In the lee of the stadium: football and civic life in Tottenham - Cameron Cavalier

IN THE LEE OF THE STADIUM FOOTBALL AND CIVIC LIFE IN TOTTENHAM

Cameron Cavalier MPhil in Architecture and Urban Design

IN THE LEE OF THE STADIUM Football and Civic Life in Tottenham Cameron Cavalier St Catharine’s College, Cambridge 2016 Essay 2: Pilot Thesis 5201 Words An essay submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the MPhil Examination in Architecture and Urban Design (2015-2017)

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Ingrid Schrรถder, Aram Mooradian and Lefkos Kyriacou for their support of my design and research projects.

CONTENTS Abstract (1) Spurs and the High Road (3) The Thickness of the Stadium (15) Endnotes (27) Bibliography (32) Figures (36)

ABSTRACT This pilot thesis comprises two short essays. In both, the focus is White Hart Lane stadium.

The first essay is an examination of the connections that bind Tottenham Hotspur Football club to the area where it is located. By virtue of its long association with Tottenham, the club has formed strong ties to the place. Its relationships with local communities are therefore complex and variegated, and the club’s stadium has become embedded into the area’s urban fabric. In many respects, the bonds that link Spurs to Tottenham pose problems for the football club and, by extension, for the people who live beside the stadium. Spurs, for sporting and economic reasons, have begun the construction of a new stadium, which they hope will make the club more competitive, both on and off the field. When deciding on the new design, they were faced with a difficult choice: should they temper their ambitions for their new stadium to preserve elements of Tottenham’s heritage, or should they proceed with their plans to build a rationally-designed modern stadium and risk damaging the links between the club and the area? I argue that Spurs chose the latter option, and I set out the reasons why they might have made this decision. Then, I seek to understand the effects that this might have on Tottenham and its High Road.

In the second essay, I posit that White Hart Lane is a place of common ground. Within its walls, rival groups of people are united in shared space, and contending factions are free to assert their differences. These encounters are not confined to the stadium, however.

Football supporters spill from the terraces onto Tottenham High Road, and the street thus becomes a junction between two cultures. Football fans meet local residents in the pubs, cafes and train stations that line the High Road, and these ordinary and serialised interactions are the basis on which these diverse groups forge shared identities. This civic unity is at risk, however. Spurs are building a new stadium that will have a hard boundary with the High Road. Once it is complete, the crowd and community will be separated from one another. To restore contact between these groups, Spurs could alter the design of the new stadium. If they were to open up the stadium at its boundary with the street, they could create places of common ground where conflicting parties could meet in solidarity.

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Figure 1.

Axonometric study of fans on Tottenham High Road. Home fans are outlined in blue, and away fans are outlined in green

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SPURS AND THE HIGH ROAD Much of Tottenham Hotspur’s sporting heritage is of value to the football club and to local residents. However, the preservation of this heritage stands in the way of a number of the club’s aims. Most prominent among these is the building of a new stadium.

Thus, a conflict arises about which should take precedence: the history of the club and its long-standing relationship with the local area, or the building of a world-class modern stadium. In the case of the Northumberland Development Project, Spurs favour the latter option. In part, this is due to football’s refusal to engage with its own history and is an inevitable consequence of the marketing of football as pure spectacle as opposed to a cultural enterprise that is bound up with the collective identities of fans and the urban locations of football clubs. Moreover, it has much to do with the rationalisation and codification of football and a tendency among architects to see the design of the stadium as a purely technical exercise that can only be practised by a small number of specialists. One consequence of this is that the football stadium loses the continuity of historical reference that it needs to bind it to its urban location, in this instance the High Road. Building a museum to this history, which Spurs’ propose to do, does not mitigate this fact, for if the stadium is seen as an extraordinary object that is independent from its urban location and the ordinary practices of daily life, it becomes distant from the street, despite its proximity to it, and the football club loses the very identity from which it drew its appeal.

A football club’s sporting heritage extends beyond its glories on the pitch to include the histories of the communities from which it arose. Football is “quintessentially urban”, argues the writer David Goldblatt, and is bound up with the lives and routines of the people who live, and have lived, in the shadows of the stadiums, as well as the fans who attend the matches and those who watch it on television.1 Where a club is located defines its identity.2 It is what distinguishes one from another, and is the basis on which allegiances and sporting rivalries are formed. In this respect, the differences between clubs can be defined geographically.3 Spurs and its fiercest rival, Arsenal, occupy sites at opposite ends of London’s Seven Sisters Road, and the differences between the two area’s populations, governance and local industries have shaped the characters of each club. In Tottenham, for instance, Spurs might have built their current stadium elsewhere had it not been for the support of a local brewery, Char-

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Seven Sisters Station

White Hart Lane Stadium

Figure 2.

Map of North Tottenham Conservation Area Boundary of Conservation Area Listed Buildings Locally Listed Buildings

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rington’s, who helped them buy land.4 In which case, the club’s identity might have reflected that of another neighbourhood entirely, In turn, without the stadium, the nature of the neighbourhood and its streets would change. No longer would 36,000 people walk down the High Road on a Saturday afternoon, stopping in shops, cafes and restaurants along the way; pubs such as The Ship, The Elbow Room and the Beehive would close, and so too would the stalls selling bagels and programmes; buses would move freely along the High Road and would not be brought to a standstill by the swell of fans leaving the stadium after the final whistle; and the practices of everyday life that have existed in Tottenham for over a hundred years, played out in public on the High Road and in the stadium, would change forever.

There is a reciprocal relationship between Spurs and its urban environment, as there is between any street, its citizens and the businesses along it.5 The club is enmeshed with the histories, economies and politics of the local community. Accordingly, the value of the club to its shopkeepers, residents and fans rests on in its ability to function as a social and cultural institution. Institutions of similar import, such as town halls, derive their strength from the stability that they provides to the lives of the people for whom they are relevant.6 The football club’s enduring nature, therefore, is what preserves the link between it and the High Road: “a dialectic of duration” which fuses past and present.7 Even though the tenancies of shops and the size of the stadium change, the club and the street remain, and so too does the relationship between the two, by virtue of their proximity and the crossing over of people from one to the other.

For Spurs’ directors and owners, however, the importance of preserving the club’s heritage and the reciprocal relationship that it shares with the High Road is secondary to their plans to build a new stadium. Instead, they are driven by the same desire to create visually ordered environments that James Scott observed in large-scale building programmes in cities such as Paris or Brasilia.8 In consequence, buildings that impede orderliness are torn down, regardless of their historical or social relevance, with the aim of rationalising the landscape around the stadium. Though Spurs concede that the successful integration of the new scheme into its location is dependent on how well it is able to “reflect the significance of the High Road […] and the cultural significance of Tottenham Hotspur Football Club”,9 their plans, approved by Haringey Council in December 2015,10 will lead to the demolition of three locally listed build-

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Figure 3.

Listed buildings. From right to left: the White Hart Pub, the Red House Coffee Palace, Tottenham and Edmonton Dispensary, and Warmington House

Figure 4.

The new stadium proposed by Populous.

Warmington House is the only listed building to be retained

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ings with frontages onto the High Road, despite objections from English Heritage.11 A single building will remain on the stretch of road in front of the new stadium, Grade II* listed Warmington House, which will become the Museum of Tottenham Heritage and will hold collections of sporting artefacts as well as exhibitions on the history of the area. Around it will be built an entertainment complex, the Tottenham Experience, replacing the three locally listed buildings: The White Hart Pub, the Red House Coffee Palace and the Tottenham and Edmonton Dispensary.12 In the Heritage Statement that the club submitted with their planning application, Donald Insall Associates, who prepared the document, express regret about the removal of the buildings, which they acknowledge are assets to the North Tottenham Conservation Area.13 Nevertheless, they argue, it can be justified on two grounds. First, the listed buildings have be-

come isolated from the terrace of shops that runs along the High Road because the buildings that once abutted them have already been removed in preparation for the construction of the new stadium. They now appear stranded, say Donald Insall Associates, and would stand out if they were to remain in position in front of a newly built 40 metre high stand. Second, the distance between the listed buildings and the kerb is too narrow and fans travelling to and from the stadium have to step into the road to avoid congestion when passing them. This, according to a crowd flow survey that Spurs commissioned, affects the safety of both pedestrians and road users, and is why the Tottenham Experience will be set back further from the edge of the street.14 As such, their analysis concludes, the listed buildings cannot be retained because they would prove an obstruction to the club’s management of entry into their new stadium, made worse by the increased capacity over their old stadium.

But while a wider pavement might lessen congestion for travelling fans and motorists, the destruction that it requires is an example of what John Bale, a geographer who has studied the connection between stadiums and place, describes as the “paradox of the modern football landscape”:15 where rational methods for planning stadiums take precedence over the urban identities of teams and erode the relationship between the stadiums and their settings. In the view of Spurs, therefore, what is proven to improve safety, such as clearing access routes, is deemed more important than the experiences of the fans for whom the stadium was an “authentic place” 16 and whose rituals on match-days included the procession along the middle of the road on the way to and from the game, and visits to The White Hart Pub and the old offices of the

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Figure 5.

Tottenham High Road

Figure 6.

White Hart Lane, as seen from the High Road

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club’s former managers in the Red House.17 Control over the running of the stadium, the shops on its concourses and the policing of the landscape around it become the club’s primary aims, and the quotidian diversions of daily life that are inefficient or unprofitable are eliminated. Hence, writes Bale, the rationalisation and standardisation of the stadium has a dehumanising effect on those who visit it.18 There is little to distinguish one stadium from another and even less to connect it to its urban environment.

Spurs recognise, however, that it is in their interest to preserve their identity to a sufficient degree to differentiate the club from competitors in England and abroad.

Yet, what they consider to be their sporting heritage is restricted to artefacts that can be displayed behind glass or in captions next to photographs. In common with many

modern sports teams, they make the mistake of conflating history with heritage,19 and give the same value to the veneration of historic objects as they do to living interactions between people and place, and past and present. But it is these types of interaction that represent true urban heritage, writes Suzanne Hall in City Street and Citizen, 20 and not just the mud-stained football shirts that will be on show in the Museum of Tottenham Heritage. Spurs’ not acknowledging this is what has led them to knock down buildings that connected Tottenham with the history of the High Road, only to replace them with a museum to that same history, housed in a building called the Tottenham Experience: a supreme irony that is evidence of the ambivalent relationship that the club has with history and place.

One reason why Spurs’ might favour certain aspects of their history above others is the way that the game has been codified over the last century. Increasingly, the rules that govern how football is played and run have become more complex and club officials, along with the sporting press, have sought to separate the game from current affairs, asserting that it can only be explained with reference to its own esoteric practices, such as promotion or relegation from one league into another.21 As a result, the sport is shorn of social and political context. Football comes to be defined by TV deals and the micro-economy of player transfers, rather than by the chants of supporters or by the traditions that the teams embody.

In this world, clubs are run as corporations and are floated on the stock exchange; the sport becomes commodified, a spectacle to be sold around the world; and anything that is not profitable is rejected by the cameras, regardless of historical or

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Figure 7.

Spurs striker Harry Kane scoring a penalty against Leicester City

Figure 8.

Brighton and Hove Albion’s ground, the Amex

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social significance.22 Evidence of this is the predominance of closely-cropped photographs of football matches in newspapers.23 In a typical image, such as figure 7, features that locate the action in its place are blurred-out or are beyond the frame entirely, and the focus is on a goal being scored. There is nothing to indicate time or to suggest that the game is played in Tottenham, amid the bustle of the city.

Instead, the eye of the viewer is drawn inward by the composition, away from the mass of the crowd and the urban landscape behind the stands.

Similarly, the architects of modern football stadiums prioritise spectator’s views of the game over the stadium’s integration into the fabric of the city. Optimum viewing angles, comfortable seating and the raking of stands now determine the form of the stadium rather than its physical relationship to the streets and the buildings of its neighbourhood.24 Under such circumstances, the practise of stadium design is rationalised, and specialist firms gain a monopoly on new projects. Populous, for instance, who are working on the Northumberland Development Project, Spurs’ new stadium, have designed the majority of the stadiums that have been built in London since the 1990s. These include the Emirates, the Olympic Stadium and Wembley, which they developed alongside Foster & Partners, as well as sections of Twickenham.25 All are variants of the same model, an enclosed bowl, and the layouts of the concourses, the sizes of the media-rooms and even financial viability are calculated according to mathematical criteria developed by Populous.26 The ideal environment for such a stadium, however, is not a residential urban neighbourhood such as Tottenham, where the identities of the football club and the area are entangled with the habits and customs of local residents and football supporters. Rather, a stadium that is the sum of its own internal requirements is best located in a place where there are few obstacles to those requirements. For this reason, many new stadiums are built on the outskirts of towns, such as Brighton and Hove Albion’s ground, the Amex. On these sites, distant from the cultures and histories of the city, the stadium can become an extraordinary object in landscaped surroundings. Its setting becomes irrelevant and it is free to adopt the form and logic of security and control. This type of stadium is what Bale would describe as “placeless”.27 Its construction does not risk the erasure of social interactions between the football club and the community because all who visit it are outsid-

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Figure 09.

Images of the proposed stadium are displayed on hoardings outside White Hart Lane

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ers who will leave after the final whistle; but by the same token, it does not benefit from the cultural attachments that result from the contact between people and place.

This is the only type of stadium that can exist, argued Rem Koolhaas in a debate with Peter Eisenmann, because the complexity and scale of modern stadiums is such that architects cannot reconcile the language of the stadium with that of the urban environment.28 In consequence, he says, a stadium in one country should be no different from a stadium anywhere else in the world. No matter the location, it would remain an extraordinary object, separate from its surroundings because it must conform to standards of security and control if it is to function efficiently.

Eisenmann, disagrees. In his opinion, a stadium is a cultural artefact and is a physical manifestation of local identities, politics and sport. Therefore, it is indivisible from its urban setting and must embody the inherent characteristics of that place.

This is because sports teams, and in particular football clubs, are symbols of urban identity.29 They share their histories and cultures with the neighbourhoods where they were formed, and their value to those communities is in the stability that they provide to lives of the people who live and work beside the stadium.

Spurs and Populous appear to subscribe to Koolhaas’ line of argument, but they do so at the expense of the connected identities of the club and the High Road.

For them, their management of crowd control takes precedence over the preservation of the football club’s sporting and architectural heritage and the reciprocal relationship that its shares with the city. When their plans are in conflict with the patterns of people’s lives and the historical associations between club and community, Spurs and their architects win out. Correspondingly, as buildings are demolished and the stadium draws back from the High Road, the club’s cultural connection to the area weakens. Though still physically close, the identities of the two diverge, and the stadium takes on the characteristics of an extraordinary object that is independent from its ordinary surroundings and the histories and lives of the High Road.

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Figure 10.

Football stadiums, like classical amphitheatres, are places of common ground

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THE THICKNESS OF THE STADIUM Stadiums are settings for civic life. On the terraces of football grounds, people come together. Few other spaces have the capacity to host impersonal encounters between rivals. This is a problem because conflict is inherent in cities and spaces are needed for strangers to meet and negotiate their differences. For conflicts to be channelled constructively, two conditions must be satisfied: the conflict must have a public setting, and it must be habitual. Football stadiums meet both these conditions. They are large spaces where contending factions can meet on relatively equal terms, and they are sites of ritualised competition. As such, football stadiums foster civic unity.

But this unity is not confined to the stands; it permeates the walls of the stadium and spills onto the surrounding streets. Consequently, these streets are also places of common ground. They are where different cultures meet and forge relationships.

The degree to which this is true, however, is dependent on there being a reciprocal relationship between the stadium and the street. If the stadium turns its back on the street and seals itself off from the city, it is only common ground for those who can enter the stadium, and not for those people who live in the stadium’s shadow. This is the risk that Tottenham Hotspur are taking by building a new stadium that will restrict contact between crowd and community. The premise of their proposal is to attract fans to the stadium before and after matches, obviating fans’ needs to spend time on the High Road. There are already divisions between Tottenham Hotspur and the local community, and these could be further reinforced if the stadium becomes a wall that separates the pitch and the fans from the street and the city. One way to redress this division would be to open up the stadium at its boundary with the street so that its edge becomes a common ground for civic participation, where the crowd, the community and the club meet. This might be realised by thickening the walls of the stadium to create shared civic spaces that can be inhabited by both club and residents. In these spaces, conflicting parties can find commonalities and negotiate differences.

Stadiums have long been spaces of common ground in cities. In antiquity, they were places of civic participation, where the populace came together in support of a mutual cause, and in the late nineteenth century, football stadiums were the de facto social clubs of England’s industrial working classes.30 But not only were stadiums places of

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Figure 11.

Opposite the South Stand are terraced houses

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unity; they were also settings for conflict.31 On the stone terraces and cinder tracks of Greek amphitheatres, rival factions came into direct competition. Their representatives on the field – chariot racers, pentathletes and runners – would battle and race one another, and, from the stands, the supporters of the contestants would bait their rivals.32 This public airing of feuds was a way for adversaries to resolve their differences. In stadiums, groups who would not meet under normal circumstances could act out their disagreements in public and on common ground.

There are few other places in cities that can host these types of interaction. Aside from public squares, town halls and debating chambers, groups of people rarely gather in large numbers to rally, to chant and to argue. In part, this is because these spaces are scarce. The private realm, according to Richard Sennett, has subsumed the public realm, and there are no longer many neutral sites where strangers can meet.33 Indeed, in Tottenham, the only large public spaces where people can assemble, other than White Hart Lane stadium, are parks. The area still has many civic institutions that were built in the Victorian age and in the early twentieth century – a town hall, a library, a closed market – and it has churches and community centres, but Sennett would describe these buildings as intimate spaces that are more private than they are public.34 Church services are gatherings of like-minded people, not strangers, and Tottenham Town Hall no longer holds debates and meetings. Now it hosts conferences and private parties.

An absence of public space in urban areas is problematic, argues Wendy Pullan.35 Conflict among strangers is inherent in cities, she writes, and if it is to be harnessed constructively, disputing groups must have places where they can work out their disagreements. Impersonal encounters are therefore integral to urban life, and these confrontations can only take place on common ground. Pullan uses the Greek term Agon to describe situations where urban conflict is channelled towards productive ends.36 She builds on the work of Chantal Mouffe and William Connolly, political theorists who posit that Agonic meetings help to foster recognition between rivals, if not respect.37 Unlike Mouffe and Connolly, however, Pullan is concerned with the types of spaces where these encounters occur. Largely, she contends, agonic interactions arise from ritualistic practices that recur in the same environment every time.38 By meeting repeatedly in shared space, rival groups generate common experiences, which can

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Figure 12.

Fans congregating on Tottenham High Road

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lead to a thawing of enmities.

Football stadiums are places of common ground where conflict is ritualised. By nature, club football is a serialised and repetitive game. Tottenham Hotspur play 19 of the 38 matches that comprise their Premier League season in the same location, White Hart Lane stadium, and they do so at regular intervals – once every two weeks. Thus, for the club’s season ticket holders, White Hart Lane is a familiar place. While a typical fan may only be acquainted with a handful of people inside the stadium, that fan shares an identity with the other Spurs fans in the ground that is founded on common experiences.39 This does not mean that all contact among Spurs fans is amicable. The sections of White Hart Lane where the home fans sit are highly competitive environments, and Spurs fans are set apart by their differences just as much as they are united by their similarities. Although Spurs’ fans desire to see their team prevail in the contest that takes place on the pitch bonds them together, they do not act as a homogenous bloc inside the stadium. In this respect, intra-club relationships among Spurs supporters are agonic. Fans in the North Stand compete with fans in the South Stand to outsing one another.40 In the process, they assert their localised identities and they use chants to express their differences.

Spurs fans reserve their more vociferous chants for fans of other clubs. Again, this feuding is habitual, and White Hart Lane is the arena for these conflicts. Since the advent of the Premier League in 1992, Spurs have faced Arsenal, their nearest rivals, 48 times in the competition, so the fans of both clubs are familiar with their counterparts.41 Hence, confrontations develop along traditional lines. It is the fixture’s historical context – the fact that it is repeated – that shapes the form of the conflict. Previous meetings between the two teams live long in the collective memories of the fans of both clubs, and Spurs and Arsenal fans revel in opportunities to recall victories and to remind their rivals of humiliating defeats. When Spurs fans sang “boring, boring Arsenal” in the 1960s, their call served multiple purposes.42 By mocking Arsenal’s style play, Spurs fans were asserting the collective identity of their own club as a team that did not play boring football, and they were testing their relationship with their rivals to see how Arsenal fans would react to the provocation.43 In the process, Spurs fans were defining the aspects of their own character that distinguish them from Arsenal fans, and they were discovering what they have in common with them. In response to

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Figure 13.

Fans travel to Tottenham by train and then walk along the High Road to the stadium

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the Spurs fans’ chants, Arsenal fans would respond in kind, so the chanting became a performative ritual in which both sides could participate, and the stadium became the common ground for these interactions.

Habitual public engagements of this sort build solidarities among contending factions, and they create shared civic cultures.44 Peter Carl and Irena Murray, in an essay on Le Corbusier’s unrealised Baghdad stadium project, describe how discordant individuals bond inside stadiums.45 Corralled together into a singular neutral space, rivals merge into the crowd, and the stadium, a setting for Agonic contests, becomes a vessel for civic unity.

Carl and Murray’s reading of stadiums as neutral spaces cannot be applied to football grounds. White Hart Lane is common ground because it is an arena where diverse groups of people congregate, but it is not a place where rivals meet on equal terms.

Spurs own White Hart Lane; it is their territory, and from the moment that visiting players disembark from their bus into the stadium car park until they board again after the post-match press conferences, they are guests of the home club. Contests within the stadium are thus weighted in Spurs’ favour. This lack of parity is reflected in the number of tickets that Spurs allocate to home fans, which exceeds the number that they sell to away fans by a factor of ten.46 Further evidence that contests within the ground are uneven is the segregation of supporters. Not only is there segregation between home and away fans, there is also division among home fans. Tickets prices relate to seat locations, so fans are grouped by affluence. As a result of these divisions, conflicts within the stadium are hierarchical and they are multitudinous. Rich fans are in conflict with poorer fans, away fans are in conflict with the stewards who police them, players are in conflict with one another, and everyone is in conflict with the referee. Accordingly, rivalries within White Hart Lane are multi-layered. It is not the case that the only parties in competition are the home fans and the away fans. Many conflicts take place inside the stadium, and there are many contestants. There are only two characteristics that all these contests share: the encounters take place on common ground, and at the centre of each conflict is the ritual of the match.

These conflicts are not confined to stadiums, however. If, as Carl and Murray argue, stadiums are civic vessels that contain agonic interactions,47 they are vessels that are

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Figure 14.

Tottenham High Road is a place of common ground

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punctured with holes. Conflicts seep beyond the walls of the stadiums into the environments that surround them, and the urban areas where football clubs are located become places of common ground. Fans of rival clubs cross paths en-route to football stadiums, and they meet again after the final whistle in nearby restaurants, pubs and train stations. On the streets beside stadiums, men, women and children whose allegiances are to the home team walk alongside their counterparts from the away team.

In Tottenham, most of these encounters occur on the High Road as fans travel to and from the stadium. Rail is a primary means of transport to the ground for both home and away fans, so the stretches of road along which supporters interact terminate at train stations. The two-miles of pavement that run from White Hart Lane stadium to Seven Sisters station are animated by these exchanges.

Fans do not just make contact with other fans on the High Road; they meet a range of diverse individuals, with whom they also negotiate. In this respect, the High Road is the interface between cultures, and it is the link between the contest that takes places inside the stadium and the neighbourhood beyond it. It is the High Road that mediates between the globalised and moneyed world of modern football and the city at large.

On the street, footballer, fans, shopkeepers, tenants of social housing, recent migrants and church-goers interact.48 Confrontations such as these generate respect among different groups in cities.49 For these encounters to exist, and for the street to remain a common ground, White Hart Lane must maintain its connection to the High Road. If fans were to stop scattering from the stadium to the street, the civic culture that is founded on habitual confrontations between football supporters and residents might perish, and the stadium might become the frontier between two hostile communities: a community whose common ground is the football club, and a community whose common ground is the stadium.

Spurs could prompt this scenario by building a new stadium that is cut off from the High Road. They have chosen to take this risk and are proposing to construct a stadium that is a self-contained development. It will house cinemas, hotels and conference centres, and the club’s aim is for these facilities to entice visitors to the stadium to spend time and money within the building’s walls.50 In consequence, fewer football

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Figure 15.

A stadium with thick, inhabitable walls

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supporters will congregate in the pubs and cafĂŠs that line the High Road, and there will be fewer agonic encounters between communities of fans and residents.

This need not be the case. Spurs could alter the design of their proposed stadium to include common spaces within the walls. If they were to do this, they could build a stadium that would be an integral part of the High Road, rather than a barrier between the football club and the city. By opening up the stadium at its threshold with the street, the club could bridge the gap between the common ground of the High Road and the common ground of the sporting arena. One way that they could achieve this would be to thicken the edges of the stadium to create deep, inhabitable walls. In these spaces, which could be shared by the local community and the club, strangers could gather in solidarity.

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ENDNOTES 1.

David Goldblatt, The Game of Our Lives: The Meaning and Making of English Football (London: Viking, 2014), p. 86.

2.

Lefkos Kyriacou, Football Frontiers: Competition and Conflict in Belfast, Electronic Working Papers Series (Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 2014), p. 5 <http://www.conflictincities.org/PDFs/WP30.pdf> [accessed 12 December 2015].

3.

Simon Inglis, Played in London: Charting the Heritage of a City at Play, Played in Britain (Swindon: English Heritage, 2014), p. 226.

4.

Adam Powley and Martin Cloake, The Spurs Miscellany: The Ultimate Book of Tottenham Trivia (London: Vision Sports, 2007), p. 26.

5.

Suzanne Hall, City, Street and Citizen: The Measure of the Ordinary, Routledge Advances in Ethnography (London: Routledge, 2012), IX, p. 5.

6.

Dalibor Vesely, ‘Between Architecture and the City’, in Phenomenologies of the City: Studies in the History and Philosophy of Architecture, ed. by Henriette Steiner and Maximiliam Sternberg, Ashgate Studies in Architecture (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015), p. 159.

7.

James Lingwood, ‘Different Times’, in The Epic & the Everyday: Contemporary Photographic Art, ed. by Martin Caiger-Smith (London: South Bank Centre, 1994), p. 223.

8.

James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed, The Yale ISPS Series (New Haven ;London: Yale University Press, 1998).

9.

Tottenham Hotspur Football Club, Planning Statement, Northumberland Park Development Project Planning Application (London, 18 September 2015), p. 14 <http://www.planningservices.haringey.gov.uk/portal/servlets/

26

AttachmentShowServlet?ImageName=748280> [accessed 6 January 2016].

10.

Press Association, â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Tottenham Granted Planning Permission for New Stadium

by Haringey Councilâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, The Guardian, 17 December 2015, section Football <http:// www.theguardian.com/football/2015/dec/17/spurs-planning-permission-stadiumharingey> [accessed 12 January 2016].

11.

Inglis, p. 233.

12.

Tottenham Hotspur Football Club, p. 15.

13.

Donald Insall Associates, Heritage Statement, Northumberland Park Development Project Planning Application (London, 18 September 2015), p. 12 <http://www.planningservices.haringey.gov.uk/portal/servlets/ AttachmentShowServlet?ImageName=748280> [accessed 6 January 2016].

14.

Movement Strategies, Populous and Tim Spencer & Co., Crowd Safety Options Appraisal, Northumberland Park Development Project Planning Application (London, 18 September 2015) <http://www.planningservices.haringey.gov.uk/portal/ servlets/AttachmentShowServlet?ImageName=748280> [accessed 6 January 2016].

15.

John Bale, Sport, Space, and the City (London: Routledge, 1993), p. 41.

16.

Bale, p. 40.

17.

Inglis, p. 233.

18.

Bale, p. 40.

19.

Inglis, p. 10.

20.

Hall, IX, p. 5.

21.

David Goldblatt, The Ball Is Round: A Global History of Football (London:

27

Viking, 2006), p. xiii.

22. p. 2.

Eduardo Galeano, Football in Sun and Shadow (London: Fourth Estate, 1997),

23.

Hans van der Meer, European Fields : The Landscape of Lower League Football (Göttingen: SteidlMack, 2006), p. 1.

24.

Geraint John, Rod Sheard and Ben Vickery, Stadia: The Design and Development Guide, Fifth edition. (London: Routledge, 2013), pp. 127–155.

25.

Rod Sheard, ‘Foreword’, in Played in London: Charting the Heritage of a City at Play, by Simon Inglis, Played in Britain (Swindon: English Heritage, 2014), pp. 7–8 (p. 7).

26.

John, Sheard and Vickery.

27.

Bale, p. 41.

28.

Peter Eisenman and others, Supercritical (AA Publications, 2009).

29.

Galeano, p. 205.

30.

Goldblatt, The Ball Is Round.

31.

Peter Carl, ‘Convivimus Ergo Sumus’, in Phenomenologies of the City: Studies in the History and Philosophy of Architecture, ed. by Henriette Steiner and Maximiliam Sternberg, Ashgate Studies in Architecture (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015).

32.

John, Sheard and Vickery.

33.

Richard Sennett, The Fall of Public Man (London: Faber and Faber, 1993).

34.

Sennett.

28

35.

Wendy Pullan, ‘Agon in Urban Conflict: Some Possibilities’, in Phenomenologies of the City: Studies in the History and Philosophy of Architecture, ed. by Henriette Steiner and Maximiliam Sternberg, Ashgate Studies in Architecture (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015), p. 213.

36.

Pullan.

37.

Chantal Mouffe, The Democratic Paradox, Phronesis (London: Verso, 2000); William E. Connolly, Identity/Difference: Democratic Negotiations of Political Paradox (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991).

38.

Pullan.

39.

Goldblatt, The Game of Our Lives, p. 39.

40.

Herdman999, We’re the Park Lane / Shelfside Tottenham! <https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=Fd4jFZmh3-k> [accessed 3 July 2016].

41.

Premier League, ‘Tottenham Hotspur - Statistics’ <http://www.premierleague. com/en-gb/clubs/profile.statistics.html/spurs> [accessed 3 July 2016].

42.

Nick Hornby, Fever Pitch (London: Gollancz, 1993), p. 26.

43.

Galeano, p. 205.

44.

Ash Amin, ‘The Good City’, Urban Studies, 43.5-6 (2006).

45.

Peter Carl and Irena Murray, ‘Geometry and Analogy: Le Corbusier’s Baghdad Veils’, AA Files, 2013, 49–60 (p. 58).

46.

The Guardian, ‘Tottenham’, The Guardian, 12 August 2007, section Football <https://www.theguardian.com/football/2007/aug/12/tottenhamhotspur. premierleague> [accessed 3 July 2016].

29

47.

Carl and Murray.

48.

Rowan Moore, ‘After the Riots, the Regeneration: Tottenham’s New Stadium, Franchise Shops, 10,000 New Homes’, The Observer, 2015, 18.

49.

Hall, IX, p. 5.

50.

Colin Marrs, ‘Populous Submits Plans for Spurs Mega-Stadium’, Architects Journal, 2015 <http://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/populous-submits-plans-forspurs-mega-stadium/8689322.fullarticle> [accessed 3 July 2016].

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Amin, Ash, ‘The Good City’, Urban Studies, 43 (2006) Association, Press, ‘Tottenham Granted Planning Permission for New Stadium by Haringey Council’, The Guardian, 17 December 2015, section Football <http://www. theguardian.com/football/2015/dec/17/spurs-planning-permission-stadium-haringey> [accessed 12 January 2016] Bale, John, Sport, Space, and the City (London: Routledge, 1993) Carl, Peter, ‘Convivimus Ergo Sumus’, in Phenomenologies of the City: Studies in the History and Philosophy of Architecture, ed. by Henriette Steiner and Maximiliam Sternberg, Ashgate Studies in Architecture (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015) Carl, Peter, and Irena Murray, ‘Geometry and Analogy: Le Corbusier’s Baghdad Veils’, AA Files, 2013, 49–60 Connolly, William E., Identity/Difference: Democratic Negotiations of Political Paradox (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991) Donald Insall Associates, Heritage Statement, Northumberland Park Development Project Planning Application (London, 18 September 2015) <http://www.planningservices.haringey.gov.uk/portal/servlets/ AttachmentShowServlet?ImageName=748280> [accessed 6 January 2016] Eisenman, Peter, Rem Koolhaas, Jeffrey Kipnis, and Robert Somol, Supercritical (AA Publications, 2009) Galeano, Eduardo, Football in Sun and Shadow (London: Fourth Estate, 1997) Goldblatt, David, The Ball Is Round: A Global History of Football (London: Viking, 2006)

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———, The Game of Our Lives: The Meaning and Making of English Football (London: Viking, 2014) Hall, Suzanne, City, Street and Citizen: The Measure of the Ordinary, Routledge Advances in Ethnography (London: Routledge, 2012), IX Herdman999, We’re the Park Lane / Shelfside Tottenham! <https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=Fd4jFZmh3-k> [accessed 3 July 2016] Hornby, Nick, Fever Pitch (London: Gollancz, 1993) Inglis, Simon, Played in London: Charting the Heritage of a City at Play, Played in Britain (Swindon: English Heritage, 2014) John, Geraint, Rod Sheard, and Ben Vickery, Stadia: The Design and Development Guide, Fifth edition. (London: Routledge, 2013) Kyriacou, Lefkos, Football Frontiers: Competition and Conflict in Belfast, Electronic Working Papers Series (Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 2014) <http://www. conflictincities.org/PDFs/WP30.pdf> [accessed 12 December 2015] Lingwood, James, ‘Different Times’, in The Epic & the Everyday: Contemporary Photographic Art, ed. by Martin Caiger-Smith (London: South Bank Centre, 1994) Marrs, Colin, ‘Populous Submits Plans for Spurs Mega-Stadium’, Architects Journal, 2015 <http://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/populous-submits-plans-for-spursmega-stadium/8689322.fullarticle> [accessed 3 July 2016] Meer, Hans van der, European Fields : The Landscape of Lower League Football (Göttingen: SteidlMack, 2006) Moore, Rowan, ‘After the Riots, the Regeneration: Tottenham’s New Stadium, Franchise Shops, 10,000 New Homes’, The Observer, 2015, 18

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by Simon Inglis, Played in Britain (Swindon: English Heritage, 2014), pp. 7–8 Scott, James C., Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed, The Yale ISPS Series (New Haven ;London: Yale University Press, 1998) Sennett, Richard, The Fall of Public Man (London: Faber and Faber, 1993) The Guardian, ‘Tottenham’, The Guardian, 12 August 2007, section Football <https:// www.theguardian.com/football/2007/aug/12/tottenhamhotspur.premierleague> [accessed 3 July 2016] Tottenham Hotspur Football Club, Planning Statement, Northumberland Park Development Project Planning Application (London, 18 September 2015) <http://www.planningservices.haringey.gov.uk/portal/servlets/ AttachmentShowServlet?ImageName=748280> [accessed 6 January 2016]

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FIGURES Rights to all figures belong to the author, excluding for those listed below: Figure 4. Populous, Tottenham Experience, 2015 <http://populous.com/wp-content/ uploads/TOTTENHAMHOTSPUR_HIGHSTREET2_Credit_Populous.jpg> [accessed 16 January 2016].

Figure 7. Andrew Couldridge, Kane Scores Their Second Goal with a Penalty, 2016 <http://www.theguardian.com/football/live/2016/jan/10/tottenham-hotspur-v-leicestercity-fa-cup-third-round-live> [accessed 16 January 2016].

Figure 8. Alan McFaden, Brighton & Hove Albion Football Stadium, 2011 <https://ssl. panoramio.com/photo/59446350> [accessed 16 January 2016].

Figure 12. Normann, Arriving for a Game at White Hart Lane, 1993 <https://www.flickr. com/photos/vikingman/6084664837/in/photolist-agFuSr-gAdGcQ-qmV9W6-5kt2iK6BWCho-qmTPna-qDaCXX-HsN7d-8dmQHS-8pNnkt-pGyDM8-otVaXo-orUT2WqmLGwj-pGkDpS-qB43a9-qDaxRe-qDgwUJ-pGyEHM-qDgnNh-qmMbwu-qDk71vqB3S5Q-qB46xS-qmLBE5-qDk9Yz-pGyD9z-qDk93r-qmMcdE-pGyCEP-pGyUdxqDax9x-qmLvcA-qDkegH-qmUZ2M-qmV8G2-qB44nj-qDk8CD-pGySik-pGkqkLqDaGba-pGyGhZ-qDgtPf-qDghxN-qmLJVs-qmTP2R-qmTEkc-qmV482-qDaHM6qmTLU4/> [accessed 16 January 2016].

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