Berkshire Scholar 2017

The Berkshire Scholar 2017

The Berkshire Scholar A collection of academic essays Spring 2017

Elizabeth Nutting……………………………….……….……..….3 The Falstaff Paradox Tian (Victor) Li…………………………...………….……..……...6 On The Criteria of Translation Martin Dimo...............………………………………….....…...…11 From Passion to Necessity: Learning to Love Shakespeare Berit Randall…………………………………….…..………........14 Women in the Workforce Mikayla McEwen.…………………………………………...…...18 A Letter to Nick in The Great Gatsby Rawson Clough......….....………………………...………..……...20 The Iraq War Greer Gibney..…………………………………...……..…………22 What Happens After Happily Ever After?

Sam Boorstyn....………………………………....………….……28 Karl Marx versus Revisionist and Utopian Socialists Derrick Burt...................................................................................32 On The Edge: A Social Psychological Analysis of Freestyle Skiing Afterword.......................................................................................47 The Berkshire Scholar 1

The opinions and arguments presented in The Berkshire Scholar are the work of the writers only and do not necessarily reflect the views of the editors, faculty, or administration of Berkshire School.

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Elizabeth Nutting ~ Adv. English III

The Falstaff Paradox In Shakespeare’s Henry IV, Part One, Falstaff’s facility with language is the dazzling comedic heart of the play. Falstaff counters humor with rhetorical devices, notably pathos, ethos and logos, oscillating between them as easily as he subverts and upends accepted notions of what it means to live a worthy life.

Falstaff is a paradoxical figure. Shakespeare first establishes Falstaff as a carnivalesque character, presiding over the tavern life and the dissolute ways of the young Prince Hal. However, Sir John’s linguistic dexterity, quick wit and expansive appetite for life soon emerge as defining characteristics of his identity. Sir John Falstaff appeals to the young Prince Hal as an intellectual equal among the tavern crew; the dialogue and banter shared between Falstaff and Prince Hal is reflective of their superior intellect, evidenced by their disdain for the confining and accepted norms of court life. Although a disgraced member of the aristocracy, Falstaff understands the evolution Hal must inevitably undergo to succeed his father and models the verbal facility required by Hal: “ ‘I must give over this life, / and I will give it over; by / the Lord, and I do not, I am / a villain: I’ll be damned for / never a king’s son in / Christendom’ ” (I.ii. 102-105). Falstaff’s ability to oscillate between rhetoric and humor is here exemplified first by the emotional and ethical appeal, then reversed by cheap yet engaging humor of contradiction as Falstaff eagerly agrees to rob the next day.

His language has a circularity that frequently starts with an exhortation to reform, only to conclude with self-serving justifications. Falstaff’s humor trivializes the moral implications, or lack thereof, of stealing. Falstaff fails to establish himself with Hal as a credible character and as a result, must rely upon his ability to banter with the Prince. While Hal does find value in Falstaff’s humor, his comedically-based reliability becomes Falstaff’s credibility: a base left otherwise unsupplemented. Yet humor cannot account The Berkshire Scholar 3

for the entirety of Falstaff’s character. His relation with Prince Hal reflects levels of humanity otherwise unseen throughout the play.

The tavern “play extempore,” or play-within-a-play, provides an illuminating perspective on Falstaff and Prince Hal’s relationship as Falstaff attempts to manipulate Hal through his impersonation of King Henry IV. To prepare Prince Hal for his meeting with the King, Falstaff and Hal assume the roles of father and son; Falstaff does so intending to promote himself as a constant companion for the young heir. The role playing begins on a jovial note then steadily becomes more and more impassioned as Falstaff invokes pathos, the Aristotelian emotional appeal: “No, my good lord; banish Peto, banish Bardolph, banish Poins: but for sweet Jack Falstaff, kind Jack Falstaff, true Jack Falstaff, valiant Jack Falstaff, and therefore more valiant, being, as he is, old Jack Falstaff, banish not him thy Harry’s company, banish not him thy Harry’s company: banish plump Jack, and banish all the world” (II.iv.491-498). Falstaff’s use of self-aggrandizing epithets --“true Jack Falstaff, valiant Jack Falstaff” -- is humorous given that Falstaff possesses none of these qualities; yet with each emphatic phrasing, Falstaff builds from the simply endearing “sweet Jack Falstaff” to an encompassing and impassioned plea for what is essential to life: “banish plump Jack, and banish all the world.”

Desperation permeates Falstaff’s speech, evinced by repetition of the word “banish,” as Falstaff’s prior appeal failed to resonate with the prince.

This appeal fails, in part, due to a lack of ethos as Hal understands Falstaff’s personal character and attempts at manipulation in face of the uncertain future. Insurgent of societal conventions and bereft of morality, Falstaff’s soliloquy defies his comedic-centric character, revealing a holistic and introspective creation. Falstaff finds solace in the excess and gratification of tavern frivolity, a necessary escape from a seemingly amoral, facile life. Yet at the battle of Shrewsbury, Falstaff draws attention to the inherent irrationality of dying for an intangible ideal, honor, and makes use of a rhetorical question-and-answer structure to undermine the construct: “Tis insensible, / then. Yea, to the dead.

But will it not live with the / living? / no. Why? Detraction will not 4 The Berkshire Scholar

suffer it” (V.i.138-140). Falstaff is a master of circular arguments, and this continual loop of literal answers in response to rhetorical questions are a diminished reflection of his banter with Prince Hal. This absence of belief in a higher power or elevated construct, honor, is no more than an expedient response to a fear of his own shortcomings. The primacy and the brilliance Shakespeare endows Falstaff with further posits the idea that maybe Falstaff is reaching the heart of the matter.

As the play progresses, Falstaff more frequently questions accepted notions of what it means to live a worthy life; the lack of comedic devices ensnares the audience as Falstaff justifies his views on honor. Falstaff strives to be his truest self, claiming death to be a counterfeit of life and a blatant deception: “I am not a double man: but if I / be not Jack Falstaff, then am I a Jack” (V.iv.142-143). It is the simple and understated manner of Falstaff’s words which are paradoxical; the simultaneous fusion and separation of identity engrosses the audience. This prosaic identity must be defined to ensure Falstaff remains a presence during Hal’s reign. In order to do so, Falstaff’s relations with the future king must transcend humor and assume a more significant mentorship.

Falstaff’s word choice is ironic as ‘doubles’ truly are a fundamental aspect of both the disgraced knight and the tavern thief; Falstaff’s linguistic humor, aided by devices like puns and double entendres, are an extension of his persona. Nonetheless, Falstaff’s words ring true; despite the disgraceful manner of his actions, Jack remains faithful to himself.

Sir John Falstaff evades simple definition; his prosaic persona is reflective of his constantly changing prose -- ever shifting between humor and rhetoric. “Sweet Jack” is not confined by societal codes or morals -- his virility and love of life engross the audience as he renders these constructs, namely honor, obsolete at times. Shakespeare’s very modern man, embodied in the Falstaff paradox, remains relevant to all today, representing a sometimes futile struggle to live one’s life in a meaningful manner when faced by temptation.

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Victor li ~ Independent study

On the criteria of translation Historically, there are few practices as crucial as translation in the advancement and dissemination of world literature. Without a doubt, it is through the work of an extensive list of scholars and translators that the best of human ideas were preserved and perpetuated. The Western world in particular maintains a tradition of translating Greek and Roman classics that originated in the Renaissance but found its roots in Averroes. Translation is our way of communicating culture. If we were to adopt Spencer’s outlook, translation is the means by which the superorganisms of civilization communicate; in other words, it is their language. Under the assumption that precipitous events like the Norman Conquest are no longer probable in the modern world, translation, with its capacity to impact the literature of a language, becomes the sole means of linguistic evolution. Future etymologists will find their study to be revolving not around any historical event but the translation practices of a certain period of literature as well as its underlying philosophical ideas.

The tradition of translation is well-established enough to have its own literature and theoretical framework. However, contemporary critics generally do not tend to give translation the attention it deserves. In my experience, this problem is especially apparent in modern China. Only in the translation of a handful of famously untranslatable writers and well-known classics can readers find a foreword dedicated to the translator, remarking upon the pros and cons of the translated version. This lack of critical dimension created a translation industry in which coverage, not quality, becomes the central concern. The reception of many foreign authors in China immediately halts at the completion of the first translation. Their translated works then are tossed into oblivion and remain untouched by further appraisal. They are translated -- typically by one especially devoted scholar -- and put on display in the featured section of bookstores for a month or so, then left to rot in 6 The Berkshire Scholar

the far sides of the shelves, secluded from critics. It is important, then, to rethink and reposit translation and determine definitive criteria, for careless, irresponsible translations spoil the benign effect of the flux of ideas the practice of translation was meant to create. In Nabokov’s words, they are “a crime, to be punished by the stocks as plagiarists were in the shoebuckle days.”

The Arnold-Newman debate provides an early framework for the criterion of translation, namely that a translation either adheres to the original in its language to obtain a fidelity or attempts to overcome the interlingual barriers in order to replicate its poetry and deeper meanings. The two Hellenists, Francis Newman and Matthew Arnold, champion the two ends respectively in their debate, which commences with Newman’s 1856 version of The Illiad. Nothing better exemplifies the dilemma of translation than the translation of Homer: linguistic disparities make the perfect translation, one that takes care of every peculiar facet of the original, impossible. Newman sets off to produce the most literal translation, a rendering closest to the Greek mentality, while Arnold, acknowledging Newman’s erudition, argues the unviability of this goal: “[Translators] are the only competent tribunal in this matter : the Greeks are dead ; the unlearned English man has not the data for judging ; and no man can safely confide in his own single judgment of his own work” (Arnold 4). Their debate, in effect, highlights the central conflicting tendencies in translation theory: fidelity versus freedom. The underlying dichotomy is that between the emphasis of the verbal singularities of the author or that of the “general effect on the poetical reader” (Arnold 73).

Without reaching a definite conclusion, Newman and Arnold’s discussion is retrieved by Jorges Luis Borges in “The Homeric Versions.” In his discussion, Borges synthesizes the two seemingly incompatible poles by promoting translation to a status in which it is a creation in its own right; the original that precedes it becomes but one of many versions, always vulnerable to the challenge of its successors. In this theory, the original and the rendered version are to be compared on equal footing, with a translation is only “good” when it is deemed “good” in and of itself. One might deem Borges’s disregard of authorship overly radical, but it The Berkshire Scholar 7

is an established truth that the translation of literary works--especially classics--is a responsibility that is approximate, if not equal, to the significance embodied in the original. Therefore, it is definite that plain word-by-word parallelism cannot be considered successful translation; good translation requires more than a dictionary.

Verbatim translation must be supported with a sufficient notional or theoretical basis, like that espoused by Nabokov in his essay “A Reply to My Critics.”

Walter Benjamin developed one of the more complicated theories of translation in his essay “The Task of the Translator” in his collection of essays, Illuminations (1950). Benjamin defines translation as part of a grander, epistemological pursuit: “Translation thus ultimately serves the purpose of expressing the innermost relationship of languages to our answer. It can represent it by realizing it in embryonic or intensive form” (72). Benjamin continues, asserting that, “It is the task of the translator to release in his own language that pure language which is under the spell of another, to liberate the language imprisoned in a work in his re-creation” (80).

When proposing this quest of a lost, “true language,” Benjamin has the Scriptures in mind: In [the case of Biblical translation], translations are called for only because of the plurality of languages. Just as, in the original, language and revelation are one without any tension, so the translation must be one with the original in the form of the interlinear version, in which literalness and freedom are united. (82) Ultimately, Benjamin resorts to answering the question of translation with a leap of faith and leaves little space for negotiation.

What, then, is translation? And, to what extent is the translator allowed to stretch the text? The answer is that there is no limit to the translator’s authority. Nonetheless, any alteration made needs to be judged with respect to the original and other translations; the evaluation of a translation is ideally identical to how one might evaluate an untranslated literary work. If a translator adopts so renegade an approach as to have no regard for fidelity at all, then let the critic acknowledge that by calling this translator subversive; inversely, if a translator values literalness as the sole guide 8 The Berkshire Scholar

of translation, then let the critic examine whether this literalness is derived from a thorough knowledge of the work. The only unviable method is the lack of method. The boldest translation stamps the work with the translator’s own style, therefore it is accountable to nothing more than itself. Through the “authorship of the translator,” the translator is responsible for his/her action upon the work just as any author is for his/her work.

The task of the translator is hardly defined anywhere on the Arnold-Newman linear graph, nor is it the complete de-authorization in Borges’ theory, or Benjamin’s over-exaggerated theological mission. Benjamin’s view on translation as expression of interlingual differences perhaps applies within the flux of European languages. When the source and target languages are so geographically distant from each other, as is the case with Mandarin and English, such interlingual differences can hardly be discovered through translation; one is more probable to glimpse the “true language” through extensive linguistic studies.

Translation is the intellectual activity of transplanting literature, in which the translator collaborates with both the author and the target language. A good translator invents his/her own methodology, while a bad translator is indecisive or unable to make artistic decisions at all. The main concern of the translator is to decide what aspects of the original must be preserved and to what extent; such is the authorship of the translator. The interlingual differences are to be overcome with creativity, and it is at such a point where the translator assumes the active role. A translation without intention is a bad translation, while a qualified translator does his job by trimming and/or enriching the target language to creatively fit the original and deciding what areas of the work are the most imperative to keep.

Does creativity necessarily produce good translations? The answer is variable, but it certainly qualifies the work for the contest. It can be said that only qualified translations enter the atrium for further appraisal, for they carry the weight of decisions, the authorship of the translator. A literary translation is not an academic study; rather, it is a process of Dionysian imitatio that forever expands the field of significance of the original. In this sense, Borges’ The Berkshire Scholar 9

vision of original and translations as a series of parallel versions does apply. The evaluation of a translation, then, is not only the job of scholars but also of literary critics.

Ultimately, there is no one definite criterion for “good” translation; standards vary in correlation to the translated work itself. However, there is one for bad translation: uninventive literalism. Translating a text without first identifying what is in the text defeats the purpose of translation; the translator must take time to meticulously calculate the values of the text, from multiple perspectives if required, and thereby accomplish what Nabokov terms “the tackling.” Intellectuals today ought to have the temerity to challenge their predecessors’ edifice with their own authorship.

Works Consulted Arnold, Matthew. On Translating Homer. London: Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1862.

Beidao. "Translation and the Native Tongue." Old Hostility. Hongkong: Oxford Hongkong, 2015. 214-31. Print.

Benjamin, Walter. "The Task of The Translator." Illuminations.

New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1968. 69-82. Print.

Borges, Jorge Luis, and Suzanne Jill Levine. “Some Versions of Homer.” PMLA 107.5 (1992): 1134–1138.

Paris, Jean. “On Translation.” Latin American Literary Review 3.5 (1974): 65–79.

Nabokov, Vladimir. "The Art of Translation." New Republic 4 Aug. 1941.

Nabokov, Vladimir. "Reply to My Critics." The Portable Nabokov.

New York: Viking, 1968. 300-24. Print.

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Martin dimo ~ advanced english IV

From Passion to necessity Hey Leo: How have you been, man? How’s Austria? I promise I’ll come visit soon. I know we haven’t spoken in a while, but I have to share with you something that you really need to consider doing. I'm pretty sure you’re aware of who William Shakespeare is and the content he writes, but I don’t think we both have the same perception on him. Therefore, I urge you to start learning English so you can truly understand the beauty of what Shakespeare actually writes.

Let's talk about Romeo and Juliet. You already know the story.

Remember we watched “Gnomeo and Juliet” back in 4th grade?

It was a good movie, but we watched it in German. That is the problem that is inhibiting you from fully understanding everything you should. Granted, it is a children's movie and doesn’t have the complexity of language that Shakespeare actually has, but everyone knows the basic story which has been translated into countless languages. However, you need to understand that no matter what level of a translation you read or watch, it will never have the same effect as it does in English.

Let me tell you, I watched my school’s production of Romeo and Juliet, and trust me, you have to be on the edge of the seat all the time. Not just because it’s captivating, but because you don’t always understand word for word what is going on. Yes, I learned English in 1st Grade, but I still have a hard time understanding the dialogue from time to time. But I can assure you, when I do understand it, it’s a great feeling. It makes me feel smart too.

For example, let’s take this quote from the play Romeo and Juliet; “My bounty is as boundless as the sea, My love as deep; the more I give to thee, The more I have, for both are infinite” (II.ii.133). It’s a very complicated and meaningful quote. I cannot emphasize this enough, but you have to understand that the German translation

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wouldn’t have the same feel as this. No matter how exact the translation, the words put together in German wouldn’t sound as good as they do in English. You will only understand once you learn this beautiful language.

There’s also a movie called Shakespeare In Love, which spans an hour and a half of pure old English -- actually, my teacher informed us that this language, as with that of all Shakespeare’s atual plays, is “early modern” -- that would make absolutely no sense to you. Your level of captivation would be limited to only the video aspect of the movie. On the other hand, I was able to connect with the characters much deeper and marvel at the way life used to be and how the more archaic English language impacted it. I’m sure you could probably find a German translation, but where’s the beauty in that? Think about it, Shakespeare arranged his words the way it made sense to him, and only he knew how to. That turned out to be a beautiful style of writing that every English school incorporates into their curriculum. Doesn’t matter how good of a translation you find, it will never be the same as in English.

On the other hand, it’s great to know another language, especially one that the majority of the world speaks. You should consider that because I also know that you are very passionate about writing.

The benefits of reading English Shakespeare to your writing will surely outweigh the struggle of learning it. Studies have actually shown that bilingual speakers’ brains are wired differently and both languages are processed at the same time. This makes your brain more active and also increases your cognitive ability. Once you can start reading Shakespeare, the way you write will change as well.

Your writing will have so much more variation simply because your brain will be thinking in two languages. You will begin to use better vocabulary and make your writing sound more professional.

Keeping that in mind, you will be able to right English stories too!

Right now I’m reading Much Ado About Nothing, and luckily for you (and me, and my classmates), there are translations of the hardest words on every page. For example, if you don't understand 12 The Berkshire Scholar

“Where is but a humor or a worm” (III.ii.26), there would be an explanation of this obscure English passage for everyone to understand. The resources about Shakespeare that would be at your disposal would help you become a better writer as well as a better bilingual speaker.

I’m aware that you’ve tried learning English multiple times and I know you’ve given up as many times, but I’m begging you to really consider it this time. The hard work will pay off and you will be able to read the work of one of the most famous writers in history in its original language. I know you’re a good writer and that you are passionate about the expression of ideas; thus I can assure you that if you embark on this journey, you won’t regret it.

With best regards from Berkshire -your old friend -Martin

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Berit Randall ~ united states history

Women in the workforce For generations, women have been fighting to break free from gender stereotypes to gain social equality. Since the early 1900’s, most women have been living according to cultural stereotypes such as staying home to clean, cook and take care of children. At the height of World War II, most of the men were overseas in combat, and companies needed workers to produce military supplies. Women's role in society is to not work, especially in stereotypically male dominated jobs such as building air crafts and guns. In 1943, Norman Rockwell, a famous illustrator and painter, created the iconic image of Rosie the Riveter, with hopes to give confidence to both genders that women can and are capable of working. Even after the production of the iconic image of Rosie the Riveter, women still continue to fight and try to break free from society’s gender stereotypes to gain equality.

Rosie the Riveter is still a symbolic image to most women across America that motivate them to break free from stereotypes, to drop the mop and get their working garb on. With America active in the war, many American men who used to work in factories were now deployed for war. During the war, the United States needed to keep up with the demand of wartime supplies, which resulted in “17 million new jobs.” Since the military needed “guns, tanks ships, airplanes, and bullets” to be made, many jobs were created. The wartime effort was astonishing and industries manufactured, “77,000 ships, 300,000 airplanes, 2.5 million trucks and 20 million small arms.” With the war creating a demand for laborers, more women gained jobs during the war. The idea of women working shocked many people and some believed a woman should focus on her “domestic responsibilities instead of their public duties.” This iconic image persuaded women to join the workforce and gave confidence to men that a woman’s role in society is more than a cook and a and caretaker, but that they can work and provide income.

In 1943, Norman Rockwell, a Saturday Evening Post cover artist, created the iconic image of Rosie the Riveter to “encourage 14 The Berkshire Scholar

women to become wartime workers” while the men were overseas to fulfill the demands of the war. Rockwell’s illustration of Rosie the Riveter was propaganda which influenced “Three million new female workers” to gain jobs during the war. This illustration depicts a woman with both masculine and feminine traits, which illustrates the potential of success of working women. Rosie the Riveter had qualities which are stereotypical male traits, such as, muscular arms, working in factories and wearing working attire; however, she also portrays certain stereotypical female traits like wearing makeup and eating her homemade sandwich. This image of a woaen that depicts both stereotypical masculine and feminine qualities allows both genders to gain confidence in female capabilities to work in industries. The propaganda image influenced women to work, “while their husbands, sons, fathers and brothers were doing the physical part of fighting a war.” However, “many [women] were forced out [of their jobs] by the men returning home from war and by the downturn in demand for war materials.” The “percent of women working fell to 28% (from a wartime high for 36 percent,) in 1947...employers fired them to free up positions for returning veterans.” Even though Rockwell’s iconic image influenced women to work and attempted to lead society to break free from stereotypical roles associated with women, the image had no long term affects to combat female stereotypes. Rosie the Riveter is used as a symbol for people with ambition to create a society where women are not limited by stereotypes. However, Rosie the Riveter is still an iconic image used in present day feminist movements, illustrating the lack of progress women have made to thwart stereotypes that surround and affect them.

Little progress has been made to create a society where women are seen as equal. Most media depicts women to be emotional, which magnifies the stereotype that women are irrational and cannot handle high-ranking, leadership positions. Women are underestimated in the workplace because they have not been represented as leaders in society throughout history. For example in a study conducted from 2010 to 2011 shows,“Women make up 51% of the population and only 17% of Congress and 3% of Fortune 500 CEOs.” Therefore, if women continue to be valued on their apThe Berkshire Scholar 15

pearances rather than intelligence or seen as designated caretakers (i.e., parent, cleaner, cook, organizer,) women will continue to lack equality in the workforce. Jennifer Ponzer, founder of Women in Media and News, says that “I really truly believe that reality T.V. is the contemporary cultural backlash against women’s rights. I think one of the worst stereotypes on T.V. is this notion that women exist to be decorative, women exist to be stupid, women are considered gold diggers, women are considered bitchy, catty, manipulative, vindictive, not to be trusted, especially by other women.

In addition, media advertises that a woman's job is to do their stereotypical duties to stay home and clean, which furthers encourages stereotypical thinking. This is illustrated in an 2013 ad for a Swiffer Steam Boost cleaning product where a woman is dressed up as Rosie the Riveter; instead of propelling women to work, this new Rosie the Riveter is used to sell a cleaning product. The symbolic image of Rosie the Riveter transformed from influencing work and break stereotypes, to advertising to women to stick to their stereotypical duties of staying home and cleaning.

Swiffer’s ad resulted in extreme backlash across media. For example, Business Insider’s article discussing peoples rage over the ad added a quote from a Twitter user stating, “I was going to burn my bra, but I’ll just burn my #Swiffer instead.” Due to the harsh public reactions, Swiffer tried to reverse the damage. In an email to the Huffington Post, a Swiffer employee wrote, “We are aware of the concerns regarding an image in a Swiffer ad...It was not our intention to offend any group with the image, and we are working to make changes…” This ironic version of Rosie the Riveter illustrates how minimal steps towards demolishing female stereotypes have been made and if we do not try to create a culture without them, women are going to continue to seek equality.

In America, we have continued to live in a culture that has been generated and formed by gender stereotypes and roles. If we continue to take gender roles and stereotypes as the norm, without a doubt, this is going to continue to impact how women are viewed within the workforce and limit the acceptance of women working in high-ranking jobs. If men and women proceed to allow gender roles and stereotypes to shape a society, in which men are expected 16 The Berkshire Scholar

to conquer and women are incapable of tasks besides cleaning, there is no way one can call our social system democratic. There has been minimal progress towards creating a society where women can live free from stereotypes and that is demonstrated by how the initial, iconic, and progressive image of Rosie the Riveter, to the current day Rosie The Riveter to tell women who were starting to break away from stereotypes to drop the tools and pick up the mop. Creating a generation where males and females disobey and demolish societal gender roles could foster the courage to be an individual in a culture where individuality is not celebrated.

Works Cited Cheney, Alexandra. "Swiffer Drops ‘Rosie the Riveter’ After Feminist Backlash." WSJ. June 4, 2013.

Doyle, Jack. "The Pop History Dig." The Pop History Dig. January 28, 2009.

Gray, Emma. "Swiffer Says It Will Remove Rosie The Riveter Images From Its Ads." The Huffington Post. June 4, 2013.

Keene, Jennifer D., Saul Cornell, and Edward T. O'Donnell.

"Chapter 23." In Visions of America: A History of the United States, 695-97. Boston: Pearson, 2013.

Stampler, Laura. "Swiffer Pulls Ad Showing 'Rosie The Riveter' Icon Doing Chores." Business Insider. June 05, 2013.

"Women in WWII at a Glance." The National WWII Museum.

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Mikayla mcewen ~ English V

A Letter to Nick Caraway From Daisy Buchanan Dearest Nick, It’s your lovely cousin, Daisy. My apologies for not writing you in a while, Nicky. It’s been wildly busy here... Pammy’s fifth birthday is this Tuesday and I want it to be quite spectacular. You should come see her sometime, she so misses you. Anyways, I was going through some old things from the attic and I found your journal which you left in that old house of yours. You know, the blue one with the little face sketched onto the cover. I think Pammy may have spilled some paint on it, though, because there are a few pale, yellow drips of paint splattered on the front now. Someone had sent it to our home shortly after we got back from our little vacation and it must have slipped my mind to tell you I had it. I’ll send a little money to replace it if you’d like.

I’m going to be honest, and please don’t be angry with me, but I read a few pages out of boredom. I know that you didn’t think I’d ever see it, but I want to clear a few things up with you, Nicky.

I never meant for all of that foolishness two years ago, and I wish I had done everything differently. I should have ended things with Gatsby that very afternoon when he came to your house during tea.

I was being selfish, I believed I could have all that I wanted and that nothing bad could ever come of it. Why didn’t you stop me, Nick? And Tom! He asked me whether I loved him every single day for months after we left. As if I could ever tell him any differently after all that I’d put him through with Jay… poor Jay. As I write his name to you, I still cannot muster the courage to say it aloud. He never deserved anything but the good fortune he came into. And I never deserved a man so kind, so loving as him.

I wish I could take it all back, Nicky. I wish I could go all the way back to Louisville and pick someone else to love, anyone but him. Someone who could forget about me the moment they left for that war. Nicky, do you remember what I told you that night, about Pammy? When I said I hoped she’d be a fool? Well, I didn’t 18 The Berkshire Scholar

realize it then, but I know now just how wrong I was. I pray that she is anything but a foolish girl who makes terrible mistakes like I did. I want her to be a strong woman, a smart woman, and never get pushed around. I want her to fall in love and live a long, happy life knowing she made the right choice... I want her to be everything that I am not and have everything that I do not have.

Do you know what I regret the most from that summer? I told Tom that I’d loved him while I also loved Jay. I don’t regret it because it wasn’t true -- it was true -- but the way Jay looked at me once I said it made me ill. It was as if those dazzling, blue eyes of his had faded from their vibrant azure shade to a steel fog. If I had just kept my mouth shut, none of this would have ever happened.

I really wish you would have stopped me, Nick. I wish you’d have just dragged me from that hotel room kicking and screaming before I had the chance to say anything. I suppose it wouldn’t have helped me get away from Tom, but Gatsby might still be here...

He could have found another girl, someone he deserved. He could have had a life, a family. You almost knew the real Jay as well as I did, and I’m so glad he had you by his side when I was so cruel.

Thank you, Nicky, for looking after him when I didn’t. You’re a good, good man. There aren’t enough men out there that value friendship the way you do, and I thank heavens that you crossed Jay’s path.

Please, Nick, forgive me for being all balled up back then.

I’ve changed, I really have. I am not the same girl from those years ago, and if I could turn back the clock and walk away… I would.

Sometimes, when I’m sitting with Tom in the car, or watching him talk up a great, big storm at some party, I pretend that I have no idea how I could have ever married such a bimbo. But between you and me, I know that I’m full of greed. I hate to say it, but I am.

Ever since I read about how Gatsby told you my voice was full of money, it seems as if everything I’ve said has not been my own words, like my mind and my mouth have become disconnected.

But, I’ve made my choices and as much as I’d like to, I can’t repeat the past.

With love, Daisy The Berkshire Scholar 19

Rawson Clough ~ war on terror

The Iraq war The tragedies that the United States suffered on September 11th were truly horrific and devastating. However, the actions that the nation took in reaction to the attacks were irrational and emotion-driven. The government, backed by a U.S. population that wanted anyone to suffer for what was done to them, looked to go into a war before actually understanding the situation and the repercussions that would follow. George W. Bush’s administration sought a war with Iraq without a sufficient amount of evidence to support their cause, and acted rashly in what would turn out to be one of the biggest mistakes in U.S. history.

Problems surrounding the Iraq War arose before the war had even started. The reasons for invading Iraq were stated clearly in Colin Powell’s famous speech to the United Nations in 2003.

Powell falsely claimed that the Iraqi government had ties to al Qaeda and was, in turn, linked to the attacks. The United States population, in a state of frenzy, fear, and desire to hold anyone accountable, bought in to Powell’s statements. With an already strong phobia for all things Middle East, this news that the Iraqi government was supporting terrorist groups was no surprise to them, and only fueled their hatred further.

The second main point in Powell’s speech was that the Iraqi government possessed “weapons of mass destruction,” and if the U.S. didn’t act soon and invade, then those weapons would surely be used on the United States. The evidence they provided for Iraq’s possession of WMD’s was, at best, completely inconclusive. The Iraqi government’s aluminum tubes that they had bought, according to just about every weapons inspector or expert on the matter, could not have been used in the making of WMD’s. As soon as the government heard from one source that they could potentially be used in the creation of weapons, then that is sufficient evidence for them. The U.S. government showed fuzzy satellite images, possibly taken at any time and poor in quality, as another main point of evidence. The U.S. supported the invasion strictly because they wanted to hold anyone responsible and so that they could appear to 20 The Berkshire Scholar

be tough in the war on terrorism.

The Iraq War caused devastating problems for all parties involved. The casualties the U.S. suffered from the war were not nearly worth the result of the war, nor were they for a good cause.

Statistically speaking, the United States lost nearly 5,000 troops and another 32,000 officially wounded. In addition, a massive number of veterans suffer to this day from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder and other lingering effects of the war. Depression and suicide rates skyrocketed, leaving families torn apart and in need of support. Emotionally, the war also took a toll on the United States.

Colin Powell and the rest of the Bush Administration eventually had to concede that there were, in fact, no weapons of mass destruction to be found, nor did the Iraqi government hold any ties to the al Qaeda terrorist organization.

The nation suffered greatly, but not nearly as badly as Iraqis fared. Iraq’s civilian population was crippled during the war.

Possibly the most shocking statistic of the war is that 2.4 million Iraqi civilians fled their homes during the war. Another salient fact: nearly 200,000 Iraqis were killed during the war, a large portion of them innocent civilians.

Looking back on this horrific war, it is astonishing that American citizens were not able to see through the lies and deception put forth by their government. Blinded by rage and fear, the United States simply acted to put the blame on somebody, without stopping to figure out who that ought to be. The results were devastating, crippling both countries, and taking massive tolls on all those involved. In retrospect, it should be clear to the entire nation that the war in Iraq was a mistake on the part of the United States government.

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Greer Gibney ~ Advanced English VI

What happens after happily ever after?

In most traditional princess stories that I read as a child, one sees a princess being married off to a man whom is either a prince, or chosen by her father. There is always a love interest, a period of conflict, and then the happily ever after, in which there is usually a wedding. The female characters in stories like The Twelve Dancing Princesses are elusive and free flowing, until they are tied down and married off. But what is to become of the princess after her wedding to her prince? What if the “prince charming(s)” that they end up with don’t turn out to be so princely? No one sees the “after” part, or how the princess truly feels or is treated. Though I understand why it is important for girls to find role models at an early age, many end up with an unrealistic idea of being a princess and being married. In Sexing the Cherry, Jeanette Winterson depicts each of the twelve dancing princesses not as objects after royalty or affection of a man, but more as young women struggling to find themselves or to figure out the lives that they have been thrust into.

It is extremely important to understand the significance of the royal marriage archetype in order to take it apart and teach young women that there is more to life than achieving the perfect look, finding the perfect man, and just expecting the future to be blissful and peachy. Within the original version of the Twelve Dancing Princesses, or as it was first named, The Shoes That Were Danced to Pieces (The Brothers Grimm), the focus is not on who the princesses are, except that there are twelve of them and every one of them is more beautiful than the one before (The Brothers Grimm). They seem to be less like young women and more like precious objects to their father, the King, who locks them in their room each night (The Brothers Grimm). To keep them safe from the world? Maybe. This also may have been a strategy to keep them as untouched or pure as possible until marriage. But as they seem to wake up each morning with tarnished and tattered dancing slippers, the King needs a hero to stop them from finding their 22 The Berkshire Scholar

their freedom. He uses their nightly escape as a way to sort of sell them into marriage, inviting strange young men from around the kingdom to try their luck at discovering where it is that the princesses go. The reward? That he gets to have his pick of the group.

When a young man, portrayed as the hero of the story, finally tricks the young women and reveals their escape to the secret castle with the magical princes, he is given his choice of the women, and, as the eldest princess has no other choice, she marries him, he gets the kingdom and that is that. But does that really mean happily ever after? In other adaptations of the story, the princesses and their futures are controlled by the prince character, and his heroism, and that has a direct effect on what young women everywhere thinks that the princess narrative is.

Fast forward from the creation of the Brothers Grimm story to more modern times, in which widely popular companies like Mattel Barbie take fairy tale stories and spin them into films directed at little girls all over the country and world. In the Barbie adaption of The 12 Dancing Princesses, the focus is on the eldest princess, Genevieve, who enjoys travelling to her secret kingdom with her sisters, in which they can dance and play all night long, keeping them young and pure, much like they were in the original version (“Barbie in The 12 Dancing Princesses�). Yet again, the future of Princess Genevieve and her sisters lies mainly in the hands of the male lead, Derek. At one point towards the end of the film, the princesses are trapped within their magical kingdom, and it is Derek that saves the day. As soon as he helps return them to their actual kingdom and helps diminish the evil antagonists trying to get rid of them, he and Genevieve are immediately married. They engage in a happy dance with all of their sisters and the king, and the story ends there, as if the rest of their lives will be nothing but dance and play.

Though it is a nice idea, this conclusion sends the wrong idea to young girls and pre-adolescent women about what it means to be a princess. In reality, even if you marry a prince, a happily ever after isn’t always guaranteed, and writer Jeanette Winterson uses her disruptive novel to help persuade the reader to think about that. In Sexing the Cherry, Jeanette Winterson brings the harsh reThe Berkshire Scholar 23

alities of “ever-after” to life. The chapter, “The Story of the Twelve Dancing Princesses,” falls in the middle of Sexing the Cherry, in a moment in which Jordan, one of the story’s many narrators travels to “pay [my] respects to The Twelve Dancing Princesses” (42). As expressed in a lecture at the University of Lyon, Winterson “rewrites the fairy tale proper but most of all designs a sequel to the story” (1).

One might think that this could be like writing a sort of creepy epilogical fanfiction to the “Shoes That Were Danced To Pieces,” but in reality, Winterson’s revision brings up the struggle of being a young woman and of being married that the viewers of a Barbie movie or the readers of fairy tales often overlook. The story shifts narrators, from Jordan to each of the eleven out of twelve princesses, as they share their “Ever-After” stories, saying that after they were taken from their silver cities and married off, they did “live happily ever after, but not with our husbands” (43). Winterson touches on various themes to portray the ways that these eleven women experience reality in their post-nuptials: Two prominent themes that Winterson introduces are both sexuality and infidelity. The princess who tells her story first speaks of her love of swimming, and how she falls in love with a mermaid and eventually has an affair with her, and another princess speaks of how her husband was everything that she had ever dreamed of, except that he never laid a hand on her, as he loved a boy instead. It is a poetic way of introducing the idea that princesses don’t always have to end up with princes.

Another princess speaks in depth of knowing of her husband’s unfaithfulness: “My husband married me so that his liaisons with other women, being forbidden, would be more exciting.

Danger was an aphrodisiac to him...I wanted to love him; I was determined to be happy with him. I had not been happy before” (45). It is only natural that someone wishes for happiness and contentedness in their marriage. All the while, another princess speaks of how her husband was polite to her, but never acted with her the way that he did with the woman he was having an affair with. She says that “It would have been better if he had hated me, or if he had abused me, or if he had packed his bags and left...Day 24 The Berkshire Scholar

by day I felt myself disappearing” (51). To solve their problems, they kill their husbands with little regret, in order to escape their married life and reject the façade of a fabulous magical marriage.

Winterson’s creation of these scenarios is her way of trying to display the trials and tribulations of marriage in general. And then there is Fortunata, the 12th princess, the one who, with the greatest ease and grace, remains the “infinity” and “balance” of what being a princess is. When some of her sisters use violence to escape their empty or unrewarding marriages, she is able to escape and hold onto her hope in the silver city, proving that maybe it isn’t necessary to marry a prince in order to truly achieve a happily ever after. As many are trying to re-educate young women of the flaws weaved into fairy tales (i.e. body size, marriage expectations, etc.), Winterson was able to articulate this years before. In adding on to the story of the twelve princesses, she sheds a light on the afterthought of storytellers like Brothers Grimm and Mattel/ Barbie, understanding that if young women are to have their own happily ever afters, they have to know that they can take any shape or form. They don’t have to be heteronormative, they don’t have to stay in a faithless marriage just because it is one, just because the man could have been their prince, and they do not have to put up with anything thrown their way.

Winterson may be one of the first writers to truly address the problem with the fairy tale happy ending, and in doing so, has changed the way that I view “The Twelve Dancing Princesses.” As she says in her interview in The Paris Review, “I never sit down and think that now I want to write something with a high moral tone or with a particular seriousness or a relevancy to today’s gender issues. I never think like that. It’s rather more a smuggling, a kind of contraband, wanting to get something across frontiers, places where it’s not normally allowed.” It was never popular or allowed to re-approach a fairy tale and change the way we think about it, but she has challenged not only the way that a fairy tale should be viewed, but how women like myself should think about their gender, their role as a young woman, and what it means to be a princess who lives happily ever after (or not).

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Works Cited Winterson, Jeanette. Sexing the Cherry. New York, Atlantic Monthly Press, 1990.

Grimm, Jacob, and Wilhelm Grimm. The Shoes That Were Danced To Pieces. San Diego, Canterbury Classics, 2011.

Grimm, Jacob, and Wilhelm Grimm. Grimms' Fairy Tales. Grimm Brothers, 1812.

"They lived happily ever after, or did they? The Rewriting of Grimmsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; The Twelve Dancing Princesses in Jeanette Wintersonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Sexing the Cherry." University of Lyon. <http: conferences. univ-lyon2.fr/index.php/reprise/reprise/paper/view/58/109> Winterson, Jeanette. "Jeanette Winterson, The Art of Fiction No. 150." Interview by Audrey Bilger. The Paris Review, 145th ed., Winter 1997.

Barbie in the 12 Dancing Princesses. 2006. Directed by Greg Richardson. Universal Studios Home Entertainment, 2006.

26 The Berkshire Scholar

Sam Boorstyn ~ AP European History

Utopian Socialists vis-à-vis Revisionist Socialists In 19th century Europe, several schools of socialist thought put forth critiques of the economy and society of the era. While Utopian Socialists, Karl Marx, and Revisionist Socialists all agreed that European industrialization under the system of capitalism was causing a growing socioeconomic rift between the working class and the upper middle class, these theorists differed on the issues they associated with the divide as well as the necessary means of remedying it.

Utopian Socialists questioned the values of capitalism and aimed to create idealistic societies to do away with what they saw as widespread poverty and socioeconomic inequalities. This focus on fixing social and economic inequalities is the primary similarity between this early form of socialism and the Marxist and Revisionist forms that followed. An example of this critical similarity is the theory of Count Claude Henri de Saint-Simon, a liberal French aristocrat, who was the founder of a sect of Utopian Socialism known as Saint-Simonianism. Saint-Simonianism was centered around the management of all forms of private property and wealth by a large group of experts. The purpose of this “rational management” of private property was to mitigate the issues of poverty and social breakdown that was a byproduct of “laissez-faire” capitalism. One possible reason for Saint-Simon honing in on social discord and poverty as the primary issues with 1800s Europe is that he placed enormous value on order, and he therefore saw the hectic and unregulated nature of capitalism as an affront to his values.

The sect of Utopian Socialism championed by British cotton tycoon Robert Owen differed greatly from both Marxism and Revisionism because Owenism advocated the creation of communities in which factory and farm laborers live together in harmony under great working conditions. Owen’s theory derived from his experiment with the New Lanark factory, where his workers were given good housing, recreational activities, education for children, and even incentives for good work. What contributed to the unique The Berkshire Scholar 27

nature of Owenism was Owenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s adherence to enlightenment ideals such as the environmentalist psychological theory that if humans are placed into the perfect surrounding then they will improve and live in harmony. This enlightenment theory doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t arise in the other forms of 19th century socialism.

Another striking component of Utopian Socialism that set it far apart from other forms of socialism was that of open relationships and sexual promiscuity. For example, French theorist Charles Fourier argued for the creation of communities, named phalanxes, in which marriage was only for those later on in life and sexual looseness was encouraged to conquer the boredom of industrial life. This emphasis on open sexual relationships and delayed family lives was a large part of the reason that Utopian Socialism didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t garner the legitimacy that Marxism and Revisionist Socialism did.

Although Karl Marx identified the same social divide and poverty that was commonplace in 1800s Europe, as did proponents of the other forms of socialism, his theory differs greatly from both Utopian Socialism and Revisionist Socialism in its belief that these issues were the signs of an impending revolution. Marx held the same belief that the Utopian and Revisionist Socialists did that the gap between the working class and the wealthy as well as widespread poverty were the result of the European system of industrialization predicated on the ideas of laissez-faire capitalism. The reasons for this overlap with the ideas of other socialists is that Marx was very learned in the works of previous socialist thinkers and borrowed their ideas regarding capitalist society and economy. This was the only real similarity that Karl Marx had with the Utopian and Revisionist Socialists as his other ideas represent breaks from socialist norms. The main difference is that Marx was a proponent of Communism, rather than mere socialism, in that he advocated for the absolute abolishment of private property in all forms. As one the of the main tenets of The Communist Manifesto that Marx penned with Friedrich Engels, the abolition of private property was a major break from the Utopian socialist ideal of the redistribution of property.

Another major difference between the Communist ideas of Karl Marx and those of Utopians and Revisionist Socialists was 28 The Berkshire Scholar

the idea that the class struggle caused by the industrialization that characterized 19th century European society was the harbinger of a revolution by the growing working class against the oppressive bourgeoisie. The reasoning behind this theory was that Marx identified the class conflicts of the previous centuries as signs of the current state of affairs. Marx’s critique of 1800s European society and economics did have an heir of Utopianism as some of his ideas were labeled as visionary and farfetched, such as the notion that the proletariat was incapable of becoming an oppressor class that, once in power, would immediately bring about the emancipation of all humankind. The Utopian nature of some of Marx’s ideas were mainly the result of his synthesis of the ideas of previous socialists.

Revisionist Socialism sought to revise the radial ideas of Marxist communism in order to make a more pragmatic attempt to remedy the sharp social divides and poverty that were a result of European capitalism and industrialization during the 19th century.

Similar to both Marx and Utopian Socialists, Revisionist Socialists believed that the large divide between social and economic classes was the direct result of unregulated capitalism. The reason for this similarity is most directly that this is one of the primary tenets of all forms of socialism; one could even make the argument that a political theory was not socialist unless it made this assertion.

What set Revisionist Socialists, such as Eduard Bernstein, apart from Marx and Utopian Socialists is that they claimed that capitalism was not, in fact, on the verge of collapse.

Another difference was that they asserted that the middle class wasn’t disappearing and the conditions of the working class weren’t becoming continuously more dismal. This break with the ideas of Marx and those that came before him is more likely a product of the time period that saw the formation of the Revisionist movement. By the late 1800s it had become apparent that in the decades that followed the creation of The Communist Manifesto the mass proletariat revolution against the bourgeoisie oppressors simply wasn’t formulating. Therefore, Bernstein and his fellow Revisionists sought to take a pragmatic view on the proper means of creating a socialist society and economy in 1800s Europe. They propagated the belief that the best means of creating a socialist The Berkshire Scholar 29

society was through political reform within Europe’s capitalist society. For example, Bernstein contradicted Marx’s notion that the only way to rid European society of large social divides was a proletariat revolution by claiming that gradual reform within the political system would be more effective. The notion that socialism should be implemented through political reforms is one that was proposed decades earlier by Utopian Socialist Louis Blanc. In his The Organization of Labor, Blanc sharply differed from his fellow Utopian Socialists in his belief that political reforms that enfranchised the working class would allow the lower class to use the political system to better their circumstances, creating government “workshops” that would employ the poor. Therefore, it is likely that Revisionist Socialists drew on the writings of Blanc when formulating their revision of Marx’s communist ideals.

In the year 1966, Mao Zedong, the Chairman of the Communist Party of China, instituted the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution to ensure that communist views were being properly followed and to wipe out remnants of capitalism and the bourgeoisie. This Cultural Revolution proved that the proletariat class was in fact capable of becoming an “oppressor class” as the Communist Party of China and its People Liberation Army greatly oppressed the people of China in an attempt to rid the nation of all objects and ideas that could be considered in opposition of the state’s policy of Communism. This is a prime example of the Utopian nature that was shared by many Socialist theorists. Marx’s notion that the proletariat was in fact incapable of becoming an oppressor was wholly disproved during the Red Revolution in China.

30 The Berkshire Scholar

Derrick Burt ~ Advanced Humanities Research

on the edge: A Social and Psychological Analysis of Freestyle Skiing I. Introduction A video recently posted on the X Games website features Bobby Brown previewing the X Games course with multiple Gopro cameras. Viewers watch Brown ski down the course from his helmet camera’s perspective. Brown goes over a sequence of metal rails and boxes (a typical course generally consists of three of these “rail” features and three or four jumps) jumping and spinning onto them from both directions. Brown continues to ski off of four jumps, ranging from 60 to 100 feet in horizontal distance, and performs a trick known as a switch double rodeo 1080 on the last jump. This means that Brown skied off the 100-foot jump backwards and performed two backflips and 1080 degrees of rotation and landed backwards.

This video is not only posted on the X Games website but is also shared on various social media outlets such as Facebook, Newschoolers and Twitter, by Brown and his various sponsors for millions of online users to watch. In addition to the video on social media and the 100,000 people (Statista) who attend the Winter X Games in Aspen, millions of people will watch Brown and other professional freestyle skiers compete in the 2016 Winter X Games live on ESPN’s television channel. In 2012, “35.4 million people tuned in to watch the Winter X Games” (Transworld). The sport of freestyle skiing, which developed out of a desire to break away from the highly structured mogul skiing competitions just 20 years ago, has gained a large audience in the United States and abroad.

Nowadays, action sports such as freestyle skiing have developed into more than just recreational hobbies. This change derives from a “growing market of extreme sports people, [and] a burgeoning media industry [that] has inevitably flourished” (Palmer 324). The media outlets and companies that produce their equipment have popularized high-risk activities, like rock climbing,

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skydiving, and freestyle skiing. While this recent rise in popularity of action sports has pushed the sports’ growth and innovation, it has also raised questions and concerns.

The goal of this paper is to understand, from a sociologist’s perspective, how freestyle skiers’ motivations to participate have changed with the sport’s growth. In order to explore this notion, I will apply sociologist Stephen Lyng’s theory of edgework to the sport of freestyle skiing. Edgework is a tool for examining the mindset and stimuli of individuals who recreationally engage in high-risk activity. Ultimately, individuals who engage in freestyle skiing are now exposed to an industry and a culture that encourages participation, while the sport was originally created to express individual creativity, thus changing the applicability of Lyng’s edgework model to freestyle skiing.

II. Freestyle Skiing Freestyle skiing developed in the 1990s, started by a small group of skiers who began performing and eventually filming tricks in the snowboard terrain park. Freestyle skiing grew into a sport with Olympic and X games competitions, and large culture of followers who support the industry and the athletes, both physically at events and electronically in the social media world.

From a competition standpoint, there are various categories of freestyle skiing such as moguls, aerials, half-pipe, big air, and slopestyle. Many freestyle skiers will apply tricks they learned in the terrain park to natural features all over the mountain. This is known to most of the community as freeskiing. All these types of freestyle skiing occur at both the professional and recreational levels. While professionals are engaging in this sport with monetary compensation, both recreational and professional skiers pursue a common goal of learning and progressing new tricks no matter their skill level.

Freestyle skiers will perform tricks on a rather large spectrum of skills levels. A “form of downhill skiing, which involves going off jumps and grinding on rails and boxes” (McCabe), freestyle allows skiers to engage in the sport and progress at their respective pace. The pioneers of the sport such as Tanner Hall, 32 The Berkshire Scholar

Pep Fujas, and JP Auclair began by applying simple rotations and inverted aerials from their mogul runs into the snowboard park.

When they began, a trick such as the 360 mute grab was very innovative and would earn a skier a good score on a slope style run. The trick consists of a 360-degree rotation while crossing and grabbing one’s skis. While novice freestyle skiers might work hard to perform this trick today, professionals are engaging in much bigger and more challenging tricks because the sport has progressed rapidly over the past two decades.

This introduction to the sport may seem casual. However, freestyle skiing is a relatively young sport and therefore has little academic research. Various authors, such as John Fry, have written books that outline the history of the sport, its culture, and its industry. Otherwise, most of the discussion of the sport of freestyle skiing remains amongst the community itself, through ski magazines and websites such as Newschoolers and Teton Gravity Research.

III. The Culture and The Commerce Before looking at freestyle skiing through a sociological and psychological lens, it is important to address two components of the sport: its culture and its commerce, which are both vital aspects that keep the sport alive by attracting younger generations and meeting the constantly evolving needs of freestyle skiers.

In the 1990s, “a new sport, spawned by youth, passion, and rebelliousness, echoed an earlier era of skiing’s own history”; this was snowboarding. Snowboarding brought a new culture to snow sports, largely inspired by Jake Burton’s new company, Burton Snowboards. The sport began to attract teenagers looking to express their rebellious side as snowboarders began, “to simulate skateboarding on snow instead of surfing or skiing” (Howe 29). This brought a fresh look to snowboarding, one that featured baggy-clothes, punk and rap music, and a general spirit of nonconformity. As this culture began to develop, “Snowboarding was torn by differences over what it should be as a sport… [Many] wanted it to remain a cool, kick-ass pursuit free of discipline” (Fry 242).

This, in addition to the twin-tipped, fat board style that began to influence ski manufacturers, was how snowboarding influenced the The Berkshire Scholar 33

culture and industry of skiing that exists today.

In the second half of the 1990s, the freestyle ski culture and industry today started to gain recognition from the public as film companies such as Teton Gravity Research and Poor Boyz Productions released their first films. Inspired by the new snowboard movement, skiers “began trying their tricks in what were at the time snowboard-only terrain parks” (McCabe). Canadian skiers such as JP Auclair and Mike Douglas began to film their tricks in the terrain parks, and these companies would produce films for the public. These movies brought attention to freestyle skiing from younger generations: “Tanner Hall and Eric Iberg… teamed up and rallied the troops of freestyle skiing to bring you a movie that exposes the true essence of the sport” (Inspired Media). These skiers were “a breakaway faction of the freeskiers who were unhappy with the FIS” (McCabe).

Although the new school freestyle movement was associated with drugs, punk and rap music, and a sport that was free of structures and institutions, these skiers were still very serious about developing a new sport. The same athletes that starred in these films were those who helped “Salomon develop their first twin-tip ski, the ‘1080’” (McCabe). The late 1990s and early 2000s saw the integration of the freestyle movement into the ski industry itself.

New ski companies, such as Line and Armada Skis, were developed solely to produce “twin-tip” skis, which “make it easier to go off jumps backward and to land backwards” (Pennington), giving freestyle skiers the opportunity to perform tricks more easily.

Although young skiers started the new freestyle skiing movement, it quickly integrated itself into the professional industry of skiing.

While the traditional ski industry had relied on trade shows, magazines, and advocacy from “people who understand it and deeply care about skiing” (Fortune Magazine), television and social media have become the primary sources of advertisement for the ski industry in the 21st century. According to ESPN, “social media has infiltrated the business side of action sports like nothing before it.” Now, companies use their own social media pages as well as those of the athletes that they sponsor to reach out to consumers. Freestyle skiing, of course, is not the only action sport 34 The Berkshire Scholar

whose industry uses social media as a marketing tool. The introduction of web platforms such as websites like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram as a marketing tool has brought the freestyle ski industry to its level of popularity today. Professional freestyle skiers featured in both ski movies and competitions such as the X Games and the Dew Tour drive the industry. When young skiers watch these movies or events on TV, they might visit these athletes Facebook or Twitter page. Upon visiting these pages, the young consumers are bound to see various ski products being promoted by these athletes because the skiers are often required by contract to “post positive endorsements” or at least make the product “as visible as possible” (ESPN) on their respective media pages.

The culture and commerce of freestyle skiing have become deeply ingrained in each other. While freestyle skiing grew out of snowboarding’s popularity amongst younger generations, it developed into its own sport as film companies began producing yearly movies and events like the X Games and the Dew Tour began hosting annual events that would often feature slopestyle, half-pipe, and big air competitions. The freestyle ski industry grew as companies such as Rossignol, Salomon, Armada, and many other ski companies began to endorse, or sponsor, up and coming freestylers. Originally, these professionals would promote their sponsors’ products in magazine articles, in ski movies, or by word of mouth.

However, as social media became popular throughout the 2000s, many ski companies began to change their marketing strategies.

These strategies often require, by contract, their athletes to promote their product somehow. To appeal to adolescents and young adults who make up a large portion of the freestyle ski industries consumers, companies strive to be “interesting, active, humble and honest while operating in social media” (Korosuo 7). By using their athletes to promote products, the companies are able to maintain a grassroots approach that will appeal to young consumers and encourage them to mimic the athletes that they look up to. Freestyle skiing has grown into an action sport where the culture and industry are heavily intertwined.

IV. The Concept of Edgework The Berkshire Scholar 35

Edgework is a sociological term for activities that push the boundaries of normal social behavior. The term itself was “borrowed from the journalist Hunter S. Thompson” (Lyng 855) and developed by sociologist Stephen Lyng. Lyng and other sociologists came up with edgework as a new way to look at the mindset of voluntary risk takers in society. While people who participate in activities that involve a certain degree of risk are often labeled as thrill-seekers and adrenaline junkies, theories such as edgework allow scholars to examine risk-takers from a different, more encompassing, perspective. The principle idea behind edgework is that all areas of society have boundaries, and edge workers are humans who explore those boundaries and push the limits.

Before providing his framework for understanding those who engage in voluntary risk-taking, Lyng identifies current models that exist for examining risk-taking and then explains their shortcomings. He calls the two models, “the ‘personality predisposition’ model and the ‘intrinsic motivation’ model” (Lyng 853).

These two models are not necessarily incorrect for Lyng; rather they are incomplete or inappropriate ways of studying those who engage in high-risk activities from an inclusive sociological and psychological perspective. The first model, the “personality predisposition,” is faulty because it “is rooted in the presupposition that the propensity to engage in risky activities defines two polar personality types” (Lyng 853): those who value taking risks and those who don’t. This model is a piecemeal way to examine edgework because it over-generalizes those who engage in the activities.

The second model, the “intrinsic motivation,” includes a variety of “physiological, psychological, and neurological factors” that offer explanation to the behavior and motivations of those engaging in high-risk activities. However, according to Lyng, this second model fails to incorporate the psychology within the context of the social settings that they take place in. In other words, the model is incomplete because it fails to incorporate sociological factors into the concept of risk-taking. Although these models hold their respective arguments, they cannot be used as the lens to understand the subject at hand, freestyle skiing, from a holistic perspective.

Before proposing his sociological theory of edgework, 36 The Berkshire Scholar

Lyng lays the groundwork for the requirements an activity must meet to fall into the category of edgework. For someone to be participating in edgework the activity must “involve a clearly observable threat to one's physical or mental well-being or one's sense of an ordered existence… in which the individual's failure to meet the challenge at hand will result in death or, at the very least, debilitating injury” (Lupton). In this paper these edgework concepts are to the sport of freestyle skiing. Anytime someone is engaging in something that is pushing societal norms in any sort of threatening manner, they are likely participating in edgework.

Another important component of edgework activities is the skill that they require. These are as much tangible, technical capabilities as they are intangible and psychological attributes. While stunt pilots need to understand the ins-and-outs of their airplane and acquire the skills to perform at a certain level, they also need a degree of mental strength to maintain focus as they put themselves at serious risk. The “ability to maintain control over a situation that verges on complete chaos” (Lyng 859) is an essential skill of any edgework participant.

The final components that Lyng describes as unique to edgework activities are the sensations that the participants experience. While participants of different edgework activities will not have the same experiences, there are patterns that have been identified among participants. These sensations often include fear and anticipation beforehand, followed by a sense of accomplishment and exhilaration afterwards. Other important sensations that are explained by the psychology of participating in edgework activities are an increase in perception, a loss of the sense of time, and the inability to describe the experience afterwards. This loss of words for edge-workers makes it more difficult the psychology to understand edge work activities but it supports the idea that those engaged in edgework activities act subconsciously and are engrossed in their pursuit.

In order to interpret the psychology of edgework with respect to the social settings in which they take place, Lyng creates a framework that synthesizes the works of Karl Marx and George H. Mead. This framework allows edgework to be examined on The Berkshire Scholar 37

both individual psychological levels and larger sociological platforms because Marx’s work was targeted at, “emphasizing survival behavior structured by macro-level economic forces” (Lyng 866).

While Mead’s work focuses on, “social interaction at the microlevel” (Lyng 866). While Lyng’s of this framework is the idea of spontaneity versus constraint that occurs within various social settings. Lyng claims that spontaneous action is a reflection of the consciousness of the individual, “I,” which is the creative and purposive side of one’s self. However, one can only act spontaneously under “constrained” social settings, or the actions themselves would not ever be spontaneous. The constrained side of this framework derives from the social “me” that is an individual as the “voice of society” (Lyng 867). These two basic concepts constitute the principle of edgework.

To summarize Lyng’s complex argument of edgework sociology, one must understand that there is no conclusive understanding of edgework. Lyng explains his that “edgework offer[s] an escape from the stultifying and alienating experience of routine institutional life in modern society,” (Andersen 578). These activities, common pastimes in an American society that “values reducing threats to individual well-being” (Lyng 851), have become so popular in modern American society because a majority of the population are stuck in alienating careers that do not allow them to express their creative, individual, “I.” Lyng explains that people who work for an institution in which they have no degree of control or influence over their work are attracted to edgework activities because of the combination of autonomy and exhilaration that results from participating in such activities.

V. Freestyle Skiing and Edgework Now that there is a solid understanding of both the sport of freestyle skiing from a larger cultural perspective and edgework as a social psychological tool for examining action sports, I will apply Lyng’s concept to the sport of freestyle skiing from an individual, recreational standpoint. The first step is to identify the constituents of edgework activities, consisting of the skills, perceptions, and sensations that apply to edgework.

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The first aspect of Lyng’s model of edgework that can be observed amongst those who participate in freestyle skiing as an edgework activity is the necessary skills a freestyle skier must acquire. Lyng explains that all edgework activities require, “the exercise of the particular skills required to discover the performance limits of a piece of technology or other form.” The sport of freestyle skiing requires practice to develop proper ski technique, improve balance, and exert a certain degree of control over the body and the mind. Nowadays, most ski resorts have terrain parks that, “include many features like rails, boxes, jumps, hips, quarter pipes, and half pipes” (McCabe). Once one has learned the basic techniques of skiing, which include: proper stance, wedge turns, parallel turns, pole planting, and many more technical skills, they can then venture to the terrain park and work on their freestyle progression. Freestyle skiing requires a great degree of athleticism and control over one’s body.

When describing the sensations of edgework, lots of participants have difficulty articulating how their experience felt.

Lyng explains that in the “pure form[s] of edgework, individuals experience themselves as instinctively acting entities” (Lyng 860).

These acts of instinct seem to be caused by a combination of a type of subconscious focus on the present and high levels of adrenaline.

During the activity, if the skier is fully present and engaged, the anticipated risk and apprehension of performing a trick followed by successfully completing that risk reaches the rewards system in the brain. Like any other edgework activity, the simplest form of freestyle skiing and edgework comes down to simply accomplishing a goal and overcoming risks. The sense of accomplishment combined with the thrill of putting oneself in physical danger (depending on the skill level of the freestyle skier) cause the brain to release higher levels of dopamine, a chemical that causes us to be happy (McCabe).

Another important way in which freestyle skiing can be understood as an edgework activity is the changes in perception that recreational freestyle skiers will undergo when they are engaged in their activity. When a true edge worker is engaged in his or her activity, “background factors recede from view and their perception The Berkshire Scholar 39

narrows to only those factors that immediately determine success or failure in negotiating the edge” (Lyng 861). Freestyle skiers’ perceptions are important to their success in progressing and performing tricks. According to a study by the National Institutes of Health (NIH), “the perception of skiing speed as fast, moderate or slow depends on sex, skill level, and risk taking behaviour” (Friedrich). While there are different factors that affect a recreational skiers’ perception, an important one is the skier’s genetic predisposition for risk taking behaviors. Just as a freestyle skier may have more of the inherent edge-working skills outlined in the previous paragraph, such as athleticism and patience, different freestyle skiers will have different perceptions of skiing based on their genetic predisposition for taking risks.

We can classify freestyle skiing as an edgework activity based upon Lyng’s framework. The first explanation of the phenomenon of edgework activities is that edgeworkers are exposing themselves to some physical or mental risk. Freestyle skiing clearly qualifies as skiers enter terrain parks or find natural features that require serious athleticism and expertise. Freestyle skiers have to practice to build the necessary skills and mental toughness to push themselves in the park. In the process of progressing their skills, freestyle skiers become more focused, and many experience the self-actualizing cycle of anticipating risk and overcoming it to perform tricks. In pushing one’s physical and mental limits in the terrain parks designed for them, freestyle skiers experience the heightened perceptions and hyper realistic sensations associated with being engrossed in one’s edgework activity.

Although freestyle skiing can be seen as an edgework activity when it is an individual, recreational activity, there are a number of factors that have to be considered if Lyng’s social psychological arguments for edgework can be applied to the current culture and sport freestyle skiing. In order to get a complete and comprehensive look at how the edgework phenomenon applies to freestyle skiing, we must look at the sport beyond the recreational level. By looking at the industry, the culture, and the professionals, we can better understand the patterns of freestyle skiing and edgework. In this context, it should be understood that we are really 40 The Berkshire Scholar

addressing freestyle skiing as it developed from the mid 1990s. It was during this time period when freestyle skiing developed into the new school movement that was fueled by freestyle films and X Games competitions. In his argument, Lyng uses Marx’s idea that free, spontaneous activity that is symbolic of the individual, “I,” can only occur under social situations where constraining institutions cause the individual to live as the social, “me,” which can be seen as the voice of society. This framework explains the rise and development of the sport, culture, and industry of freestyle skiing as it exists today.

As a sport, freestyle skiing strongly supports the sociological argument that attempts to explain the phenomenon of edgework activities from a social standpoint. Lyng describes that edgework activities have become increasingly popular because they allow people to “escape from the stultifying and alienating experience of routine institutional life in modern society” (Andersen 578). As we learned from John Fry, the sport and culture of freestyle skiing developed from a resistance to the rules and regulations placed on racers throughout the second half of the 20th century. Following the snowboard movement, freestyle skiers sought to take the sport away from the mogul courses and aerial jumps that were highly structured and competitive, leaving promising careers in competitive mogul skiing in order to pursue skiing in an unstructured and liberated fashion. Lyng’s sociological explanation for the phenomenon of edgework can help us understand how and why these skiers began to shape and develop their own sport. Lyng argues that edgework activities appeal to those whose creative, spontaneous side is, in some way, stifled by a career or lifestyle as a part of a capitalistic society. For people who live under these conditions, “the central dynamic of day-to-day existence is an incessant search for self” (Lyng 870). This is rooted in the fact that modern American society, in many ways, causes people to live as their social “me.” The unwritten rules and expectations that are set from a young age, to perform well in school and find a career that offers financial stability, lead to a lack of autonomy in one’s lifestyle.

This sociological argument put forth by Lyng captures the essence of the development of freestyle skiing as a sport and as a culture.

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Indeed, the pioneers of freestyle skiing wanted to engage in a new activity that was free of rules. As we look at how the sport integrated itself into the ski industry, we can see Lyng’s argument for edgework activities happening on the macro-scale of society.

The skiers who developed the sport did so to engage in something that allowed them to reflect their spontaneous, creative side. In its early days, freestyle skiers would create new tricks to perform every day, and the creativity of freestyle skiing resulted from the skiers’ intrinsic and individual desire to produce something of their own. This reflection of the individual, of course, developed into the production of ski movies and an industry that reflected innovation based on the athletes desires. Freestyle skiing captures the phenomenon of edgework activities well because it grew into more than just the activity of freestyle skiing, a high-risk sport that involves mental strength and practiced skills.

There are a couple aspects to address in recognizing and understanding that freestyle skiing grew from a sport that lacked any formal structure or discipline into a sport with millions of participants and media exposure. Applying Lyng’s social psychological theory of edgework to freestyle skiing, we begin to recognize the patterns that exist between the social and institutional structures of skiing that freestyle skiers hoped to break out of. It is because of the necessity to express their individual, creative side that freestyle skiers pioneered a new sport and because of this the industry and culture is composed of thousands of individuals who are passionate about progressing and innovating various aspects of the sport of freestyle skiing.

VI. Conclusion Ultimately, Lyng has provided us with a means of understanding the “inner-workings” of those who engage in high-risk behavior. Lyng’s argument explains that edgework activities are appealing and popular in the United States because they offer escape from routine lifestyles and a sense of self-control. As we look at freestyle skiing through the lens of edgework, we have a context to understand why some of its pioneers were so eager to break away from the traditional competitions. However, the sport of freestyle 42 The Berkshire Scholar

skiing has changed so immensely over the years and it is difficult to say with confidence Lyng’s theory of edgework applies to all people who participate in freestyle skiing. Lyng wrote his theory of edgework in the early 1990s, before freestyle skiing as it is recognize today was around. Social media and its relation the growing industry as well as high levels of professionalism were not factors that Lyng considered during his proposal.

The industry of freestyle skiing connects with young skiers and consumers by using social media to advertise their products.

By advertising adolescents and young adults, these companies encourage them to follow and get involved with the freestyle ski movement. New freestyle skiers are participating with this external motivation encouraged by ski companies. This is a factor that Lyng did not able to incorporate into his argument for edgework because not all edge work activities have such a large commercial industry that aims to get more people involved with their activity. By considering how edgework applies to skiers, it is more difficult to make a definitive argument with this evolved sport.

Certainly aspects of edgework still apply to freestyle skiers, but with the rise of social media and the industry’s use of it we are seeing a change in how people are participating in the sport. While there isn’t any scientific or academic research on how this sport has changed, it can still be discussed. Nowadays, young skiers see professionals posting skiing impressive features advertising their companies’ merchandise or just displaying their skiing. In the age of social media, more people are filming their skiing with the goal of sharing their ski experience with their followers. When Lyng proposed his edgework argument, the idea was that the activities gave the edge-worker a sense of accomplishment and self-realization.

People were originally engaging in edgework for more personal psychological reasons rather than social ones. Lyng’s argument for edgework still certainly applies to those engaging in edgework if they are doing so under his framework. However, as people begin to ski with the intention of sharing footage their activity with their friends we must recognize that they are no longer engaging in the sport within the realms of an edge-worker.

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Works Cited Anderson, Leon. “Edgework”. Symbolic Interaction 29.4 (2006): 577–584.

Brunner, Friedrich et al. “Factors Associated with the Perception of Speed among Recreational Skiers.” Ed. Hong-jin Sun. PLoS ONE 10.6 (2015): e0132002. PMC. Fry, John. The Story of Modern Skiing. Hanover: University of New England Press, 2006.

Korosuo, Saku. "Social Media as a Marketing Tool for Extremesport Oriented Companies." UMEA, 2013. Web. 27 Feb. 2016.

Lyng, Stephen. “Edgework: A Social Psychological Analysis of Voluntary Risk Taking.” American Journal of Sociology 95.4 (1990): 851–886.

McCabe, William. "History." Skiing. 25 Feb. 2016. <http:// homepages.gac.edu/~wmccabe2/skiing_website/history.html>.

O'Neil, Devin. "Action Sports Athletes Sign Social Media Contracts." ESPN. 3 Mar. 2011. <http://espn.go.com/action/news/ story?id=6175659>.

Palmer, C. (2002). ‘Shit Happens’: The Selling of Risk in Extreme Sport.” Australian Journal of Anthropology, Vol.13(3), 323-336.

Pennington, Bill. "A New Direction With Twin-Tip Skis." The New York Times, 21 Feb. 2008.

"X Games 2012 Ratings Soar." Transworld Business. Source Interlink Companies, 09 Feb. 2012.

“X Games Attendance 1995-2015.” Statista. N.p., 2016.

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AFTERWORD The Berkshire Scholar was selected, edited, and formatted by the members of Advanced Humanities Research, a selective program at Berkshire School that provides students the opportunity to pursue topics of personal interest in the humanities. Here are the students, with project titles and readers, from 2016-7: Sam Boorstyn Comparison of Veteransâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Educational Benefits (Patrick Campbell @ USMA) Neeka Daemi Cognitive Science and Elementary Arts Education (Jeff Moher @ Williams) Will Dyer Kloman Economic Aspects of Elizabethan English and Contemporary American Theater (D. Colfer @ Emerson) Greer Gibney Kerry James Marshall: The Artist in the Movement (Phyllis Jackson @ Pomona) Julie Kokot Linguistic Diversity & Political Identity in Spain (Carlos Varon Gonzalez @ NYU) Victor Li Weibo: Social Media and the Public Sphere in China (Yao-Yuan Yeh @ St. Thomas University) Billy Zegras The Depiction of Technology in WWI Poetry (Jennie-Rebecca Falcetta @ MA College of Art) Maggie Zhu Czech and Soviet Rhetoric From the Prague Spring (Malynne Sternstein @ UChicago) Please contact A.J. Kohlhepp (ajkohlhepp@berkshireschool.org) with questions about Advanced Humanities Research at Berkshire School.

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â&#x20AC;&#x153;The Berkshire Scholarâ&#x20AC;? is produced, in part, with wind-powered mills and on a solar-powered press.