S A N T I A G O D E C O M P O S T E L A, A VISUAL HISTORY
COMPOSTELA, ACCORDING TO COSIMO III DE MEDICIS- I669 TRAVELS IN SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, BY PIER MARIA BALDI In winter 1668 or perhaps in 1669, the indefatigable traveller Cosme de Medicis touches at Compostcla during his travel in Spain and Portugal. As a reporter of palette and brush, he has transmitted us a wealthy panoram of the town in 17th century. He undoubtedly intended to transmit us the first image of any sort of pilgrim who arrived on Iria's way. He chose a near hillock, perhaps Santa Susana'oak wood. The town settled down gently on a hill which went down slanting on the right side and on the left one and towards the spot where the traveller-painter was. Towards west the cathedral towers stood out, mastering from their top all the symbology of the new Occidental Jerusalem.
After some journeys he wanted to finish his job so as it was a snapshot, a glimpse. To this purpose he chose a violent morning. The sun seemed to face the south-eastern wind opposing decidedly to it its stretched winter shodow; the trees, in the middle of the game, held out with great difficulty. A ceiling, of sinister look torn by a light of exclusive heavenly origin completed the work. As it is the most faithful document among the oldest ones, we choose this panorama as a starting point. Until this town of the Renaissance there is a long story which we shall try to revive.
COMPOSTELA, ACCORDING TO COSME DE MEDICIS- I 669 TRAVELS IN SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, BY PIER MARIA BALDI In winter 1668 or perhaps in 1669, the indefatigable traveller Cosme de Medicis touches at Compostela during his travel in Spain and Portugal. As a reporter of palette and brush, he has transmitted us a wealthy panorama of the town in 17th century. He undoubtedly intended to transmit us the first image of any sort of pilgrim who arrived on Iria's way. He chose a near hillock, perhaps Santa Susanas' oak woods The town settled down gently on a hill which went down slanting on the right side and on the left one and towards the spot where the traveller-painter was. Towards west the cathedral towers stood out, mastering from their top all the symbols of the new Occidental Jerusalem.
Cosimo III de' Medici (1642 –1723) was the penultimate Medici Grand Duke of Tuscany. He reigned from 1670 to 1723, and was the elder son of Grand Duke Ferdinando II. Cosimo's 53-year-long reign, the longest in Tuscan history was marked by a series of ultra-reactionary laws which regulated prostitution and banned May celebrations. Grand Duke Ferdinando encouraged Cosimo to go on a European tour to distract him from Marguerite Louise's renewed hostility. When he went to Spain, the King, Carlos II, received him in a private interview. By January, he had arrived in Portugal, and from there endeavoured to England, where he met Charles II and Samuel Pepys, who described him as "a very jolly and good comely man." Cosimo was amiably welcomed by the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, for his father's perceived protection of Galileo from the Inquisition
THE URBAN EVOLUTION
EPOCH OF ROME COURSE OF ROMAN PERIOD I) Roman mausoleum ( Ist century). 2) Roman walls (1st and 2nd centuries). 3) Hot baths (3rd and 4 th centuries). 4) Tombs (4th century). 5) Roman fortified tower (undetermined), if it existed. CONJECTURAL PRINCIPLE Owing to its location between two rivers and on the road to the highway on a hill, overlooking the valley, it could become a certain urban consolidation, at least as a control village with a walled enclosure and whose limit at west would pass by a watch-tower, especially if we accept as a fact the existence of the old Roman way which passed next to the tower, as we are old by the changers confraternity’s book. The existence of this way in a Roman structure is being confirmed today with new diggings whose results have not yet been revealed.
Gallaecia Map
4TH CENTURY If Conant, Street, Guerra Campos, etc. hypothesis, based upon the archaeological finds, about the existence of a Roman settlement on this valley is certain, we shall consider, as a starting point of this urban evolution, a garrison or Roman encampment grown solid enough located between two rivers -Sar and Sarela- beside the Via Loca Maritima. To the east, on the highest level of the ground, a small village San Fix de Solovio- survived on the remains of an ancient Celtic Castrum; in the same manner as in many other circumstances, starting from this same settlement, that village would become a parish. This choice of the urban settlement at the top of the valley will determine the establishment of the future cathedral on a slope with quick declivity, especially in an eastward westward direction. This orientation will also correspond, firstly to Alfonso II´s and Alfonso Ill's churches and then to the cathedral itself. The history we are intending to evoke will start from this initial focus and evolve around it, especially around the mausoleum which appears on this spot in 9th century.
Roman Roads. Coso
9 TH AND 10 TH CENTURIES Towards the 9th century, on account of the discovery, a church aggregation will grow on the remains of the Roman settlement. It was composed of a mausoleum, a sanctuary, a monastery with its accessories, etc. It occupied the area corresponding at present to the cathedral's space, excepting a part of the cloister, San Paio's monastery, the Quintana nowadays and some houses of the neighbourhood. It was surrounded by ramparts and flanked by gates, with a way out to the first roads: trough Fabera to Villare and possibly another one to Via Sacra. At the same time to the northeast an urban increase next to the issue of the French gate arises. It will be an urban crowding around Plaza del Campo, with a remarkable commercial character. It was a possible site simultaneous to village for the rising bourgeois class which lives on a prosperous trade caused by pilgrim's arrival.
11 TH CENTURY The origin of the pilgrimages from the north ( England and Ireland) through Faro and from the east (France) will suggest two axes of roads whose urban capacity will he remarked when the design of the medieval town was decided. In a parallel way to Villare, original axis of Villa Burguensis, a Little more towards cast Vicus Novus (Rua Nova at present) arises; both of them are born at the ramparts, possibly allowing a contiguous spare space that was often occupied by clandestine constructions put near the rampart; this is confirmed by documentary material after 16th century. Thus a district outside the town is growing firm, a kind of suburb which will include the Ruas del Villar, Nova, Franco (which is raised on the old Roman Road from Iria to Brigantium ( Caldereria, Fontesequelo and Toral). The mentioned Villa Burguensis which receives an incipient bourgeois class, is perhaps the first town in Astur-Leones kingdom to live on commerce with pilgrim people The pilgrimages were already at this epoch 150 years old; the settlement around the Locus would have got a certain urban character; the French access at the northeast would have been the origin of an important commercial space on the Plaza del Campo (site's name corning perhaps from its location inside the town) and possible forum referred by Lopez Ferreiro speaking about Urbs Quadrata.
12TH CENTURY The town is now the aim of the European pilgrimages. Pelaez and Gelmirez have built the great cathedral; they have changed it into a fortress after the disturbances in 1117. a citadel for natives' protection inside a rampart for strangers' protection. We must remind Braumfels when he tells us that in the Middle Ages the conventual aggregations became small cities inside the town (Colonia, etc.). The town has grown around the Locus and it is necessary to extend the protection to all the new urban aggregation. In this way the second rampart encirclement is built. At this moment San Martin (D'Fora)'s Monastery remains outside the enclosure. Some of the roads giving entrance into the first enclosure will be prolonged until the second rampart, what is the origin of the seven doors that the Codice Calixtino (1135) describes: Del Camino, northeast axis prolongation, which was the entrance for pilgrims coming from the centre of Europe; D'Mรกmoa, prolongation of Rua Nova; Faxeira, which was a way out to the ancient road that, coming in by "a Pena's "door, bordered on the first enclosure close to the ancient tower. The rest were: Mazarelos, Santo Peregrino, Subfratres.
13TH CENTURY The space inside the city is enlarged, enclosing San Martin Pinario's Monastery. Towards northwest San Francisco's Convent arises, surrounded by a large ground space. At the way out the Pucrta del Camino, they set up Santo Domingo's Convent. Starting from 13th century, due to the creation of San Francisco and Santo Domingo's Convents, an event of great importance for the urban future of Compostela happens. The whole northern zone from cast to west, close to the ramparts is surrounded by religious institutions: Sto. Domingo, San Francisco, Hospital de San Roque, Sta. Clara, Nuestra. Sra. de la Fuente (Carmelitas at present), the large huerta de San Martin, San Martin within walls even. Further to the northwest and on the French road the Hospital de las Angustias and San Pedro's Monastery, Trinidad's Church and Pilgrims' cemetery, next to the same gate. All these institutions will hinder, until 20th century, the urban development of Compostela in these areas. In Jer贸nonimo del Hoyo's memoirs, about 1607, in addition to the Cathedral and the Tribunal de la Inquisicion, there are three religious monasteries, three nuns' monasteries, a college for orphan maids, Jesuitas' college (University afterwards) and four colleges else.
Santiago de Compostela 1595
THE CATHEDRAL
THE ORIGINS Gallaetia Braccarensis was joined to that of the north through a Roman way which crossed, near Iria Flavia, a fertile valley -D'A Maia- flanked with the rivers Tambre and Ulla. At the east of the valley rose a Castrum, which could have been a settlement of a Roman garrison, perhaps a post settlement half-way between the furthest end of Gallaetia. This hill, controller of the valley and close to some rivers (Sar and Sarela), an essential condition that Romans required for the establishment of their settlements, had been also chosen before by the Celts. This people, from an Indo-European origin, coining from the triangle situated at the southwest of Germany, between the Danube and the Rhine stretches to the west about the 6th century B. C. However the height of their expansion happens three centuries later. to the east they arrive to Minor Asia and set up in a region that they name Galacia. This toponymy will be recognised in the west limits of their expansion: Gallactia, Galicia. Among the countless settlements of the Iberian Noithwest they choose one in D'Amaia's valley, which concerns to San Felix de Solovio nowadays.
The Locus Sancti Jacobi is the generating centre which will be the starting point of the medieval city. We shall revive the topography of the space belonging 10 the area of the Locus Sanctus: the soil with its steep slope will decide in a great measure the division of the space, the form of the buildings and even its final outlook.
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THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL TRACE At the beginning the function of the Roman camp might have been that of a control bulwark which together with the towns of Ha, Padron, Pontecesures, etc., marked the "Via Loca Maritima" which supplied Lucus Augusta and Brigantium from the estuary of the Ulla. a fluvial port established by the Romans. It is possible that this garrison at a later time could become a steadier settlement if we judge by the archaeological remains found under the cathedral. Several examinations of the subsoil belonging to the cathedral, from 1596/1620 when la Plaza de la Quintana is graded and paved and the remains of a cemetery area are revealed, in distinct epochs a series of elements which allow to revive this past with a certain approach, arc dug up and brought to light. The last archaeological soundings analysed and considered concern to those which end in the year 64. Archaeologists connect the facts using former finds (Lopez Ferreiro, etc.) Although the diggings of the cathedral are not yet finished, there is nowadays material enough to revive a history that could have happened.
The stratification of finds shows their different ages. We consider three important archaeological stages: A Roman moment which lasts lour centuries (I st to XI th). Though the remains belonging to the Roman age concern to diverse centuries, we unify the trace which appears towards the 4th-5 t h centuries. A second moment which we could date in the 9th century, about the year 813, with the establishment of Allonso II 's church round about the grave brought to light. And a third historical moment that would correspond to the enlargement of the church which Alfonso III "El Magno" changes into a basilica.
Excavations under the cathedral . Perez Losada 2002
EPOCH OF ROME COURSE OF ROMAN PERIOD I) Roman mausoleum (1st century). 2) Roman walls (1 st and 2nd centuries). 3) Hot baths (3rd and 4 th centuries). 4) Tombs (4th century). 5) Roman fortified tower (undetermined), if it existed.
CONJECTURAL PRINCIPLE Owing to its location between two rivers and on the road to the highway on a hill, overlooking the valley, it could become a certain urban consolidation, at least as a control village with a walled enclosure and whose limit at west would pass by a watch-tower, especially if we accept as a fact the existence of the old Roman way which passed next to the tower, as we are told by the changers confraternity 's book. Fite existence of this way in a Roman structure is being confirmed today with new diggings whose results have not yet been revealed.
The Rampart was an usual protection in any urban creation of Romans: it might have been the replacement of a wooden palisade that would surround a former military camp (1st century or before). In the posterior urban consolidation the mausoleum would be another building of the first century (date of Ara de San Paio), a stone which possibly would head the door of the mausoleum until 5th century. The settlement could perhaps be built corresponding to the development or Lucus Augusta and on a similar location from a Celtic origin. Lucus is consolidated on a terrace of one hundred metres on the bank (link Milio during the imperial epoch from Augusto to Caracalla (3rd century). In regard to the Roman fortified enclosure (if there was one), it is known that any Roman creation either a town or a military camp had the same way of outline on a similar geographical location (high ground near a river allowing a large and clear visual control). When the site was chosen. they drew out the cardo (N/S) and the Decumanus (E/W), chief axes that should cross at the Forum. According to the needs and never surpassing a definite number of inhabitants that could show hereafter any water problems overcrowding, etc., Romans designed their camps and towns with definite dimensions and similar schemes. Thus when the space of the settlement was appointed, it was surrounded by ramparts fortified with towers and letting only the ends of the axes as an entrance into the enclosure; that is to say a gate in the middle of the square of each side, the most important being those concerning to the Cardo.
Roman typical camp Excavations around the cathedral foundations
In the epoch of the Republic the gates are not flanked with towers. It is only after the campaigns against the Parthians: (.2nd century) when Romans begin to make use of watchtowers; spreading them along the walls and flanking the gates. Accordingly, it is possible that the Roman enclosure, if there was one, hat at first one only tower or none; later on near the 2nd century. It could he provided with towers. Moreover, the gates in Augusto’s epoch were flush with the walls having a single archway. The breadth and ornament of the archways depended on the magnitude of the sheltered population, on their category and epoch. As a general rule, contrarily to the Oriental Greeks' magnificence in the ornament of their gates, austerity and simplicity characterized Occidental Roman or half-Romanized provinces 'architecture. Moreover we are in a situation of very tardy Romanization in Gallaecia and on the borders of the land at that time known. Obviously we can think of a not luxurious architecture, but provided with the usual pragmatic Roman way. As for the cemetery or Roman burial ground, starting from Trajano 's epoch, the habit of cremations without burial was on the decrease; they use the sarcophagus again; this retrogression in the habits has allowed to find out remains of Roman tombs. In the reconstructions made by J. Guerra for Kirschbaum (Guerra Campos), stating the position of the finds, an obvious direction E/W is perceived, Decumanus?. Towards this point one finds the tower, the hot baths and other remains not identified.
Gallaecia Map. SV Locus Sancti Jacobi (830-880) segĂşn Alsina
The reason of the burials direction with the feet of the sarcophagus towards cast is based upon the religious belief about the direction of Christians' Paradise. We cannot forget the paleochristian nature of this burial ground. In the first centuries of Christianity many Romans arc Christianized soldiers with faithful attachments next to Holinesses issued from their own files. San Jorge, San Sebastian (Diocleciano 'centurion), later on titular of Pico Sacra 's chapel (10th century). San Adrian, etc. It is therefore a time of steady mingled worships. At the east of the camp and on a little hill the remains of a Celtic castrum coexisted. It was inhabited by villagers and probably connected with the camp. This old settlement became a nucleus of population which outlived the leaving of the Roman garrison and long after developed a rural habitat around a parish (San Felix the Solovio at the present time).
SACRED HILL, Pico Sacro Chapel
FOUR CENTURIES OF FORGETFULNESS In the year 711 the Berber general Tarik, with a small army, defeats in Guadalete the last Gothic King. Because of his death, disbandment to the northern mountains is caused; don Rodrigo’s followers take refuge in the Asturias mountains. The Moslem power grows firm in the entire peninsula, excepting in the Asturian mountains where the small group of survivors is organized. A small military event whose leader don Pelayo (722) defeats an Arabian expedition becomes a legend and the Reconquista begins. This insignificant skirmish will be however the source of a hope. The Gothic leading class that still remained in the south joins the rising Asturian kingdom trying to revive and reconstruct their institutions. The Asturian kingdom becomes the only Christian centre in the peninsula. In the reign of Alfonso I they conquer Galicia. In the meantime in Europe Charlemagne consolidates his empire. In Rome Leon III leads a Christendom with free expansion that includes Germans and Franks In Spain Alfonso II organizes his kingdom with the neogothic restoration, obstructing the advance of Moors. Rome. quiet and interested in the protection and expansion of its frontiers by the kings, taking the cross to larger horizons, worries only about discords simonies and possible schismatic focuses. Because of the Reconquest eight hundred years of struggle begin, which will form the named 'Spanish historical peculiarity'', an unspotted devotion that will be the ideal atmosphere for starting the northwestern religious revival. As for the social aspect the long struggle against Islam changes Spain into a bulwark which blockades the Arab attack towards the rest of Europe. The keeping of this barrier will cause the delay of a bourgeois class birth in spin, which will get ahead in Europe. Excepting in Aragon, the new leading social class, devoted to commerce, has no place in a Spain that survives on an exclusive war economy.
The vault, with Cordovan nervure, will cross the umbilical cord of Camino de Santiago together with the most advanced sciences or Islam. Lying down lightly on some spots of the Spanish northwest, they will arrive in France, whence they will return changed into a Romanesque and a Gothic "French" (Sanchez Alhornoz). Connant exposed his theories about the orientalised character of the first churches that went on pilgrimages. In 997, when Almanzor ravages Alfonso Ill's basilica, he would undoubtedly became astonished seeing that a church of such small size could excite so many griefs: we must not forget that the Mussulman leader left in his Cordova a mosque large enough to shelter more than twenty thousand souls. The Papacy recognizes the Carolingian Empire, crowning the emperor and consecrating the protector of the unified Chiristendom. FORSAKING 'TIMES. (4TH-1-9TH CENTURIES) The Roman empire fall causes the abandon of the colonies. The wood surrounds the ruins; later on it will become Libredon's wood, which, according to the legend will be given by queen Lupa in order to fasten the worship for sacred remains. It is a little known epoch (4th-9th). On the remains of the Celtic castrum a rural parish -San Felix Fiz de Solovio- has stretched out.
AL-ANDALUS, Iberian peninsula under Islamic rule in different periods
EPOCH OF ALFONSO II. (791-842) He is recognized as recoverer and restorer of Gothic order in Oviedo
THE ORIGINS OF COMPOSTELA LIBREDON麓S WOOD Our site has no name yet. The countrymen living around the wood adjudge it its legends. Libredon's wood (Liberum/Donum) could have been the first name of the site, Libre Don, granted by queen Lupa. It is with this name that the property which included the wood and the Sepulchre is known in pope Ie贸n's charter according to the Codice Calixtino. It may be a site's name of Celtic origin meaning "Castrum or road tower" (Guerra Campos), ancient Roman road from Iria to Brigantium. The later village, Libredons' Village, "sacred castrum's settlement", due to its establishment on an old Celtic cultural centre. Guerra Campos describes the ground in Pre-Roman age. "It is a hill slanting 65 metres towards east, south, west and North-west until river Sar that flows at a kilometre's distance from the summit and river Sarela which flows at about 770 metres distance".
Santiago topography map
TOPONYMIES "Libredon": liberum donum, granted by queen Lupa. "Arcis": site of Arcis. According to Guerra Campos it was in antonomasia the site of Santiago, the urban centre which corresponds to the cathedral's area, Quintana and Antealtares ' area of the present time. "A reis marmoricis": marble ark containing, the sepulchre "Compostela”: it is the new quarter, the village or Villa liurguensis whose contour is pointed out by Gelmirez, Fuente Sequclo, Caldereria, Iluerfanas, el Toral y el Franco's streets and served by two inner roads: the oldest and... "Vicus Novus" (New Road). When Villa Burguensis became a municipality, due to bourgeois class'emancipation from the dominion of the ancient centre, all the aggregation take the name of the suburb, i. c. Compostela. As we infer from pope Leon's charter, the aggregation of Arcis 'village, an old property that sheltered the Sepulchre, would be fortified and given the name of Burgo del Libredon, having a quarter outside that perhaps would be Compostela. In the opinion of Pascual 11 (1104) Santiago was at first "Villa Burguensis" and then a municipe named Compostela. There are a great many interpretations about the site's name Compostela. They all are uncertain and do not clear up the origins of the village that could be a firm aid for a graphic reconstruction. From Campus Stella, most bucolic and as a legend, the most suitable interpretation for this kind of work is the one that Pierre David suggests: "Pourrait-on supposerque le mot "Composte' et son diminutif aient pu etré directement appliqués à une petite agglomération considerée comme gracieuse et bien batie” An arranged and well-built settlement.
Santiago topography map
TIME OF ALFONSO II REVIVAL (9TH CENTURY) (813-870) The rural class of the settlement around San Felix at the present time sustains a legend about the mysterious neighbouring wood. Oral historical traditions as that of hermit Pelagio, who has his "cella" near the wood, and especially political and religious reasons in a very favourable moment for Christendom's power, carry bishop Teodomiro (Goth name) in pilgrimage from his diocese of Iria. He commands to remove impediments from the wood and confirms the existence of the saint's grave, announcing it to Alfonso II, who after a ceremonious journey authorizes and finances the construction of a first church. The Asturian king intends to value the find and sends a precious present to the Christendom's emperor, the apostle´s front bone, probably intending that everybody in Europe will pay attention to that small western group of Christian redoubt. The legend of die triumphal arrival of Charlemagne and his Peers, in Compostela is very doubtful, taking into account the unpleasant war encounter he had had lately with the Basque people . It is a question of a sole opportunity for king the Chaste, which he cannot waste. The church around the sepulchral tabernacle is erected.
Starting of the construction. 1075-1088. Victoriano Nodar
RECONSTRUCTION OF THE FIRST CHURCH AGGREGATE (813-840). In a short time the religious centre, initial focus of pilgrimages, is consolidated. The Benedictine community of Antealtares with its cloister southward. St. Mary's church to the north. The Bishop's house since the see was moved from Iria N.E. A baptistery to the North. A house for poor people. The canonical building in the south.
REVIVIFICATION. 9TH CENTURY (813-870) The insistence of hemit Pelayo, holy man who bad his oratory in Libredon's wood, and on the other hand the oral tradition of. St Felix´s .people causes bishop Teodomiro of Iria to command the cleaning, of the spot and the official recognition of the apostolic burial. The bishop announces it to King Alfonso II, who, after a ceremonious journey, grants the first church Thus the first “church enclosure” is built up. Around it a rural settlement grows, which lives on the usufruct of neighbouring lands, a real estate that the clergy get by successive royal gifts.
which is put against the sepulchre on its west side. On the east a Benedictine community is installed. Thus the first "church enclosure�- is built up. Around it a rural settlement grows, which lives on the usufruct of neighbouring lands, a real estate that the clergy get by successive royal gifts.
ALFONSO II'S CHURCH The find of a long stone 1,53 by 0,43 metres, parallel to the threshold of Alfonso III´s church, wasted as if it should be very trod on, reveals the position of the entrance into the primitive church of Alfonso II. This piece was found at 2.25 metres distance from the fore face of the facade of Alfonso III's church towards the east. As the position of the sepulchre did not change at all, as its location being a holly place was respected front the beginning, the eastern limit in the primitive church was the own tabernacle, being therefore the church about 22 metres long besides the sepulchre. Its latitude comprised the width of the nave of Alfonso Ill's church. Its north and south facades did not leave any remains when they were occupied by the foundation of the columns which measured above 8 meters high. The remains of a small will at the north side of the threshold and at its It'll and 55 centimetres thick, suggest the possible existence of an atrium with it door outwards. There is no evidence that the rectangular apse that shelters the sepulchre belonged to Alfonso II´s or Alfonso llI´s churches. This apse must have been independent, assuming that its structure was based on a monumental preparation and moreover knowing the qualification of the former church "ex petra et luto opera parvo". Kennet Conant, with regard to this first church, thinks upon the possibility of being a model of Asturian sanctuary, with columns which we have formerly found in Santullano (Oviedo) in 830 and perhaps would have, like this one, a wooden shed. In this time small Arcis shares the ecclesiastic dignity with Iria. According to Conant two other churches are built at the same time: La Corticela (Santa Maria) and San Salvador (Antealtares), ruled by a Benedictiny community. The whole was designed to be two churches one after the other, with the sepulchral tabernacle between them and with opposite orientations, Antealtares being to the east.
ANTEALTARES' CHURCH Diggings reveal nothing about this monastery's church. We must get the origins of its morphology and size from some reports and documents. The documents'list according to Guerra Campos is the following: I.-The Agreement or Concord (1077) between bishop Diego Pelรกez and abbot Fagildo de Antealtares. This agreement tried to solve the lawsuit arisen when the new cathedral invaded the church's area and the properties contiguous to the monastery. 2.-An old delimitation of the ground made by Alfonso VII (1147/1149). 3.-A document of archbishop, don Bernardo in 1152, concerning the execution of what is before shown and agreed. 4.-A Concord of Archbishop Pedro Suarez with the monastery's abbot. 5.-A Convention and Exchange (1256) by means of which the monastery is wholly disjoined from the cathedral and settled on its present location at the cast of Quintana. With regard to the monastery, the "Concord" (1077) is the most interesting for us. It is spoken here about the three churches Alfonso II built (already mentioned). In one of these three churches abbot Ildefredo founds a convent with twelve monks for "supra corpus apostoli" worship and assigns them a spot "ad orientalem partem ante ipsa sancta altaria "where they would be able to build "c laustrum et officinas". This is the origin of Antealtares'name. Thus it remains until Diego Pelaez and Fagildo's time.
Compostela's history and Cronicon Iriense impute Antealtares'construction to bishop Sisnando in Alfonso el Magno and pope .Ivan VIII time, but maybe these outworks were improvements of another former church founded by Alfonso II. We know a little more about that; the church was "non-modica�, probably because the visual comparison of the three churches, Santiago, Santa Maria and Antealtares, as though were in the beginning Santiago and Antealtares were about all the same, when Alfonso III enlarged that of Santiago, the baptistery's remained intermediate (Guerra Campos). The area that in the concord is admitted as the monastery's property was formerly occupied by the church and one part of the monastic cloister, demolished when the cathedral was prolonged. And this area was arranged alter the presbytery and the tabernacle. One has concluded, according to Guerra Campos, by the description in the Concord, about the arrangement of San Juan and San Pedro's altars that both churches were opposite orientated, Santiago having its facade towards west and Antealtares to east. In length the Romanesque church occupied the whole area belonging to Antealtares; therefore it could not exceed the area between the tabernacle and the outside end of the central small presbytery; perhaps a smaller distance than from the tabernacle to the furthest end of San Salvador at present. We know the new cathedral occupied, besides the church, one part of the cloister and we know also the present San Pedro's altar was set up near the backdoor of the monastery's chapter. It could not have aisles as Alfonso III's church, because its foundations would have ruined flagstone tombs of former ages, brought to light before 1960.
THE CLOISTERS We suppose that the Benedictine abbey that occupied Antealtares would follow in the methodical arrangement of its buildings the graphical rules of the most important, monasteries of the Order. If so, the location of the cloister would be at the south of the church, as in Saint Gall or Saint Riquier (IXth ); ; thus they could come out in procession from the church straight to the cloister. This same orientation and location was kept up in the own Romanesque cathedral. THE CANONIC In the southern area and to the cast side of the place where the cathedral's transept would be arranged, they began to settle the buildings of the secular clergy, the canons and the chapter. The transfer or Iria 's diocese requires the constitution of a chapter. According to Guerra Campos, in this area was the residence zone and canonic cloister until the 13th century (dormitories, cรกmara, palattii). The door opening to this zone from the cathedral,by the present Pilar altar, was therefore named Canonic. In our opinion this area depended a great deal on the division the Roman wall (in this epoch probably free) could make in two terraces at cast and west of the sepulchral tabernacle.
RE-CREATION We propose for this phase the name of revival, as for the first time an ecclesiastical aggregation grows firm with a common idea around the sepulchral tabernacle: The ransom and consecration of the apostle worship. Benedictine monks and secular clergy settle near the sepulchre. At the beginning nobody wants to yield up ground or positions. Both sides foresee the great possibilities of the newborn religious centre. Antealtares is disposed its facade to the cast and Alfonso II's church to the west. The aggregation would be completed with the original Corticela (without aisles?), the Canonic, the monastery cloisters, the Tower and one part of its walls, Roman still, an oratory raised by bishop ildefonsus on hermit Pelayo's "cella", a house for poor people raised by bishop Sisnando near the towers, the bishop's house towards the north, near the Corticela and a road system that parcelled out the spaces with small scattered rural houses. At the south-east San Felix de Solovio, that had been the only centre of permanent residence and custodian of the legend, would get less importance as a settlement owing to the attraction force of the new ecclesiastical aggregation around the sepulchre, and at the south of both churches. Our judgement, about the space of the secular clergy is limited; thinking over the Roman wall was still in use. Thus the high terrace for use of canons would be clearly distinguished and a series of buildings necessary and usual for the secular clergy would be disposed in the course of time from 9th to 13th centuries. From the first, in the third evocation (9th century) we think about the building of Palatii chamber taking up the same part of the ground occupied nowadays by the buildings of the southern part of Quintana at the present time. We stand fast about this former location of the Canonic and the capitular buildings and dormitories, based exclusively on the existence of the Roman wall that divided the ground into two terraces.
Santiago, 1150. Alsina
REVIVAL OF THE SPOT. (9TH CENTURY)
IX th CENTURY On the hillock, slanting towards the river a settlement of clerical nature is already grown firm. It will be more and more visited. It is the image of a church aggregation, still poor. Tomb A of Santiago's cathedral EPOCH OF ALFONSO III. (866-910) He peopled again the lands of Tuy, Astorga, Leon and the north of Portugal, conquered Coimbra, defeated the Cordovan at Valdemora. Due to this battle Cordova asks for peace for the first time. He led Sancho Garcés to the Navarrese throne. It was the starting point of a dynasty having friendly relations with Oviedo. ALFONSO III'S CHURCH This church will have a great importance as a generating centre owing to its long survival. It is rebuilt by Bishop Pedro de Menzonzo after AImanzor's destruction (997) and stands firm until 1112, is whose date the Romanesque work of the cathedral has already performed the presbytery and the transept. It remains till this moment, in order to go on with Public worship. Alfonso Ill.’s basilica is a reformation from Alfonso II's, enlarging perceptibly the length of the nave and adding aisles as well as a body for the baptistery. On building the new basilica, Alfonso the Great (maintains entirely, the altar and builds a church that shelters the tabernacle. The construction of the church begins towards the year 880 and is consecrated in 899. We have a reference about the beginning of pilgrimages towards the year 844; therefore the second church is built with the purpose of giving adequate dignity to the objectives of pilgrimages, which were about fifty years old, According to Kennel Conant, the basilica before AImanzor's fire was perhaps Santa Maria del Naranco's style, which was consecrated in the year 848, or San Miguel de Lillo's in the same year, Val de Dios' small convent's (893), or Santa Cristina de Lena's (905). It could hold a clear and exact peculiarity from oriental inspiration, in the manner of all these protoromanesque Asturian churches. Conant hesitates in maintaining firmly the origin of this type of architecture from the Near East; however he is beyond a doubt about the Asturian style of the 9th century's temple. One cannot prove the Asturian temple was vaulted like that of Val de Dios, but Conant infers from the diggings there were foundations in the ground for the characteristic buttresses of vaulted Asturian churches; “in my opinion the word” “Quadras” that
appears in the Act, has reference to these buttresses�. Guerra Campos can accept this interpretation, since in Vitrubio´s terminology they are square plinths for columns. Conant infers from the Act that there were eighteen external columns, perhaps decorated with decreased flutins as those of Naranco and Lillo. Guerra Campos is not of the same opinion, as he refers this description to the inner columns that divide the church into three aisles. It is possible that it happened like in Santa Cristina de lena, which was designed with a vault and then was built with wooden roof. Conant concludes: We can imagine the western church resembling the small convent of Val de Dios, having a tribune and portico (although on the northern side), with the sanctuary laid out like Santa Cristina's, but in a larger scale, and prolonged towards north by means of a kind of miniature churches, provided with lateral chapels built of rubbish masonry and fifty-three metres long and twenty-one metres wide. COURSE OF TIME (880) Beginning. (899) Consecration. (997) Almanzor's destruction. (1003) Rebuilding and consecration by San Pedro de Mezonzo. (1037/1066) It is strengthened and fortified with the west towers of Cresconio. (1112) It is removed from the inner part of the Romanesque basilica. The ramparts arc torn down. Guerra Campo's conclusions will give an idea of King the Great's church, which differs a great deal from that of Lopez Ferreiro and Conant himself. The church is built in order to improve Alfonso II's temple, assuming that the first solution had not been very right, since the mausoleum was inserted in the presbytery and became a hindrance. PRIMITIVE ENCLOSURE (10TH CENTURY) (THE FIRST RAMPART)
Now we shall try exposing the situation and transformation of the most important buildings of the generating centre in the 10th century. The positions have not essentially changed. We study this century in a specific way, as an important urban transformation happens in this period. It is the century when the first rampart is built. We shall refer to this one at first. Guerra Campos locates the course of the rampart surrounding the area occupied by the cathedral, excepting a part of the cloister, Quintana square, San Paio's monastery and the houses that flank Azabacheria street, Campo square, Preguntoiro and Obispo Gelmirez street. t had three gates at least, Faxeira which opened on the "Villare�, another one at Via Sacra opening on Azabacheria which was the entrance for pilgrims coming from east; Francigena gate in the second walled enclosure would be in the 12th century equivalent to that one; and the third gate would be on the northern facade of Corticela. THE TOWER The diggings of the year 64 revealed a tower and remains of an ancient rampart running from the tower southwards and northwards. The tower brought to light under the cathedral's soil is five metres long at its south-western angle and 3,20 at its northwester’s.
The remains of the rampart that start from the lower northwards and southwards are 1,84 metres thick, beginning in the middle of the fortified tower's laces, which proves, according to Guerra Campos, they were joined to the tower later on. The own structure of the tower scents to prove it was independent and even that it could have been built on the mutants of another older tower. Roman?
Compostela´s history speaks about two altars disposed in the towers built by bishop Cresconio in front of the old church, in order to protect it from Normans. We are speaking about two towers, but the remains of one of them were only located. If there has been another, it would be, according to Guerra Campos, towards the angle where Campanas tower arises. These towers were part of a rampart and tower system built by Cresconio in the XIth century (1037/1066). The upper courses of the ramparts that join to the fortified tower show to all appearances a rebuilding of the upper body; that is to say, these walls were perhaps a strengthening rebuilding made after AImanzor's attacks, on the walls of 10th century built by bishop Sisnando with the people's aid, composed of walls, towers and moats that surrounded the locus sanctus (Cronicon Iriense). On the outside of the fortified wall there is a crack one metre deep on the rock, a possible trace of the moats of Sisnando's fortified walls. July 1987 reports the find or archaeological remains in a ground in front of Azabacheria square. These ruins might belong to a tower and ramparts with a moat of Sisnando and Cresconio's epoch, this tower ratified absolutely the outline of Locus Sanctus'rampan infered by Guerra campos in 1982. It also ratifies the arrangement settled by historian Lopez Alsina as for tower facing Via Sacra in the analysis of "Locus Sanctus”. The experts will undoubtedly infer whether this tower possibly, next to to another, flanking one gate to Via Sacra. ANCIENT ROMAN TOWER In the Book of Brokers Brotherhood "O Castelo, chamado do Camiño" is mentioned. It seems to be the road talked about in the first evocation, that joined Iria to Aseconia on the perhaps be a reconstruction on Roman remains on the road's edge. Now, giving all our attention to the 1Oth century, fourth evocation, we shall analyse the changes of the inner space.
COATING OF ALFONSO III'S CHURCH In the Act of the Basilica's consecration, Alfonso III mentions the city of Eabeca as a spot where marbles used for embellishing the church came from. Since the Act was analysed by Lopez Ferreiro with the purpose of inquiring Eabeca's location, many investigators have been interested about it. Sanchez Albornoz acknowledges he was wrong about its location and asserts it was located in one pan of the Mussulmen zone in "Hispania", thus named by northern Christians the Moorish land. He affirms than nevertheless, in the second part of the Act it is obvious that some colums of the gate next to San Juan's baptistery put near the apostle's temple came from the walled city of Oppidum (O'Porto). Anyhow, Almanzor brought to ruin in 997 all the marble ornaments of the Basilica. Conant, in the same Act, interprets the word "abbobuta" as the one that caused the word "vault", but he admits there are no remains proving it was walled. Guerra Campos agrees to the city of Eabeca was perhaps at the north of Portugal in the region conquered by Alfonso Ill, and near the coast.
THE CLOISTER At the south of Antealtares and joined to it was the monastery's cloister. It must be in that place because in the Concord it is told that the Great Church would occupy Antealtares, completely and a part of the cloister "Ut omnia pracfacta altaria cum cccicsia et partem claustri monachorum caperet". Besides, we know San Pedro's altar was erected just by the outside gate of the monastic chapterhouse. Then the cloister would be located at the south of the church, as San Gall or San Riquier. The existence of the cloister was necessary for the performance of the community life, according to the rules of Choredang de Metz, Charlemagne’s uncle, which canons must obey.
SAN PELAGIOS'S ORATORY Antealtares'abbot buit on hermit Pelagio's "Cella" a provisional oratory, meanwhile the Great Church works went on, in order to keep on the monastic worship. We do not know much about this oratory and we know nothing about its physical characteristics. It is supposed that its location was at the north-east of today's Quintana square.
Tomb A of Santiago's cathedral EPOCH OF RAMIRO II (930-950) King of León. In 932 he takes possession of the Omeya fortress in Madrid; in 950 he defeats the Cordovan army at Talavera. We cause to remember him here as a leader of Clavijo's battle, which inspired the famous tympanum in the cathedral's transept. San Martín de Tours Chapel, fromista SXI.
CLAVIJO'S TYMPANUM Clavijo's Tympanum has been imputed to Alfonso III's church on account of the connection of the Privilege with Ramiro II 's epoch. Really the thunder's son, equestrian, at a gallop, is pictured on the tympanum, surrounded by feminine figures intending the representation of the hundred maid's tribute. Around it there is a molding of small arches with angels, like a heavenly choir; the original polychrome quality can still be appreciated in the door quoins. It is said the beautiful pen ice could have been an entrance gate to the basilica (L. Ferreiro) and in 1112, when this one was demolished; it was embedded into one of the windows of the cathedral as homage to the ancient church. If we accept that the church's style was like the one of protoromanesque small churches of Asturian style, we have not remarked in any of them a tympanum portal and in such a manner carved, San Miguel de Lillo's and Val de Dios small convent’s portals are more primitive and have neither pavilions nor molding. We are favourably disposed to think that Clavijo's tympanum may belong to a later epoch. perhaps when the similarity of concept of Maranie's portal and Clavijo's tympanum, undoubtedly preceding the Portico de la Gloria. It is interesting to pay attention to the idea of archivolt with figures around the main subject. This equestrian figure of the apostle at a gallop appears in this Clavijo's tympanum for the first time.
Clavijo´s tympanum
33 Hour Book, Santiago's University Given the reputation that has taken on the new religious center of Christianity, it increases the influx of pilgrims, urging then renovate the church and also enlarge it. Alfonso III, makes a basilica, adding aisles and extending the nave. This second church was, according to Conant's "Asturian-style", the protorrománicas beautiful churches with oriental background from Ramiro I time (San Miguel de Lillo, Santa María del Naranco, Val de Dios convent) It is enshrined in 899. Almanzor fire the church in 997, the rebuilt Pedro de Mezonzo. Bishop Sisnando surrounds the set of walls EPOCH OF FERNANDO I. (1037-1065) Under his reign the first union of Castilla and Leon is produced. When his brother-in law Bermudo III died having no succession, he became king of Leon. Compostela, the episcopal see, is ruled at this epoch by bishop Cresconio. THE FIRST RAMPART (880-1000) Bishop Sisnando surrounds the holy site and the village with ramparts and towers encircled by moats. Inside he repairs the small church. By Alfonso III’s gifts it becomes a basilica. Whith regard to the walled enclosure it is not evident that it only sheltered the religious buildings or elles the whole village. According to Lopez Ferreiro the ancient enclosure was rectangular, "Urbs Quadrata", and had four gates. The Forum has rather relation to a square outside the village which maybe was Campo's Cervantes'at present. One must bear in mind that in Lopez Ferreiro's epoch (1838-1910) only part of the diggings had been made (1898/1911). The importance the aggregation has acquired and the treasures it contains coming from royal gifts, excite the cupidity of Norman and the aggregation is protected for the first time (bishops Sisnando and Cresconio). San Millguel de Lill´s Chapel
1040-1109. Tomb A. Santiago de Compostela's cathedral EPOCH OF ALFONSO VI When his brother Sancho dies, he leaves his exile in Al-Mamun's court in Toledo and is named King of Leon and Galicia. After Santa Gadea's oath in Burgos, compelled by El Cid, he is acknowledged as a king of Castilla. RE-CREATION OF THE AREA (IX - X) This evocation concerns the epoch that elapses from the year 870 till about the middle of the 10th century during the 11 th century Cresconio strengthens the ramparts of 10th century, built by bishop Sisnando with the people's aid. These ramparts encircled the Locus Sanctus (Cronicon Iriense). Sisnando's ramparts were perhaps partly destroyed by Almanzor in 997.. This fact, joined to the Norman threat, would justify Cresconio's later work. Although Lopez Ferreiro guesses a plan of the original Compostela with a series of religious buildings surrounded by a walled rectangular enclosure, it seems not to have been like the Compostela's canon had imagined. The rampart, after the excavations interpreted by Guerra Campos, was oval shaped and lodged the religious buildings of the secular clergy and the monastery which had supported important changes in regard to the aggregation of 9th century. The most important of these changes was that concerning the improvement and enlargement of Alfonso II's church. By Alfonso III':; donations the small church becomes a basilica, adding to it the aisles, the baptistery at the north side and increasing its length. Locus Sancti Iacobi. 830-80 .Alsina
The donations to the church from Asturian monarchs were analysed by Barrau-Dihico and afterwards by Sanchez Albornoz. Many of them, due to their nature out of proportion, were a source of suspicions and disturbances among the feudal class in the neighbourhood. There are in Samos a great many charters where the Asturian kings Alfonso III, Ordo単o I. etc. grant real estate round about the monastery to abbots Angerico, Ofilon, Andofredo, etc. From 8th century Samos is a shelter for Mozarab monks and in the 9th century, in the reign of Ramiro and Ordo単o "One mile and a half land around the cloister" (documents of years 811, 853, 951, etc.). Donation of lordship for lands located twelve miles around Santiago's tomb (tumbo A. de Santiago). The secular clergy's buildings were probably located near the Canonic and getting profit from a possible terrace formed by the Roman wall, establishing an inner space. Towards east the possessions belonging to the monastery and the chapter would beging to differ. Later on, due to the development of the pacts, agreements, concords, etc., starting from 11 th century in order to transfer the buildings of the monastery north-eastward, we infer that nowadays the whole part of the land situated at the cast or the churches aggregation, could be separated into two similar portions placed at north and at south of a central axis. However the Basically history itself lasts from its consecration in the year 899 until 1112, when the transept of the Romanesque cathedral was already built. We place this evocation (IV) in the space of time between the years 899 and 997, when AImanzor destroys the Basilica, since we could consider a series of years later devoted to the rebuilding of the whole aggregation: ramparts (Cresconio, 1037 till 1066), Basilica, rebuilt by bishop Pedro de Mezonzo, (Antealtares'abbot). Taking into account that this bishop is dead in 1003, we suppose a quick reconstruction of the Basilica.
San Salvador de Antealtares church and Alfonso II & Alfonso III chapel. J. Williams
THE CATHEDRAL. BEGINNINGS THE ROMANESQUE CATHEDRAL We place this evocation in the space of time that goes from the second half of the XI to century, when bishop Pelaez begins the construction of the great cathedral, till its end towards 1128, that is to say, from the Concord in 1077 between abbot Fagildo and Pelรกez in order to make free the space occupied by Antealtares and find place for the cathedral's presbytery, until 1128, when the construction can he considered finished. LAPSE OF TIME (ACCORDING TO CONANT) -1077. Concord. -1078. The construction of the presbytery and transept begins at east. -1088. The construction is interrupted. -1095. Revision of the design. -1100. Gelmirez'clection. Exaltation to metropolitan -1102. Construction of the transepts'ehapels. -1103/1105. Platerias or Azabacherias facade (Towers and naves). -1112. Alfonso 111's church is removed.
-1115. Bishop's palace. In the northwest of the cathedral the palace for bishops is erected (Gelmirez'epoch). -1120. Cathedral's fortifications. -1124/1128. The cathedral 's construction comes to its end. Possible date of the beginning of the cloister's construction.
We know that towards 1112 Alfonso III´s church is demolished, since the presbytery and the transept are already erected and some of its altars are opened for worship. The construction of bishop's palace does not begin until 1115, but it is possible that there were previously another one in than site. The curious episode of Gelmirez escape begins at palace. When the bishop and doña Urraca are caught, they run away from the palace towards the bell tower (1117). The image we have re-created could only occur towards 1116 and moreover the construction of the palace must have taken one year, as well as that of the bell tower. TWELFTH CENTURY'S RAMPART Cresconio's rampart invaded the space that was necessary for the construction of the cathedral, as it would run through it a the western end of the nave. On the other hand the church enclosure with all religious and civil buildings had become obsolete in regard to the great design that had begun. The population was ten times larger and it was necessary to get rid of overcrowding in the enclosure. It had a starting outline that let out San Martin's monastery and a gate called Sufratribus. The monastery is annexed in the 13th century. These ramparts were good not only for protection against Norman, Mussulman, English or French attacks. …..
Excavations Map, Chamoso
THE CHURCH ENCLOSURE In order to understand the situation in the last quarter of the XI th century, we refer to Guerra Campos, (Archaeologic Exploration about Santiago's sepulchre). It has relation to the text of the Concord in Zepedano, history and archaeological description of Compostela's basilica, etc. In this text they speak about the destruction of Antcaltares' church in order to find place for the construction of the cathedral. In the meantime Alfonso III's basilica remains in place and will go on, there for worship practice until the cathedral's presbytery and transept surround it fully (1112). The monks would remain owners of San Pedro's altar and the annexed door in the new church, as these intended to build a new church next to this altar. Besides they would recover San Salvador and San Juan's altars since they were built. Moreover in "Cartula Dotis" (Ramiro II and Alfonso III) their rights on the lands inherited in the head of the new cathedral are acknowledged. The boundary ran between Santiago's altar and the new three altars: San Salvador, San Pedro and San Juan. The monks'property comprised: The Cathedral's presbytery, starting from the mausoleum, id est, what is situated at the cast side of Corticela's door and Mondragon's chapel.
Interpretation of the construction. Arturo Franco Taboada
NORTHERN ZONE It occupied at first the northern zone of Quintana at the present time, the space equivalent to Quintana de Vivos more or less. The monastery's properties (church, cloister, dormitories) occupied half of the northern part of the square at the present time and remained inside a fence whose southern boundary ran not far from the corner of the privileged brotherhood's site. The northern boundary ran from the Corticela towards Preguntoiro. The space without buildings in the northern part (Quintana de Vivos at present) was an inner square belonging to the monastery. SOUTHERN ZONE Next to the monastery were located the buildings of the secular clergy, the chapter houses, etc. Documents from the end of 12th century speak about the passage from the cathedral to Antealtares' monastery was made without interstices, so that when the cathedral's clergy went in procession to Quintana's cemetery, they were obliged to go across the monastery's cloister. This seems to show there were no free areas between the residence and canonical cloister, and the monastery's cloister.
Antealtares Monastery
EPOCH OF ALFONSO VII AND URRACA In 1111 he in crowned in Compostela as king of Galicia against doña Urraca and his stepfather Alfonso el Batallador. He is named emperor in Leon (1135); the empire fails. Urraca, Alfonso VII's mother, shares with him Galicia's lordship until she becomes her brother's heir when he dies. Her father marries her to Alfonso el Batallador. This marriage failed and Urraca is repudiated by her husband. Doña Urraca will play an important role in Compostela's history because of her political position, either near to Gelmírez or near to her son Alfonso Raimúndez (Alfonso VII).
GEMIREZ PURSUIT' According to the narrative of Comp ostela's history: In 1117 Gelmirez, and Urraca, pursued by the people which attacks the palace, take shelter in one of the cathedral´s towers as they had set on fire in order to frighten them. He describes the Compostelana, the episode of this escape, giving so many details that will allow us further on to do an approximate vivid reconstruction of the space of Quintana's area. Guerra Campos, thanks to this description marked an approximate location of buildings at that historic moment , transcribing the passage as follows: Gelmirez, pursued by factious people, was obliged to run away on the sly from the bell tower, which was in fire. His zigzag itinerary, stopping in several hidingplaces, includes the following spots: 1, the Corticela; 2, Mauricio's and Froilan Rosende's homes, where he came through three contiguous houses; 3, San Paio's church; 4, the crossroad of the monastery's cloister
Alfonso II, Doña Urraca
Alfonso VI, Stamp book. C of Leon. Urraca Regina, TumboA
and another cloister; 5, the jump of a wall next to the cathedral, at the part that opened on San Pedro's altar; 6, the arrival going on the roofs to the canons’ dormitory; 7, the leaving, through the dormitory's door, until the "Quintana del Palacio" which was in front of the refectory; 8, at last, going out to the street at the other side, through Pedro Gundesindez' home, the bishop arrived to the Fajera and ran away from the town. This narrative seems to suggest that San Paio's church was at the east side of the fence just by the cloister and perhaps would be the oratory that the abbot had ordered to build provisionally, on Pelagio's "cella'', meanwhile the cathedral was erected. Gordon Biggs relates minutely the escape: The pursuit begins at palace where at first Gelmirez and Urraca stay. From there they go to the bell tower. Once it was in fire Urraca submits to the multitude on the bishop's advice. Meanwhile he escapes disguised through the basilica until he arrives into the Corticela where he will remain for a short time. Then he will reach Maurcio's home and crossing the walls of three houses he will come to Froilan's home. Till this moment the escape has always been towards the east, and then he goes back to west until Antealtares' church. Gelmirez will hide in its treasurer's office until the final stage of his escape, when he returns to the cast and crosses a cloister, another one to the south, towards the cast of the cathedral, near San Pedro's altar, the canon's dormitory, the square in front of the refectory, eastwards again. His last stopping place described in the Compostelana is his friend cardinal Pedro Gundesindez' home.
Archbishop Gelmirez Gelmirez´s trips
THE CATHEDRAL IS FINISHED This plan intends to revive the temporal space at an interval which would go from 1117 until the beginning of the first cloister's construction, 1124 and 1128 when the cathedral's ends. THE BENEDICTINE ABBEY (12TH CENTURY) At the east of the cathedral's head the monks of Antealtares have strenghened their monastic aggregation. It was located in an enclosure that northward went from Corticela to Preguntoiro and southward from the privileged brotherhood's site towards cast. It consisted of the church built by Gelmirez on the ancient Pelayo's oratory. The buildings have been arranged on purpose to make them suitable for the narrative of Compostellanum concerning Gelmirez escape in 1117. Towards 1120 the great Romanesque church is coming to an end. The disturbances than happened three years ago had given Gelmirez the idea of fortifying all the aggregation. All the facades are surmounted with battlements. Its aspect is imposing and especially dissuasive. In 1135 Aimerich does not speak much about the characteristics of the first western facade; probably it was not ended after the revolt in 1117. Maestro Mateo begins already studying the remaking of the facade.
Setting aside glorifications that speak about a history of unceasing splendour, when the 12th and 13th centuries were elapsed, Compostela, like many towns of Europe endures pest and famine and its ramparts served to protect it against such plagues. Thus the rampart confined a Compostela that was not built of stone till 16th century and whose wooden houses were darkened by smoke, which its inhabitants bestowed the rapeutic qualities (Jeronimo del Hoyo). Its narrow and tortuous streets surprised the people as rocks cropped out (Munzer). The "beware water!" of a town with neither sewerage system nor water supply frightened the foot-passengers. We imagine the pestilence and gloomy appearance of a Compostela where the pilgrimage's fervour had fallen into decay and where, owing to its urban nature, with the country inside the town, with an urban economy devoted both to agriculture and cattlerainsing one could meet in the street a great many swineherds making free with it. Al the south of the nave, according to the rules that Choredang de Metz, Charlemagne's uncle had promulgated for community life, the chapter ordered the erection of a cloister. In the decade 1124-1134 the work would be at its highest point. We have intended to revive the image starting from the arch in Nuestra Senora de Agualada's church in Marantes, an ancient stopping place on pilgrim's way. It would probably be a cloister with one only floor, so that the windows were not hidden.
Romanesque Cathedral
THE CATHEDRAL'S CLOISTER (12TH CENTURY) There is little knowledge about this Romanesque cloister that was built nearly after the construction of the cathedral was over. It starts towards 1124 and ends towards 1134. We shall try to reconstruct an approximate image, basing our opinion on some references that have outlived (Romanesque capitals, portions of arches, etc), and also on the possible connections with some cloisters of this epoch that remain at present. Shapiro proves that Silos ‘cloister is contemporary to abbot Fortunio who accompanies Alfonso VI in his campaigns, and that the capitals with fantastic motives attributed to Mozarab slaves did not hold religious motives. Silos may be considered as a bridge between what is Mozarab and what is Roman. The construction of Gelmirez' Romanesque cloister begins about 30 years after Silos’. One of the most obvious and most immediate references is the one that Sar's cloister can afford us, since a whole lateral side in its initial position is kept. It could have been made by Mateo or his school. In both cloisters we find resemblances, keeping necessary distances. Silos is a cloister with two floors without vaults. Sar has a cloister without vaults and one floor only, whose horizontal timberwork can still be seen. Both of them have a series of arches supported by double capitals upon double pillars, in a right-angled direction to the facades. We remark in Silos, as well as in Sar-, the existence of fourfold capitals, one on each facade. At Sar there is one on the wall that remains.
The Cathedral and the cloister
In both the disposition is more or less centred in the facades though we cannot deal with this particular to the letter, as the Romanesque style did not take into account the symmetry. In the cathedral's museum several fourfold capitals ascribed to this cloister are kept. Finally, as a basic starting point, we have a piece of great value for the reconstruction of the cloister: It is a complete arch with its respective capitals and columns, located in the small church of Nuestra Senora de las Angustias de Agualada (Marmites). Kennet Conant refers to this particular. It is a chapel located in the ancient highway from A Coruùa to Santiago, a road for pilgrims coming from the northern zone (England, Ireland). Those who travelled along the coast way crossing Asturias came also this way. In Agualada there is a fountain which pilgrims used for their washing (Santuarios de Galicia by J.J. Cebrian). According to Cebrian, in the16th century one of the arches from the old Romanesque cathedral's cloister is profited in order to be employed as a triumph arch in this chapel. The size of the arch's unit can bring new particulars for the cloister's reconstruction. The space between the pilasters in the facades of the nave measures 3 metres at inner facing. This measure is perceptibly the outer measure of Agualada’s arch, i.e. 2,86 metres. The difference is perhaps a question of transporting each stone and a readjustment, for which reason it could happen that the joining mortar was not of the same thickness as that of the arch in its original cloister. If so, we could suppose, as a general rule, that in front of each opening between the pilasters of the south facade in the nave, there would have been an arch of the cloister, for which reason, considering six openings of this facade, there would be a cloister with six arches on each gallery.
The cathedral´s cloister
THE ROMANESQUE CLOISTER Towards 1128 the construction is over and the erection of the Romanesque cloister has begun. Smaller than the present one, its construction will end about ten years later. The rebellion in 1117 against Gelmirez and Urraca is possibly the cause of the fortification in the works carried out up to that time. Towards 1124-1128 the achieved cathedral showed perhaps an appearance of "fortress" not foreseen in the original design Anyway the idea of "fortifying" was already applied by bishop Cresconio to the towers located westward Alfonso III 's basilica. If we regard as valuable that Ntra. Senora de Agualada's arch had belonged to the cathedral's Romanesque cloister, its size shows that in from of each pilaster-buttress of the cathedral there would be a protection spur for two arches of the cloister. We think each side must have been formed by six arches; thus we could have a central support with a fourfold capital like the one we have seen at Sar and at each side there would be the same number of arches (three). Possibly it had one only floor, without vaults like the one of Sar. At the centre, a fountain which, according to the tradition is that which is located at the entrance of Platerias in the same manner as a baptistery.
Romanesque arch which is ascribed to the cloister of the cathedral (Ntra. Sta. de Agualada, Marantes).
Coming again to Sar's cloister, the intercolumniations are not always uniform and appear divided by solid masonry buttresses. Basing our opinion on this fact, the arches could even be less than 2,86 metres wide, as the mortar between the stones of Agualada's arch is coarse and irregular, which we do not ascribe to a fine cloister built as an annex to the new inaugurated cathedral. If so, the good make of the joints would lessen the space between the stones, which would reduce the size of the arch. Seeing that the beginning of the cloister's works is near the epoch when the cathedral was concluded, we suppose this cloister would be already foreseen in every church's design. THE BISHOP'S PALACE In this evocation we must consider the important works made in archbishop's palace. At the beginning the banquet-room had no vault; it is reformed by Don Pedro Suarez (1173/ 1206) and the vault was completed.
Santa MarĂa del Sar chapel, Cloister, Santiago de Compostela
MAESTRO MATEO Notice about the coming on the scene of this master builder, architect and sculptor is obscure. We register the first one as the author of Ponte Gestures (Ponte do César)´s reconstruction, an ancient Roman bridge from Flavian epoch on the Ulla. The name of the author of Pórtico de la Gloria, from an unknown origin, appears in a document by means of which Fernando II grants him a maravedi pension. On the lintel under Pórtico de la Gloria, there is a time reference, explained by López Ferreiro who dates the beginning and ending of the building (1168/1188) In these years the Maestro will perform the work of transforming the west façade, getting rid of the two entrance porticos in order to unload the central pillar or the crypt or "Catedral Vieja”- and at the same time to open the narthex with the purpose of making ready the second cycle of the great project: the erection of Pórtico de la Gloria. The complex and advanced idea of the Pórtico, whose outline has been judged as gothic, due to its perfection, has received all the imaginable praises. The originality of the idea, as well as its opportunity has been much debated along the time. Setting aside these disagreements, we regard the opening of the narthex and Pórtico de la Gloria as one of the most attractive ideas of pilgrimages´ last purpose Pilgrims coming from east crossed Puerta Francigena and refreshed their throats in the Fuentes del Paraiso, mixing with the groups coming from north, which across Faro, coming from England and Ireland. It is possible they went around the great cathedral's aggregation in anxious search towards west of Mateo's wonder, whose reputation they had so much heard. Going up slowly with their tired bodies, their soul would be full of joy, while their eyes would not be able to view at one time so superb colour symphony.
Setting aside these disagreements, we regard the opening of the narthex and Portico de la Gloria as one of the most attractive ideas of pilgrimages´ last purpose. Pilgrims corning from cast crossed Puerta Francigena and refreshed their throats in the Fuentes del Paraiso, mixing with the groups coming from north, which across Faro, came from England and Ireland.
The great moment has come. In 1188 the Portico de la Gloria is over, according to the inscription on its lintel. The true cathedral has got its culmination. Mateo has changed all the west façade in order to accomplish his design of the portico. This unitary whole will remain complete for about one hundred and fifty years. Afterwards it will happen a great many transformations until today. It is perhaps the most glorious moment of the cathedral’ architecture. The long and arduous journey is over. The pilgrims go up slowly the perron of the west façade and behold astonished Mateo's marvel of which they had so much heard. An explosion of forms and colours offers them a whole symbolical world.
We let the story finish for the moment in Platerias'square. It is in this faรงade where we find the nexus that joins us directly to the original Romanesque tracing. By means of it we can know the form of Azabacheria before Ferro Caaveriro's improvement (1759), and the general style of the whole before the Romanesque began to lose its unity, due to the continuous and varied posterior interventions. Below the lintel of Portico de la Gloria the following inscription is represented. It allows us to know the date of the ending of the sculptural unit works and in what manner they were wholly managed by Maestro Mateo: "Anno: ab: Incarnatione: Dni: Mo. Co LXXXVIII vo: Era la CCXXII. VI.a: Die K-L. Aprilis: supra liniharia. Principalium: portalium". "Ecclesiae: Beati; Jacobi: sunt collocata: Per: Magistrum: Matheum: qui: fundamentis: impsorum: gessit: magisterium". Literal interpretation of George E. Street: In the year of Our Lord 1188, first of April, the lintels of the main portico of venerable Santiago's church were fixed by Maestro Mateo, who managed the works from the beginning.
Portico de la Gloria inscription
MASONIC MARKS Street found all these marks in the inside of the cathedral. Medieval fraternities devoted to building work created the Freemasonry. They had a hierarchical organization according to the specialization degree: apprentices, trained workmen and at last the master. In stonecutters fraternity they had specified some marks in the same manner as stone insculptures which were good for recognizing the author of each cutting and thus to be able to control the quantity of stones cut by each stonecutter. During the construction of Compostela's cathedral stonecutters were agreed to be paid with maravedis by the job. In north transept.
In the nave, in the triforium and in the tower.
In west aisle.
Masonic marks,
Drawing carved in the stone. Base of a column exit
Santiago´s Cathedral. 1657, Vega y Verdugo
José Guerra Campos (Ames, La Coruña, 1920 - Sentmenat, Barcelona, 1997) was a Spanish Bishop, theologian and philosopher. Author of archaeological explorations around the tomb of St. James. Santiago de Compostela: Cabildo de la Catedral. 1983.
Kenneth John Conant (1894–1984) was an American architectural historian specializing in medieval architecture. Conant was born in Neenah, Wisconsin, and studied at Harvard University in 1911. After studying in Europe and service in the American Expeditionary Force in World War I, he returned and eventually taught architectural history at Harvard from 1920 to 1955. Conant's life-work was the study of the Cluny Abbey, near present-day Mâcon in France, which he excavated beginning in 1927, funded by his first of five separate Guggenheim Fellowships. He considered Cluny the pre-eminent accomplishment in all of architectural history. Excavations continued until 1950. Conant retired from Harvard in 1955 but continued to publish. His most important work is Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture 800–1200 (1959).
Almanzor Abu Aamir Muhammad ibn Abdullah ibn Abi Aamir, al-Hajib al-Mansur (Arabic: أﺑﻮ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ( )ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﺑﻦ أﺑﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺐ اﻟﻤﻨﺼﻮرc. 938 – August 8, 1002), better known as Almanzor, was the de facto ruler of Muslim Iberia (al-Andalus) in the late 10th to early 11th centuries. His rule marked the peak of power for al-Andalus. Almanzor was born Muhammad ibn Abi Aamir, into a noble Arab family. He arrived at the Court of Córdoba as a student studying law and literature. He subsequently became manager of the estates of Prince Hisham II. In a few years Almanzor had worked his way from this humble position to considerable heights of influence, eliminating his political rivals in the process. Caliph al-Hakam II died in 976 and Ibn Abi Amir was instrumental in securing the succession of the young Hisham II, aged twelve, to the throne. Almanzor exercised strong influence over Subh, the mother and regent of the young Hisham II. Two years later he became hajib (a title similar to that of vizier in the Muslim East or Chancellor in Western Europe). During the following three years Almanzor consolidated his power with the building of a new palace on the outskirts of Córdoba, al-Madina az-Zahira, while at the same time completely isolating the young Caliph, who became a virtual prisoner in Medina Azahara. Following al-Hakam's death, Almanzor had al-Hakam's library of "ancient science" books destroyed.
Domingo Antonio de Andrade (Cee, 1639 – Santiago de Compostela, 1712) a Galician baroque architect, a leading figure in the emergence of Galician Baroque architecture. He studied Arts at the Faculty of Arts at the University of Santiago de Compostela -1654-1656- with the intention of becoming a priest. He completed his studies in Salamanca or perhaps in Alcala de Henares, where he gained a bachelor's degree. He also toured much of the peninsula thanks to the protection of his patron, the Earl of Real Alba. In 1669 it was Surveyor of the Cathedral and in 1676 was appointed Master Builder. His list of works include: In the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela where, in 1671, he was designated as “Master builder” (architect): Clock tower, called Berenguela (1676-1680). Royal Door to Quintana square, initiated by Jose de la Peña de Toro. Finished the Tower of the Bells, initiated by Peña de Toro. Finished the baldachin designed by Jose de Vega y Verdugo, Count of Alba Real and canon of the cathedral chapter. New sacristy, now capela do Pilar, finished by Fernando de Casas Novoa. Other of his works in Santiago de Compostela: Convent of Saint Dominic of Bonaval: The triple helical staircase, the tower and finished the cloister. Several historic houses: “Casa das Pomas” (initiated by Diego de Romay), “Casa da Parra” in Quintana square, or the “Casas da Conga”.Retables for the Convent of Saint Dominic of Bonaval and for the Convent of Saint Clare.
Master Mateo (c. 1150 - c. 1200 or c. 1217) was a sculptor and architect who worked in medieval Christian kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula during the second half of the twelfth century. He is best known now for the P贸rtico de la Gloria of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela. He was also responsible for the stone choir of the cathedral in 1200, later torn down in 1603. The earliest information about Maestro Mateo is from an 1168 document in the archives of the cathedral of Santiago, which says that the Master was already working on the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela, for which he received a large sum of money from King Ferdinand II of Le贸n. Very little information remains about his early training, but everything seems to imply that he already had a long career behind him all along the Way of Santiago, especially in the French sections.
The Cathedral. Different periods. Conant.
Romanesque Romanesque-Gothic Renaissance - Baroque