The Blue Review Vol. 2 No. 2

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FALL 2014 PRINT EDITION | VOLUME 2, NUMBER 2 | POLITICS

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THEBLUEREVIEW.ORG

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Moments of Politicization Why do some people get political and why do they stay in politics?

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Four Things to Watch in the Midterms Hint: The action is in the states.

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Marijuana Bureaucracy Straight-ahead policy analysis from Colorado’s front lines

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Tone of the West Five rhetorical turns from Western governors

Whence the Tea Party? What’s next for the movement in Idaho and beyond?

More online at theblue

review.org

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The Blue Review is published by the Boise State University College of Social Sciences and Public Affairs, in collaboration with Boise Weekly

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INTRODUCTORY NOTES

TBR 5: The Politics Issue - 8 6 7 , 1 6 9 $ 8 * + 1 $V WKH PLGWHUP HOHFWLRQV DSSURDFK LW LV hard not to feel as if we are on a precipice, ready to tilt one way or another in important ways. Yes, it kind of always feels that way, but there is something unique about this particular moment in Idaho, as well as in the West and across the United States. The Republican Party still has the Idaho congressional delegation on lockdown, but more than one statewide race is surprisingly competitive. Same-sex couples just began to wed in Idaho and in Western states ranging from $UL]RQD WR $ODVND WR 8WDK 0DULMXDQD reform has been implemented in Colorado and Washington, and NORML, the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws, has rolled out a “Smoke the Vote� campaign to support legalizaWLRQ LQ $ODVND 2UHJRQ DQG :DVKLQJWRQ D.C. Everywhere, change is afoot, and the upcoming midterm elections provide the year’s most salient and accessible moment for citizens demanding even more change—or those opposed to what has already transpired—to weigh in. The articles in this special section, and even more online at thebluereview.org, provide a series of snapshots of the political context of this pre-midterm moment.

$ WULR RI %RLVH 6WDWH 8QLYHUVLW\ VFKRODUV dig deep into today’s politics: Scott Yenor (online) provides the intellectual context for midterms broadly construed, David Weaver assesses the Tea Party in Idaho and nationally and Gary Moncrief provides a checklist to help results watchers interpret the outcome. -RKQ +XGDN D %URRNLQJV ,QVWLWXWLRQ political scientist who is also a leading expert in marijuana reform implementation, evaluates Colorado’s steps to implement legalization, a policy development that could come to Idaho sooner than PDQ\ PLJKW WKLQN )LQDOO\ $PDQGD 6WLFNelman and myself take a step back and, with some data visualization help from The Blue Review (GLWRU 1DWKDQLHO +RIIman, explore the relationship between rhetoric and politics in the West by using social science tools to analyze several Western governors, nearly all of whom are up for re-election this fall. Taken together, these essays present an entertaining and useful primer for understanding and talking about the politics of today and those of days to come. I hope they start as many new conversations as they answer old questions.

Justin Vaughn is a political scientist at Boise State and guest editor of TBR 5.

The Blue Review thebluereview.org @reviewblue facebook.com/reviewblue The Blue Review is a webnative journal from the Boise State University College of Social Sciences and Public Affairs. Publisher Boise State University Publications OfďŹ ce in the College of Social Sciences and Public Affairs Editor Nathaniel Hoffman Guest Editor Justin S. Vaughn

Academic Editor Todd Shallat Graduate Fellow Andrew Crisp Editorial Board Cities: Jaap Vos Media: Seth Ashley Media: Marcia Franklin Digital Culture: Leslie Madsen-Brooks Politics: Justin S. Vaughn Creative: Greg Hahn Digital: Marshall D. Simmonds Graphic Design Kelsey Hawes, Jenny Bowler, Jeff Lowe, Tomas MontaĂąo, Boise Weekly

Cover Design Jenny Bowler #politicalanimal interviews by Harrison Berry, Jessica Murri and Nathaniel Hoffman (full interviews at thebluereview.org) For inquiries and submissions: The Blue Review Boise State University 1910 University Dr. Boise, Idaho 83725-1936 Phone: 208-426-3772 editor@thebluereview.org

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Moments of Politicization

Plays and players in the 2014 midterm elections .( 11( 7+ 0 0 ,//( 5 For decades, political scientists have investigated the roots of political preference and political knowledge. We have theories that work well to explain both, but we can still only see hints at why some people take a strong interest in politics while others don’t care at all. Why do some people go further still and become DFWLYLVWV RU FDQGLGDWHV IRU SXEOLF RI¿FH" For the causes of political activation, we often look to family dynamics and professional experiences. In the classic, decades-old view, political socialization occurs in the home, usually in early adulthood. Other factors matter too, of course, especially educational attainment and socioeconomic status. People who become politically activated typically stay activated, and those who don’t are unlikely to become activated later on. We may learn to become voters and partisans at home and in our communities, but is this also where political activists and RI¿FHKROGHUV DUH PDGH" In the interviews of Idaho political acWRUV VFDWWHUHG WKURXJKRXW WKLV ¿IWK SULQW edition of The Blue Review we read about what activates this interest in politics and what keeps it going. In many cases, a particular issue—the environment, schools, a war—or a particular candidate sparks a political career. In other cases, it’s an aptitude for the machinery of politics that prompts political activism. Given the emphasis in political sciHQFH OLWHUDWXUH RQ FDQGLGDWHV IRU RI¿FH it is especially interesting in the interviews that follow to hear from those with other roles in public affairs. Recent scholarship on parties examines how SDUW\ HOLWHV VWLOO H[HUW VWURQJ LQÀXHQFH on who wins party nominations. Nearly all studies of candidate recruitment emphasize how important party repreVHQWDWLYHV DQG DFWLYLVWV DUH WR ¿QGLQJ viable candidates. It is not often explored, however,

how these gatekeepers came to be in their SRVLWLRQV RI LQÀXHQFH $V WKH VWXG\ RI political parties and nominations moves toward a broader view of the political party as a network of interests, these unelected political activists and other elites are beginning to garner more of our attention. $V SROLWLFDO FDUHHUV EHFRPH LQFUHDVLQJO\ thankless pursuits, we run the risk that talented and dedicated people are no longer willing to serve their communities, states DQG WKH QDWLRQ $PRQJ WKH DUWLFOHV RQ UHgional and national politics in this issue— including think pieces on the Tea Party’s future, implementation of marijuana laws in Colorado and the rhetoric of Western JRYHUQRUV \RX ZLOO ¿QG EULHI VNHWFKHV of some people who found a passion for politics despite the many obstacles. Fortunately for the quality of our democracy, these dedicated individuals represent a bulwark against increasing cynicism and political disengagement. Ken Miller is a graduate student and a research assistant for the Experimental Political Behavior & Communication /DE DW WKH 8QLYHUVLW\ RI 7H[DV DW $XVWLQ

#politicalanimal BEN WILSON AGE: 29 AFFILIATIONS: The Community Center EDUCATION: Political science at Boise State OCCUPATION: Super visor at BeavEx POLITICAL MOMENT? Probably during the Bush administration during the Iraq War. It was the clear manufacturing of data to justify it. INFLUENCES? My parents have been suppor tive. They’ve been ver y suppor t of causes and my life as a gay person. Nicole LeFavour has been a big inuence, and James DuToit, when he ran for City Council as an openly gay man in 1997. WHY STAY INVOLVED? There’s so much room for improvement here in this state. (Cont. at thebluereview.org...)

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Four Things to Watch in the 2014 State Elections

With D.C. in gridlock, political and policy action is in the states *$5 < 0 2 1 & 5, ()

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ith a highly polarized and gridlocked national government, much of the substantive policymaking in the United States is currently being done at the state level. This will remain the case after the 2014 elecData source: National Conference of State Legislatures tion next month, as the impasse in Washington, D.C., certainly will continue. But the contours of state PRYLQJ IURP 5HSXEOLFDQ WR 'HPRFUDW $ ODWH VXUJH same partisan page. Moreover, the ideological distance (poWith 36 policymaking are likely to change a bit. To fully by one or the other parties could make for some larization) between the two major parties is growing. Political governors up important changes in these, and perhaps even a appreciate the role of electoral cycles and the science research shows that the congressional parties are for re-election, few other, states. nature of elections at the state level, we need to more polarized than at any time since the Civil War. Increased recognize four characteristics of state elections. Second, while the two major parties are basipolarization of the parties is clearly evident in many states as some states First, electoral rules and procedures are not cally evenly divided at the national level, this is ZHOO 7RJHWKHU SRODUL]DWLRQ DQG XQLÂżHG JRYHUQPHQW PHDQ could ip the same in all states. The obvious difference is not necessarily the case in the states. There are WKDW WKH SROLF\ GLIIHUHQFH EHWZHHQ XQLÂżHG 'HPRFUDWLF VWDWHV parties. in primary elections, where the rules may be quite some deeply red states, some deeply blue states and a DQG XQLÂżHG 5HSXEOLFDQ VWDWHV LV LQFUHDVLQJ *ULGORFN PD\ EH different from one state to another in regard to who can smaller number of truly competitive states. Recently, states the condition at the national level of governance, but it is not participate (open versus closed primaries, for example), who appear to have undergone some substantial partisan sortthe norm at the state level. wins (is it a plurality rule or a majority rule requiring ing or realignment. For example, Republicans now control :H ZLOO FRQWLQXH WR VHH D ODUJH QXPEHU RI XQLÂżHG VWDWH D UXQ RII" DQG ZKHQ WKH SULPDU\ HOHFWLRQ LV KHOG DOO RI WKH 6RXWKHUQ VWDWH OHJLVODWXUHV $UNDQVDV DQG governments after the 2014 election, although it is unlikely While (they range from March until September). North Carolina were the last holdouts, and the GOP WKDW WKH QXPEHU ZLOO EH TXLWH DV KLJK DV LW LV FXUUHQWO\ $ IHZ the national ÂżQDOO\ JDLQHG FRQWURO RI ERWK WKHVH VWDWHV 7KH This year, governors will be elected in 36 states (Colorado, Illinois and West Virginia) are presently unigovernment is “solid Southâ€? is once again solid, albeit solidly states, since most states now hold gubernatoÂżHG 'HPRFUDWLF EXW PD\ EHFRPH GLYLGHG E\ ORVLQJ HLWKHU rial elections in the presidential “off-year.â€? WKH JRYHUQRUÂśV RIÂżFH RU RQH OHJLVODWLYH FKDPEHU divided, most Republican. Currently, the Republicans control 22 of those More and more states now experi6LPLODUO\ D IHZ VWDWHV WKDW DUH QRZ XQLÂżHG states are Ballot initiagubernatorial seats, while Democrats control 14. HQFH ÂłXQLÂżHG JRYHUQPHQW ´ ZKHUHLQ Republican (Florida, Kansas and PennsylvauniďŹ ed. tives on issues like nia) could move into “divided governmentâ€? More than 80 percent of those governors are seekone party controls both chambers of marijuana, abortion, status because their GOP governors are in LQJ UH HOHFWLRQ DQG PRVW RI WKHP ZLOO ZLQ $V SROLWLFDO WKH OHJLVODWXUH DQG WKH JRYHUQRUÂśV RIÂżFH scientists, we know that incumbent governors win re-election This trend is quite clear in the graph above. GMO labelling and very close races. On the other hand, there is at a rate of about 75 percent—which is actually a lower ,Q VWDWHV H[SHULHQFHG XQLÂżHG “top-twoâ€? primaries a good chance that two states currently with LQFXPEHQW VXFFHVV UDWH WKDQ IRU PRVW RIÂżFHV government and only 12 states had and their effect on GLYLGHG JRYHUQPHQW $UNDQVDV DQG ,RZD More (state legislators and congressmen, for example, divided government (Nebraska is ZLOO EHFRPH XQLÂżHG 5HSXEOLFDQ $IWHU WKH turnout. partisan generally win re-election at a rate of about 90 not included because the legislature HOHFWLRQ ZH FDQ H[SHFW RU XQLÂżHG involvement— is elected on a non-partisan basis). So, percent). states, meaning that much of the substantive poliCurrently, there are as many as 10 states cymaking in the U.S. will remain at the state level. and spending— DIWHU WKH HOHFWLRQV ZH KDG XQLÂżHG JRYthat could experience a partisan shift in the ernment in more states than at any time in the past $ WKLUG IHDWXUH RI VWDWH HOHFWLRQV LQYROYHV WKH MXGLFLDO in judicial JRYHUQRUÂśV RIÂżFH 7KLV GRHV QRW PHDQ DOO WKHVH \HDUV 1RWH WKDW EHWZHHQ DQG XQLÂżHG branch. Unlike federal judges, most state (and local) judges races. states will change partisan control; it does mean government did not exist in even half the states at any are subject to election in one form or another. In some states, that the gubernatorial races in these states are close time. judges—including state supreme court justices—are elected HQRXJK WKDW DW OHDVW VRPH RI WKHP PLJKW Ă€LS 7KHVH LQFOXGH 7KLV WUHQG WRZDUG PRUH DQG PRUH VWDWHV ZLWK XQLÂżHG on a partisan ballot. In some states they are elected on a non$UNDQVDV &RORUDGR DQG ,OOLQRLV SRWHQWLDOO\ PRYLQJ IURP government is an important phenomenon at the state level. partisan ballot. In others, justices must undergo a “retention 'HPRFUDW WR 5HSXEOLFDQ DQG $UL]RQD )ORULGD .DQVDV 8QLÂżHG JRYHUQPHQW PHDQV SROLF\ LV HDVLHU WR HQDFW VLQFH WKH election,â€? in which the voters are asked if they approve (wish Maine, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin (potentially governor and both chambers of the legislature are all on the to retain) each judge. 4

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MOMENTS OF POLITICIZATION

State judicial elections are increasingly competitive, expensive and contentious. It is now commonplace in some states for supreme court campaigns to spend hundreds of thousands or even millions of dollars. Several states will experience important elections for their supreme courts this year. In North Carolina and Tennessee, judicial elections are ostensibly nonpartisan, but WKH SDUW\ DIÂżOLDWLRQV RI MXGJHV DUH JHQHUDOO\ known. In both states, the Republican Party is targeting incumbent Democratic judges. Ohio, a state with a recent history of contentious and expensive Supreme Court races, has two judges up for re-election this year. One of the incumbents has already raised $1.5 million. $ ÂżQDO DQG YHU\ VLJQLÂżFDQW IHDWXUH RI VWDWHV is the phenomenon known as “direct democracy.â€? State elections often include initiatives or referenda—issues on which the public may YRWH 0DQ\ RI WKHVH LVVXHV DUH KLJK SURÂżOH such as same-sex marriage, gun control, abortion, immigration or the legalization of marijuana. These issues are often controversial and may evoke strong emotions among the electorate. When such issues appear on WKH EDOORW WKH\ FDQ LQĂ€XHQFH YRWHU WXUQRXW and can have an effect on how voters perceive VSHFLÂżF FDQGLGDWHV

#politicalanimal SHELBY SCOTT AGE: 24 POLITICAL AFFILIATIONS: Democrat EDUCATION: BA, Boise State OCCUPATION: Chief of staff, Minority Caucus (Dems) VEHICLE: Nishiki bicycle TV SHOW: 30 Rock POLITICAL MOMENT? It might sound weird, but it started with a robot—the VoteBot! I thought it was the coolest thing that a ROBOT was at a music festival, trying to get young people to register to vote. That same year, I had the opportunity to see Barack Obama at the Clark County Public Library before the presidential primaries had started. INFLUENCES? My parents have deďŹ nitely inuenced me the most. They took me to vote with them when I was younger and I even remember telling my ďŹ fth grade classmates to vote for Gore in our mock election. I’ve been lucky enough to meet people on the front lines in Colorado, Montana and Indiana; people who are changing the conversation in Ohio, Kansas and Texas. WHY STAY INVOLVED? Because the work’s not done yet. (Cont. at thebluereview.org)

In even-number years (such as this year), it is not uncommon for a total of 170-200 total initiatives and referenda to be up for a vote across the various states. Many of the most salient issues appear through the initiative process, which involves citizens (or groups) gathering enough signatures to qualify a question for the ballot, after which the electorate then votes directly on the issue. The initiative process is especially prevalent in the Western 8QLWHG 6WDWHV $UL]RQD &DOLIRUQLD &RORUDGR Oregon, South Dakota and Washington are states wherein the initiative is often used to GHÂżQH SXEOLF SROLF\ ,GDKR DOVR KDV WKH LQLWLDtive, but it is less frequently used here than in many states. While the number of highly controversial issues appears to be smaller this \HDU ZH ZLOO VHH YRWHUV LQ $ODVND )ORULGD DQG Oregon deciding whether to legalize marijuana UHFUHDWLRQDO XVH LQ $ODVND DQG 2UHJRQ DQG medical use in Florida). $ERUWLRQ LV RIWHQ WKH VXEMHFW RI GLUHFW GHmocracy efforts, and this year is no exception, with it appearing on the ballot in Colorado, North Dakota and Tennessee. Efforts to raise the minimum wage will be voted upon by WKH HOHFWRUDWH LQ $ODVND ,OOLQRLV DQG 6RXWK Dakota. GMO food labelling is on the ballot in Oregon and Colorado. $ SDUWLFXODUO\ LQWHUHVWLQJ LVVXH WR ZDWFK LV the initiative in Oregon to establish a “toptwoâ€? primary system. Top-two primaries create a system in which all candidates, regardless of political party, run in the same primary election, and the top two vote getters then face each other in the general election. Because all voters can participate in the primary, the assumption is that more moderate candidates are likely to be nominated. Top-two primaries were successfully implemented in California and Washington, and if the same system passes in Oregon we are likely to see efforts to establish top-two primaries in other states with the initiative, including Idaho. For all the reasons mentioned above, the HOHFWLRQ ZLOO KHOS GHÂżQH WKH SDUDPHWHUV of politics and political discourse for the next few years. Politically, states matter, and state elections especially matter.

Master of Arts in

Political Science The Department of Political Science at Boise State University is proud to announce the Master of Arts degree in Political Science. Learn more at:

sspa.boisestate.edu/pols

Gary Moncrief is university-distinguished emeritus professor of political science at Boise State University.

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Colorado Does Marijuana Quite Well The ‘good-government approach’ to controversial policy

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bservers often paint Massachusetts, New York and California as the liberal leaders in the United States. +RZHYHU LQ UHFHQW PRQWKV LW LV WKH 0RXQWDLQ :HVW DQG 3DFL¿F 1RUWKZHVW WKDW KDYH VSHDUKHDGHG WKH PRVW SURgressive drug reforms in the world. This year, Colorado and Washington began implementing the bulk of marijuana legalization policies that were passed through statewide referenda in 2012. These reforms, though not identical, allow individuals 21 and older to purchase marijuana for recreational and not simply medicinal purposes. Such reforms, including the legalization of the possession, use, cultivation and processing of cannabis, were unprecHGHQWHG 1RW HYHQ $PVWHUGDPœV OD[ ODZV ULYDO WKH VWHSV WDNHQ in these two states. While the moves make for intoxicating GHOLJKW IRU VRPH DQG SXQ ¿OOHG KHDGOLQHV IRU MRXUQDOLVWV WKHUH is a serious question at the heart of such action: how well can a state implement a dramatic policy reform that has no comSDUDEOH PRGHO DQ\ZKHUH LQ WKH ZRUOG" To address this question, I traveled to Colorado in May to examine implementation of legalization policy. In so doing, I interviewed numerous individuals involved in implementaWLRQ LQFOXGLQJ WKH *RY -RKQ +LFNHQORRSHUœV VWDII OHDGHUVKLS from the Colorado Department of Revenue (the agency that UHJXODWHV PDULMXDQD DQG RI¿FLDOV IURP ODZ HQIRUFHPHQW DQG public health communities—groups often opposed to liberalized marijuana laws. In addition, I spoke with members of the industry, including individuals working at dispensaries and grow operations, as well as leaders from industry groups.

COLORADO’S LEGALIZATION: A BRIEF HISTORY Colorado approved medical marijuana in 2000 and began a system that ran into numerous problems due to loose regulation. In 2010, the state established the Medical Marijuana Enforcement Division in an effort to bring regulatory order to ZKDW ZDV GHVFULEHG DV WKH ÂłZLOG ZHVW RI ZHHG ´ $OWKRXJK VXFK regulatory goals were admirable, the division faced funding challenges and enforcement limitations. ,Q 1RYHPEHU &RORUDGR YRWHUV SDVVHG $PHQGPHQW 64, changing the Colorado Constitution to allow the cultivation, production, sale and possession of marijuana through 6

Data source: Colorado Department of Revenue

state approved enterprises (though counties and municipaliDQG RWKHUV LQLWLDOO\ RSSRVHG $PHQGPHQW EXW DIWHU LW ties could opt out of legalization). It also allowed individuals passed, made a commitment to successful implementation. to “homegrow,â€? whereby an adult could grow six marijuana ,Q DGGLWLRQ 0(' EHJDQ UH VWDIÂżQJ DQG VHOHFWLQJ QHZ OHDGplants, three of which could be budding (localities could not ership to spearhead the unprecedented regulatory efforts. The opt out of this, as it is a constitutional right). MED works closely with state government and stakeholders The state began implementation of this new policy soon on both sides of the debate, often employing working groups after its passage through actions from the governor, the state whose members offer diverse perspectives when developing legislature and regulatory agencies. The governor established new or adjusting existing regulations. WKH 7DVN )RUFH RQ WKH ,PSOHPHQWDWLRQ RI $PHQGPHQW Next, the governor—cognizant that marijuana policy would which worked furiously in early 2013 to produce recommenrequire substantial coordination and communication across dations to the legislature before the close of its session in May. and outside of state government—created a new position: The legislature passed many of these recommendations into Director of Marijuana Coordination. This position effectively law, and the Department of Revenue began regulatory efforts functions as a marijuana czar. under the new Marijuana Enforcement Division (MED), The state produced regulations that sought to address critiwhich would have regulatory authority over both the new cal concerns from the outset. Regulations limit minors’ access recreational program and the existing medical program. to marijuana, seek to prevent the diversion of product to the The effect was a cultivation system that was up and runblack market or to other states, work to remove the initial burning for the production of recreational marijuana—product den on the regulatory agency, improve safety at grow facilities hit the shelves at recreational dispenand dispensaries, as well as work #politicalanimal toward a host of other goals. What’s saries by the intended date of Jan. 1, 2014. PRUH VWDWH RIÂżFLDOV GR QRW VHH UHJXODWAYNE HOFFMAN AGE: 42 WRU\ HIIRUWV DV Âż[HG ,QVWHDG WKH\ DUH AFFILIATIONS: HOW IS COLORADO DOING? committed to engaging in regulatory Republican My research in Colorado led to a lookback in order to adjust regulations EDUCATION: Arkansas State, BA report that GHWDLOV P\ ÂżQGLQJV DQG when they are not functioning in the OCCUPATION: President, describes a metric by which impleintended way or so they are responIdaho Freedom Foundation mentation may be assessed. sive to changing political, social and/ VEHICLE: Ralph Smeed’s old Prius DIET: Allergic to red meat Overall, I found that Colorado has or policy environments. FAVORITE TV SHOW: none, grazer, likes sci-ďŹ been quite successful in implementFinally, the state set up a tax POLITICAL MOMENT? I don’t want to say LQJ $PHQGPHQW 7KH VWDWH KDV framework around recreational marithere was a moment. I’ve always been met numerous and often rapidly juana that sought rates that were low around public policy, and just to differentiapproaching deadlines surrounding enough to avoid consumers staying in ate, there’s politics, which is campaigns and things like that. I’ve done my share of that, the production and sale of marijuana the black market yet high enough to but my major interest has always been the and the promulgation of regulations. provide funding for a variety of items. public policy. It designed a system that was stateIt includes funding for the Marijuana INFLUENCES? I always talk about Ralph Smeed ... He convinced me that I had a regulated but not state-run, allowing Enforcement Division so that the very narrow view of policy setting that was for a blend of heavy regulation and division does not need to depend on focused, like a lot of journalists are ... that market forces to produce outcomes. annual legislative appropriations. Tax was government-centric. WHY STAY INVOLVED? We’re having a tremenLeadership in the state also helped. revenue also funds items like school dous impact. Those successes are extraordiThe governor, state attorney general construction, addiction services, narily exciting. (Cont. at thebluereview.org)

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MOMENTS OF POLITICIZATION

AU B RY HOLLINGS HEAD

Chris Wilson at Terrapin Care Station in Boulder, Colo., completes a debit card transaction for marijuana. Some dispensary owners now accept debit cards.

transportation and law enforcement. While implementation has been broadly successful, challenges still exist. Marijuana edibles pose risks because of their potency, serving sizes and labeling issues. Those issues have led to over- or mistaken consumption. In addition, homegrows have presented challenges to public safety, particularly involving HIIRUWV WR H[WUDFW 7+& ULFK RLOV IURP SURGXFW )LQDOO\ VSHFLÂżF LQFHQWLYHV LQYROYLQJ GLIIHUHQtial tax rates between medical and recreational marijuana have generated unintended market RXWFRPHV +RZ WKH VWDWH UHVSRQGV WR WKHVH challenges will have much to do with the future success of both implementation of the policy and the policy itself.

WHY IS IT SIGNIFICANT? Colorado’s effort to implement legal mariMXDQD ZDV WKH ÂżUVW RI LWV NLQG :DVKLQJWRQÂśV implementation process was slower). The progress and the success thus far shows that a system of legalized marijuana can be designed and rolled out in a smooth and orderly way, though much of that success depends on the personnel, institutions, expertise and political support surrounding the policy. Skeptics argued that the unprecedented nature of the policy posed risks for implementation, and, in many ways, those skeptics’ fears ZHUH ZHOO SODFHG ,PSOHPHQWDWLRQ LV GLIÂżFXOW 7KHUH DUH SOHQW\ RI KLJK SURÂżOH H[DPSOHV²

particularly at the federal level—of implementation failures, such as the relief efforts after +XUULFDQH .DWULQD DQG WKH UROORXW RI WKH $IIRUGDEOH &DUH $FWœV IHGHUDO H[FKDQJH ZHEVLWH These failures materialized despite the federal government’s long experience with hurricanes and website rollouts. Colorado had no such experience or reference when establishing legal recreational marijuana, yet the state managed to get it done. In many ways, what is happening in Colorado is a stark contrast from federal policymaking in Washington, D.C. Colorado shows what can happen when a policy’s opponents are willing to work with its proponents to generate better outcomes, rather than working to undermine implementation efforts. It shows ZKDW FDQ KDSSHQ ZKHQ HOHFWHG RI¿FLDOV VHW aside their own opposition in order to respond to the public will. Finally, it shows what can happen when a government shows a commitment to implementation instead of a focus on political rhetoric and ploys. Marijuana OHJDOL]DWLRQ PD\ DQJHU D ORW RI RI¿FLDOV LQ Washington, D.C., but when it comes to policy making, D.C. ought to experiment with what Colorado is doing.

boisearmynavy.org

John Hudak is a fellow at the Center for Effective Public Management and managing editor of the FixGov blog at the Brookings Institution.

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MOMENTS OF POLITICIZATION

DEBORAH LOCKHART/AIR FORCE

Thank You! Boise Weekly

would like to extend warm thanks to the wonderful sponsors that helped make our Cover Art Auction such a huge success

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Talkin’ Politics

Western governors and political tone

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arlier this year, governors across the nation delivered their state of the state addressHV (DFK VWDWH KDV LWV RZQ XQLTXH VHW RI YLFWRULHV WR UHFRJQL]H DQG GLIÂżFXOWLHV WR RYHUFRPH EXW DFFRUGLQJ WR RXU DQDO\VLV ZLWK WKH H[FHSWLRQ RI +DZDLL²ZKLFK DSSHDUV WR be an outlier in several ways—the tone of the Western governors was fairly uniform and safe, hovering around the national average tone for this group of 2014 state policy-setting speech#politicalanimal es. Western governors may take a slightly more active tone, but sound less realistic than BRIANNA LECLAIRE our nationwide sample. AGE: 44 Some governors gave brief and vague AFFILIATIONS: GOP EDUCATION: University speeches; others spoke at length on sevof Idaho, BA in English HUDO SXEOLF SROLF\ LVVXHV OD\LQJ RXW VSHFLÂżF OCCUPATION: Idaho agendas for their state legislatures to act on. Federation of Independent Schools, executive director Idaho Governor C.L. “Butchâ€? Otter was someVEHICLE: 2004 Chrysler Town & Country where in the middle, delivering a speech that FAVORITE TV SHOW: Foyle’s War, currently focused in depth on education, but did not POLITICAL MOMENT? When one particular attend to other policy matters in great detail. elected ofďŹ cial wanted to mess with my kid’s This variation in what governors talked school—that’s not going to work, so what about—and how they talked—prompted us to can we do about it? And, as it turns out, there are a number of things you can do investigate the matter more systematically. about it. Using the text of several of the state of the INFLUENCES? Sen. Symms was a huge inuence, that man loves freedom and doesn’t state addresses delivered this spring in Westcare who knows it. Also: P.J. O’Rourke, ern states, we analyzed the ways in which Wallace Stegner’s Angle of Repose and Big governors talk to their constituents. Doing so, Trouble (J. Anthony Lukas) WHY STAY INVOLVED? I think that the way to we hoped, would yield insight into not only get to a more educated populace in idaho, KRZ JRYHUQRUV WDON EXW LI DQ\ VSHFLÂżF IDFWRUV which is an acknowledged problem ... the way drive the differences in their rhetorical style. to get there is more freedom, not more topdown regulations and mandates from either To do this, we used a computer program the state of Idaho or the federal Department called DICTION. DICTION is a java-based of Education. (Cont. at thebluereview.org)

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Western states vs. U.S. average measure of rhetoric in 2014 state of the state speeches.

application that uses nearly three dozen separate word lists (with more than 10,000 words total) to identify patterns in the tone of a text. It has been used to analyze everything from literature to the language accompanying initial public offerings, but it was originally developed by University of 7H[DV VFKRODU 5RGHULFN +DUW WR VWXG\ SROLWLFDO UKHWRULF +DUW discusses the program and its uses in his recent book, Political Tone: How Leaders Talk & Why. 7R EH PRUH VSHFLÂżF ',&7,21 XWLOL]HV ÂżYH PDVWHU YDULables (activity, optimism, certainty, realism and commonality) to assess a text. The descriptions that follow come from Political Tone: U $FWLYLW\ ÂłIHDWXUHV PRYHPHQW FKDQJH WKH LPSOHPHQWDtion of ideas and the avoidance of inertia and helps distinJXLVK UHĂ€HFWLYH IURP QRQ UHĂ€HFWLYH WH[WV ´ U Optimism includes “language endorsing some person, group, concept, or event or highlighting their positive entailments.â€? U &HUWDLQW\ ÂłLQGLFDWHV UHVROXWHQHVV LQĂ€H[LELOLW\ DQG FRPpleteness and a tendency to speak ex cathedra [with the full DXWKRULW\ RI RIÂżFH@ ´ U Realism covers “tangible, immediate, recognizable matters that affect people’s everyday lives.â€? U Commonality language highlights “the agreed-upon values of a groupâ€? and rejects “idiosyncratic modes of engagement.â€? By understanding the ways in which different Western governors score on these measures, we can get a good idea of their relationships with constituents and, hopefully, more information on what kinds of factors drive those relationships. Below, we discuss the results of our analysis of these state of the state addresses—as well as the national average—with respect to each of those measures.

ACTIVITY

lack the experience of multiple-term governors and are up for $FWLYLW\ JLYHV XV DQ LGHD DERXW WKH HQHUJ\ XQGHUO\LQJ WKH UH HOHFWLRQ IRU WKH ¿UVW WLPH LQ WKH FRPLQJ PRQWKV :DVKLQJwords in a governor’s speech. The national average for activity ton, New Mexico and Idaho scores were about average, with ZDV +DZDLL ZDV IDU EHORZ WKH DYHUDJH DW DQG $ODVND VOLJKWO\ H[FHHGLQJ DYHUDJH DW $UL]RQD DQG 8WDK considerably lower than the next lowest score. Wyoming both received high scores at 58.88 and 57.21, respectively. and Utah were both near the national average with scores CERTAINTY RI DQG UHVSHFWLYHO\ $UL]RQD &RORUDGR ,GDKR The national average certainty score is 44.89, the same New Mexico and Washington all scored above average in the score activity received. Wyoming received the lowest score KLJK V ZKLOH $ODVND DQG &DOLIRUQLD VFRUHG WKH KLJKHVW DW of the states, with 38.13, followed by Idaho, with a score 50.04 and 52.06, respectively. There is no obvious reason ZK\ +DZDLLœV VFRUH ZDV VR ORZ IRU WKLV SDUWLFXODU YDULDEOH ,W LV RI $UL]RQD &DOLIRUQLD +DZDLL DQG :DVKLQJWRQ DOO possible that the speech was primarily #politicalanimal received scores near the average, ZKLOH $ODVND 1HZ 0H[LFR DQG 8WDK focused on a different aspect of state LEO MORALES received scores in the high 40s. affairs, which is likely when comparAGE: 36 &RORUDGR *RYHUQRU -RKQ +LFNHQing this score with the commonality OCCUPATION: ACLUIdaho interim executive looper (D) achieved a score of 50.82 score. director with his speech. Wyoming’s governor, EDUCATION: Political OPTIMISM 0DWW 0HDG 5 LV HQGLQJ KLV ¿UVW Science, Boise State Optimism scores were in general term this year and facing re-election POLITICAL MOMENT? Growing up as a farmhigher than activity scores, with the in the coming months; this could worker child and making the connection in national average coming in at 53.74. explain why his certainty score was so junior high that some things were not adding up was perhaps my wake-up call. I realized This makes sense—state of the state low. Wyoming is a heavily Republithat to improve wages and labor practices, I addresses cover some of what’s FDQ VWDWH DQG &LQG\ +LOO D IDYRULWH needed to become more vocal and involved, so I did. been done, but focus on the upcomamongst Tea Party voters, announced INFLUENCES? My parents have always been ing possibilities. They speak hopeher intentions to run for governor. inuential in keeping me grounded. One of IXOO\ RI WKLQJV WR FRPH ZKLOH EULHÀ\ Still, Mead has the highest approval my personal historical heroes is Frederick Douglas. covering what has already been done. rating among incumbent governors WHY STAY INVOLVED? I stay involved Colorado, California, Wyoming and seeking re-election, with an approval because I believe in social responsibility; +DZDLL DOO VFRUHG EHORZ WKH QDWLRQDO rating of 66. Frankly, there is some that we all can do something to improve the situation of other people, whether that’s DYHUDJH $ SRVVLEOH H[SODQDWLRQ IRU uncertainty over the drivers of this someone who is houseless in Boise, a child WKHVH VFRUHV LV WKDW ¿UVW WHUP JRYcertainty score. or parent crossing the southern border, equal rights for women/LGBT community members ernors going into an election year or pushing governments worldwide to protect REALISM delivered all of these speeches. They human rights and dignity of all people. (Cont. The average score for realism was may be less optimistic because they at thebluereview.org)

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MOMENTS OF POLITICIZATION +DZDLL UHFHLYHG WKH ORZHVW VFRUH RI WKH :HVWHUQ VWDWHV DW EXW $ULzona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Utah and Wyoming were all below the national average ZLWK VFRUHV LQ WKH KLJK V $ODVND 1HZ Mexico and Washington were slightly above average, but still received scores in the low V :H VXVSHFW WKDW +DZDLLÂśV ORZ UHDOLVP VFRUH LV UHODWHG WR LWV DFWLYLW\ VFRUH +DZDLL *RYHUQRU 1HLO $EHUFURPELH ' VNHZHG IURP addressing practical solutions or state affairs in his speech (evident by the low activity score), instead focusing on the community DQG LGHDOLVWLF DVSHFWV RI +DZDLL ZKLFK ZH see in the high commonality score). Given those factors, it makes sense that his speech would be less realistic than others.

COMMONALITY The average nationwide score for comPRQDOLW\ ZDV $UL]RQD &DOLIRUQLD Utah and Wyoming all received below averDJH VFRUHV LQ WKH ORZ V $ODVND DQG &RORrado were only slightly below, with scores of 50.38 and 50.83, respectively. Idaho, New Mexico and Washington all scored LQ WKH UDQJH DQG +DZDLL UHFHLYHG an extremely high score of 72.41. Western states, in general, may receive lower scores than others because of their size. Geographically speaking, Western states tend to be among the largest states. Surprisingly, Utah scored low, though the state’s demographic is fairly homogeneous. California is home to a diverse population, so it makes sense it UHFHLYHG D ORZ FRPPRQDOLW\ VFRUH +DZDLLœV high score was expected: it is an island state that has a distinct but prevalent heritage.

WHAT CAN WE LEARN? The results described above lead to as many new questions as they answer. We can, however, draw some interesting conclusions. First, regarding Western politics, we can see some areas where Western governors are different from their peers across the nation. For example, our group of Western governors were more active than their peers, while their rhetoric was less characterized by realism. With the West increasingly serving as a testing ground for new ideas and approaches to solving policy SUREOHPV WKHVH ÂżQGLQJV DUH QRW GLIÂżFXOW WR believe. 10

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Readers of The Blue Review might be particularly interested in the implications of this study for Idaho’s governor, C.L. “Butchâ€? 2WWHU 5 $V ZH PHQWLRQHG HDUOLHU 2WWHUÂśV state of the state address focused on education, neglecting some other hot topics. With respect to the DICTION scores, Otter’s were consistently near the national DYHUDJH ZKLFK UHĂ€HFWV WKH QDWXUH RI KLV speech: unremarkable and safe. This makes sense, as Otter was then facing a potenWLDOO\ GLIÂżFXOW SULPDU\ FKDOOHQJH IURP 6WDWH Senator Russ Fulcher—one that seemingly affected much of his decision-making throughout the subsequent legislative session. Moreover, Idaho’s GOP is torn, as evident by the shutting-down of its convention earlier this year. Otter’s uncontroversial address was likely designed not to isolate or upset any important faction of the Republican Party that he needed to win over or, at least, to avoid antagonizing. Strategically, his rather ordinary speech was perhaps the best approach, given the current political climate within the state of Idaho approaching the election later this year.

WHAT WE STILL DON’T KNOW? This study considered only Western states in 2014. The small sample size makes DFFXUDWH LQWHUSUHWDWLRQ RI WKH GDWD GLI¿FXOW Gubernatorial rhetoric certainly varies, but the small scope leaves many things unaccounted for. This study lacks multiple years for comparison—for example, we cannot look at how a particular governor usually VSHDNV 3HUKDSV 1HLO $EHUFURPELH LV DOZD\V low for activity and realism compared to other governors, or maybe he is normally much higher. We cannot know looking at WKLV VWXG\ DORQH $QG ZKLOH ZH DFFRXQW IRU the national average, we do not have other states’ individual scores for comparison. Our future work will account for these missing variables; but, for now, we should read the previously mentioned results cautiously. Amanda Stickelman is a political science major at Boise State University researching gubernatorial rhetoric and polarization. Justin Vaughn is an assistant professor of political science at Boise State University. He has published several studies of presidential politics.

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Tea Party, Idaho and Tea Party, USA The mixed impact of tea party politics on the state and nation ' $ 9 , ' $ : ($ 9 (5

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n June, U.S. Rep. Raul Labrador served as the emcee of the Idaho Republican State Convention in Moscow. For two days, he attempted to broker peace—or at least a truce—between factions of the state party that had been IHVWHULQJ IRU DW OHDVW WKH SDVW IRXU \HDUV $ZNZDUGO\ /DEUDGRU ZKRVH ÂżUVW WHUP HOHFWLRQ LQ URGH WKH FUHVW RI WKH QDWLRQDO Tea Party wave, was now in the position of playing mediator between so-called “establishmentâ€? party leaders and a contingent of libertarian and Tea Party-aligned activists who have worked to place key supporters in precinct-level positions throughout Idaho. The convention followed Labrador’s easy re-nomination for his seat and May 20 primary victories for incumbent Governor C.L. “Butchâ€? Otter and U.S. Rep. Mike Simpson DJDLQVW FKDOOHQJHV IURP WKH ULJKW Ă€DQN RI WKH VWDWH SDUW\ ,Q DOO of this, Idaho serves as a microcosm for larger issues within WKH QDWLRQDO 5HSXEOLFDQ 3DUW\ ZKLFK ÂżQGV 7HD 3DUW\ DFWLYLVWV a powerful mobilizing force—one that threatens to undermine support for the party when more centrist voters are key to winning elections. The poor showing of the Tea Party in national and state elections indicates problems for a movement that seemed unstoppable a few short years ago.

THE TEA PARTY IN IDAHO $W ÂżUVW JODQFH WKH *HP 6WDWH ZRXOG DSSHDU WR EH WKH LGHDO location in the United States for a grassroots libertarian PRYHPHQW $ UHFHQW DUWLFOH LQ WKH Journal of Politics ranked Idaho’s citizens as having the most conservative public policy preferences at the state level, followed by Oklahoma, Utah, Wyoming and South Dakota. Simple logic would suggest that LI WKH ,GDKR SXEOLF LV PRUH VRFLDOO\ DQG ÂżVFDOO\ FRQVHUYDWLYH than many conservatives elsewhere—and the Tea Party is more conservative than so-called “mainstreamâ€? Republicans— then Idaho should be the epicenter of the Tea Party. Yet a review of Tea Party activity in Idaho over the past four years suggests an uneven effectiveness not unlike that in WKH QDWLRQDO PRYHPHQW $V WKH Idaho Statesman reported in March 2009, a rally organized by Idahoans for Liberty in Julia Davis Park attracted a scant 40 participants, though by the next month a nationally sponsored rally on the Capitol steps in Boise attracted “several thousand.â€? Former Idaho Congressman Walt Minnick was the only 12

Idaho implemented a closed primary system in July 2011, requriring party registration to vote in primary elections. The charts above show survey data on party registration from 1999-2010 (left) and current voter registration data (right).

Democrat anywhere in the country to be cited favorably by the national Tea Party Express group for voting against the 2009 federal stimulus bill. (Minnick would vote against the Patient 3URWHFWLRQ DQG $IIRUGDEOH &DUH $FW LQ

Clearly, this had more to do with the conservative constituency of the First District than true Tea Party allegiance on Minnick’s part. Yet this was not enough to salvage his seat; he would go on to lose to Labrador by 24,000 votes in the 2010 election, the ,GDKR 7HD 3DUW\œV PRVW VLJQL¿FDQW HOHFWRUDO VXFFHVV to date in the state.

CHALLENGES IN IDAHO AND NATIONALLY While the Tea Party more or less held its ground in 2012, the subsequent two years were not as kind. 7KH SULPDU\ VHDVRQ ZDV D GLI¿FXOW RQH IRU WKH Tea Party nationally, which sought to replicate its earlier successes. Strategies that worked, for example, in unseating former Utah Sen. Robert Bennett LQ ¿]]OHG WKLV HOHFWLRQ \HDU ,GDKR 5HSXEOLFDQ Congressman Mike Simpson’s primary challenger, %U\DQ 6PLWK UHFHLYHG KLV KHDYLHVW ¿QDQFLDO DQG PHdia endorsements from libertarian groups outside of Idaho—most notably Freedom Works, Citizens United, the Madison Project and the Club for Growth. Meanwhile, Simpson retained traditional HQGRUVHPHQWV IURP WKH 1DWLRQDO 5LÀH $VVRFLDWLRQ an important one in a state where so many residents KHDYLO\ SUL]H WKH 6HFRQG $PHQGPHQW Perhaps because of Idaho’s solidly Republican reputation, it was the novelty and vigorousness of Smith’s challenge that prompted National Public Radio’s David Greene to travel to the 2nd Congressional District in January to see what this

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“bellwetherâ€? race might portend for the Tea Party writ large. Green’s intuition was prescient: Simpson would go on to win his primary with just over 61 percent of the vote. $OWKRXJK IRUPHU #politicalanimal state Sen. Russ Fulcher did not explicitly camEMILY WALTON paign on a Tea Party AGE: 35 AFFILIATIONS: Boise platform, he did enjoy Young Professionals, Go the support of Tea Lead Idaho, Community Party-aligned activists Advisory Board at Boise State Public Radio DQG HOHFWHG RIÂżFLDOV LQ EDUCATION: BA, English, Boise State Unihis primary challenge versity. against Otter. By midOCCUPATION: NonproďŹ t and political campaign consulting May, Fulcher acquired WHAT THEY DRIVE: Are you going to stalk Labrador’s endorseme or something? A car that’s paid off and squeals once in awhile. ment and conjoined DIETARY RESTRICTIONS: None, thank God. I campaign signs began love cheese and bread. popping up in the FAVORITE TV SHOW: I don’t watch or own a TV. I did watch some House of Cards at a western half of the friends’ house last year. Treasure Valley like D ODWH VSULQJ Ă€RZHU POLITICAL MOMENT? I was “homeschooledâ€? in a patriarchal culture that told me college Given the Tea Party’s was wasted on a woman, the government vehement disagreewas evil and if we just worked hard everything would be ďŹ ne. I eventually realized that I PHQW ZLWK WKH $IIRUGhad been lied to. DEOH &DUH $FW )XOFKHU INFLUENCES? My parents’ teachings about was naturally poised to responsibility and fairness deďŹ nitely inuenced me, but eventually I found it lacking capitalize on populist in reason and fair application. College really distaste for Otter’s helped me get greater access to research decision to take the and theories about equality and the way our culture is structured that made sense. “least-worstâ€? option WHY STAY INVOLVED? I don’t really feel like under the law and creit’s even an option any longer. Unlike a lot of people, I’m just not afraid to just say what ate a state-run health I think, so that often puts me out in front of insurance exchange. people making arguments on controversial Of all the Tea Partysubjects. (Cont. at thebluereview.org)

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MOMENTS OF POLITICIZATION related challenges of the past four years, Fulcher’s margin was the most successful— after Labrador’s—leaving Otter with a thin 51 percent of the vote. Otter’s success was partly due to the backing of so-called “establishPHQW´ VWDWH SDUW\ RIÂżFLDOV EXW DOVR KLV ÂłRDWK RI RIÂżFH´ DSSHDO $V DQ HOHFWHG RIÂżFLDO KH LV not only sworn to uphold the Idaho Constitution, but that of the United States government, as well. Idaho citizens, like citizens elsewhere, KDYH FRQĂ€LFWLQJ RSLQLRQV ZKLFK SUHYHQW WKH kind of ideological purity that groups such as the Tea Party depend on to motivate their VXSSRUWHUV $FFRUGLQJ WR WKH $QQXDO Idaho Public Policy Survey, a combined 58 percent of Idahoans strongly or somewhat agreed that Idaho should be able to opt out of the 2010 health care bill. Yet a combined 63 percent of Idahoans also strongly or somewhat agreed that “public funds should be used to help provide health insurance to people who cannot afford itâ€?—hardly a libertarian response. Similarly, while 59 percent strongly or somewhat disagreed that the state is “investing enough in higher education in Idaho,â€? only 39 percent either strongly or somewhat agreed “Idaho should raise the sales tax to support the higher education budget.â€? These

#politicalanimal JASON LEHOSIT AGE: 38 AFFILIATIONS: Republican EDUCATION: Some political science at Boise State OCCUPATION: Campaign consultant WHAT THEY DRIVE: Cadillac FAVORITE TV SHOW: Walking Dead, Boardwalk Empire, lots of baseball and college football POLITICAL MOMENT? When I was in high school at Capitol High, our government teacher really encouraged participation to the point where he would give us extra credit for getting business cards from elected ofďŹ cials and stuff like that. INFLUENCES? Being born in ’76, obviously Ronald Reagan had an inuence, Gov. Batt at the time ‌ again you look at the 1994 Republican Revolution, I think that got a lot of younger people involved. WHY STAY INVOLVED? Politics is a sport; here’s your rule book, here’s your Constitution. I really enjoy the strategy behind things, I enjoy meeting people, I enjoy raising the money, I enjoy helping put the events together. (Cont. at thebluereview.org)

numbers indicate a center-right electorate, but the Republican dominance in state politics means the centrist elements are not UHĂ€HFWHG LQ SXEOLF SROLF\ Trends in the annual survey show that WKH QXPEHU RI LQGHSHQGHQW RU ÂłXQDIÂżOLDWHG´ registered voters increased from 28 to 37 percent between 2007 and 2010, while the percentage of Republicans declined from 40 to 33 percent. When the Idaho Republican Party closed its caucus in 2012, it provided an opening for a more ideologically pure (and presumably smaller) Republican primary voter base. Yet neither Fulcher nor Smith apSHDU WR KDYH EHQHÂżWHG IURP WKLV FKDQJH DQG in the last year, Republican registrations have grown by more than 40,000, according to the ,GDKR 6HFUHWDU\ RI 6WDWHÂśV RIÂżFH In the May primaries, Fulcher outperformed Otter in only two of the six counties in which Tea Party-aligned Ron Paul won in 2012; the one Paulite county in Simpson’s district (Camas) went in Simpson’s favor. Of course, in each case, there is the everimportant factor of incumbency. Otter raised more than $600,000 to Fulcher’s $80,000 and Simpson’s $556,000 cash-on-hand outshined Smith’s $231,000. Labrador never IDFHG DQ\ VLJQLÂżFDQW RSSRVLWLRQ IURP IHOORZ Republicans.

#politicalanimal CHINA GUM AGE: 36 AFFILIATIONS: Republican EDUCATION: Boise State University, Women’s Campaign School at Yale OCCUPATION: President, Inside Baseball Public Affairs POLITICAL MOMENT? It was September 11. I was in college. I had tried to contact the College Republicans before that and join their club, but I could never reach them. But when Sept. 11 happened, I renewed that effort and got involved in the club and we were really active on campus at Boise State. INFLUENCES? I’ve picked up a couple of female mentors. One of them, her name is Nancy Bocskor. She works on both sides of the aisle and in between, too. She’s known around the world, even spent time in Iraq helping women run for ofďŹ ce. WHY STAY INVOLVED? I ask myself that all the time. But I really, really, truly care about the future of Idaho and I have young kids, and I really worry about the direction that our state is headed. (Cont. at thebluereview.org)

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MOMENTS OF POLITICIZATION

WHAT’S NEXT FOR THE TEA PARTY? In the wake of recent elections in Idaho and around the country, there has been much speculation about the future of the Tea Party. It bears remembering that in the run-up to the 2010 midterm elections, many pundits and political scientists were skeptical that this loose coalition of anti-government activists would have a long-term impact. The normative bias in the news media and the academy is toward “impact,â€? as measured by the number of bills proposed or passed. $OVR LPSRUWDQW KRZHYHU LV WKH SRZHU RI negative politics—the ability to prevent policy IURP RFFXUULQJ LQ WKH ÂżUVW SODFH :LWQHVV WKH futile, but symbolically important, attempts E\ 8 6 +RXVH 5HSXEOLFDQV WR GHIXQG RU UHSHDO WKH $&$ 7KH WK &RQJUHVV²WKH ÂżUVW featuring the newly elected Tea Party bloc— enacted slightly more than 200 public laws, far below historic norms. The 113th session is on track to perform similarly, having passed only 180 so far. By the standards of the Tea Party’s demand for a less vigorous federal government, this is a resounding success. Electorally, the national Tea Party lost many of its primary elections this spring— most notably its challenge to Mississippi Sen.

#politicalanimal LAIRD LUCAS AGE: 58 AFFILIATIONS: Not disclosed EDUCATION: M.A. and law, from Yale OCCUPATION: Attorney POLITICAL MOMENT? The moment I became politically aware was when Nixon authorized the bombings in Cambodia. It was in 1970 or 1971. I was in high school. A lot of students protested that expansion of the war, wore black armbands, did sit-ins because the expansion of the bombing was illegal. I became aware back then that government and politics can really affect people’s lives. INFLUENCES? My inuences were friends. It was generational, it was the music and the media, the teachers I had in high school and college. It comes from the Vietnam War generation; the people I grew up with had a view of the world that the government can be good or the government can be bad, but you’ve got to watch it and do what you can to make it work for good. WHY STAY INVOLVED? It takes everybody stepping in to ensure that our government moves forward in a positive way. (Cont. at thebluereview.org) 14

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Thad Cochran—but scored a symbolically LPSRUWDQW GHIHDW RI IRUPHU +RXVH 0DMRUity Leader Eric Cantor in Virginia. In many ways, the Tea Party’s largest opportunity for success comes at the state and local levels, where the partisan cues are (relatively) less salient. Political parties ultimately must govern, not simply win elections. The Tea Party, RULJLQDWHG DV ÂżUVW DQG IRUHPRVW D SURWHVW movement, intentionally focused on winQLQJ HOHFWLRQV 1RZ 7HD 3DUW\ RIÂżFLDOV PXVW govern, with all of the requisite compromises and policy nuances. Naturally, the national Republican Party seeks to simultaneously retain the enthusiasm and turnout of conservative activists while claiming to hold onto the remains of its own “big tentâ€? tradition—one that recognizes a diversity of viewpoints within the party. If the party, here or elsewhere, cannot govern when it is in power because of a passionate VHJPHQW RI LWV EDVH LW PD\ XOWLPDWHO\ ÂżQG LWV base stripped of the centrists and disaffected Democrats who helped bring the party back to power 34 years ago. David A. Weaver teaches political science and communication at Boise State.

#politicalanimal JIM EVERETT AGE: 62 AFFILIATIONS: Not disclosed EDUCATION: Albion College in Michigan OCCUPATION: Executive director, YMCA POLITICAL MOMENT? It was in the 1960s. John F. Kennedy’s assassination hit me, as it did the nation, awfully, awfully hard. I grew up in a time of Lyndon Johnson and the Civil Rights Movement, when equality for all really ought to mean all and it didn’t and it still doesn’t. INFLUENCES? My mom, since I lost my dad when I was only 8. WHY STAY INVOLVED? I’ve always been very interested in public policy. I don’t think I ever missed a presidential election since I could vote; I know I haven’t, because it makes a difference. In other countries, you’re required to vote. That’s not a bad idea. Sometimes we like to talk about being rugged and independent and it’s baloney. No one is independent; the older you get and the wiser you get, you realize that no one is independent. (Cont. at thebluereview.org)

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1964

Brass, Inc.

2014

Celebrating 50 years & 5 locations of

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