL

Enclosure

recreation

meeting place

garbage disposal

••

sport

community center

densification

reorientation

strategy/concept

outdoor gym

densification

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

When the concrete front and the limit of the surviving historical area come extremely close together, an active public space behind the apartment blocks would be impossible to achieve. But reinforcement of the semi-public character and the reconstitution of an urban block is possible and would improve the environmental condition.

••

P• •

ANALISYS

open green space

analysis icons

meeting place

analysis

parking

technical area/building

passageways

open green space

official parking

parking

urban fabric meeting place

public space

privat fence

technical

residual

/green area

on public

area/building

/undeveloped

fenced off

fenced playground

ground

public space

street vendors

old & new back to back

old & new face to back

new collision place

official parking

informal

informal parking

informal

street parking

border parking

pedestrian

in unused areas

individual

parking

public space

privat fence

technical

green around

/green area

on public

area/building

technical

fenced off

fenced playground

ground

underground

residual

technical

/undeveloped

area/building

public space

proposal icons groundfloor

commercial

Sometimes setbacks from the general alignment of the boulevard, interruptions in the fronts and individual apartment blocks built behind the boulevard create a situation in which the old fabric and the socialist developments are intertwined, rather than clearly separated. A new fabric, with a strong connection to the boulevard, can be created. @

garrages

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

•• terraces

cafe

commerce

•• shopping

/terciary

meeting place

PROPOSAL

COMPACT SOCIALIST AREA NEIGHBOURHOOD COURTYARDS

••

recreation

DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION

open green space

DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION

meeting place

HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP

••

•• commerce /terciary

square

fruit trees

hammock

seating

pocket park

underground

green

fee parking

parking

parking area

picnic

semiprivate garden

playgr

parking

••

passageways

path between

••

street vendors

fences/gardens

internet

old & new

new

face to back

collision place

informal street parking

informal border parking

parking

Direct Collision

sport basketball

skating

bycicle parking

chess

densification

reorientation

reorganization of plots

activation

ping pong

proposal icons P

official parking

HYBRID BACKSPACE

strategy/concept

urban fabric

P P

••

back to back

@ access point

••

analysis

acces

in new buildings

cultural

••

informal pedestrian

informal parking in unused areas

parking

informal individual

official parking

garrages

open green space

analysis underground technical

groundfloor

informal

informal parking

informal

border parking

in unused areas

individual garrages

urban fabric

•• terraces

cafe

parking

commercial

Sometimes setbacks from the general alignment of the boulevard, interruptions in the fronts CLEANING UP and individual apartment blocks built behind the boulevard create a situation in which the old fabric and the socialist developments are intertwined, rather than clearly separated. proposal icons A new fabric, with a strong connection to the boulevard, can be created.. commerce

technical

/terciary

Hybrid Backspace

••

P• •

fountain

sunbath/shower

semiprivate garden

secret place

fruit trees

square

hammock

seating

parking

P• • green

parking

parking area

fee parking

parking acces

basketball

bycicle parking

ping pong

densification

reorientation

activation

/undeveloped

fenced off

ground

area/building

public space

passageways

path between

street vendors

fences/gardens

old & new

new

back to back

face to back

collision place

informal street parking

informal border parking

commercial

residual

technical

open green space

underground

technical

informal pedestrian

informal parking in unused areas

informal individual

official parking

outdoor gym

••

public space /green area

fenced playground privat fence terraces extension cafe on public

fenced off

cafe

technical area/building

ground

underground commerce residual shopping kiosk green around flea market technical technical /undeveloped /terciary area/building public space

••

commerce /terciary

outdoor cinema music / concert dancing event street vendors passageways path between fences/gardens

old & new

carpet cleaner garbage disposal old & new new

back to back

parking

pocket park

playground

underground

green around

area/building

official parking

sport

P• •

recreation

meeting place

garbage disposal

technical

on public

technical entertainment

new collision place

informal

fenced playground

meeting place

old & new back to back

street parking

privat fence

/green area

face to back

P fountain

informal

covered roof informal

street parking

garrages

technical area

collision place

official parking

recreation

public space

urban fabric meeting place

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

public space

reen pace

COMPACT SOCIALIST AREA NEIGHBOURHOOD COURTYARDS

/undeveloped

fenced off

parking

open green space

DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION

urban fabric

DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION

residual

/green area

parking

HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP

public space

open green space

Series of analytical icons are representing the general condition as problems identi fied with regards to parking, the green space, open space and the urban fabric.

meeting place

parking meeting place

area/building

passageways

official parking

strategy/concept

T SOCIALIST AREA URHOOD COURTYARDS

Compact Socialist Area

Calea Moşilor Analysis

secret place informal

border parking

pedestrian

square viewing platform informal parking informal in unused areas

parking

sunbath/shower

fruit trees

hammock

official parking

individual garrages

seating

pocket park

picnic

semiprivate garden

barbeque

open green space

/green area

Calea Moşilor Proposal

urban fabric meeting place

fenced off

street vendors

old & new

new

back to back

collision place

Compact Socialist Area - Neighborhood Courtyards

parking

proposal icons

The basic strategy consists of restructuring the empty spaces in order to transform the apartment buildings and the existing amorphous and semi-open courtyards into functioning neighborhood units, a reinterpretation of the classical ‘Hof (courtyard)’ concept.

Diffused Border > Integration into New Fabric

DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION

DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION

COMPACT SOCIALIST AREA NEIGHBOURHOOD COURTYARDS

commercial

The programmation of the intervention area and the buffer area leads to a more clear differentiation into public and semi-private spaces by a clear distinction between car-related and pedestrian space.

DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION

COMPACT SOCIALIST AREA NEIGHBOURHOOD COURTYARDS

commerce

/terciary

commercial technical entertainment meeting place

secret place

sunbath/shower

square

hammock

viewing platform

seating

picnic

semiprivate garden

playground

swimming pool

fruit trees

for children

P• •

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

green

fee parking

parking area

P• •

parking acces

community center

@ internet

outdoor gallery

public space art

skating

bycicle parking

outdoor stage

graffiti zone

access point

••

P• •

basketball

ping pong

outdoor gym

activation

technical

cafe

DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION

commerce

outdoor cinema

carpet cleaner

P• •

••

•• terraces

meeting place

garbage disposal

recreation

••

fountain

secret place

square

sunbath/shower

hammock

seating

green

fee parking

pocket park

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

P• •

parking

HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP

proposal icons

•• cafe

/terciary

recreation

INTEGRATION INTO NEW FABRIC

groundfloor

terraces

parking

in unused areas

social

informal parking

parking

cultural

informal pedestrian

sport

informal street parking

strategy/concept

parking

parking area

acces

social

P• •

indoor meeting places (home owner associasion)

cultural

••

info point

internet access point

sport

chess

P€

strategy/concept

bycicle park

P€

P• •

reorientation

€

P€

€

P€

€

densification

commercial

open green space

P€

PROPOSAL

ANALISYS

privat fence

ANALISYS analysis icons

••

recreation

sunbath/shower

hammock

seating

semiprivate garden

garrages

technical area/building

passageways

official parking

underground parking

fee parking

P€

parking

acces

P€

parking

P• •

open green space

informal individual

€

informal border parking

meeting place

P€ covered roof

collision place

parking

new

P€

meeting place

urban fabric

ground

open green space

on public

parking

public space

fenced playground

/green area fenced off

sport

community center

€

P€

urban fabric meeting place

social

The area behind the block of flats remains public, but achieves the quality of a green and quiet ‘backyard’, turned towards the interior of the ensemble and adjacent to the courtyards of the old buildings.

€

P€

€

P€

Enclosure > Urban Block

technical

residual

on public

area/building

/undeveloped

ground

parking

old & new

new

back to back

face to back

collision place

public space

official parking

€

strategy/concept

informal

informal parking

informal

street parking

border parking

pedestrian

in unused areas

individual

parking

densification

garrages

€

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

privat fence

street vendors

outdoor gym

P€

€

••

P€

PROPOSAL

proposal icons commercial

P€

terraces

meeting place

groundfloor

P• •

square

•• cafe

commerce

•• shopping

/terciary

@ €

recreation

••

fruit trees

•• commerce /terciary

hammock

seating

pocket park

underground

green

fee parking

parking

parking area

picnic

parking

••

P€

acces

in new buildings

cultural

••

@ internet access point

••

HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP

DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION

COMPACT SOCIALIST AREA NEIGHBOURHOOD COURTYARDS

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

P€

HYBRID BACKSPACE

DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION

strategy/concept

P€

€

sport

••

analysis

proposal icons

The direct collision of the old urban fabric with the new created a left-over space, which can be improved by clear differentiation into public and semi-public zones, and vehicle-related areas. The program in the intervention area is focussing towards an urbanization of the area.

underground technical

€

open green space

analysis

€ passageways

P€

parking meeting place

area/building

P€

official parking

informal parking

informal

in unused areas

individual

P€

informal border parking

technical

green around

underground

residual

on public

area/building

technical

/undeveloped

fenced off

ground

area/building

public space

passageways

urban fabric €

P€

old & new

new

back to back

face to back

collision place

informal street parking

informal border parking

parking

proposal icons

CLEANING UP

official parking

informal individual

official parking

recreation

er an t cle pe

••

fountain

sunbath/shower

fruit trees

fences/gardens

P• •

semiprivate garden

playground

underground

green

parking

old & new

new

face to back

collision place

official parking

informal street parking

informal border parking

informal pedestrian

informal parking in unused areas

informal individual

official parking

flea market

densification

commerce

seating

pocket park

outdoor cinema

reorientation

music / concert

dancing event

P• •

fee parking

open green space

shopping

parking acces

ping pong

garbage disposal

fenced off

green around

on public

area/building

technical

ground

commerce

underground

residual

technical

/undeveloped

area/building

public space

/terciary

passageways

path between

street vendors

fences/gardens

square

sunbath/shower

fruit trees

hammock

seating

new

back to back

face to back

collision place

P informal

informal

informal parking

informal

street parking

border parking

pedestrian

in unused areas

individual

official parking

garrages

semiprivate garden

barbeque

playground

swimming pool

privat fence

technical

green around

underground

residual

/green area

fenced playground

on public

area/building

technical

/undeveloped

fenced off

ground

area/building

public space

parking

for children

public space

/terciary

dancing event

carpet cleaner

garbage disposal

technical area

fountain

covered roof

secret place

square

viewing platform

sunbath/shower

fruit trees

hammock

seating

pocket park

picnic

semiprivate garden

barbeque

playground

An overview of icons representing different solutions to improve the environmental condition. The solutions have been categorized into different functions such as recreation, sport, entertainment, meeting space and commercial or cultural, together with social and technical infrastructure.

swimming pool

P• •

50% underground

underground

parking on top

parking

vertical

raised green

shared parking

empty lot used

50% of space

rearangable

green

parking

of new buildings

structure

parking

space

for parking

used for parking

parking

parking area

youth club

community center

senior center

outdoor gallery

public space art

outdoor stage

graffiti zone

bycicle lane

chess

fee parking

places (home

old & new

parking

picnic

•• commerce

owner associasion)

old & new

viewing platform

pocket park

•• shopping

Direct Collision > Urbanization

music / concert

indoor meeting

activation

secret place

•• commerce

parking acces

in new buildings

official parking covered roof

technical

technical area

outdoor gym

fountain

privat fence

@ info point

P• •

50% underground

underground

parking on top

parking

vertical

raised green

shared parking

empty lot used

50% of space

rearangable

green

parking

of new buildings

structure

parking

space

for parking

used for parking

parking

parking area

fee parking

internet access point

garrages

basketball

skating

bycicle parking

bycicle park

densification

reorientation

reorganization of plots

activation

ping pong

small footbal field

outdoor gym

gym-conversion

intervention strategies overview

parking acces

in new buildings

ial

open green space

hammock

parking area

bycicle parking

recreation

parking

kiosk

square

carpet cleaner

meeting place

old & new

strategy/concept

parking

secret place

street vendors

back to back

cafe

/terciary

parking

P• •

path between

extension cafe

flea market

for children

• fenced • playground space • • public /green area

strategy/concept

passageways

terraces

garbage disposal

kiosk

social

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

••

cafe

outdoor cinema

cultural

public space

/terciary

urban fabric meeting place

/undeveloped

commerce

parking

residual

technical area/building

recreation

COMPACT SOCIALIST AREA NEIGHBOURHOOD COURTYARDS

underground

cafe

technical entertainment

technical

commercial

green around

area/building

ground

technical

fenced playground

meeting place

technical

on public

fenced off

groundfloor

••

extension cafe

garrages

car

privat fence

/green area

basketball

Hybrid Backspace > Cleaning Up

informal parking in unused areas

P€

open green space

public space

terraces

sport

DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION

proposal icons

meeting place

DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION

informal pedestrian parking

urban fabric

HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP

The strategy departs form the mixed situations and relative seclusion that define the character of the hybrid backspace. Through the project, automobile circulation becomes limited and discontinuous; the quiet atmosphere is reinforced through insertions of functions that answer the dwellers’ needs.

street vendors

terraces

/terciary

ategy

analysis

path between fences/gardens

€

P€

garrages

fenced playground

technical entertainment

collision place

informal street parking

privat fence

/green area

commercial

€

public space

meeting place

back to back

new

meeting place

old & new

parking

public space

sport

/undeveloped

fenced off

P€

residual

/green area

groundfloor

open green space

€ open green space

P€

public space

parking

urban fabric

ting place

T SOCIALIST AREA URHOOD COURTYARDS

public space

The intervention area has been differentiated into public, semi-public and private space. For the buffer area recommendations for an urban regulation has been made in regard of densification, the reorganization of plots and the reorganization of the direction of buildings. The programming of the intervention area and the buffer area shows the possible direction to improve the environment by keeping it flexible to the needs and to possibilities. It allows the interaction with the residents in the planning process and supports the local authorities by developing a set of possible actions. It also gives a clear frame of what should be achieved and what should be changed in the future.

basketball

skating

bycicle parking

chess

densification

reorientation

reorganization of plots

activation

ping pong

semiprivate garden

playgr

Calea Moşilor Interventions

proposal icons

Direct Collision > Urbanisation > Urban Connection

analysis

groundfloor

technical

green around

/green area

on public

area/building

technical

fenced off

ground

path between

technical

/undeveloped

area/building

public space

new collision place

informal

informal parking

informal

street parking

border parking

pedestrian

in unused areas

individual

cafe

kiosk

•• flea market

commerce

•• shopping

outdoor cinema

music / concert

dancing event

carpet cleaner

garbage disposal

technical area

official parking

recreation

garrages

fountain

covered roof

secret place

square

viewing platform

sunbath/shower

fruit trees

hammock

seating

pocket park

picnic

semiprivate garden

privat fence

technical

green around

/green area

on public

area/building

technical

fenced off

ground

underground

residual

technical

/undeveloped

area/building

public space

underground

parking on top

parking

vertical

raised green

shared parking

parking

of new buildings

structure

parking

space

parking

fenced playground

extension cafe

technical

old & new face to back

meeting place

old & new back to back

public space

terraces

/terciary

in new buildings

path between

street vendors

social

passageways

fences/gardens

Minimal painting and a new mesh transform a platform between two technical buildings becomes a playground. A bench created by Studio is reused inhabitants indoor Basar meeting youth club by the community center senior for center places (home chatting or watching the games. owner associasion)

old & new

new

back to back

face to back

collision place

Compact Socialist Area > Neighborhood Courtyards > Community Action cultural

old & new

P informal

informal

informal parking

informal

street parking

border parking

pedestrian

in unused areas

individual

parking

info point

internet

outdoor gallery

public space art

outdoor stage

graffiti zone

bycicle lane

chess

access point

official parking

sport

garrages

The strategies used for intervention are leading to different ways of dealing with the existing condition and the proposed improvement in relation to a specific spatial interaction to be achieved. • Extension of Public Space /Usage: overcoming borders to make space for public use again accessible. • Urban Connection: connecting the outer urban public space with the Intervention Zone. • Activation of Non-Space: activating abandoned space. • Activation of Unaccessible Space: activating space, which has been not accessible before and shows the potential future usage of it. • Community Action: empowering residents to reclaim the public space for the community.

strategy/concept

open green space urban fabric meeting place

residual

street vendors

parking

underground

fences/gardens

official parking

commercial

privat fence

passageways

fenced playground

entertainment

public space

official parking

Hybrid Backspace > Cleaning Up > Activation of Non-Space

A neglected space in-between old houses and the back of an apartment block turns into an urban living-room, by placing recovered furniture on an existing concrete slab and creating a gravel area.

A passage becomes a gate to the historical fabric. The partial painting leaves portions of the old graffiti free and thus suggests a transformation into an urban art gallery.

basketball

skating

bycicle parking

bycicle park

densification

reorientation

reorganization of plots

activation

ping pong

intervention stra 35

intervention strategy

parking

A stairway / bench allows to cross the fence that around a dead ‘green’ space, making it accessible for public use – a symbol for the future creation of a real urban square.

urban fabric

meeting place

open green space

Diffused Border > Integration into New Fabric > Extension of Public Space /Usage

urban

activation

community

of public

connection

of non-space

of unaccessible

action

space / use

extension

/ urbanisation

space

Post-Conflict Development Knowledge Production Map / Mostar

Divided Cities

Parallel cultural and educational institutions: Croatian programme BH programme Former partition line

Initiated 2010 Abart in collaboration with Archis Interventions

University Cultural institution

School

The upcoming project focuses on divided cities in the region and will start with a collaborative venture by independent civil society organizations and initiatives from Mitrovica, Mostar and Dip Karpaz/Rizokarpaso

Knowledge Production Map / Mitrovica Parallel cultural and educational institutions: Serbian Albanian Partition line University Cultural institution

B H OS ER N Z IA EG A O ND V M IN os A ta

O LD

A V IA

School

Knowledge Production Map / Dipkarpaz

Parallel cultural and educational institutions: Turkish school

Cities are shaped by ethnic conflicts and social tensions, by struggles to occupy space and to invest it with symbolic significance. They are menaced by social divisions and xenophobia; by a lack on the one hand, of prospects and on the other, of mutual respect and consideration, as well as inner-city rivalries that exacerbate the problems of communal life and can easily and violently erupt. Cities are vulnerable. This is especially evident in cities recently emerging from a period of war or violent conflicts, in which communities continue to defend their interests by physically appropriating parts of the city or fighting for political control. Occupying urban spaces or erecting monuments and buildings that symbolize and edify a particular community is intended to strengthen its members’ sense of belonging and identity; simultaneously it lays an exclusive claim to the city on their behalf. Battles rage over the city and architecture. Can the codes governing such spaces be re-written? Can other spaces be created? Can a new spatial practice be established, one that caters for and responds to all the city’s inhabitants? To answer such questions requires a careful examination of the particular conditions in each locality, for these vary from city to city. And the cities are influenced in turn by the overall political situation. However there may be many parallels in structural terms –the trend towards segregated educational institutions is a particularly striking example – spatial strategies developed for one city cannot be simply transferred to another. The de facto failure of international organizations in Mostar and on Cyprus (in particular of the UN) demands acknowledgement of the fact that local independent initiatives are better placed to develop spatial strategies for their own contexts. To support the initiatives’ expanding regional networks, their exchange of know-how, and their development of concepts is therefore of crucial importance.

Greek coffeehouse

ok ar iz /R az ka rp ip D

S U R P

pa so

Greek school Turkish coffeehouse

Post-Conflict Planning

Archis Interventions in Cyprus Initiated in 2010 Archis Interventions began its work in Cyprus during 2010, when it founded a local NGO that is run essentially by Cypriot architects and urban planners.

In a bottom-up strategy, the project focus is on Dip Karpaz / Rizokarpaso, a village on the peninsula, which was Greek until 1974. Still today, nearly one-tenth of its total population of approximately 3,500 is Greek Cypriot. The rest of the population comprises of mainland Turks who settled in the village after 1974. Environmental conditions on the peninsula – not least the unclear ownership issues and strict legislation on environmental protection – combined with dramatic demographic shifts and the political situation over the last 36 years have put Dip Karpaz village in a position where investment is limited and rare. Given the limited opportunities available to its traditional and more recent citizens, the communities of Dip Karpaz village lack a sense of belonging. Community engagement, positive social interaction and support for a sustainable development policy are therefore limited. The lack of public spaces, additional recreational areas and services, and hubs for socializing creates a youth drain in both communities, whose young people leave

for bigger cities either in northern or (in the case of Greek Cypriots) southern Cyprus. This exacerbates the already limited interaction between the two communities in the village on issues such as a positive upgrade of their spatial and social environments. The peculiarity of the situation is reflected in the local mentality. The attitudes of both communities, including their administrative bodies, are characterized by an exaggerated sense of their ‘otherness’ while emphasizing political differences is also a major obstacle to launching any positive project.

lack of a know-how system in project management and community organization

Cyprus has been a divided country since 1974. Various attempts have been made to overcome the division of the island, yet to date, they have only rarely proved successful. Division has had a direct impact on the development of urban structures. From 1974 until the border was opened in 2003, an absolute ban on contact between the island’s two communities made collaboration or even advocacy of collaborative ventures impossible. The sole exception in this period was the Nicosia Master Plan, initiated in the early 80s. Therefore the focus now is to assess the success of the various projects developed since 1974, whose aim was to critically investigate the spatial implications of the division of the country. The majority of these projects had an urban perspective or were related in some way to the urban fabric (buffer zone/green line). Most academic initiatives failed whereas internationally supported projects (UNDP, USAID, EU) were implemented with partial success. Ongoing research about the projects has established that the following factors significantly hamper the progress of interactive and effective project implementation:

limiting effect of the governmental policies on to the local administrations’ decision rights

limited support from/belief of local administrations for/in bi-communal/multicultural projects presence of mental barriers, prejudices or discrimination based on ethnic background and external appearance lack of sustainability in project investment

14 5

2 6

obstacles of spatial interventions in Cyprus

lack of investment in and support for smaller towns and villages on the island /conflicted ownership issues

longing of bureaucratic procedures and authorizations difficulty in engaging donors due to its unsettled ownership situation, ban onto construction implementation and problematic procedures

/R iz ok

Legend 1. Greek Cooperative 2. Turkish Cooperative 3. Church 4. Bakery 5. Former Cinema 6. Former Market Space 7. Wedding Hall 8. Health Center 9. Greek Coffeehouse 10. Turkish Coffeehouse 11. Town Hall 12. Mosque 13. Turkish Primary School 14. Turkish Secondary School 15. Greek Secondary School 16. Greek Primary School

ar p

11 10 3 9 8

lack in achieving a systematic and strategic sustainable planning for regional development

lack of service provisions for the community and infrastructural masterplans

RU CY Di P

Cyprus has been divided since 1974. The violence between the two main ethnic groups, the Turkish Cypriots in the north and the Greek Cypriots in the South, began in the 1950s, and by 1974 they were divided by the United Nations Buffer Zone, which runs through Nicosia (in Turkish Cypriot Lefkoşa or Greek Cypriot Lefkosia). From 1974 until 2003, when the checkpoints first opened, people were not permitted to move freely between the two zones of the island.

Main Nodes

Archis Interventions is the not-for-profit branch of the Archis Foundation. www.archis.org/interventions Archis Interventions / South Eastern Europe Program Director Kai Vöckler Design Thilo Fuchs Program Manager Mostar + Dip Karpaz/Rizokarpaso: Demet Mutman Project Archis Interventions SEE network The Archis SEE network was initiated 2008 by Kai Vöckler, on behalf of Archis, in cooperation with Srdjan Jovanović Weiss. Supported by ERSTE Foundation

Archis Interventions SEE network AI CP EX FX KU PE PL PG RC UD UJ UR IP AD AN AT ZP NP FR CY IS AB FA

Archis Interventions – Prishtina Co-PLAN EXPEDITIO – Centre for Sustainable Spatial Development FLUX New Media Centre_kuda.org press to exit project space Platforma 9,81 – Institute for Research in Architecture Pula Group Pravo na grad – Right to the City Urban-Rural and Recycling Design ÚJ21 – Novi Sad Urbanism Laboratory UNDER RE:CYCLING Inštitut za politike prostora / Institute for Policies of Space ADAPTations1 Analog ATU – Association for Urban Transition Zeppelin Association Novi put FRONTAL Association Archis Interventions – Cyprus Archis Interventions – Istanbul Abart First Archi Brigade/Prva Arhi Brigada

PROJECTS SEE BUC CYP PRN

Archis Interventions/SEE: A Network in South Eastern Europe Strategies for Socialist Collective Housing Estates Archis Interventions in Cyprus Archis Interventions in Prishtina

Project Prishtina Archis Interventions / Prishtina (Florina Jerliu, Visar Geci, Vlora Navakazi) Archis Interventions / SEE (Kai Vöckler, Thilo Fuchs, Christina Antonelli) Hackenbroich Architekten (Wilfried Hackenbroich) Collaborators representatives of the Municipality of Prishtina, Co-PLAN (Tirana), the Institute for Planning and Construction (EUP Engineering Prishtina), the Faculty of Civil Engineering and Architecture (University of Prishtina), the Kosovo Institute for Spatial Planning (MESP), architects from Prishtina and students of the Faculty of Civil Engineering and Architecture (University of Prishtina). Supported by ERSTE Foundation. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), the Kosovo Foundation for Open Society (KFOS) and the Municipality of Prishtina supported the workshops.

Project Bucharest Zeppelin (Cosmina Goagea, Ştefan Ghenciulescu) Point 4 (Justin Baroncea, Carmen Popescu) Archis Interventions/SEE (Kai Vöckler) Hackenbroich Architekten (Wilfried Hackenbroich) Collaborators Teodora Răducă, Andra Stan, Radu Leşevschi, Gagyi Zsofi, Ioana Păvălucă, Tudor Elian. Initial workshop in 2009 in collaboration with ATU (Vera Marin), Space Syntax Romania (Esenghiul Abdul, Christian Beros) and Platforma 981 (Marko Sancanin). First intervention 2009 concept & production wooden bench for the Community Action Area: studioBASAR (Alexandru Axinte, Cristian Borcan). Interventions at selected chill points 2010 Justin Baroncea, Ştefan Ghenciulescu, Cosmina Goagea, Radu Leşevschi, Teodora Răducă, Andra Stan, Cristian Niculici. Photos introduction by Dragoş Lumpan Supported by ERSTE Foundation, Union of Romanian Architects, The Administration of the National Cultural Fond, Goethe-Institut Bucharest, Austrian Cultural Forum Bucharest and the Embassy of the Kingdom of Netherlands in Romania. www.e-zeppelin.ro Project Divided Cities An initiative launched by Archis Interventions/SEE (Kai Vöckler, Demet Mutman) and Abart (Mela Žuljevic) Supported by ERSTE Foundation Project Cyprus Archis Interventions / Cyprus (Esra Can Akbil, Emre Akbil, Giorgos Psaltis, Şebnem Hoşkara) Archis Interventions / SEE (Kai Vöckler, Demet Mutman) Collaborators Initial workshop in collaboration with the Urban Research & Development Center (URDC) of Eastern Mediterranean University, Gazimagusa / Famagusta. Supported by ERSTE Foundation