Camila Ocejo Domenge PORTFOLIO 2011-2019 ocejoc@gmail.com +44 7802640006
CONTENTS
01
Curriculum Vitae 2011-2019
02
Fish Match
AA Landscape Urbanism, Master Thesis Design Studio 2017-2018
03
Water Negotiations
CEMEX Cátedra Blanca, Bachelor Thesis Design Studio 2015-2016
04
Cable Car Campo Limpo Design Studio 2015
05
Foi et Joi Headquarters Design Stuidio VI, 2014
06
A. Delfín Madrigal Urban Development Design Studio IV, 2013
August, 30, 1992 ocejoc@gmail.com 7802640006
ACADEMIC TRAINING 2017-2018
2017
2011-2016
MSc Landscape Urbanism
Architectural Association School of Architecture London, UK Thesis Distinction “Fish Match: A network for Inshore Fishers”
Postgraduate Architecture Course University of Liechtenstein Vaduz, Liechtenstein
WORK EXPERIENCE June 2016December 2016
January 2016July 2016
Bachelor in Architecture and Urban Design
Universidad Iberoamericana Mexico City, Mexico 2015-2016 CEMEX Cátedra Blanca Studio Thesis Distinction “Water Negotiations” 2014-2015 Escola da Cidade School of Architecture - Exchange Year Sao Paulo, Brazil 2012 - 2014 Student Council Member Foro ENTRE 2013/ Concept Development & Organization Architecture forum of 400 participants with guest speakers Frida Escobedo, Gabriela Carrillo, Marcos Betanzos, S-AR Studio, and Alejandro Sánchez goo.gl/h9i37m
2016
FUNED-CONACYT Scholarship
MSc Landscape Urbanism Architectural Association School of Architecture Scholarship from the Government of Mexico for Mexican graduate students to pursue further education abroad
2016
Cátedra Blanca CEMEX Scholarship
2016
Archdaily Publication
Postgraduate Studies University of Liechtenstein
2013-2014
House Extension Fuente de la Raza
Location: Tecamachalco, Mexico City Client: Ramón Rodriguez Collaboration with Alexis Ávila Status: Built Project design and construction management 2013
Mexican Tennis Open Stands
Location: Acapulco, Guerrero. Client: Grupo Pegaso Collaboration with Alexis Ávila Status: Built Project design and construction management 2013
Market Refurbishment Project
Location: Cuajimalpa, Mexico City Client: Adrián Rubalcava Collaboration with Andrea González Status: Built Project development of façade and renewal of hydraulic and electric systems
www.legorretalegorreta.com Adriana Ciklik Palacio de Versalles 285-A, Col. Lomas Reforma, México D.F. Graphic and editorial design and architecture post-production arrangement
November 2014
Vitruvius
www.apiacasarquitetos.com.br Anderson Freitas / Pedro Barros Rua Gral Jardim 482 Vila Buarque 01223-010 Sao Paulo, SP - Brasil Proposal development for Mirante Park, Priacicaba IAB contest -honorable mentionand for Urban Operation Água Branca, Sao Paulo IAB contest, partnership with Terra e Tuma Arquitetos www.vitruvius.com.br Abilio Guerra Rua Gral Jardim 645 Vila Buarque 01223-011 Sao Paulo, SP - Brasil Online architectural journal news publicist and website editor
March 2014May 2014
Ludens
June 2013August 2013
Springall-Lira Arquitectos
Water Negotiations, winning project for Cátedra Blanca CEMEX Award goo.gl/NchRhZ
INDEPENDENT PRACTICE
Legorreta Arquitectos
Apiacás Arquitetos
Cátedra Blanca CEMEX Award 2016 Best Thesis Project “Water Negotiations”
www.voa-arq.com Guillermo Arriola / Imanol Vega / Daniel Vega Hegel 207, Col. Polanco, México D.F. Project development and construction management
December 2014May 2015
AWARDS & PUBLICATIONS 2018
VOA Arquitectos
www.ludens.mx Iván Hernández Yautepec 45 Col. Condesa 06140 Delegación Cuauhtémoc, México D.F. Proposal development for digital a learning school prototype www.springall-lira.com Billy Springall / Miguel Ángel Lira Londres 44-3 Col. Coyoacán 04100 Delegación Coyoacán, México D.F. Proposal development for “Antel Arena Contest”, Uruguay, partnership with Gaeta & Springall Arquitectos
LANGUAGES AND SKILLS Spanish English Portuguese Software
Native Speaker Advanced (IELTS Academic 7.5 Band Score) Advanced Autodesk Autocad 3D’s Max Maya Revit Rhino 3D Adobe Illustrator Photoshop Indesign Premier Data Analysis ArcMap Environmental Simulations Coastal Ev Model Microsoft Office
MSc Landscape Urbanism, Master Thesis Design Studio, Thesis Distinction, Architectural Association School of Architecture, London 2017-2018 Site:
Sidmouth, South of England, United Kingdom
Professors: Jose Alfredo Ramirez Clara Ortiz Eduardo Rico Team Members: Raúl Bielsa
The UK’s Small-Scale Fishers Are Struggling to Make a Living Article extracts from MUNCHIES Magazine. By Michael Segalov. April 2015. Small-scale fishers make up the majority of the UK’s fishing fleet but have access
to just 4 percent of the Individual Fishing Quota, a system intended to prevent overfishing, but that could actually be harming the seabed and local fishers.
Over the past decades, fishing policies have led British small-scale fisheries into an overall deprivation, impacting the way fishers live and how they interact with the environment, the market, and the communities that have historically depended on this industry. Our research seeks to unveil the current discrepancies of the of the small-scale fishing industry and the cross-political framework it falls under. This study sets off from a national scale into the centralized vision of fishing policies and the social common-grounds that ultimately enable links within fishers to become stronger competitors within the industry and act as Article extracts from The Guardian. By Daniel Boffey. February 2017. The hopes of British fishers that the UK can win its “waters back” after Brexit are
UK Fishers May Not Win Waters Back After Brexit, EU Memo Reveals
Nigel Farage and Bob Geldof’s rival EU Referendum Flotillas Clash on the Thames Vessels Per Port
expected to be dashed by the European parliament, despite the campaign promises of Boris Johnson and Nigel Farage, a leaked EU document reveals.
Article extracts from The Guardian. By Robert Booth. June 2016. The Brexit battle took to the waves on Wednesday as Nigel Farage and Bob Geldof commandeered rival Thames cruiser boats for a campaign stunt about EU fishing policy that quickly turned to mayhem.
catalysts for the development of coastal communities. Our proposal: Fish Match, an open platform for the fishing industry. With the south of the United Kingdom serving as the backdrop, we propose a speculative scenario of different spaces, the integration of new social dynamics, and the necessity for new flexible policies. Focusing in the coastal town of Sidmouth, situated in Lyme Bay, we explore the multi-layer spectrum of territorial production through methods of associative, co-operative production within fishers while utilizing coastal erosion tools and interactions enhanced by open platform data sources.
Cornelis Vrolijk: The Trawler which Catches 23% of England’s Fish Article extract from Express. By Charlie Bayliss. April 2017. The EU’s Fixed Quota Allocation (FQAs) limits the amount of fish which can be landed – meaning if trawlers catch over their allowance of a certain type of fish, they must throw their catch back into the sea even if the fish are dead.
EU Fishing Laws Lead to TONNES of Fish Dumped Off UK Coast Landings Per Port
The United Kingdom’s fishing fleet is composed of 6,187 registered vessels. Around 80% of them are under 10 meter long vessels. These maps represents the amount of vessels and landings of under 10 meter long vessels and of over 10 meter long. While small inshore fishers account for the majority of United Kingdom’s fishing fleet, they only catch around 6 percent of the total landings. So the amount of smallscale vessels is not proportionally reflected in the amount of fish they actually catch.
Article extract from British Sea Fishing. November 2014. In November 2014 the British media reported that a single Dutch trawler, the Cornelis Vrolijk, had the right to catch 23% of England’s entire fishing quota. The entire small inshore fishing fleet for the whole England is given only 4% of the quota. FISHING FOR LEAVE PROTESTS BREXIT DEAL
Photograph by Facundo Arrizabalaga/EPA extracted from Intenational Business Times
Silloth 1
0 GT
2 vessels >10
199 GT
12
Maryport 2
1 GT
7 vessels >10
21 GT
13
0 GT
1 vessels >10
19 GT
14
8 GT
7 vessels >10
298 GT
15
0 GT
1 vessels >10
148 GT
16
1 GT
1 vessels >10
344 GT
17
3 GT
8 vessels >10
93 GT
18
Liverpool 8
0 GT
1 vessels >10
2 GT
19
61 GT
51 GT
5 vessels >10
185 GT
20
0 GT
1 vessels >10
7 GT
24
0 GT
1 vessels >10
30 GT
21
7 GT
55 vessels >10
190 GT
25
26 vessels <10
12 GT
213 GT
5 GT
10 vessels >10
32 GT
34
4 vessels >10
256 GT
10 GT
53 vessels >10
218 GT
35
6 GT
5 vessels >10
135 GT
27
35 GT
1 vessels >10
200 GT
36
24 GT
1 vessels >10
367 GT
28
0 GT
2 vessels >10
672 GT
37
24 GT
1 vessels >10
59 GT
38
5 GT
1 vessels >10
96 GT
29
8 GT
5 vessels >10
278 GT
39
11 GT
7 vessels >10
71 GT
30
2 GT
1 vessels >10
6 GT
40
4 GT
33 vessels >10
376 GT
31
58 GT
9 GT
7 vessels >10
32 GT
41
30 GT
3 vessels >10
231 GT
45
7 GT
1 vessels >10
31 GT
42
3 GT
55 vessels >10
33 GT
46
9 GT
4 vessels >10
34 GT
32
201 GT
1 GT
3 vessels >10
7 GT
47
11 GT
27 vessels >10
87 GT
25 vessels <10
3 GT
1 vessels >10
13 GT
0 GT
2 vessels >10
2 GT
48
0 GT
12 GT
8 vessels >10
36 GT
1 vessels >10
2 GT
40 GT
1 vessels >10
218 GT
13 GT
1 vessels >10
137 GT
2 vessels <10
1 GT
1 vessels >10
12 GT
18 GT
3 vessels >10
175 GT
50
13 GT
6 vessels >10
170 GT
51
13 GT
1 GT
1 vessels >10
3 GT
4 vessels <10
0 GT
1 vessels >10
1 GT
19 vessels >10
134 GT
24 GT
9 vessels >10
231 GT
53
Number of Vessels
Ship Routs for <10 Ship Routs for >10
(
Level of Unemployment Deprivation Ratio
316 GT
28 vessels <10
19 GT
1 vessels >10
242 GT
30 vessels <10
14 GT
2 vessels >10
28 GT
35 vessels <10
32 GT
3 vessels >10
165 GT
Newhaven 59
31 vessels <10
25 GT
2 vessels >10
284 GT
60
34 vessels <10
26 GT
4 vessels >10
672 GT
Selsey 61
24 vessels <10
16 GT
5 vessels >10
68 GT
Portsmouth
19 vessels <10
52
34 GT
4 vessels >10
Shoreham
1 vessels <10
Canvey Island
56 vessels <10
Amount of Landings
58
Leigh-On-Sea
24 vessels <10
The Deprived Under Ten Vessels <10 m Long Vessels >10 m Long
57
Burnham-On-Crouch
25 vessels <10
10 vessels <10
Eastbourne
16 vessels <10
49
391 GT
Ramsgate 56
Pagelsham
2 vessels <10
2 GT
2 vessels >10
Rye
36 vessels <10
5 vessels <10
0 GT
1 vessels >10
3 GT
Sheerness
1 vessels <10
55
Walton-On-Naze
1 vessels <10
5 vessels <10
Whitstable
28 vessels <10
Southwold
13 vessels <10
Burnmouth
11 vessels <10
14 vessels >10
54
Lowestoft
124 vessels <10
Scarborough
4 vessels <10
15 GT
Great Yarmouth
12 vessels <10
Whitby
74 vessels <10
Cowes
234 vessels <10
4 vessels >10
44
Hartlepool
23 vessels <10
Poole
30 vessels <10
12 GT
South Shields
49 vessels <10
18 vessels <10
Grimsby
21 vessels <10
Seaham
13 vessels <10
Portland
9 vessels <10
119 GT
Sunderland
18 vessels <10
Weymouth
7 vessels <10
1 vessels >10
43
North Shields
2 vessels <10
West Bay
63 vessels <10
18 GT
Blyth
82 vessels <10
Queenborough
Bridlington
5 vessels <10
Amble
27 vessels <10
Teignmouth 26
Bideford 11
6 vessels >10
33
Torquay
194 vessels <10
Plymouth
4 vessels <10
13 GT
Brixham
4 vessels <10
Looe
4 vessels <10
Appledore 10
3 vessels >10
23
Polperro
2 vessels <10
Ilfracombe 9
13 GT
River Fowey
23 vessels <10
Holy Island
19 vessels <10
Dartmouth
11 vessels <10
Mevagissey
4 vessels <10
Fleetwood 7
115 GT
River Fal-Falmouth
2 vessels <10
Barrow 6
5 vessels >10
22
Newlyn
8 vessels <10
Ravenglass 5
9 GT
Penzance
10 vessels <10
Whitehaven 4
26 vessels <10
Newquay
4 vessels <10
Workington 3
Salcombe
Padstow
3 vessels <10
2 vessels <10
0 GT
1 vessels >10
116 GT
62
52 vessels <10
23 GT
8 vessels >10
50 GT
Fish Match
South Coast of UK
Fish Match: Network for Small Scale Fishers
The app comprises of two main players, first of all the fishers, the main users and the ones responsible for its governance, and secondly, the buyers. The app functions through three main actions: Swaap, Fish Pilgrimage, and Marketplace. 1. Swaap allows fishers to exchange quota on a need basis. 2. Fish Pilgrimage allows fishers to
temporary migrate to other ports when the weather conditions in their home port are preventing them from going fishing. 3. Marketplace connects fishers with buyers to ensure a constant supply. The applicationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main purpose is to ensure jobs for fishers by facilitating the link within them and by suggesting different ways to approach their practice when facing difficulties.
Fish Pilgrimage Data Calendar
The calendar shown graphically describes the data behind the decision making of the app. For every month, each port is referenced to a chart indicating the wave conditions (the darkest arrows indicating steep, harsher waves while the lighter arrows indicating low and calmer), the fish available for six main species, and the amount incoming pilgrim boats. The seasonality of fish and their spawning areas would allow fishers to
foresee the availability of fish stocks and determine if it is profitable to go out fishing. Additionally, each port is classified by its geomorphological conditions (river inlet, beach, etc) and by its mooring space characteristics (marina or beach launching) to pin down the ports that would actually require to participate in such exchange.
MSc Landscape Urbanism
One Year Calendar
2017-2018
Fish Match
South Coast of UK
nยบ <10 fishing vessels 10 - 20 >20
<10
nยบ <10 fishing vessels 10 - 20 >20
<10
H&P PORTS
river inlet harbour
nยบ <10 fishing vessels 10 - 20 >20
<10
HOST PORTS
beach / cove
PILGRIM PORTS
Pilgrimage Cartography
nยบ pigrim ports relate to host ports
This cartography displays a graphic simulacrum of Fish Pilgrimage through the data generated by the interactions. These connections unveil the possible links between the different kinds ports throughout the year according to the restrictions we set on the database. The catalogue on top displays the geomorphology of each port while indicating the characteristics of each town (population, amount of small-scale vessels and
amount of fish variety
% days at sea waves heigth
routes from pilgrim and h&p ports to host and h&p ports
level of tourism and fishing activity). This would serve as a indicator of the site-specific aspects that would determine the course of action for each port in a smaller scale approach. Below, the chart shows black dots on the months that each host port can expect pilgrim incomers according to the size (the smaller the dot, the least amount of boats).
MSc Landscape Urbanism
2017-2018
Lyme Bay: A Landscape Concealer
types of ports host ports
seafish
host&pilgrm ports
pelagic
pilgrim ports
demersal
autumn + -
+ -
The interactions are intensified in this bay-like typology. It can be clearly seen how a pattern is created, where the host ports get grouped in the side of the bay where they are more protected from tall waves whereas the pilgrim ports are grouped in the tip most exposed to tall waves. The bay acts as a landscape concealer for these connections to happen. Sidmouth, for instance, would play an important role as a host port since it is
summer spring winter
each 20 vessels from host&pilgrm ports each 20 vessels from pilgrim ports each 20 existing vessels
netting routes from pilgrim and h&p ports to host and h&p ports
dredging
gravel
potting
mud
trawling
sand
next to several pilgrim ports which most likely would chose Sidmouth as a first option for a host port due to proximity.
Year 2020
Year 2024
Year 2028
Year 2033
How will quota exchange lead to more adaptable fishing policies? How will temporary migration serve as the base for associations to happen? What can the consumption patterns explain about the logistics of the market? In Sidmouth, we intended to answer these questions through a speculative scenario that explored the multi-layer spectrum of territorial production through methods
of associative, co-operative production within fishers. We imagined a space as an outcome of fishers coming together for a mutual benefit as a result of the participatory nature of the app. A space that could host up to 40 boats for a season and that could create a setting for new activities to develop involving the fishing industry and the community.
Low Tide
The strategy involved setting up a series of barriers (sand and rubber tyres) in order to slow down with steep, fast waves and generate an efficient mooring area. First, the beach was mirrored to create a quite zone within for boats to moor. For this, we worked with a coastal evolution model software to simulate sand movement and retention by
placing obstacles through time. Then large floating breakwaters were placed in specific areas to protect the bits of exposed sand and avoid them eroding away. These steps would serve as design guidelines for fishers along the coast to be able to replicate a working strategy accordingly to their needs.
High Tide
MSc Landscape Urbanism, Architectural Association School of Architecture, Essay by Camila Ocejo Central among ethnic paradoxes, in what British life concerns, lies as protagonic the genealogy and history of fish and chips. The simple, unpretentious battered fried fish with potato chips represents a influential cultural transfer as the result of migration in Great Britain and it has played an critical role in sustaining a large working-class in the beginning of the twentieth century while enhancing strong trade ties that have altogether shaped the prevailing tendencies of Great Britain’s present-day. Fish and chips as an ethnoscape provides a window that explains the social, economic, and political setting of Britain through the ubiquitous, mundane fast-food diet of the British, it is the result of the social imaginaire built by a diverse history of ideas, values, and assumptions. The birth, ownership, and consumption of fish and chips exemplifies the changing nature of immigration and social context in Britain over the past two centuries and its consistency to become the utmost national symbol. ...from the strong East End Jewish element in the early days of fish frying in London, through the strong italian presence in the trade from the turn of the century, in urban Scotland and Ireland especially, to the growing importance of the Chinese and the Greek Cypriots in the post-Second World War decades.1 Moreover, fish and chips became part of the enduring working-class popular culture moving on to the substantive neighborhood life and its local sympathy. It is the face of the changing social, territorial, and cultural reproduction of a population’s identity, to which its multi-localized quality deserves its respective descriptive geohistorical and anthropological analysis. The historiography of fish and chips is quite limited due to the fact that for a long period of time, it has been systematically neglected by historians who argued that such matters fall within triviality far from any academic inquiry. Topics directly related to politics and diplomacy, economy, high culture, and the exercise of power have always been prioritized in most historian’s agenda, whereas the scrutiny of the everyday lives, values, and popular culture of small communities has commonly been left aside. Nevertheless, several journalists, historians, and even fryers themselves have done an extensive job of gathering newspaper publications and any kind of historic reference to amend the balance, as far as fish and chips is concerned.2 An examination of the origins of the two main ingredients indicate that both came from off-shores following a faroff sojourn to first come together in the East End streets of London. It is certain that fish came first and that Jews played a significant role in the propagation of fried battered fish consumption in Britain during the nineteenth century. The Jewish community in London culminated due to their expulsion from Spain and Portugal in the late fifteenth century by the establishment of the Spanish Inquisition. Groups of Jewish-convert merchants settled in Britain longing to revert into Judaism. It wasn’t, however, until mid seventeenth century that the English Government deliberately announced that Jews could settle back in to the country, hence the former Jewish community was established by Sephardim in England, a community which thrived and 1 Walton, John. 1992. Fish and Chips and the British Working Class 1870-1940, Leicester University Press, Great Britain 2 Ibid,. 5
dominated the British Jewry until the beginning of the nineteenth century when a new influx of Jewish refugees from Poland and Eastern Europe came to completely transform the composition of the community by the increase of Ashkenazi families.3 The gastronomic historian Denise Phillips affirms that fried fish was brought to Great Britain by the Jewish refugees from Eastern Europe and that they were responsible for opening the famous fried fish warehouses so-mentioned in Charles Dickens’ novel Oliver Twist dating back to 1838. Phillips also acknowledges that the battered fried fish was an adaptation from the original bread crumbs recipe that was cooked on fridays to be eaten cold during shabbat; a possible explanation to the former Fish on Fridays tradition.
Figure 1
On the other hand, the eighteenth century saw the potato climb its way into the English life, quickly rising and pushing itself in their diet. Triggered by the urban crowding and the booming of the industrial and agricultural revolutions, traditional social bonds were weakened as the introduction of new ways of sustenance was required. The potato came to easen up the household’s expenses and postulated itself as a precious time-saving food commodity, something highly valuable in a nation that was quickly growing modern. The potato’s triumph likewise highlighted an important British phenomena. While early in the nineteenth century England rose as the world’s strongest industrial nation, the country was yet predominantly rural, both physically and psychologically; the ideal setting for the fried potato to come into demand- a crop that was easy to harvest, a country rich in crop fields, and a growing hungry population. As for fried potatoes, their popularity was not reached so much in London but in Lancashire, where they strongly held the tradition of the baked-potato that naturally branched into frying. London would soon after adopt and enhance the fried potato business as a popular street food.4 Before uniting, both fried fish and chips made its way through the streets separately. London and Lancashire were both attributed with the unitement of fish with chips, setting off a new market that would quickly grow in demand. Steam-powered vessels were soon introduced and as steam trawlers increased their catch speed and radius, the greater amount in less time would reach inland.5 This became a cyclic development for the following decades, where the fish demand would lead to technic improvements and these would increase the fish demand. Yet another paradoxical aspect of fish and chips comes into play; while the businesses required supplies from distant sources, complex technologies to bring them together, and major capital investment to propel it -particularly for the deep-sea trawling, agricultural, and engineering branches-, the majority of the shops continued to be run as small-scale family businesses. The proliferation of the dish had an intricate association with the new waves of immigrants that came into the country that ultimately exported it and spread it across the globe. By the beginning of the twentieth century, fish and chips stood for roughly onethird of the fish industry of Great Britain. The turn of the century was rough for the urban working 3 http://www.sephardicstudies.org/uk.html 4 Zuckerman, Larry. 1998. The Potato: How the Humble Spud Rescued the Western World, Faber & Faber, Boston, 251 5 Ibid,. 252
BIBLIOGRAPHY & LIST OF FIGURES Zuckerman, Larry. 1998. The Potato: How the Humble Spud Rescued the Western World, Faber & Faber, Boston Walton, John. 1992. Fish and Chips and the British Working Class 1870-1940, Leicester University Press, Leicester Tannahill, Reay. 1973. Food in History, Penguin Group, London Arjun, Appadurai. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization, University of Minnesota Press, Minnesota Panayi, Panikos. 2014. Fish and Chips, Reaktion Books Ltd, London Figure 1 Victorian cartoon stressing the Jewishness of fish fryers by using anti-Semitic stereotypes, Panikos Payani, Fish and Chips Figure 2 NFFF 1976 poster promoting the Britishness of fish and chips Figure 3 1960s cartoon demonstrating anxiety and pride at the presence of the newly arrived takeaways, Panikos Payani, Fish and Chips
Figure 2
class, due, in part, to the decline of wages from 1900 to the First World War. Food was the first thing that went into shortage, cutting out some essential products and being replaced with cheaper, more endurable ones. Condensed milk replaced fresh because it went farther, but it was sweet, skimmed, and less wholesome. Some workers did have a daily hot meal of meat and potatoes... Meat went into Sunday dinner, whose leftovers supplied a second meal; into a stew; a suet pudding; and perhaps cheap sausages a fourth night. Pickles were ever-present. Breakfast was tea and bread and butter, jam or margarine. Children never tasted milk once they finished nursing.6 The British population was worryingly underfed and fish and chips came to aid the decaying diet. It was then that fish and chips gained its social relevance, for it not only sustained a large part of the British population during a hard-shortage period, but it also founded a ‘common and democratic institution’ where the business’ ownership was ethnically diverse, where woman and children found employment other than in mining and metalworking, and where shops became popular places for the young. Churchill, the century’s most famous conservative called fish and chips the good companions. The phrase is apt, not only because fried fish and potatoes are meant for one another, but because, from the late nineteenth century onward, they were good company for the urban working class. Without them, the diet would have been poorer, the homemaker harder pressed and the factory worker leaving the late shift hungrier in soul if not in body. 7
Figure 3
Once the fish and chips was firmly established, the eating habit provoked pessimistic connotations and negative feelings from the most conservative and high class sectors from society since eating on the street suggested poor hygiene and disdain for domestic traditions, both utterly important from a bourgeois point of view. These accusations blamed the working-class, before they were also attributed to the Jews in what Panikos Panayi called ‘casual anti-Semitism’. The link between these is remarked by Panayi through the examination of newspapers from the nineteenth century. For some, the working-class’ tendency for fish and chips implied ignorance and overall laziness to cook proper food at home. A ‘moral degradation born of slothful housekeeping’. However, a closer look at the average household’s dynamics tells a whole different story. ‘Fuel spent on cooking could mean sacrifices elsewhere.’ For many homes back then operated with coin-based gas systems where they faced the choice of a warm house or a better diet. How ironic that this institution rested partly on a vegetable whose cultivation predated Western civilization and came rom a rural society whose most important piece of equipment was a spade. How ironic too that the world most technologically advanced nation had managed to recreate in its largest, busiest cities the domestic conditions that made the potato so valuable on the Andean altiplano. Britain’s mines and refineries produced fuel that helped build an empire far richer the the Incas’, but the laborers 6 7
Ibid,. 252 Ibid,. 247-248
who made this possible might enjoy a warm home only once a week.8 Fish and chips faithfully expressed the concerns of a progressive and modernized nation, where time was a highly valued in terms of labour. Fast food allowed people to save time, to pursue other activities while eating. It certainly withdrew value to privacy and domesticity, replacing the dinner table experience for a far less familiar one. The food experience would never be the same, nor would be the working-class’ diet. Fish and chips positive contribution towards the living standards has often been ignored and the prevalent prejudice against the dish has affected the understanding of its own relevance. The origins of these skepticisms can be traced to the highly promoted Victorian ideals of the time. Fish and chips revolutionized the domestic morality and role of the members of the family. It went against the stigmatization of the domestic female associated with home chores and the breakdown of the ideal family structure. An extract from This England in 1986 remarks the Victorian concerns: ‘Poor mum is too tired...she has no time to bake a cake or prepare nourishing meal...Whatever damages the family unit will eventually destroy the nation’. Although organized friers have done a great deal to shake off these negative images and associations, it wasn’t until the mid-twentieth century that the British began to accept fish and chips as a national symbol. This was initially due to the introduction of foreign foods that triggered a general consciousness around national identity which soon led to the same conclusion: the simple battered fried fish with potatoes had replaced Britain’s earlier culinary symbol, the roast beef. The connection between the dish with Britishness was soon embraced and promoted by the general opinion, perpetuating it through popular disclosure. The marketing and increasing trade of fish and chips played and important role in the process of consolidating the social imaginaire of the identity of a nation, nevertheless the underlying idea beared much significance, for it unveiled the roots of a nation that has been highly influenced by external social settings to the degree that it has become a major part of what Britain is today. Fish and chips can be regarded as a major point of crosscultural contact which gathered components from ethnic majorities who sold a commodity which progressively became a ‘symbol of Britishness’. It weaves together mayor historical affairs such as the Spanish Inquisition that founded the British Jewry, the discovery of the New World that brought the potato to Western grounds, the industrial revolution that introduced the steam trawler, the population growth in Britain that led to the raise in demand, the railway system that allowed food to reach urban areas, the poor urban living conditions of the time, etc. The ethnoscape for fish and chips is highly interactive and profoundly relevant for the understanding of contemporary challenges of a highly centralized country, where the urban settlements dictate the what, when, and how of its resources. Perhaps today’s economic and environmental nature around the fishing industry can be explained. 8 Zuckerman, Larry. 1998. The Potato: How the Humble Spud Rescued the Western World, Faber & Faber, Boston, 258
Throughout the past century, the metropolitan area of Mexico City has grown in such a rapid pace that infrastructure, dwellings, and even resources underwent a huge transformation to supply the growing population, generating disjointed systems while exceeding the regenerative capacity of nature. The research emphasizes on the complex relations between water and urbanization, as well as in its outcomes in certain regions of the city. The purpose is to understand how the growth of the metropolitan area has had important consequences in the water cycle. Mexico City was built on top of a lake located in the lowest point of a watershed.
CEMEX Cátedra Blanca, Bachelor Thesis Design Studio, CEMEX Award for Best Thesis, Universidad Iberoamericana, Mexico City 2015-2016 Site: Valle de Chalco, State of Mexico, Mexico Professors: Diego Ricalde Emmanuel Ramírez www.mmx.com.mx Team Members: Altair Cerda Andrea González
1
Beneath the ancient lake bed lie several aquifers that have been gradually dried out due to the rapid urban growth preventing rainwater to filter and recharge the underground water deposits. Today, the pumping up of underground water represents one of the main sources that supplies the rising consuming demand of the population of Mexico City, which along with the waterproof floors, leads to problems of subsidence and heavy flooding. Thus, the city has adopted a complex supply and drainage network to counteract the continuously outflanked artificial systems of the city.
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1524-1600
1600-1800
1800-1940
1980 3
Original Lakebed Footprint
2000
Flood Risk
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Urban Growth Over Lake
4
Water Influx of the City
2
Metropolitan Area / Natural and Artificial Water Systems Lake Footprint 1500 Natural Runoffs Sewerage System Urban Sprawl Incidence on the Municipality of Valle de Chalco Solidaridad
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Marginalization / Urban Infrastructure / Subsidence Marginalized Settlements Public / Private Transportation Subsidence Risk Incidence on the Municipality of Valle de Chalco Solidaridad
1325 3
6
1789
5
1900
1960
2000 6
Subsidence Risk
2025
High Marginalization Settlement
Water Negotiations
Valle de Chalco Solidaridad, State of Mexico
Current Conditions
The Municipality of Valle de Chalco Solidaridad in the State of Mexico suffers from several social and environmental issues caused by the mismanagement of land and water. The lake ecosystem has undergone a total transformation because of the urbanization on recharge areas obstructing storm water to infiltrate the ground. In rainy season when the lake overflows, Current Flooding Scenario
the lack of permeable soil prevents the water from infiltrating causing floods to sweep over most of the municipality. In addition, the region is located on the bounds of the city with scarce alternatives for transportation and low job opportunities.
Bachelor Thesis Design Studio
2015-2016
Proposed Conditions
The project aims to take advantage of the current water phenomena to restore the ecosystemâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s natural cycle while becoming a source of economic growth and prosperity. The project contemplates a system where the overflowing water from the lake enters a filtration system of wetlands that generate a dike along the border of the urban area and returns water to the Controlled Flooding Scenario
aquifer through canals that run through the urban zone. The lake is repurposed for agricultural practice while the lake front aims to hold new program to support local economy and reactivate the relationship with water.
Water Negotiations
Valle de Chalco Solidaridad, State of Mexico
Pubic Transport Conextion from Tlรกhuac
Wetland System for Flood Regulation
Agricultural Purposed Zone
Wetland Area
Agriculture Area
Floodable Market Plazas for Water Regulation
Bachelor Thesis Design Studio
2015-2016
Infrastructure for Product Distribution
Flood Canalization Towards Wells
New Water Front for Public Use
Infiltration Wells
Proposed Location for Market
Water Negotiations
Valle de Chalco Solidaridad, State of Mexico
Structural Cores
Ramp and Market Area
Commercial Locals
Reinforced concrete structural cores serve as a support for the slabs and as a container for the service spaces at each level.
Market slabs at different levels are communicated by a ramp that makes a continuous route from street level to the highest level of the market.
The commercial premises of the market zone are located in the slabs connected by the ramps. These form the outer facade of the building complex.
Rain Season
Bachelor Thesis Design Studio
2015-2016
Terraces
Market Volumes
Building Complex
The secondary mezzanines are vertically connected to the slabs of the market, where offices, terraces, and restaurants are located.
The roofs of the market area also function as green space, having on the surface an area of orchards and plants, additionally serving rain collector for storage and use.
The project acts as a mediation between water and the urban layout, decomposing the edge and redirecting the water through the built volumes. New fronts are created for the lake.
Dry Season
Water Negotiations
Valle de Chalco Solidaridad, State of Mexico
Bachelor Thesis Design Studio
2015-1016
Water Negotiations
Valle de Chalco Solidaridad, State of Mexico
Bachelor Thesis Design Studio
2015-1016
Foro Entre/ 2014 Student Council, Oaxaca City goo.gl/h9i37m
2013 Universidad Iberoamericana, Mexico City The task of this project was to follow Bernd and Hilla’s Becher example to systematically photograph an object in order to create “a patter or sequential experiences” that when viewed together, both the ‘all-toohuman’ character, or the particularity of each, and the ‘ridiculously social’ conformity to their archival schema is revealed. This project consisted of photographing 100 objects of the same character, for which I chose the many virgin altars that without any legal support sprout throughout the city and that play a very important role within this social context.