The Urban Ecology of Houston by Benjamin Regnier

The Urban Ecology of Houston

The following paper has been produced for educational purposes. Whenever possible, we have attempted to cite the source of all information and images contained. If you would like to comment about the contents of this publication, please visit www.uehouston.com.

Special Thanks:

The following publication was made possible thanks to a generous grant, provided by the Rice Design Alliance at Rice University. We would like to graciously thank all the members of the board for awarding us with the funds that made this project possible.

We would like to acknowledge our faculty advisor Clover Lee, whose guidance and help was invaluable to us.

Ben Regnier

Jean Daly

Katherine Regnier

New Urban Ecologies: Table of Contents Introduction

Part I: Transportation in Houston

Placa de les Glories Catalanes

The High Line

Louisville Waterfront Park

Early History: 1836-1936

McCormick Campus Center at IIT

Theories and Plans: 1913-1973

Promenade Plantee

Effects and Changes in Freeways

Zaanstad Development

The Site: Pierce Elevated

Derived Conditions & Strategies

Interviews

16 Part III: The Pierce Elevated Proposals

Part II: Linear Infrastructure Case Studies

Option A: Micro-Climates

Houston Allen Parkway

Hermann Park

The Menil Campus

Westheimer

Option B: New Forms

Option C: Programming

Works Cited & Annotated Bibliography

National/International Allegheny Riverfront Park

Carrasco Square

Freeway Park

The Urban Ecology of Houston Introduction: New Urban Ecologies, was first conceived in the Fall of 2005, while studying at the Rice School of Architecture in Paris. The studio space we occupied was a short walk away from the Promenade Plantee, a nineteenth-century viaduct that had been converted into shops with a linear park on top. Crossing under this structure day after day, questions began to form in our minds. Is there a better urban strategy to deal with elevated freeways? Are there better ways to integrate all of our urban infrastructure? Returning home, we realized that Houston was the ideal location to test these ideas, due to its abundance of freeways and recent growth downtown. Instead of attempting to intuitively design underneath the freeway, we set out to find and document a set of local and distant case studies. Each case study documents a linear urban form, and dissects the form into its comprising parts. We then derived categories of existing conditions and implemented strategies which we saw used repeatedly. These conditions and strategies were the basic parts of the project, broken down into a simple diagram. In parallel to these case studies, we began to put together a history of Houston, seen through its infrastructure. All of this was then considered and selectively applied to a chosen Houston location. We chose to study the Pierce Elevated, an elevated stretch of I-45 which shadows Pierce Street, South of the central business district. This freewayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s adjacency to both midtown and downtown, as well as the current vacant state of its underside, gives the Pierce Elevated enormous urban potential. The freeway is one of the most narrow in Houston, and unable to expand, due to neighboring buildings. This, combined with the post2

and beam architecture of the freeway, give it a more human scale than the average overpass. The space underneath the Pierce is a blank canvas of columns and parking, with only a few areas designated for gated Metropolitan Transit use, usually as parking. After researching the history of the Pierce (and Houston in general), and creating our â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;tool boxâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; of urban conditions and strategies, we then set out to design solutions to urbanize the space underneath the freeway. The following paper documents the research and design process we went through. Additional information can be found online at: www.uehouston.com.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Transportation in Houston:

Early History: 1836-1936 From its very conception, transportation has been the dominant force in the organization and cultivation of Houston’s urban fabric. The flat terrain has had a way of inciting grand plans, while the swampy ground makes unpaved roads near to useless much of the year. Houston was from the very beginning a way point rather than a destination-- its first major industry was the transfer of goods from ship to land, an improbable port miles from the ocean (and therefore largely immune to hurricanes).

Downtown Houston, circa 1891

The original 60 plats, laid out in 1836, formed a uniform grid of 250 square foot blocks, deforming only slightly at Buffalo Bayou, the main highway and industrial center of the young town. The grid was connected to outlying areas by what were originally Native American trails, straightened for wagon traffic, but otherwise left as dirt roads that were often transformed into deep mud pits. There were early, aborted attempts at road improvement. The Houston Plank Road Company was formed in the 1850’s and attempted to construct roads out of oak and pine planks. There was a later attempt in 1858 to pave the roads with shells, only to find that this created troublesome dust clouds.(Papademetiou, 5-6) Despite these attempts, however, the city’s early focus was upon rail transportation. It is telling that the city seal featured a railroad long before trains had even came to Houston. In 1850 the grading began for the first Texas railway, the Buffalo Bayou Brazos and Colorado Railway, running directly out of Houston and quickly connected into a large regional network. By the time the transcontinental line

was completed in 1869, Houston was an important rail hub and shipping center, exporting cotton and acting as a railroad transfer station for local lines to the ports in Galveston and Beaumont. With the dredging of the Buffalo Bayou to accept larger boats, and repeated tropical storm and hurricane disasters in other port cities, Houston became an even more important shipping node for the Gulf. It was the central hub for seventeen railroads by 1913, and the main portal from shipping in the Gulf of Mexico to the railroads of the United States. In 1903 a charter was issued for the Galveston-Houston Railway Company (G.H.E.) and regional-scale passenger railways were introduced to the area. This “interurban” line opened in 1911 and ran from Houston to Galveston, hourly, from 6am to 11pm. While it was an instantaneous success, by 1935 the profits were one-third of their 1920’s peak, due to increased private vehicle ownership and competition from more flexible bus lines. A foretaste of Houston’s future, in 1936 the route was replaced by bus service, the right of way repossessed, only to appear later as the Gulf Freeway.

Theories and Plans: 1913-1973

Postcard showing the Galveston-Houston Interurban

In 1913, Arthur C. Comey, a Boston architect, presented an urban study and planning approach to the Houston Park Commission. Comey’s plan involved expanding the park system and using it as a coordinator to define street hierarchies. Comey started with the existing bayous, linking them with linear parks, forming a “complete girdle about the city” (Comey, 40) These bayou parks and linear connections would form a 24 mile ring around the inner city, encompassing a space roughly the size 5

The Urban Ecology of Houston of modern-day Paris. Large, horseshoe shaped perimeter parks could then loop out from the main “girdle” and smaller parks were scattered within.

Comey Plan Diagrams and Street Sections

Comey’s plan gave a hierarchy to roads, setting their relationship to this new green space. The two designated functions for roadways were pleasure driving and teaming (commercial transportation). Comey’s plan did not rigidly separate these uses however—while designated, widened residential boulevards, such as Montrose, were to be “restricted to pleasure driving primarily in order to increase property values” (Comey, 39), the plan also called for “Parked Highways,” wider roadways bordered by planting and running alongside rapid transit lines. These highways also featured separated parking areas with allées of trees, and an integrated streetcar system that was intended to be the primary vector for work commuting. Throughout Comey’s plan, the streets, boulevards and highways all had generous widths that included substantial park space. The plan had other sections that restricted signage, created a local playground system, and set out building height limits and zoning. The Comey plan was unique in Houston’s history, as it proposed a heterogeneous solution that provided a range of uses for each location. Its streets’ capacity to generate urban life was rarely, if ever, realized in subsequent years. Comey’s plan was put on hiatus during World War One, after which the mayor established a new Planning Commission to create a more detailed and current plan for the city. The new Planning Commission’s initial report, issued in 1929, with Hare and Hare of Kansas City as the consultants, referenced heavily back to the Comey plan of 1913. In December of 1929 an anti-zoning group, the Houston Property Owners League, held protests before

City Council. Many prominent businessmen were members of the League, and feared zoning would favor some companies over others, and thus allow monopolies to form. The city adopted the plan, but abandoned the zoning. Left without many direct ways of controlling growth and land usage, the ideas of the report were never set into action. Comey’s street planning ideas do have some evidence in today’s Houston, however; Allen Parkway resembles, with its hybrid of uses, Comey’s idea of “Parked Highway.” Main Street, as it runs from downtown to the Medial Center, occasionally follows the basic principles of Comey’s boulevard scheme, such as generous planting areas, and recently, mass transit rail lines. The plan for Houston’s road network was not revisited again until 1942. Instead of classifying streets in relationship to a hierarchy of green spaces, the new “Major Street Plan” published by the City Planning Commission looked at existing streets and classified their form. The roadways were separated into 4 major categories: Radial or diagonal; loop or circumferential; cross-town or bypass; and usual major street. These different typologies were then separated, diagrammed, and further analyzed for new construction needs. Instead of Comey’s heterogeneous network, this new plan followed a rationalistic, utilitarian process of analysis, classification, and strict segregation, with an emphasis on road capacity and efficiency of travel. This plan was the first to suggest freeways as a solution to the traffic congestion in the city. Adjacent businesses and frequent intersections were cited as deterrents to the flow of traffic. Freeways were heralded as a cure-all:

Comey Plan overlaid with current Houston freeway and street map

1942 Major Street Plan

The Urban Ecology of Houston “The answer to this problem is the freeway and parkway. These thoroughfares do not provide access to adjacent property and are entered only at designated intersections. As a result we find that parking is eliminated, and traffic is able to travel at more constant speeds without confusion” (Major Street Plan Houston and Vicinity 1942, 6).

US59 downtown right-of-way clearance near Pierce Street, 1969

The plan urged immediate action, as the freeway rightsof-way required a vast amount of inexpensive land to build upon. It suggested following the methods used in Los Angeles and New York, where freeways used tracts of land formerly occupied by railroads or streams. The right-of-way for the former G.H.E. was among one of the roads featured in the radial thoroughfare diagram. The plan was adopted almost without revision, and a postwar freeway boom quickly introduced seven new radiating freeways that all converged on downtown Houston. The major ones are now IH 10 and 45, and US 59. An eighth spoke, the Harrisburg Freeway between East IH 10 and South IH 45, was planned but not carried out. Initially, these freeways did not pass through the city, but rather widened into roadway “deltas” that fed into the downtown grid. This was the product of a different mode of thinking about these road systems, as extensions of the street grid rather than as a floating counterpoint to city streets. As the periphery grew, however, a different plan was enacted, one that would connect the freeways over the city.

1-45 South, 1953

Slowly, over the next two decades, freeways were linked, bypassing and encircling the downtown grid. Connection of the freeways through downtown was often a slow and contested affair; many of the most prominent

segments of the system were fought yard by yard as they were constructed in proximity to or directly over healthy urban neighborhoods. IH 45 freeway is a perfect example of how much resistance was encountered. Phase one in 1955 was an unconnected fragment built as part of a “slum clearance” program in the fourth ward. Phase two “turned the corner” to the south side of downtown in 1962, and made the northern connection over Buffalo bayou—this was a controversial segment due to the proximity to parkland and the civic center. The resulting complex interchange of freeways was dubbed by state engineers as the ‘spaghetti bowl’ and indeed does resemble strings that twist, knot, and disperse, avoiding any number of protested adjacencies. In the final phase, the Pierce Elevated was constructed to connect the North and South branches. It was completed in less than five years, despite intense landowner protest and a bustling commercial district on the planned route. Due to high property values in the area, the Elevated was only half the proposed width and continues to be the narrowest segment of the Houston freeway system to this day. US 59 was connected through the East side of downtown in 1958, and in 1972 IH 10 was brought across the North side of downtown, completing the circuit and enclosing downtown entirely within above- or below-grade freeway structures. (Slotboom, 121-129) Downtown Houston’s freeways actually predated most of the current urban landscape of skyscrapers and parking lots; the capacity of these roadways and the rapid growth of suburban communities accelerated and promoted the transition from low, multiuse neighborhoods to tall, single-use districts. By the mid-70’s, the city had nearly completed this transformation, and the increased commuter traffic led to an expansion and

Original freeway-downtown interchange design

Pierce Street, 1950’s, just before freeway construction

The Urban Ecology of Houston modification of the existing structures. From 1974 up to the present day, nearly every interchange was expanded, and many of the roadways themselves were widened or modified.

The Pierce under construction, 1964

It is important to note that alternative ideas in freeway planning existed at the time. In 1966, San Francisco landscape architect, Lawrence Halprin published Freeways. This designer’s look at the function of freeways differed from that of a traffic engineer. Halprin considered freeways to be “(not) only as traffic carriers but, in fact, they are the new form of urban sculpture for motion.” The approach of the city- or countryside by the freeway is considered as an art form in the book, and the freeways must facilitate this high-speed motion through “sensitivity not only to structure, but also to the environment; to the effect of freeways on the form of the city; and to the choreography of motion.” (Halprin, Page 5) In a decade when now-reviled urban freeways such as the “embarcadero” freeways in San Francisco and Boston were just being built (the former now dismantled and the latter recently replaced by the “Big Dig”), Halprin criticized that in the design “of freeways no attention at all has been paid to their impact on the image of the city. . .every major city in the United States has suffered major disasters at the hands of freeways whose only planned function was to move traffic, without concern for any other values.” (Halprin, 27.) Halprin raised the noteworthy question: which is more important, ease of transport to and from a city, or the urban fabric as a whole? Although he does not present specific solutions to this problem, he does present examples that allow for transport in a beautiful and functional manner within their landscape. The epilogue of the book gives an ominous warning to the reader:

The transportation mechanisms we must build in order to move people about to use and enjoy the city cannot be allowed to destroy the very amenities which give cities their purpose. The city is a vast and complex functioning organism but is has its deepest meaning as a place for intense human interaction, as a medium for creative and dignified living. The freeway in the future city, in order to fulfill its function, must allow people to travel within the city and, in the process, enrich the very qualities of urban life which bring them there. To do this the freeway must be designed in context with its environment, not as a separate element in the city but as an integral, and creative part of civic building. (Halprin, 156.) Some beautification efforts for Houston area freeways were studied in the late 60â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. Through the work of the Municipal arts commission, City Planning, the Mayor, and a thesis project by fifth year students at the University of Houston, a Master Plan was devised for the local freeways. This Master Plan placed basketball courts, plazas, playgrounds, and parking beneath elevated freeways. The plan designates the Pierce Elevated at Main Street as a possible site for these parks and playgrounds. Although the programming presented by the master plan was never realized, the study shows a precedent for the desire to utilize this valuable space. (Greene & Manrique)

Southwest connection to the Pierce Elevated, 1964

Halprinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Freeway Park in Seattle

The Urban Ecology of Houston Effects and Changes in Freeway Planning: present day

University of Houston Freeway Master Plan, rendering

“Houston Vision”, HOK Planning Group, 2004

Most transportation design in Houston’s history has had little to do with ameliorating the negative urban consequences of freeway construction, but starting with the 2003 reconstruction of Southwest Freeway (US 59), more attention has been paid to the external consequences of their construction, instead of the internal problems of congestion. This has culminated in expensive and complex rail, bridge and tunnel projects that promote a more multivalent commuting strategy and enhancement of surrounding neighborhoods. In 2004, the HOK planning group proposed moving a large portion of I-45 to the Northwest of downtown, sinking it below ground and creating additional space for parkland, residential high rises, and flood retention along the bayou. The downtown district proposed a similar plan. The conventional wisdom about Houston’s urban situation is that, by nature and design, it is a “car city.” Much has been made of the fact that most of the people working downtown commute from the suburbs, often parking in garages underneath their workplace, never setting foot outside. While this is the experience for many people downtown, it is merely a sliver of the whole experience of this city, and ignores the wealth of other factors that point to a more heterogeneous and rich urban experience. The hot, humid climate is often cited as a reason for the dearth of pedestrian activity downtown, but this has even less basis in fact. New Orleans has a similar climate, and yet is a vibrant walking city. Houston itself has a wealth of outdoor cafes and bars, from the coffeeshops on Westheimer to “icehouses” and taco trucks. Houston’s recent Super Bowl party has proved it quite capable as a place for exploration on foot. Finally, the wide range of case studies cited below can be seen

as a refutation of the commonly held belief that “nobody goes outside in Houston.” We have chosen the Pierce Elevated as our case study because it is a prime example of a wasted urban resource in Houston. The lack of geographical boundaries allow for freeways, and other large infrastructure, to take on other functions. In their current form, they act as barriers, restricting passage from one side to another. This is one key problem and potential with the Pierce. It divides two neighborhoods, and creates a dead zone beneath the overpass. However, the deep shade its provides, and its proximity to several important neighborhoods, suggests that it has a possible use as an urban collector, “seam” that binds together disparate elements, rather than a barrier. Freeways can be used to define zones within a city, in a similar manner to the use of walls in historical urbanism. The Great Wall of China, the historic walls of Paris, even the Berlin wall were all used as barriers and fortifications against outside forces, but simultaneously defined or redefined interior spaces and flows. Cities build up against these new borders, and adapt to the edges. Likewise, these organizational elements, in creating backwaters and so-called “dead space,” invite a kind of inhabitation that would not be possible in a more densely inhabited area. The reclamation of this space has become more common in recent years, with the Promenade Plantee in Paris, and now the Highline in New York. It is Houston’s turn to see the promise in its fallow ground, from the bayous just now beginning to be reclaimed, to this shaded treasure in its midst. US59 South / I45 Interchange

The Urban Ecology of Houston The Site: Pierce Elevated The Pierce Elevated stretches just over half a mile through the southern edge of downtown. It offers unobstructed panoramic views of Houston’s downtown from the Toyota Center basketball arena to the double towers formerly occupied by Enron. The freeway then turns north into the ‘Spaghetti bowl’ that connect memorial drive and I-45. Our design site is located on the stretch of freeway that shadows Pierce Street, from St. Joseph’s Hospital to Louisiana Street. This 100 feet wide stretch creates a consistent datum across the skyline, at twenty feet above street level. A field of columns supports the freeway beneath, and offers a uniform canvas on which to work. In the mid-1990’s new initiatives to improve the Houston freeways began to appear. The Pierce elevated was completely reconstructed from 1997 to 1999. The reconstruction mimicked the original structure, with a series of small columns and beams supporting the freeway with relatively short spans. It is now estimated the freeway serves up to 200,000 vehicles a day, more then two and a half times the number it was designed for. (Slotboom)

The Pierce Elevated as it is today

Even after the reconstruction of the Pierce, not much was done to enhance the space beneath the freeway. This is a mostly vacant expanse of land, with the exception of some fenced off areas dedicated to Metro vehicle parking. The remainder of the site is open to public parking, an easy but unnecessary usage due to the abundant parking in lots and garages throughout downtown. The elevated freeway also acts as a roof and shelter to many homeless in the recent past. Regardless of many attempts by the city to relocate this community to shelters, many have remained underneath the elevated

freeway, even through Hurricane Rita.(Turner and Ruiz) There have been efforts by the city to reduce the number of homeless on the streets. These efforts include a ‘civility’ ordinance that ban sitting, lying, or putting personal possessions on the sidewalks during the daytime. This ordinance, which first applied to downtown, expanded to Midtown and other adjacent neighborhoods in the early 2000’s as these areas began to experience gentrification.(Grant) Much of the pedestrian vitality of surrounding areas is due to its relationship to public transport. The Pierce sits on a public transportation hub, with interstate and international bus terminals located one block south, along Main Street, Metro’s light rail stop at Main and Pierce, and the Metro downtown transit center at Travis and Pierce. Both Downtown and Midtown have under gone changes in the last decade. In the early 1990’s, the neighborhoods were sparsely populated. Downtown had a population of 7,005 people, while Midtown had only 2,922. Over the last seventeen years, both areas have grown in residential population. With the introduction of light rail in January of 2004, there has also been an increase in pedestrian activity. Main Street has developed restaurants and bars, and even staged a Super Bowl party when the game came to Houston in February of 2004. With increased activity occurring on both sides of this freeway, there is increased potential for new use. The Pierce can be utilized to act as the binding agent between these two neighborhoods, as a line of division, or as a third element with in the landscape. Through analysis of other linear urban infrastructures, a greater understanding of the Pierce’s potential will be found. 15

The Urban Ecology of Houston 3 Interviews

INTERVIEW: David Rogers of TXDOT Conducted by Ben Regnier (via e-mail) BR: Are there any current plans to change I-45 as it runs through downtown? Are there any plans for expansion? Have you ever considered a double-decker freeway for the Pierce Elevated area? DR: No, no, yes. However, concerns about noise, lane balance at the termini of the double deck, and other concerns ultimately rejected this plan. BR: When the Pierce elevated was rebuilt in the 90’s, what physical and political obstacles did you find to working in such a tight location downtown? DR: Physical: a hospital, church, high rise condominium, office buildings and bus station contiguous to the highway. Political: complete system and route closure on a major interstate highway during reconstruction was an initial concern. BR: How have TXDOT’s freeway construction methods changed over the years? Why has emphasis shifted from multiple column systems with short spans to monolithic “super-column” designs? DR: Incentive/disincentive clauses in construction contracts where early milestones achieved are rewarded with cash incentives and cash penalties for late work, lane rental where we “rent” lanes by the hour during peak operation hours, and 24/7 construction scheduling. “Super 16

column” designs lend themselves to faster construction phasing, less impact on surrounding properties, more economical construction costs and are more aesthetically pleasing. BR: Is TXDOT ever involved with highway beautification? What is the scope of their work in this regard? DR: Yes, we have what is called the “Green Ribbon Plan” that was formally implemented statewide during the 77th Legislature under Rider 57 of the Appropriations Bill. The Rider requires approximately 1% of construction funding be allocated for landscaping and other enhancement activities to districts that have air quality, non-attainment and near non-attainment counties. Nonattainment being an EPA standard for areas that have a transportation related pollutant for which a National Ambient Air Quality Standard (NAAQS) exists. A Google search of ‘green ribbon + texas’ can get you additional information. BR: How does TXDOT coordinate with local planning authorities and community groups in freeway design? Who makes end decisions like offramp locations, height of freeway, etc? DR: All major mobility projects are coordinated through our Metropolitan Planning Organization (MPO) the Houston-Galveston Area Council (HGAC) for inclusion in the Draft 2035 Regional Transportation Plan (RTP) and the 4 year construction-ready 2008-2011 Transportation Improvement Plan (TIP), both of these documents are federally required according to Title 23 of the United States Code of Federal Regulations. These documents can be accessed at www.h-gac.com We are also involved in federally mandated public hearing and public

involvement processes. For off ramps etc., TxDOT, in accordance with the Texas Manual on Uniform Traffic Control Devices (MUTCD) and the Texas Access Management Manual determine the safest possible roadway configurations. Freeway height is determined by recognized FEMA floodplain maps. INTERVIEW: Jennifer Ostlind from the Houston Planning Department Conducted by Ben Regnier (via e-mail) BR: Are there any existing or recent plans for I-45 in downtown and midtown? We’ve seen a fairly recent one from the HOK planning department, but would like to know if there have been any alternatives proposed. JO: A couple [of] years ago, the Downtown District participated in (or perhaps initiated) discussions about moving the elevated portion of I-45 as it passes Downtown. Also, TxDOT is working on plans to improve this section of I-45 as it goes North to Loop 610. Unfortunately, I’m not up to speed on the details or status of this project. BR: What have been the planning department’s general strategies for planning around freeways, especially elevated freeways? Has there been any attempt to recover the area underneath elevated freeways?

JO: The Planning Department participates in projects to improve the space under freeways on a case by case basis and always when the community expresses interest in a particular site. We worked closely with the Main 17

The Urban Ecology of Houston Street Coalition and Metro to improve space underneath I-45 at Main Street making a more pedestrian friendly passage way from Midtown to Downtown. Some grant money from FHWA was available at the time (2004) however some issues came up that caused this project to be put aside. Similar conversations were held with stakeholders in the Third Ward stakeholders regarding the elevated portion of US 59 over Main Street. Both of these efforts were under the auspices of the Main Street revitalization project. BR: What long-term goals do you see as being most important to the development of downtown? JO: Attracting residents and retail activity remains an important goal. Houston Pavilions, a mixed use (office and retail) establishment covering nearly 3 city blocks should attract more folks from neighborhoods outside of Downtown. This project received some incentives from the City and is currently under construction. The Planning Department has not had a role lately in promoting Downtown.

INTERVIEW: Guy Hagstette, Park Director, Houston Downtown Park Conservancy Conducted May 3, 2007 by Jean Daly.

JD: There have been some plans in the past to reroute I-45, what are your thoughts on these changes? 18

GH:. . .For some one who doesn’t live in the neighborhood it sounds great. We have all this parkland along the bayous. The theater district, and downtown for that matter is better connected to the city. But if you live in that neighborhood, some one shoving a freeway down your front yard doesn’t look so good. So those are difficult trade offs in all this and TXdot and the city are all political entities. Ultimately they listen to the politicians and the politician listens to the voters. When the voters really get exercised, the politicians really listen, and that idea has a really tall hill to climb before it will ever happen, because it basically demolishes an entire neighborhood. I still hope some one will see the logic of what plan the downtown district came up, which was: getting it all divided, getting it (I-45) away from the theater district, putting it through the police campus, but only modify the freeway where it was already impacting public land. [There is a route] 300 feet away but [is] still significant in getting it off the bayou. Maybe put it underground, maybe put it under the bayou which would be a big challenge. Or design a signature bridge that would become a landmark on the skyline, something like that. I think that is a reasonable proposal. I think the days of plowing freeways through neighborhoods are over. Even though there is a lot of beauty in that plan, believe me, I love the idea of a big park along White Oak Bayou. I don’t think it’s happening. JD: We’ve been thinking of Houston along the lines of a flat Plain. It doesn’t really have any geographical boundaries. When they tore through neighborhoods to put the freeways in there, the freeways started to create physical boundaries that didn’t exist before. Would you ever consider these new boundaries something you

would want to promote to create distinct neighborhoods or would you want to allow more ease of access? GH: Sure, I like the idea of what happens when cities run up against boundaries, that’s when things start getting interesting. You look at Manhattan, Los Angeles, Chicago, or any kind of city that runs up against a fixed boundary, that’s where the neat stuff happens. That growth wants to keep going, and it’s hitting it, and it starts morphing and densifying and all kinds of other stuff starts happening. So I think that’s a really interesting starting point. One of the problems that we’ve had with freeways in Houston is, and you can look at it again at that section of I-45 down town, you go down to the bottom side roughly at the police campus, and they create such a negative environment around it. That no one wants to be near it. So it’s radiating out this sort of negative energy going the other way, and takes what could be really interesting and makes it a dead zone. And so conceptually the notion of boundaries sounds really interesting, but it has to be a positive boundary. There has to be something about it that people, or economic activity, or whatever, wants to be near. That’s really where we haven’t done such a good job with the freeways. Gas stations, shopping centers, parking lots, they love being near freeways, and that’s probably what 90% of the freeway edge in Houston is destined to be. I think there is a different way of approaching it, especially in the central city where the juxtaposition from freeways and the adjacent uses is so tight that what you guys are looking at is very relevant in that sense for those areas.

JD: When you were referring to that area around the police headquarters, there is that park that runs underneath the freeways near the aquarium and sesquicentennial park. For me personally it’s one of my favorite spots. GH: Yeah, they did a good job with it. JD: It’s integrated with the bayous and freeways, and it really seems like you are in a unique zone. If we were to move I-45, that space and moment would be lose. GH: They did an incredible job with that project, I’ve been really involved with the bayou for 20 years, and remember what it looked like before. From a very personal perspective, as neat as it is, I would still rather have a park along the bayou with out the freeway overhead. Conceptually it’s neat. They did a great job with figuring out what to do with a space underneath a freeway. At the end of the day, I would still rather not have a freeway. That’s a case where the trade off would be getting the freeways underground, out of view, or whatever and let that bayou be what it really wants to be which is a natural setting in Houston’s landscape. I know what you are saying, I think really after all the concepts and interesting juxtapositions, at the end of the day it would still be nice to have a great park there. JD: What do you think of being able to create regional mobility at the cost of the city life? Would you rather slow that down and create more of a street like atmosphere, as opposed to roads? GH: So you are thinking about down town, specifically in this case?

The Urban Ecology of Houston JD: Yes, downtown, the seam of the Pierce elevated, and Midtown. GH: I think the traffic needs to be slowed down, so that other activities can co-exist, and it’s not such a negative experience to be on the street. I think you have to be really careful at a conceptual level, there are more then 100,000 people in those office buildings down town and they, along with the medical center, and a couple of other locations, are what allow the central city to thrive. A lot of those people live in the suburbs. They have kids and are concerned about schools and stuff like that. You don’t want to throw baby out with the bath water and make life so difficult for them. With the idea that we want this 100% wonderful pedestrian environment, that ultimately enough of them complain and the companies move out to the suburbs. Then they are living and working in the suburbs, and that’s happened with a lot of other cities. It’s not quite that direct; there are a lot of other factors involved. It’s something that always tempered my starting point for working downtown. I knew I would never win a big battle of truly screwing up traffic in downtown. I was always being accused of screwing it up. What we ended up doing was always reasonable enough and backed up by traffic studies. Every one really knew that traffic would still flow at a level of service A or B, which is, you know, great. We have a couple streets in the Cotswald project that are level service C or D, but they’re very minor streets. They were already blocked off by the ballpark. So, yeah, I’m glad that it’s happened in a few locations, and probably needs to happen in a few more strategic locations. But downtown wide I think it would be a 20

really dangerous thing to do. I would hate to lose those big companies. Once you’ve lost them, you never get them back. The jobs go with them. The tax base goes with them. That’s what Dallas is facing; their downtown is a basket case because they’ve lost the kind of company that wants to be in a 50-story building. Their downtown is kind of nothing. They’ve got a lot of neat stuff happening around it, but the core function has been on life support for years. I would hate to be part of a process where that might happen here. It’s been one of the great success stories of Houston, that the downtown area has been able to maintain as many big companies as it has. And those folks don’t go to architecture school, and they don’t pine to visit European cities, they want to get home quickly, and they want to get home quickly in their car. So, you have to keep that in mind. They don’t vote with their feet, they vote with their gas pump. That doesn’t mean you shouldn’t propose it. I’m giving a real world side of things. It’s not that you shouldn’t suggest something like that because if you open peoples mind to the fact that all this great traffic flow that we have does come at a cost. It comes at a cost of having a more livable down town. A lot of people think there is no downside to fast, easy traffic flow. It’s all positive. And it’s not. I’ll give an interesting little side bar: The director of the public works department lives downtown. He lives in a loft right next door to my building. He walks to work. When they rebuilt the streets, they got rid of progressive timing, which is where the green lights change at a certain speed of travel. You go 22 miles an hour; at each intersection you would hit a green light. You

would go all the way through downtown at 22 miles and hour. What it is now, is all green. All the lights turn green at the same time. Which means the faster you go, the more intersections you get to go through. So you have people literally going 50-60 miles an hour downtown, because they can get through more intersections. Before, it didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t help. 22 miles an hour is a really comfortable speed for the pedestrian. A car going 22 mph isnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t a threatening kind of situation. Because heâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s a pedestrian, he feels this. I heard recently they are doing all the complicated studies required to go back to progressive signals. Real simple stuff like that, as opposed to re-building the streets again, can make a huge difference in how it feels for the pedestrian. So, just a little sidebar.

Current extend of rail and bus lines in the Houston Metro system

The Urban Ecology of Houston Part II Houston Case Studies (A-Z) The following case studies were gathered and analyzed to create a set of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;conditions and strategiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; of linear urban forms. The examples describe the techniques used and conditions present that encourage activity along a linear path. These conditions and strategies are then simplified and diagrammed to clearly show the components of each case study.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Allen Parkway Originally known as Buffalo Drive, this meandering expanse of road begins at the edge of downtown and terminates into Kirby Drive 2.3 miles later, at Shepherd Drive. This limited access roadway follows the curves of the adjacent Buffalo Bayou. Alongside, running and exercise trails, fountains, lush vegetation, and a bat sanctuary all make this stretch of road unique. Home to many Houston events, this street is reserved for different causes throughout the year. In January, the annual Houston Marathon uses Allan Parkway as the final leg of the 26.2-mile course. This event, started in 1972 with 113 runners, and grew to 20,000 runners in 2007. The Orange Show, a Houston folk art organization, produces the Art Car Parade that also runs along the parkway. The parade began in 1988, with 40 decorated cars and two thousand spectators and grew to over 250 entries and 200,000 spectators in 2006. The two events capitalize on the unusual nature of this roadway to showcase their participants. In 1961, the driveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s name was changed to Allen Parkway, to honor John and Augustus Allen. These two New York real estate speculators founded the city in 1836 along Buffalo Bayou, close to the roadâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s present location. The Bayou runs from west of Katy 65 miles east to its mouth on the San Jacinto River. This is a major conduit for rainwater, and vital to the city during floods. The stretch of the bayou adjacent to Allen Parkway is a rare example of a natural, unpaved bayou running through the city. This waterway fluctuates constantly depending on the intensity of rain. A dense growth of trees and plants create a natural border for the bayou, while the high-speed roadway defines the limits of developed land. 24

Both edges keep the natural and man-made system in check. The foliage prevents people from trespassing into the bayou; the road deters animals from wandering into the adjacent neighborhood.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Hermann Park: Donated in May 1914 by George Hermann, the original 278 acre park grew into its present day 445 acres, and is considered one of the premier parks in Houston. The original design in the 1920’s by landscape architect George Kessler called for a 7 acre fishing lake. In 1921 Miller outdoor theatre group was established, and in 1923 the first outdoor theater opened to the public. (This was later replaced by the present-day 1968 theater building.) In 1925, the bronze equestrian statue of Sam Houston by sculptor Enrico F. Cerracchio was put on display in the traffic circle nearby. Also in the 1920’s, the War Mothers in Houston planted 240 oak trees around the outer belt drive to honor solders killed in World War one. Although much of the original framework of the park was established, Kessler’s plan for the North West quadrant was never fully realized. In the 1970’s and 1980’s crime increased in the area, and the park began to show sign of wear. In 1983, Charles Moore presented a new scheme for this quadrant, which would mainly affect the axis from where Montrose crosses Main Street. Moore declared this to be, “surely the most impressive Beaux Arts continuous axis in Houston. There are longer vistas, but this one is the best” (Lewis). Though none of Moore’s designs were realized, through efforts of the “Friends of Hermann Park” (present day Hermann Park Conservancy) the park underwent a 32 million dollar renewal process. This included expanding and improving the lake in 2001, and improving the mini train that had been in operation since 1957. The reflecting pond was also enlarged to 750 feet long and 80 feet wide, to fulfill the original planned size in the 1916 design. 26

The current day park is an example of one of our most fragile linear strategies. The visual axis running through the park is a powerful tool for composition and guidance along a path. Starting at Montrose, one can see how the Mecom Fountain aligns with the Sam Houston equestrian statue, this path continue across to the reflecting pool and obelisk, across the pond, and to the zoo aquarium. A order of plantings and visual cues on axis emphasizes this thoroughfare condition and orient the visitor to the park.

The Urban Ecology of Houston The Menil Campus Tucked away between the busy streets of West Alabama and Richmond is a small art enclave. The first gestures of what was to become the Menil Campus, started in 1971, when John and Dominique de Menil commissioned Howard Barnstone and Eugene Aubry to build the Rothko Chapel. This spiritual Mecca is home to the final works of abstract expressionist Mark Rothko. From 1981 to 1986 Renzo Piano designed and built the main collection hall of the Campus. This long linear structure modestly blends the surrounding nature and art together. Kenneth Frampton described Piano’s design as, “a space facilitating a direct and relaxed relationship between visitors and exhibited objects, through the creation of non monumental and familiar environments in contact with nature.” Indeed, the entire campus could be described in the same manner. Scattered with sculptures and land-art, the campus creates a distinct sense of ‘other’ from the surrounding residential neighborhood, but blends in by using a common vocabulary of scale and form. From the 1960’s onward, the Menils acquired the small existing bungalows that surround the main building. Painted a uniform gray color, these now house artist residences and offices, and help define the edge of the community. Additional museum buildings were incorporated into this neighborhood tapestry. From 1992-1995, Piano built another annex gallery for the museum, housing thirty-five works of Cy Twombly, produced from 1954-1994. This eight room 11,122 square foot building uses concrete blocks on its façade. These blocks’ massive appearance give a distinct look to the building, while their neutral tones blend it into the neighborhood. In Febuary of 28

1997, The Byzantine Fresco Chapel by Francois de Menil opened to the public. The opening of Richmond Hall followed in November of 1998. This 1930â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s grocery store houses three site-specific works by minimalist artist Dan Flavin. Together these buildings and artwork form the neighborhood. By carefully commissioning new structures and adding a personal touch to the existing ones, the Menil foundation has been able to create a diverse uniformity. The enclave blends the applied homogenous qualities of the buildings with green space and an intense common program to create a unique urbanism.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Westheimer Named for Michael Louis Westheimer, an immigrant from Germany and successful entrepreneur, this stretch of road was once a shell lane that led to the schoolhouse Westheimer built for his 16 children to attend. The modest roots of the road are not visible today on one of Houstonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s longest and busiest roadway, which converts into FM1093 and stretches over 50 miles in length. This street was formerly the home to the Westheimer Street Festival, a bi-annual event that lasted from 19712004. This two-day affair closed down the street near its intersection with Montrose, and invited members of the arts and crafts community to sell their wares to the public. The festival eventually exceeded the space available, attracting up to 300,000 people in the late 90â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, and was stopped. In 2005, it appeared again, in a smaller capacity along the sides of the street as the current-day Westheimer block party. This stretch of Westheimer running through the Montrose neighborhood has grown over the last decade. A diverse mix of coffee shops, boutique, and bars now fill the sides of the street, and create a densely programmed urban space. The street still functions as a thoroughfare through out the day, but the edge is constantly fluctuating with parking and cafe seating along the side of the road between Woodhead and Mandell. Traffic slows down or swells in reaction to this fluctuating edge.

National/International Case Studies (A-Z)

Allegheny Riverfront Park Michael Van Valkenburgh Associates, Inc Ann Hamilton and Michael Mercil Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania : 1995-1998 This bi-level park was built on reclaimed land between three major infrastructures: the Allegheny River, a four lane highway, and Fort Duquesne Boulevard. Much of the park is actually built as a cantilevered walkway over the river itself, which belies the design strategy â&#x20AC;&#x201C; to treat the park as another piece of infrastructure, borrowing strategies from its neighboring siblings. The walkway mimics the highway above, while the plantings reintroduce the instability of the river itself, working with the seasonal changes and erosion inherent to the site to create a softer, less predictable edge. The park mediates a dialogue between its surrounding infrastructures of road, highway, and river, while also providing an occupiable fringe to enjoy and study these works of engineering and nature.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Carrasco Square West 8 Amsterdam, NL : 1997-1999 Located on the Northern outskirts of Amsterdam, Carrasco Square is situated primarily beneath a new elevated railway station, and is crossed by tram, car, bicycle, and footpaths. In addition to accommodating these different modes of transportation, the square had to provide access to the station above, and provide some fifty parking spaces. The solution involved patterning the space with grass and white-dotted asphalt to reinforce existing desire lines, and suggest new ones. Some attention was given to the elevated rail columns (one was replaced with a concrete cast of a tree and a few more patterned with ivy), but the main other consideration was in the lighting. Up-lights, in the form of false tree stumps, cast light onto the overpasses in varying hues of orange to magenta light. This not only provides needed safety illumination, but â&#x20AC;&#x153;codesâ&#x20AC;? the space through color, and makes positive usage of a formerly negative condition (the overpass). However, the embrace of all of these forms of transportation on the site has limited its usage as a public spaceâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;with so much motion, rest or contemplation is less than likely.

Freeway Park Lawrence Halprin and Angela Danadjieva Seattle, Washington, USA : 1972-1976 Acting as a roof over Interstate I-5, this park utilizes the ‘air-rights’ over the freeway to create additional green space. Designed by Angela Danadjieva, an associate at Halprin’s office, this park recreates the cliffs and Mesas of the southwest through cast-in-place concrete canyons and the forest of the Northwest through its use of planting. This quintessential piece of late modernist design showcases the theories Halprin explored in his book Freeways. The park covers a 1,500 foot long stretch of the interstate as it runs through Seattle. The park centers around a concrete canyon, where 28,000 gallons of water per minute cascade over the concrete forms. Danadjieva attempted to recreate a natural space over a man-made structure and accentuate the slow approach through the park in juxtaposition the fast pace passage of vehicles underneath.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Placa de les Glories Catalanes Andrew Arriola Barcelona, Spain : 1992 This plaza has been part of the plan for Barcelona since 1859, as a future location for a new center for the city at its eastern end. By the end of the 20th century, the planned development had still not arisen, but it was more central than ever, being at the nexus of three major avenues â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the Meridiana, the Diagonal, and the Gran Via. The rapid urban renewal of Barcelona starting in the mid-1980â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s demanded that this plaza be reconsidered. This time, however, it performed more as a linkage than a center, providing civic space at the center of an enormous highway interchange, linking the outskirts of Barcelona with the waterfront. The oval forming the outside of the plaza consists of a higher fast traffic ring, a lower slower traffic roadway, and a garage linking these tiers. Openings at the ground plane link spaces around this huge traffic oval, making it a center of pedestrian traffic as well. In the end, this project not only provides necessary infrastructure to the city as a whole, but an enriching local space, and an experience that links these two scales when traveling through it by foot, bike, or car.

The High Line Winning park proposal by Diller Scofidio + Renfro New York, NY Originally constructed 1929, Competition 2003 In response to a dangerously congested warehouse district, with cars, rail, and pedestrians sharing narrow streets, the New York Central Railroad was allowed in 1929 to build an elevated freight railway on the West Side of Manhattan that shuttled between the docks and warehouses. As trucking became more popular, the railway declined in usage, and in 1980 it closed for good. Various community members fought its demolition, promoting the idea of the elevated railway as a viable public space. As it fell into disuse, earth and vegetation collecting on the bed supported this claim as a viable natural ecosystem sprang to life without any support. A community group called Friends of the High Line, in coordination with the city, sponsored a competition to adapt the space for public use. Out of 720 teams, Diller Scofidio + Renfro’s proposal won under the slogan “Keep it Simple Keep it Quiet Keep it Wild Keep it Slow.” As can be expected, the primary aim of the proposal was the preservation and activation of the existing ad-hoc ecosystems. The main interventions were technologies for access and signage, and a variable paving system that allows for different ratios of hard- and landscape. They also proposed several additional localized programs, such as an urban beach and art gallery space.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Louisville Waterfront Park Hargreaves Associates Louisville, KY Phase I 1999, Phase II 2004, Phase III 2005 This park was designed to not only rehabilitate a stretch a the Ohio River waterfront, but also draw people past a significant access barrier- an elevated freeway, parallel to the shoreline, but 100 feet back. The solution involved linearizing the park and variegating the program along its length to create a bundle of different attractions that support and catalyze one another. The problems presented by the industrial nature of the river itselfâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;such as consistent wake wash and possible barge collisionsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;were used to drive the design itself, which uses natural barriers and frequently extends, on piers, over the river itself.

McCormick Campus Center @ IIT OMA/Rem Koolhaas Chicago, IL : 1993 Formerly a parking lot, the design for this student center was driven primarily by the constraints of context. The plan reinforces existing “desire lines” found in an analysis of the current use of the site as a pedestrian thoroughfare. Sectionally, the building “squeezes” dramatically in the center to accommodate an elevated rail line that passes through its center. A sleeve was built around the railway over the building to absorb sound and vibration, and to call attention to its existence immediately overhead. The center’s design locates community programs immediately adjacent to the most traveled routes, intensifying the “culture of congestion” Koolhaas investigates in Delirious New York. The heterogeneous and complex nature of the design both stands in contrast and relates to the surrounding campus, designed by Mies Van der Rohe.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Promenade Plantee Patrick Berger – Architect Philippe Mathieu and Jacques Vergely – Landscape Paris, France : 1998 The Promenade Plantee is very similar to the Highline in its origin and history, and indeed served as a case study for the FHL. The Promenade was originally a viaduct, built in 1859 and long out of service by the mid 80’s, when demolition was considered to widen the congested Avenue Daumesnil. Due to a combination of neighborhood activism and a receptive local government, the viaduct was restored and transformed into a linear urban entity. The space underneath the arches was hollowed out and made into retail space, which was zoned specifically for artisan shops. The top of the aqueduct was made into a 3-mile linear park that went from the Bastille Opera to the outskirts of the city. It widens at specific transition points along the way to provide gathering and game space. This park is a prime example of the possibility of reversal from derelict infrastructure to urban attractor.

Zaanstad Development NL Architects Zaanstad, Netherlands : 2003 This project involves attempting to knit back together a historic city center, split by an elevated freeway in the 1970â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. The solution programs the space creatively and diversely, with transportation, retail, civic and leisure components. A dock and a bus station provide access, while a supermarket and fishmonger provide a solid pedestrian draw. Sports facilities, including an extensive skate park, help to complete the rehabilitation of this covered spaceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s image. The placement of the new program also helped to reinforce the existing cross traffic on the site, successfully linking areas formerly divided.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Conditions and Strategies: These conditions and strategies were derived from analysis of the above case studies. This is not necessarily an exhaustive list; these were simply the elements that appeared most frequently and seemed most universal. While they are split into conditions and strategies, frequently a condition was found applied as a strategy, or a strategy was found existing without an author, as a preexisting condition.

Conditions: Cross traffic - The direction of the space is perpendicular to a common travel direction. The space is not understood as a single pathway, although it is linear, but as a series of linked passageways. Thoroughfare - The direction of the space is the same as the direction of travel. Island - Space is created by overlapping boundaries. These boundaries define and isolate the interior space from the outside. Defined Borders-Rigidly implemented limits that divides one element from another and maintains this division. Fluctuating (Evolving) Edges-Allowing the space a program occupies to grow and shrink according to need and availability. One program is permitted to occupy anotherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s space in order to fulfill a certain function.

Strategies: Nature intensive - An attempt to compensate for the artificiality of infrastructure through a use of green space or plantings. Program intensive - The use of scattered programming to compensate for the derelict conditions of a site. Abets Passage - promoting passage through the site or across the dominant infrastructure (often used when there are existing pathways through the area) Interiorization - walling in the space created by an overhead object (usually programmed) Essential Homogeneity-Creating an environment composed of identical elements. These elements can conform within a defined network, or be scattered through out an existing group of diverse objects. They create of sense of homogeneity in that they are intrinsically identical. Incidental Homogeneity- Generating a group of common elements by applying cosmetic similarities. These similarities only affect the exterior of the object, and does not alter its over all design or function. This exterior alteration post applies links between formerly varying elements. Use Districting - Creating a â&#x20AC;&#x153;drawâ&#x20AC;? to the space by grouping similar programs within the same area. Visual Bridging-Aligning monumental points along an axis to link one area to another.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Part III: The Pierce Elevated Proposals The Pierce, as it currently exists, is a barren asphalt and gravel strip, battered constantly by the sound of the freeway above. Analysis of selected case studies has provided a understanding of the wide variety of both the existing conditions and applied strategies towards making city infrastructure into usable public space. The following approaches involve a synthesis and application of this analysis. The projection of a proper solution to the Pierce elevation will probably involve using many or all of these approaches.

Approach A: Micro-Climates The environment underneath the Pierce has many positive aspects, but the negative traits - dark, noise, and the ever-present summer heat - can and in many cases must be ameliorated for it to be accepted as a public arena. Water Storage and Evaporative Cooling (Nature Intensive + Use Districting) This device serves two purposes: it collects, filters, and retains the watershed of the freeway above, and uses that stored water for irrigation and evaporative cooling in the spaces below. The sand filtering system is suspended from the roof and can be lowered for periodic back-washing. The water storage tanks that sit around the columns double as public billboards.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Lighting (Incidental Homogeneity + Abets Passage) There are two kinds of lighting available: A low-wattage, diffused sodium light grid will be present in all areas. On photocells, it is for general safety lighting and also telegraphs the status of the park as different. Specific areas will be â&#x20AC;&#x153;target-lightedâ&#x20AC;? using high-output spotlights embedded in the first system. These lights will be either motion- or switch-controlled, as a supplementary task light for work or play.

Approach B: New Forms Rehabilitating the upper surfaces of the Pierce can be as important as upgrading the underside. These strategies can improve the experience of driving over the park while also drawing attention to the new spaces below. Undulating Skyline (Visual axis + Fluctuating edge) Allow for the freeways to act as sculpture in motion. Accentuate vertical changes in elevation, to create a false terrain for vehicles to pass through. Subdivide the freeway into four undulating strips. As one path moves over another, light enters the area underneath, to allow for an increased diversity of programming to occur.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Verdant skyline (Nature intensive + Visual Axis) Create an artificial skyline of trees above the freeway. Similar to Halprin’s Freeway park, and employing the planting techniques of MVRDV’s proposal for Les Halles, suspend trees in the freeway’s air-rights space, to absorb carbon monoxide and create shade for the cars passing below. The trees will create a new natural datum to contrast the towering skyline of downtown.

Approach C: Programming A pleasant environment and proper signage are important elements to creating this new space, but a permanent draw is best achieved through new programs that would provide a permanent draw. Blank Canvas - Art walk (program intensive + essential homogeneity + visual axis) This scenario would divided each section of the pierce by block. Every other block would be awarded to an artist to permanently sculpt and paint. The remaining blocks would allow for some parking, and space for temporary art shows. This new spine of land art could become the central path throughout Houston. Through visual axis, maps, and signage, a visitor could locate the already existing art in down town, such as Joan Miro’s ‘Personage & Bird’ or ‘Monument to the Phantom’ by Jean DuBuffet. The area under the Pierce would balance the intensity of art in downtown, by placing more in the southern part of the city. The colonnade beneath the freeway could shelter a visitor’s center, where the walkers could embark on their journey. link: http://www.houstonpbs.org/publicart/dt_map.html

The Urban Ecology of Houston Farmerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Market (fluctuating edge + program intensive + essential homogeneity) This scheme would use a booth design that was mobile, but could lock into the existing structure for security. During night time and hours the market was not open, the booths would clamp around the freewayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s columns and lock. This would avoid theft and allow materials to stay on site and not be transported away. During the inactive hours, the booths could condense and still allow ample space for parking. During active hours, on the weekends, the booths could unlock and spread out onto the sidewalk. The first lane of traffic could be used as parking, and make the busy roadway into a neighborhood street. The already present roof would allow for the market to stay open, even in the rain. With the increased interest in buying local produce, this could give the city an ideal spot to sell.

Bench and Game / Computer Table (Program Intensive + Use Districting) These table-bench combinations can be used in a myriad of ways. The benches, on castors but tethered to the table itself, can be reconfigured to sit at any end of the table or can even be pulled a few feet away. The table also provides free, public power and locking loops that allows it to be used as a stereo cabinet, computer desk, or even bike lock as people see fit.

The Urban Ecology of Houston Works Cited:

Annotated Bibliography:

Comey, Arthur C. Houston Tentative Plans for its development report to the Houston Park Commission. Press of Geo H. Ellis Co. Boston. 1913

Canetti, Barbara. The Houston Post. “He’s well-trained: Man calls Hermann Park Job Hobby” June 2, 1980

Halprin, Lawrence. Freeways. 1966 Reinhold Publishing Corporation, New York. Lewis, Pamala. “Giving Hermann a fresh, new look: Charles Moore offers proposal for park” Houston Post. Feb 14, 1983. Major Street Plan Houston & Vicinity 1942. Report of the City Planning Commission. 1942. Papademetiou, Peter C. Transportation and Urban Development in Houston 1830-1980. Metropolitan Transit Authority of Harris County. Slotboom, Erik. Houston Freeways A historical and visual journey. 2003. http://www.houstonfreeways.com

Cite Magazine “Reclaiming Hermann Park” Spring 1983. Grant, Alexis. “City expands sidewalk law” The Houston Chronicle. Sept 7, 2006. www.chron.com Greene, Jackson C. Jr. and Manrique, Alfredo J. Beautification study; freeways. University of Houston – College of Architecture: 1968. Hinton, Marks. Historic Houston Streets:The Stories behind the names. Ingersoll, Richard “Pianissimo: The very quiet Menil Collection” Texas Architect. May/June 1987. Vol. 37 No. 3 pg 40-47 Lake, Deborah Mann. “Why Hermann doesn’t look a day over 90” Texas. Aug 1, 2004. Pg 6-10. Parks, Louis B. “Impressive Churches highlight Hermann Park Area” Houston Chronicle. Schafer, Dave. “90 years of memories in Hermann Park” City Savvy. Fall 2004. Seay, Gina. Houston Chronicle. “Favorite Fishing hole spawns memories of great catches” July 24, 1987. Staff Reporter. “Businessmen plan Japanese Garden” Houston Post. Oct. 6 1989. Staff Reporter. “For fun and a good cause: Westheimer’s

Art Festival” Houston Post. April 7, 1989.

http://www.louisvilleky.gov

Tate, Alan. Great City Parks. Spon Press, London 2001.

http://www.louisvillewaterfront.com

Thomas, Kate. “Hermann park being studied for Bush Library” Houston Post. Dec 13, 1989

http://www.mccormickcenter.us

Turner, Allan and Ruiz, Rosanna. “Shelters gear up as some homeless holdouts stay put Those in cold accept blankets, but most refuse a warmer haven” http://www. chron.com/disp/story.mpl/metropolitan/4472732.html Image Credits - Internet

http://www.pps.org/ http://www.thehighline.org http://urban.cccb.org http://www.west8.nl

http://www.houstonfreeways.com/ ---arial photography http://www.texasfreeway.com/ --maps, historic photos http://members.iglou.com/baron/ --streetcar http://www.birdseyeviews.org/ --amon carter museum birds-eye views Case study images include the following sources http://www.arcspace.com http://www.asla.org/ http://www.ci.seattle.wa.us http://france-for-visitors.com http://www.galinsky.com http://www.gardenvisit.com http://www.lightningfield.com 51