The Living Venice - Pilot Thesis by Carolyn Smith

THE LIVING VENICE P ILOT T H E S IS S U BM ISSION 2018 MPHIL IN ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN CA R O L YN SMITH

“The body of the city and the body of society aren’t at war with each other, but instead mingle and communicate. Thus, the city is a work of art and not just a material product. A city is born out of the construction of walls, churches, and houses, but also out of culture and social relationships. It breathes and grows alongside the citizens who have created it and will change it over the course of time, so that the city feeds on their flesh and blood and in return provides us with rituals, which aren’t timeless because they’re always the same, but because they’re subject to continual changes.” Salvatore Settis If Venice Dies

THE LIVING VENICE PILOT THESIS April 2018

Carolyn Smith Queensâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; College

W O RD CO UN T :

5389

including captions excluding footnotes and bibliography A pilot thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the MPhil in Architecture and Urban Design University of Cambridge

With thanks to: James Campbell Deborah Howard Ingrid ShrĂśder Aram Moordian

This pilot thesis is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text.

CONTENTS

1 Introduction 3 Reference Map 5 Death in Venice 17 The Mask of Heritage 33 A Future for Venice 48 Conclusion

49 List of Figures 53 Bibliography

INTRODUCTION Venice presents a vital prototype for an alternative vision of the future, its singularity standing against the “rhetoric of standardised modernity.”1 In a capitalist world dominated by the car, this “precious, unique and difficult city”2 is the ultimate example of a city built to a human scale and founded on a collective value system which is not governed by the purely economic. As a “thinking machine”, Venice forces us to consider not only historic cities, but what a city really is: what it means to its citizens, and what its citizens mean to it.3 As the “first ‘global city’ of the modern world”,4 Venice is the paradigm of both the historic and the modern city. The challenges faced by Venice are not unique: the degradation of the city’s historic centre, and its advanced demographic, economic, and cultural decline are trends common to many contemporary cities. The intricacy of Venice compounds the complexity in addressing these issues but also presents the city as an ideal test-bed for solutions. This pilot thesis will focus on the most pressing of Venice’s concerns: contemporary depopulation.

1. 2. 3. 4.

Salvatore Settis, If Venice Dies, (Bologna: New Vessel Press, 2014), p. 170. Ibid, p. 176. Ibid, p. 170. Richard Sennett, The Foreigner, (London: Notting Hill Editions, 2011), quoted in Salvatore Settis, If Venice Dies, (Bologna: New Vessel Press, 2014), p. 168.

Analysis of this issue has led to the following topics, around which this pilot thesis will centre:

DEATH IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CITY Death is Venice’s “most persistent modern theme”5 but the focus of international sensationalism has been misplaced. While physical signs of ageing and decay may be more apparent, contemporary depopulation poses the greatest threat to the city today. This section will analyse general causes for the population decline within the centro storico.

HERITAGE MANAGEMENT IN THE CELEBRITY CITY Venice’s celebrity status is a paradox which simultaneously sustains and destroys the city; the combination of global attention, poor heritage management, and a tourism industry run wild drive the depopulation of Venice.

This section

examines the pitfalls of both museumification and Disneyfication, as the two policies consume “the world’s most touristed city.”6

DESIGN METHODOLOGY FOR A VENICE OF THE FUTURE The issues explored by this research will form the basis of a design project, which will creatively test and explore these themes further in relation to a specific site within the city. This section will provide an explanation for the chosen TronchettoMarittima site and its situation within the ongoing narrative of the city. This pilot thesis forms part of a work in progress; where relevant, areas for further research or investigation will be highlighted.

5. Margaret Plant, Venice: Fragile City (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), p. 259. 6. Robert C Davis, and Garry R Marvin, The Tourist Maze: A Cultural Critique Of The World’s Most Touristed City (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005)

MUNICIPALITY OF VENICE The Municipality of Venice is often referred to simply as Venice, yet it is far larger than the historic city. The terms centro storico, terraferma, and estuario will be used throughout this pilot thesis to distinguish between the distinct components. TERRAFERMA The mainland component of the Venetian municipality, composed of communities around the edge of the lagoon. This includes the largest city of Mestre which is often referred to as Venice’s ‘twin city’. CENTRO STORICO The historic centre of Venice, often referred to merely as Venice, but for the sake of clarity will be referred to as the centro storico in this pilot thesis. ESTUARIO The other island settlements within the lagoon, the largest of which (in terms of population) is the Lido.

TESSERA FAVARO - VENETO TORCELLO BURANO

MESTRE

MARGHERA

MURANO

SANTâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ERASMO

CENTRO STORICO

FUSINA

LIDO

SANTA MARIA DEL MARE

2.5

FIGURE 1

7.5

10 km

M UNI CI PALI TY O F VENI CE RE F E R E N C E M A P

F IGU RE 2

D E AT H I N V E N I C E We are dying from overthinking - Anthony Hopkins

The theme of Death in Venice has captivated the global imagination since the nineteenth century, cemented by Thomas Mann’s 1912 novella of the same name. It is, by now, something of a cliché. Venice’s aesthetic of past glamour, ornament, and decay fed into the Romantic sensibility for the picturesque and propensity for the ruin; these ideas are still pervasive. International concern for Venice’s peril has coalesced around visible signs of degradation and decay: Venice may be the “city of the eye”,7 but looks can be deceiving. The perceived threat of the lagoon has been the focus of concern since the flood of 1966, but sensationalist headlines encouraging visitors to see the city before its impending demise do not reflect of reality.8 The 1966 flood remains unmatched and Venice

7. Brodsky, Joseph, Watermark: An Essay On Venice (London: Penguin Classics, 2012) 8. Moran, Lee, “Scientists Reveal Venice Is Sinking FIVE Times Faster Than Previously Thought”, Mail Online, 2012 <http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2120610/Venice-sinking-FIVE-timesfaster-previously-thought.html> [Accessed 10 March 2018]

itself is not sinking.9 While sea levels are rising and increased acqua alta10 is damaging to the city’s historic fabric, Venice has always been subject to the tide. Works are underway (and have been for some time) to raise pavement levels and limit the influx of water. “The fragility of both the city and the lagoon have been a cause of local and international concern on a regular basis since 1797. It is hard to say whether the islands in the lagoon and their patrimony are any more at risk than they were at the time of Napoleon.”11

Living in the lagoon has always required innovation. Despite the tides, foreign invasion, pollution, and the general challenges of an amphibious existence, “Venice has endured […] Venice has survived.”12 The sheer improbability of the city in the face of rationality is captivating, but just because Venice shouldn’t exist doesn’t mean that it can’t. The city’s demise may have been constantly predicted for more than two centuries, but there is no evidence to suggest that it cannot continue to defy expectation. So what does it mean when we speak of the death of a city? Settis reasons that a city may figuratively ‘die’ in one of three ways: it may be entirely physically destroyed; it may be violently colonised and its inhabitants (and therefore culture) driven out by invaders; or, the resident population may quietly fall into fateful apathy, forgetting their own identity and becoming “their own worst enemies without even realising it.”13 The common thread throughout these scenarios is the physical or psychological absence of the citizens and culture that built, nurtured, and inhabited the city. A settlement which is crumbling or damaged can be repaired and rebuilt, as cities often are following periods of conflict; it is possible for a people and their built environment to heal and regrow together. A city without citizens, however, cannot be rebuilt, even if an exact copy of the original is made: the enacted culture which once breathed life into its stones would remain forever hauntingly absent and another city would have taken its place.

9. Natural continental subsistence causes Venice to ‘sink’ around 0.5mm a year. This sped up between 1920 and 1970 as the industrial efforts at the neighbouring Porto Marghera depleted the water table, further contracting the sub-soil. This was, however, addressed in the 1970s and subsistence adjusted back to the usual rate within a few years. Even including this dramatic increase, Venice has only ‘sunk’ 20cm in the last century. Caroline Fletcher, and Jane Da Mosto, The Science Of Saving Venice (Turin: Umberto Allemandi & C, 2004)

FIGURE 3 - PI AZZA SAN M ARCO DURI NG T H E F L O O D O F 1 9 6 6

FIGURE 4 - RI ALTO DURI NG THE FLO O D O F 1 9 6 6

10. Literally translates to mean ‘high water’; the term refers to the periodic tidal flooding of Venice and the lagoon islands. 11. Plant, p. 460. 12. Ibid, p. 459. 13. Settis, 2014, p. 1-3.

1951 RESIDENT POPULATION

174 808

The 2015 census data numbers the residential population at only 55,589, a figure which dropped below 54,000 in October 2017. This is less than a third of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s 1951 population and significantly below even the reduced population following the devastating plague of 1630 (98,000).

SOURCES -

Comune di Venezia, A01_T01_Serie Storico Popolazione 13 Comune di Venezia, B01_T01_Movimento E Calcolo Della Popolazione Residente - Anno 2015 Settis, 2014

1631 RESIDENT POPULATION

98 000

2015 RESIDENT POPULATION

55 589

Analysis of the population density illustrates not only the significant decrease from the average population density of 1951, but also that the areas which have managed to maintain their population density are set back from the main tourist sites, thoroughfares, and the Grand Canal. RESIDENTS / km 2

32 %

100 %

FI G URE 5 - HI STO RI C R E S I D E N T I A L P O P U L AT I O N

0 - 800 800 - 4 400 2011 AVERAGE DENSITY

4 400 - 9 400 9 400 - 15 000

1951 AVERAGE DENSITY

15 000 - 22 000 22 000 - 85 000

FIGURE 6 - 20 11 RESI DENTI AL PO PULATI ON D E N S I T Y S OURCES

ISTAT, Censimento Della Popolazione E Delle Abitazioni

It therefore follows that Venice’s current “macro emergency”14 of depopulation poses the greatest threat to the contemporary city. At present, an average of 2.6 residents leave the centro storico every day.15 The problem is not new: Dorigo recognised and wrote extensively about depopulation and the “decay of the city’s civic heart” in the 1960s;16 the population has halved since that time.17

While more visual aspects of physical decline have caught public

attention, depopulation has not been adequately addressed. In part, this is because the causes are numerous and complex; analysis of these causes will be a key research topic throughout this project. The population decline of the centro storico is symptomatic, in many ways, of issues that affect many historic European cities: the trends for real estate speculation and suburbanisation, an ageing demographic, and political alienation and mismanagement are relatively universal. While the overall population of the Municipality has been slowly decreasing since 1990, the issue is not necessarily that the city is shrinking, but that it is relocating. This is amplified by the city’s island nature but is, in fact, part of the larger global

200 000

TERRA FERMA

RESIDENT POPULATION

150 000

100 000 CENTRO STORICO 50 000

ESTUARIO

1951

1971

1991

2011

FIGURE 7 - HI STO RI C PO PULATI O N TREND S S OURCE

Comune di Venezia, A01_T01_Serie Storico Popolazione 13

14. UNESCO, Periodic Reporting Cycle, Section II (Summary), State Of Conservation Of World Heritage Properties In Europe (UNESCO, 2014) <http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/394/documents/> [2 January 2018] 15. Salvatore Settis, ‘If Venice Dies’, Venice in Peril. London, 2018 16. Plant, p. 360. 17. Settis, 2014, p.8.

trend of suburbanisation. The emptying of many European city cores has been termed by Burton, Jenks, and Wilson the “doughnut of decay”18 which is created by the real-life “Monopoly board of real estate speculation and rent collection.”19 The value of residential property in Venice more than doubled between 2000 and 2010, forcing all but the very rich to the periphery.20 Venice, bound by the lagoon, cannot sprawl like most cities. Instead the terraferma has become the dormitory suburb of Venice; a daily equivalent of 20,000 people commute into the centro storico for work.21 While commuting is, in itself, not an uncommon or necessarily problematic phenomenon, in most cities the distinction between the social and cultural existence in the city and the suburb is not as discrete: as a result residents are trading an exceptional amphibious existence for the commonplace on the mainland, depleting the culture of the lagoon. Analysis of the emigration statistics highlights not only those who are forced by varying factors to relocate to the terraferma, but also the effects of an ageing demographic - 30 percent of the population decline in 2015 was as a result of death.22 An ageing demographic is a global issue: people are living longer and the birthrate is falling. It is, perhaps, fitting that Italy - the European country with the largest collection of built heritage - also has the oldest population in Europe.23 However, the fact that Italy also has the lowest birthrate has only heightened their demographic shift.24 Venice’s ageing population may be regarded negatively, as a proponent for depopulation, but “Old age itself is not an inherent vulnerability”25 and historically the city has been proud of the longevity of its residents. There is also a world of difference between those who are 65 and those who are over 90; a retired population may contribute less financially (via tax) to the maintenance of a city’s economy, but they are arguably the demographic which has the highest social and cultural value. It is true that older people are far more visible in Venice than in some other European cities and, intuitively, it seems that a dense, humanscale city will provide a superior quality of life for those with more limited mobility. However, it is important to recognise that the reliance on steps and bridges is limiting and there are many elderly residents who, impaired by this, are not visible.

18. Hedley Smyth, “Running The Gauntlet: A Compact City Within A Doughnut Of Decay”, in The Compact City: A Sustainable Urban Form? (Oxford: Taylor & Francis, 2005), p. 89. 19. Settis, 2014, p. 166. 20. OECD, Venice, Italy 2010, OECD Territorial Reviews (OCED Publishing, 2010) <https://www. oecd-ilibrary.org/urban-rural-and-regional-development/oecd-territorial-reviews-venice-italy2010_9789264083523-en> [Accessed 25 March 2018] p. 75. 21. COSES, Rapporto 141.0, Turismo Sostenibile A Venezia (Venezia, 2009), p. 26.

DEATH

30 %

FOREIGN COUNTRY

2 622 TOTAL EMIGRATION DESTINATIONS 2015

11 %

49 %

ITALY

VENETO

Of those moving away from the centro storico in 2015, 49% relocated to the terraferma within the Municipality of Venice. This implies that these residents don’t want to leave the area entirely but that certain factors (such as the cost of living, job opportunities, and available housing) are pushing them towards the mainland cities.

WITHIN MUNICIPALITY

FIGURE 8 - CENTRO STO RI CO EM I G RATI O N D E S T I N AT I O N S F O R 2 0 1 5

S OURCES -

Comune di Venezia, B01_T01_Movimento E Calcolo Della Popolazione Residente - Anno 2015 Comune di Venezia, B01_T11_Emigrati Italia 15 Comune di Venezia, B01_T12_Emigrati Estero 15

30 %

65+

30-49

20 %

50-64

15-29 10 %

0-14 1981

1991

2001

FIGURE 9 - DEM O G RAPHI C TRENDS I N TH E C E N T R O S TO R I C O -S OURCE

Comune di Venezia, Centro Storico Dati

22. Comune di Venezia, B01_T01_Movimento E Calcolo Della Popolazione Residente - Anno 2015, Popolazione Residente, 2015 <https://www.comune.venezia.it/it/content/statistica-studi-ericerche-popolazione-movimento-e-calcolo-bilancio-demografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018] 23. The Local, “Italy Has Europe’s Oldest Population: Eurostat”, Thelocal.It, 2016 <https://www. thelocal.it/20160929/italy-has-europes-oldest-population-eurostat> [Accessed 5 March 2018] 24. The Local, “Italy Has The Lowest Birth Rate In The EU: Report”, Thelocal.It, 2016 <https://www. thelocal.it/20160708/italy-has-the-lowest-birth-rate-in-the-eu-report> [Accessed 5 March 2018] 25. Arup, Help Age International, Intel, Systematica, Shaping Ageing Cities: 10 European Case Studies, 2015 <https://www.arup.com/publications/research/section/shaping-ageing-cities> [Accessed 2 December 2017] p. 11.

Further research will be undertaken which studies the quality of life provided by the centro storico for an ageing population. As the world demographic ages and the retirement age rises, cities which accommodate ageing and provide a high standard of living are vital prototypes. When discussing depopulation, the focus needs to be on establishing a balance of social and demographic diversity. The shifting demographic in Venice has been exacerbated by the emigration of the working-age population. This has been largely attributed to the limited employment opportunities caused by the tourism monoculture and the high costs associated with living in the city. The factors contributing to the emigration of the working-age population will form a topic of further research and potential mitigation will be explored later in this pilot thesis. RELOCATED WITHIN VENETO REGION

53 %

66 %

EMIGRATING IN 2015 WERE WORKING AGE 14% 0 - 19

42% 20 - 39

24% 40 - 59

12% 60 - 79

8% 80 +

FIGURE 10 - EM I G RATI O N I N 2015 BY AG E SOURCES -=

Comune di Venezia, B01_T09_Emigrati Provincia 15 Comune di Venezia, B01_T10_Emigrati Regione 15 - Comune di Venezia, B01_T13_Emigrati Tutti 15

It is generally agreed that many of the issues Venice faces could be mitigated by a competent and benevolent government.

While this pilot thesis, and

subsequent work, is not primarily concerned with non-spatial political issues, an understanding of the political context in relation to the city is useful. The voice of centro storico residents is overwhelmed within both their regional and municipal governments. The two cities of Venice and Mestre have been governed as a single municipality since 1926,26 despite their vastly different cultural, social, and economic structures. This makes pressing for meaningful change in the

26. Marco Casagrande, “Heritage, Tourism, And Demography In The Island City Of Venice: The Depopulation And Heritagisation”, Urban Island Studies, 2 (2016), 121-141 <https://doi. org/10.20958/uis.2016.6> p. 129.

VENICE

CITY AT A HUMAN SCALE

MESTRE

0.25

0.5 km

CITY CENTRED ON THE CAR

FIGURE 11 TWI N- CI TY CO M PARI SO N: THE C I T Y G R A I N O F V E N I C E & M E S T R E

E S

20 km

FIGURE 12 20 15 PRO PO RTI O NAL PO PULAT I O N O F V E N I C E C I T Y- R E G I O N -- S OURCES

Comune di Venezia, B02_T05_Quartieri 09 Top10cities.Net, 2016

In the Veneto region, 55% of the population are concentrated into what has been termed the Venice city-region.27 This city-region is one of the leading economies in Italy and is composed from the cities of Venice, Padova, and Treviso.28 As the name suggests, Venice is traditionally the focal point of the region, however the largescale relocation of the city’s population to the terraferma has shifted the city-region’s gravity to Venice’s twin-city of Mestre.29 Despite Venice’s iconic status, the residents of the centro storico are vastly outnumbered by both the population of Mestre, and the surrounding city region. The figure above illustrates the proportional population sizes of each main city.

27. OECD, Venice, Italy 2010, OECD Territorial Reviews (OCED Publishing, 2010) <https://www. oecd-ilibrary.org/urban-rural-and-regional-development/oecd-territorial-reviews-venice-italy2010_9789264083523-en> [Accessed 25 March 2018], p. 11. 28. European Commission, “Veneto - Internal Market, Industry, Entrepreneurship And Smes European Commission”, Ec.Europa.Eu, 2018 <https://ec.europa.eu/growth/tools-databases/ regional-innovation-monitor/base-profile/veneto> [Accessed 21 March 2018] 29. OECD, p. 75.

way the city is run, and exploited, very difficult and has resulted in large-scale mismanagement by policy makers who do not understand, or particularly care for, the city. Italy is famed for public corruption; it will be no surprise that Venice is a ‘textbook case’.30 The ongoing MOSE project is one of the clearest examples of the effects of corruption on the city.31 Originally due to open in 1995 and to cost €1.5 billion, the project is now due to be operational by 2022 (at the earliest) and has sapped €6.2 billion of public funding. Escalating costs have largely been attributed to the monopolies which were awarded to the companies contracted to build it and the previous mayor of Venice, Giorgio Orsoni, was arrested along with 35 others for embezzling at least €40 million from the scheme.32 In the context of the city, this project alone has devoured more than a third of the public funding assigned to protect and maintain the historic city since 1986 and can be held partially responsible for the advanced state of decay of Venice’s historic urban fabric.33 This political climate stifles meaningful change and, as a result, most remaining residents are “pessimistic about the future.”34

30. Settis, 2014, p. 173. 31. MOSE is a project that began in 1976 for a series of retractable floodgates designed to limit the influx of water into the lagoon at high tide. 32. Tom Kington, “Mayor Of Venice Arrested Over Alleged Bribes Relating To Flood Barrier Project”, The Guardian, 2014 <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jun/04/mayor-venicearrested-alleged-kickbacks-flood-barrier> [Accessed 17 March 2018] 33. Settis, 2014, p. 171. 34. Angela Giuffrida, “‘Imagine Living With This Crap’: Tempers In Venice Boil Over In Tourist High Season”, The Guardian, 2017

F IGU RE 1 3

T H E M A S K O F H E R I TA G E Celebrity is the mask which eats into the face - John Updike

Venice is a heritage icon and a celebrity city strangled by its own success. The city’s reliance on tourism, coupled with the assumption that the Venice’s value relies on it remaining in stasis, is driving the city’s population decline. The links between Venice’s tourism industry and depopulation are indisputable. Although “nostalgia for the gaiety of a vanished age has appeased Venetian and foreigner alike”,35 the collective fixation on the image of the city is pushing it towards museumification or Disneyfication, suffocating the city’s culture and economy.

35. Plant, p. 223.

TOURISTS

400%

300%

200%

100% RESIDENTS 50%

1981

1951

2009

FIGURE 14 -CO M PARI SO N O F RESI DENT A N D TO U R I S T N U M B E R S

-SOURCES

Comune di Venezia, A01_T01_Serie Storico Popolazione 13 Comune di Venezia, H01_T01_Movimento Turistico nel Comune di Venezia

Venice is an advanced example of an ‘architectural’ approach to urban conservation.36 Hailed as “one of the most extraordinary architectural museums on earth”,37 the focus on the preservation of the general ambiente38 of the city since the 1870s has resulted in attempts to suspend the city within time.39 While, paradoxically, nothing can be preserved if it remains entirely unchanged, the irony of endeavouring to embalm a city which sits in an ecosystem as turbulent and dynamic as the Venetian lagoon seems to be often overlooked. [See Figure 15] Museumification is defined by Di Giovine as the “transition from a living city to that of an idealized re-presentation of itself, wherein everything is considered not for its use but for its value as a potential museum artefact.”40 This flawed valuing system is driven by what Harrison would term a ‘modern’ view of time: where present and past are distinctly separate; history is a period which is complete and can therefore be collected and preserved in isolation.41 A museum is an effective medium through which to tell the story of a particular place at a particular time,

36. Bandarin, Francesco, and Ron van Oers, The Historic Urban Landscape: Managing Heritage In An Urban Century (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012) p. 72. 37. ICOMOS, World Heritage List No.394 (ICOMOS, 1986), p. 2. 38. The term literally translates from Italian to mean the ‘environment’ of the city. However its use in reference to the conservation debate in Venice, relates to an appreciation of not just the architectural monuments of the city, but the vernacular and its contribution to the more general atmosphere or feeling that the complete city provided - or provides. 39. Plant, p. 193. 40. Michael A Di Giovine, The Heritage-Scape (Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2009), p. 261. 41. Rodney Harrison, Heritage: Critical Approaches (Milton Park, Abingdon: Routledge, 2013), p. 24.

10 km

2000

0.25 - 0.5

0.1 - -0.1 -0.1 - -0.25

-0.25 - -0.5

-0.5 - -0.75

-0.75 - -1

--SOURCE

Atlante Della Laguna

FIGU R E 15 C OM PAR IS ON O F L AG O O N D EP T H S F R O M 1 9 7 0 TO 2 0 0 0

> 0.5

LAGOON DEPTH (m)

1970

-1 - -1.25

-1.25 - -1.5

-1.5 - -2

-2 - -2.5

-2.5 - -5

-5 >

but it cannot sustain a living culture. It is this disregard for the value of the social and cultural aspects of a city that has brought Bandarin (the present AssistantDirector General for Culture at UNESCO) to describe the conservation of Venice as an “historic urban entity” as a “failure.”42 As one of the most popular tourist destinations on the planet, Venice is a city under siege. The invading forces are borne in via cruise ships and the causeway; bearing cameras, selfie sticks, and a proliferation of litter. Comparison of the transient and resident populations clearly shows why some feel the city is overflowing, rather than shrinking; the situation is not sustainable. tourism”

Low quality “hit-and-run

drains the city’s resources for minimal returns and the controversial

cruise ships benefit the independent Port Authority rather than the Municipality.44 However the negative effects of Venice’s parasitic tourism industry reach farther than the abundance of bodies which clog the city’s narrow streets: the city is very literally being sold off. While tourists spending the night in the centro storico contribute more to Venice’s economy, analysis of AirBnB listings gives some insight into the way in which the tourism industry is inflating “the most expensive real-estate market in Italy”45 and forcing residents to the terraferma. Residents are bombarded by aggressive marketing, with cards posted through their doors from estate agents informing them that “we want your home for someone who will pay more for it.”46 If the tourism industry succeeds in reducing the city to a place of second homes and hotels as Settis warns,47 then Venice will become a Disneyland: a pretend city where the ‘inhabitants’ commute in every morning to cater to visitors before returning to their ‘real’ lives on the mainland.

42. When referring to an ‘historic urban entity’ as a combination of social, cultural, as well as architectural, values and practices. Bandarin, and van Oers, p. 71. 43. Settis, 2014, p. 131. 44. The Port Authority was formed as a private entity in 1966. It is entirely independent from the Municipal government and does not share the same development goals. The cruise ships are a lucrative business for the Port Authority but, aside from paying taxes, the money made at the cruise ship port goes to the Port Authority, rather than the Municipality for the upkeep and running of the city. 45. Bandarin, and van Oers, p. 140. 46. Campaign for a Living Venice, “Venice Invaded By Fake Christmas Door Hangings: Flyers Are Actually An Invitation To Sell Your Home To A Foreign Company.”, Campaign For A Living Venice, 2017 <https://campaignforalivingvenice.org/2017/12/19/venice-invaded-byfake-christmas-door-hangings-flyers-are-actually-an-invitation-to-sell-your-home-to-a-foreigncompany/> [Accessed 15 March 2018] 47. Settis, 2018

FIGURE 16 - TO URI ST M ASSES I N VENI CE

FIGURE 17 - CRUI SE SHI P SAI LI NG DO W N T H E G R A N D C A N A L

The residents of the centro storico are frequently outnumbered by the visiting tourists. Of these, more than half will only visit Venice for the day. FIGURE 18 T HE ASSEM BLED PO PULATI ON O F V E N I C E SOURCES

COSES, Rappor to 141.0 Giulia Foscar i, Elem ents Of V eni ce

263 445 VISITORS DURING +120 000 PEAK FESTIVITIES ----------

14 760

96 490 COMMUTERS (STUDY)

6 360

COMMUTERS (WORK)

14 295

75 835 4 730

STUDENTS

3 415

RESIDENTS

67 690

75 835

RESIDENT POPULATION

SECOND HOMES

TOURISTS

20 655

32 195

COMMUTERS

DAY TRIPPERS

166 955

143 445

22 000

60 000

AVERAGE NUMBER OF DAILY VISITORS

SUSTAINABLE DAILY VISITORS 1000

FIGURE 19 SUSTAI NABLE CARRYI NG CAPA C I T Y S OURCE

‘Tourism Carrying Capacity’ is defined by the World Tourism Organisation as “The maximum number of people that may visit a tourist destination at the same time, without causing destruction of the physical, economic, socio-cultural environment and an unacceptable decrease in the quality of visitors’ satisfaction.” Venice has been calculated to have a ‘Tourism Carrying Capacity’ of 22,000 daily but currently hosts an average 60,000 visitors a day.

Ente Bilaterale Turismo, Le Dinamiche Del Turismo

167

YEARLY TOURISTS PER RESIDENT

FIGURE 20 RESI DENTS : TO URI STS S OURCE

Marco Casagrande, Heritage, Tourism, And Demography In The Island City Of Venice

FIGURE 21 PO PULATI O N DENSI TY

Giulia Foscari, Elements Of Venice

The influx of tourists causes the depleted average population density to swell during peak festivals; usually with at least half of the assembled population gathered into the main thoroughfares and around the key sites in the city. It is this surge of people which clogs the centro storico’s narrow streets and effectively grinds the city to a halt.

33 242

/ km 2

POPULATION DENSITY OF VENICE DURING PEAK FESTIVALS

18 242

/ km2

12 373

/ km2

9 487

/ km2

+ TOURISTS

+ COMMUTERS

c. 250

S OURCE

RESIDENTS

FIGURE 22 HO USI NG DEM AND

Inside Airbnb: Venice Città di Venezia, 2012

NUMBER OF AIR BNB RENTALS

40 %

30 % 1000 20 %

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FIGURE 23 M ULTI PLE LI STI NG S S OURCE

Inside Air bnb: Venice

SINGLE LISTING

1 170

2 920

MULTIPLE LISTINGS

While only one of many tourist rental sites, analysis of Air BnB data clearly illustrates how the tourism industry is inflating the real estate market in Venice. Figures 22 & 23 only include ‘Entire Home’ listings which are classed as having ‘high availability’ (more than 90 days a year). These comparisons show how the industry is competing for houses which would usually be in demand for Venetian families. The high proportion of multiple listings per host demonstrates the extent to which property in Venice (and the Air BnB site) is used as a business venture, rather than homes which are occasionally let out for extra income. One host has 91 listings in Venice. 30 percent of the 4090 listings are owned by only 56 people. Figure 24 includes ‘Private Room’ listings, but only those with ‘high availability’ for hosts with more than one listing; this ensures they are not hosts who are just renting out a spare bedroom in their house.

AI R B N B - PR I VATE R O O M AIR BNB - ENTIRE HOME 0

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FIGURE 2 4 AIR BNBS I N VENI CE S OURCE

Inside Air bnb: Venice

Venice’s tourism industry is driven by its celebrity status. It is a city imprinted within the global imagination and an iconic example of ‘global heritage’. By the 1890s “Even the Venetians acknowledged that Venice belonged to the World.”48 The nature of heritage is intrinsically possessive; usually this is an exclusive local practice which binds communities and builds collective identity. The concept of a ‘global heritage’, however, has extensively been used to disinherit local populations in the name of a global good.49 In most instances, heritage produced for a ‘global’ community means heritage produced for tourist consumption.50 This usually panders to low-quality tourism, focusing on ‘spectacle’ to produce a stripped-back, superficial version of heritage that is distorted to be quickly and easily comprehensible to the tourist, but which lacks the richness of real culture.51 The sanitised, idealised copies of Venice around the world are the perfect illustration of this when taken to its conceptual extreme. While there are those who argue that the centro storico would be managed better if it were owned by the Disney Corporation,52 this argument fails to understand fundamentally what a city is. “The flawed insistence on tourism as the ultimate reason why we should preserve our cultural heritage and landscapes actually overlooks the only point worth considering: that these landscapes and cultural patrimonies don’t belong to tourists, they belong to citizens.”53

If “a city and its people are a single unity” and the built environment is merely “the stony incarnation of the people who live in it”,54 then a city devoid of people is destined to become either a theme park or a ruin. While generated by different 48. Plant, p. 228. 49. Lowenthal gives the example of the appropriation of King Tutankhamun by the United States in: David Lowenthal, “Stewardship, Sanctimony And Selfishness - A Heritage Paradox”, in History And Heritage: Consuming The Past In Contemporary Culture (Shaftsbury: Donhead, 1998), p. 176. 50. Tourist heritage is fundamentally different in character to that which is created for a local community; as Tunbridge and Ashworth explain: “‘you cannot sell your heritage to tourists: you can only sell their heritage back to them in your country’[…] The unfamiliar is sellable in so far as it can be reached through the familiar”. J. E Tunbridge, and G. J Ashworth, Dissonant Heritage: The Management Of The Past As A Resource In Conflict (Chichester: J. Wiley, 1997), p. 66. 51. Covered in detail by Tunbridge, and Ashworth, p. 65. 52. John Kay, “The Magic Kingdom Could Save Venice From Destruction”, John Kay, 2006 <https:// www.johnkay.com/2006/06/13/the-magic-kingdom-could-save-venice-from-destruction/> [2 January 2018] 53. Settis, 2014, p. 152. 54. Ibid, p. 7.

FIGURE 25 - THE VENETI AN, LAS VEG AS

FIGURE 26 - CANO VAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S O RPHEUS: NO PAP S P L E A S E

forces, both museumification and Disneyfication drive Venetian depopulation and the distinction between them is only slight: one of authenticity. The issue of authenticity in Venice is a source of dissonance as it is usually an academically ascribed quality, relating to historic authenticity, but heritage planners define it “in terms of the consumer.”55 The museumification of Venice may be intended to protect and preserve the city, but its focus on the city’s physical appearance has succeeded in suffocating its enacted culture and alienating the contemporary population. If a city without citizens is no longer a city, the loss of Venice’s primary function (as a city) would undermine its historic integrity. The Disneyfication of Venice would see a different sort of ruination, with the city reduced to a historicised theme park, equally lacking in a resident community. The sanitised ‘Veniceland’ would be no different from the proliferation of copies of the city around the world today, causing Venice to lose even its perceived authenticity - and therefore significance.56 In both scenarios, Venice is pushed to become a parody of itself; both policies would bring about the end of a “unique amphibious civilisation”57 and the commercialisation of its “carcass.”58 Venice’s future requires the city to refuse both museumification and Disneyfication. The celebrity of Venice has caused the world to focus for too long on its image, at the expense of the culture which built and maintains it. The tendency to see the historic city (and heritage more generally) as the antithesis of modernity has meant that its “mere survival is [seen as] a provocative challenge”, eliciting extreme proposals which feed the desire for spectacle and push the city towards self-parody.59 [See Figure 27] “The weight of allegory lies heavily upon Venice. The result has been a resistance to change and the depletion of its population. The loss of a city for the Venetians is the result of too great a success for the rest of the world. It is, as one Venetian has claimed, ‘the end of Venice as a city for Venetians’.”60

55. Tunbridge, and Ashworth, p. 11. 56. The term ‘Veniceland’ is used in reference to both the Venessia.com 2010 protest march (against the process of Disneyfication in the centro storico) and plans for a ‘real’ Veniceland theme park on the San Baglio island of Giudecca. Vita Venexiàn, “Venessia.Com Welcomes You To Veniceland”, Livingveniceblog.com, 2018 <http://livingveniceblog.com/2010/11/ venessiacom-welcomes-veniceland/> [Accessed 18 March 2018]. Settis, 2014, p. 91.

FIGURE 27 - UNESCO ’S FUTURE O F VENI C E R E P O RT F R O N T C O V E R

57. UNESCO, Culture And Development In Venice: From Restoration To Revitalisation, The Future Of Venice And Its Lagoon In The Context Of Global Change (Venice: UNESCO, 2011), p. 22. 58. Settis, 2014, p. 14. 59. Such proposals include the Futurists’ demands to “fill in [Venice’s] stinking little canals” (Plant, p. 209.) and the Acqualta2060 project, which was debuted at the Venice Biennale 2010 and featured on the cover of UNESCO’s 2011 The Future of Venice report. 60. Plant, p. 460.

FIGURE 28 -ALA NAPO LEO NI CA W I NG O F T H E P R O C U R AT I E N U O V E Few would recognise that the Ala Napoleonica wing of the Procuratie Nuove in Piazza San Marco was only completed in 1836, amidst contemporary uproar at the loss of the San Geminiano church.

FIGURE 29 -SCARPAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S O LI VETTI SHO W RO O M

Carlo Scarpa managed to execute modernism with a subtlety and elegance that proves modern additions can be both contextual and relevant in the historic city.

While the conservation debate has raged for 200 years, the arguments have barely changed.

Venice’s approach to conservation “fully matches” these

outdated established principles; the desecration of the city’s social and cultural values illustrates the need to rephrase the argument.61 UNESCO may have been widely charged with promoting the “process of aestheticization”,62 but recognition of the way in which heritage practice has failed cities like Venice has led them to reevaluate their policies. The Vienna Memorandum of 2005 aims to redefine World Heritage cities as pieces of “Historic Urban Landscape”63 - a term which recognises cities as ‘complex organisms’, including both physical architectural structures and enacted social and cultural structures.64 This sees the simplistic focus on urban fabric change to a more inclusive and flexible sense of the city as a “layering of significance.”65 Most notably, this attempts to end the conceptual separation of the ‘historic’ and ‘modern’ city and position the urban landscape as an ongoing “dynamic” site of social, economic, and physical change.66 While Venice’s heritage marketing has been biased towards the city’s Republican era, there have been many sensitive, and indeed beautiful, additions since 1797. Such examples of successful design are overlooked simply because they succeed in blending into the existing urban fabric. Appadurai urges the need to engage with culture to determine a pathway to the future, rather than seeing it as the antithesis of heritage.67

61. Bandarin, and van Oers, p. 71 62. Davis, and Martin, p. 25. 63. UNESCO, “Vienna Memorandum And Decision 29 COM 5D”, in World Heritage Committee (Paris: UNESCO, 2005) <http://whc.unesco.org/en/documents/5965> [Accessed 15 February 2018] p. 2. 64. Bandarin, and van Oers, p. 190. 65. Bandarin, and van Oers, p. 69. 66. UNESCO, “Vienna Memorandum And Decision 29 COM 5D”, p. 5. 67. Appadurai, The Future As Cultural Fact.

F IGU RE 3 0

A FUTURE FOR VENICE Instead of building cities we can look at, we must build cities we can live in - Savatore Settis

In response to the issues which have been outlined so far, the accompanying design project will propose and test ideas for a new district in the TronchettoMarittima area, which is presently Venice’s port, car park, and cruise ship terminal. The islands were reclaimed in the 1960s and have since been regarded as something of a failure. Most incoming and outgoing traffic for the centro storico passes by or through the area, often described as entering Venice by the back-door. Plagued by controversy since its completion, the Tronchetto is seen to be a “case of misuse and complete neglect of the peripheral area”68 and has long been linked with organised crime.69 The Marittima is Venice’s port and

68. Mahnaz Shah, Le Corbusier’s Venice Hospital Project : An Investigation Into Its Structural Formulation (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013) p. 92. 69. Il Gazzettino, “I Carabinieri Sbarcano Al Tronchetto”, Ilgazzettino.it, 2014 <https://www. ilgazzettino.it/pay/venezia_pay/i_carabinieri_sbarcano_al_tronchetto-487691.html> [Accessed 7 March 2018]

cruise ship terminal, which has been the focus for significant protest in recent years. In the next three years an access channel to Porto Marghera will be dredged in order to accommodate the largest of the cruise ships which currently visit the centro storico; many hope the rest of the cruise liners will follow. Most commercial shipping has already been relocated to Porto Marghera and the future suitability of the Marittima for large ships is a topic of current debate, due to their detrimental impact on the lagoon and the foundations of the historic city. It is likely that the site will be largely decommissioned in the coming years. While the area will retain its use as a passenger terminal within the lagoon, the scale of the infrastructure required will be greatly reduced, leaving an opportunity for thoughtful development of the site. Regeneration of the area has been continually stalled by indecision and the conflicting interests of the Municipality government and the Port Authority, who own the site. Large areas are still empty or derelict, fifty years after reclamation. The last five years have been characterised by disputes between the Municipality and the Port Authority with regard to the latterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s latest development plan for two hotels and a large multi-storey car park. This project was abandoned in February 2018, leaving the future use for the area in question. The successive failures to develop the site are symptomatic of the more general loss of confidence in contemporary ability to provide sympathetic additions to Veniceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s architectural FIGURE 31 -THE TRO NCHETTO UNDER CO N S T R U C T I O N

FIGURE 32 - THE TRO NCHETTO - M ARI TTI M A S I T E

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FIGURE 33 - CRUI SE SHI PS DO CKED AT THE MARITTIMA TRADITIONAL INDUSTRY MARITTIMA

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FIGURE 34 -THE PO RT AUTHO RI TY’S 2013 D E V E L O P M E N T P L A N

FIGURE 35 -THE PO RT AUTHO RI TY’S 2013 D E V E L O P M E N T P L A N

Fig. 1 (left) and Fig. 2 (right): Safety handrail clasped onto an original balustrade. Redentore Church, Andrea Palladio, Giudecca, Venice, FIGURE - HANDRAI L AT THE REDENTO R E , G I U D E C C A 1576–1591. [Image36 Credit: Federica Goffi].

heritage. This is illustrated by Goffi’s analysis of the application of apologetic prosthetics which, while attempting to preserve the historic authenticity of the city’s monuments, “paradoxically produces the defacement of a protected

[See Figure 36] The evidence within these small details is characteristic Tcity.” of the more generalised contemporary lack of sympathy for Venice as a whole;

his untimely apologia follows along the parallel stories of historic balustrades and new handrails installed in public 70 places in the city of Venice. These humble details on the margins, reveal the out-of-jointness of present global safety culture and accessibility discourses with local histories.1 The double system formed by a durable Istrian stone balustrade flanking the frontal stairs at the Redentore, a votive church by Andrea Palladio (1508–1580) on the Giudecca island in Venice for “what is true on the micro-scale of monuments is also true for the macro-scale (1576–92), and a temporary metal handrail recently added, indicate the presence of signs and signals that multiply side to 2 sideof (Fig. 1, 2). The71 recently added handrail reveals a present narrow thinking through building codes on singular the city.” A pervasive sentimental view of Venice perpetuates the based inability to functional definitions, which lead to cloned solutions that claim for a safer space by predicting the users’ behavior, while 72 respond to3 and enhance its historic fabric, suffocating the city. avoiding meaning.

Rather than continuing the trend for tourism-centred proposals, the design

1 Palladio uses the word ‘margin’ to indicate a walkway along the edges of a portico and refers with this terminology back to Vitruvius’s own treatise on architecture. Andrea Palladio, The Four Books on Architecture, trans. by Robert Tavernor and Richard Schofield, (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998) p. 206, Book III, Chapter 21, p. 400. Vitruvio, De Architectura (Torino: Einaudi, 1997), pp. 584–587, Book V, chapter II, 3. Marco Frascari, ‘The Tell-the-Tale Detail,’ VIA, 7 (1981), pp. 23–37. Marco Frascari, ‘The role of details in an urban text,’ The Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute Architectural Journal, Volume Zero (1985), pp. 16–27.

project will propose a new district for the Venetian residents. It will aim to provide

a foothold within the centro storico for citizens who would otherwise relocate

2 The Redentore was erected in thanksgiving for the end of the plague that afflicted Venice from 1575–1577; an annual dogal procession was instituted in perpetuity on the third week of July. A temporary pontoon bridge is deployed on the lagoon to walk from the Zattere to the Giudecca. Cooper affirms that after Palladio’s death (1580) unaccounted details would be worked out on site by masons and carpenters, architects and sculptors [Tracy Cooper, Palladio’s Venice. Architecture and Society in a Renaissance Republic (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005) pp. 233–239].

to the terraferma; thereby preserving their position within the lagoon and their

3 The handrail was already installed in 2000 [Guido Beltramini and Antonio Padoan, Andrea Palladio: The Complete Illustrated Works (New York: Universe Publishing, 2001), p. 243]. Palladio stated that stairs should be comfortable, practical and should provide for intermediate landings [Andrea Palladio, The Four Books on Architecture, trans. by Robert Tavernor and Richard Schofield, (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998) pp. 66–67, Book I, Chapter XXVIII]. He also reminded readers that according to the ancients an uneven number of steps would offer good fortune and allow one to end with the same foot on departure and arrival.

166

70. Federica Goffi, “An Untimely Apologia: Humble Details Versus Banal Elements In The City Of Venice”, Scroope, 2017, p. 174. Apologia 71. Settis, 2014, p. 63. 72. If the definition of sentiment is defined as “the broken image of sympathy” Spuybroek, Lars, The Sympathy Of Things, 2nd edn (London: Bloomsbury Academic, an Imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2016) p. 169.

cultural identity. The project will attempt to re-establish demographic diversity by fostering the growth of the working-age population within the city and providing sustainable housing which meets contemporary standards. The diversification of the city’s economy, against the climate of “presentism” which drives the current tourism monoculture,73 will allow the population of the centro storico to reach the critical mass required to press for further change. The design proposals will aim to situate the new district within Venice’s ongoing narrative; positioning the historic city as a resource for the future and responding to the need to “add to our heritage or lose it.”74 The relative youth of the area allows creative experimentation without the project becoming overly embroiled in defining what ‘is’ and ‘is not’ heritage and the linearity and form of the islets speak of a new episode of reclamations in Venice’s ongoing history. The reuse of the site will continue Venice’s morphology, as “a city that rebuilds its body on its own physical traces, ‘reusing’ itself”.75 While the Veneto is one of the largest economies in Italy and the Venice city-region is “among the most dynamic and productive cities in Europe”;76 the present tourism monoculture in the centro storico is one of the biggest drivers for depopulation among the working-age demographic. Venice’s dense urban fabric may not have been suited to the heavy industrial processes which characterised the YEAR 1960s SITE RECLAIMED

2013 1810 1500 1300 1100

FIGURE 37 -THE M O RPHO LO G Y O F THE C E N T R O S TO R I C O SOURCE

Venice Project Center

FIGURE 38 -THE RO LE O F PLACE I N THE K N O WL E D G E E C O N O M Y SOURCE

LOW COST LOCATION AND PLACE STRATEGIES FOCUS ON ATTRACTING INDUSTRY INDUSTRY ATTRACTS PEOPLE

OLD MODEL PRODUCTION-BASED ECONOMY

So j i Adelaja et al

PLACE

COMPANIES & EMPLOYERS

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AMENITIES AND QUALITY OF LIFE STRATEGIES FOCUS ON ATTRACTING PEOPLE GREAT PLACES ATTRACT PEOPLE

NEW MODEL KNOWLEDGE-BASED ECONOMY

nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but the nature of industry has now changed: it is generally accepted that we are moving towards a knowledge economy.77 The city is ideally suited to this place-driven, rather than cost- and material-driven, economic model. Hospers argues that the cities which are, or will be, favoured by the knowledge economy are those which can compete on the basis of ‘creativity’, and that this is not a quality which can be forcibly constructed, but rather which occurs via the density of social interaction provided by ‘concentration’, ‘diversity’, and ‘instability’.78 When analysed according to these criteria it is clear to see why Venice has been such an historically productive and innovative city: the centro storico provides dense urban fabric, a high concentration of educational and cultural institutions, metropolitan diversity, and the instability of its dynamic lagoon environment. Damien Hurst justified his decision to exhibit in the city by explaining: “Venice multiplies the value of things (and more often their price). It gives luster and image”.79 Venice is already one of the most iconic global cities; it could become one of the most well-renowned “cultural-intellectual”80 cities in the world.

73. Settis, 2014, p. 164. 74. George Orwell, Part III: The English Revolution, 6th edn (O Dag, 2015) <http://www.orwell.ru/ library/essays/lion/english/e_ter> [Accessed 7 December 2017] 75. Teresa Stoppani, Paradigm Islands: Manhattan And Venice, Discourses On Architecture And The City (London: Routledge, 2015) p. 9. 76. For definition of the Venice city-region see caption on page 15. OECD, p. 11. 77. Alan Burton-Jones, Knowledge Capitalism: Business, Work, And Learning In The New Economy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 4. 78. Gert-Jan Hospers, “Creative Cities: Breeding Places In The Knowledge Economy”, Knowledge, Technology & Policy, 16 (2003), 143-162 <https://doi.org/10.1007/s12130-003-1037-1> p. 149. 79. Tiziano Scarpa, “Noi Veneziani? Non Stiamo Serenissimi”, Corrier, 2018 <http://www.corriere.it/ sette/18_febbraio_22/venezia-88ccada8-1596-11e8-83e1-221a94978c8b.shtml> [Accessed 7 March 2018] 80. Term as defined by Hospers, p. 147.

In the days of the Venetian Republic, industry was imbedded within the fabric of the city. This changed in the nineteenth century, when theories of urban zoning started to push industrial activity from the city centre to the periphery, and continued into the twentieth century, with the decision to build the petrochemical plants at Porto Marghera. This separation effectively abandoned the centro storico to tourism and its use as a cultural playground for the world, and underpins many of the problems evident today. The nature of industry has now changed, however, and it no longer needs to be separated from the densely inhabited city due to fire and pollution: instead of heavy machinery, industry now requires a laptop and a WiFi connection.

INDUSTRIAL COMMERCIAL MIXED USE RESIDENTIAL 0

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FIGURE 3 9 L AND USE I N VENI CE S OURCE

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FIGURE 40 I NTEG RATED ECO NO M Y

Venice’s density and diversity become apparent when the city’s cultural heritage and educational institutions are viewed alongside more traditional industry. Figure 40 highlights cultural institutions such as the La Fenice opera house, the Biennale and Film Festival locations, the Conservatorio, and the many individual churches and museums which host a large proportion of Venice’s masterpieces. The relatively small city already contains two universities; its architecture school (IUAV) is world renowned. The infrastructure required for Venice to flourish as a ‘culturalintellectual’ city is not only already there, but already dispersed throughout the fabric of the city. An integrated knowledge economy would make use of the Venice’s wealth of heritage and culture

as a resource that is valuable beyond feeding the low-grade global tourist appetite. It is telling that despite Venice’s 4.3 million visitors in 2014, its most visited museum (Museo Correr) only saw 246,000, and only 272,000 set foot inside the city’s most visited gallery (Gallerie dell’ Accademia).81

81. Cittá Di Venezia, Annuario Del Turismo 2014, Assessorato Al Turismo, 2014, p. 11, 67, 80.

The OECD highlights the isolated nature of Italy’s universities as a key limiting factor for its development of a knowledge economy: they are segregated from each other, but also from industry. There is a requirement for ‘bridging’ institutions which link universities and private research laboratories, encouraging the movement of personnel between institutions but also hybrid public-private projects which help to subsidise experimental collaboration.82

The design

project will attempt to address this, by forming a key component in the network connecting both inter-city and regional institutions. The integration of higher education institutions with industry will not only benefit the universities and employment: by developing an embedded knowledge economy which relates to a city’s existing infrastructure, rather than simply attempting to attract large individual corporations, the economy will develop far stronger links to place. This will mitigate the potential transience of the knowledge economy that Sennett emphasises.83

82. OECD, p. 18. 83. Richard Sennett, The Corrosion Of Character (New York: W.W. Norton, 1998)

CONCLUSION The declining population of the Venetian centro storico is the result of the city’s iconic celebrity status in a climate of global mass-tourism. In a city where daily visitors regularly exceed the total population, the pessimism of the residents who remain is understandable given that the present mayor, Luigi Brugnaro, is actively working to increase the numbers of visiting tourists.84 The causes of emigration, beyond statistical analysis, will be a topic of continuing research throughout this project, as will the actions (or inaction) of the Municipal government in their attempts to address this pressing issue. The design project will propose an inclusive new district which supports a demographically and socially diverse neighbourhood; providing the density of social interaction that is vital for a successful city, and a creative one. The proposal will aim to provide key infrastructure which complements what already exists; and facilitating connectivity between educational, industrial and cultural institutions across the city, Municipality and region. Further research will be undertaken into the specialist clusters of Venice’s economy and the way in which thoughtfully designed and implemented bridging institutions could start to foster economic diversity, allowing Venice to use its heritage to invest in its future, rather than sell off its past.

84. Anna Somers Cocks, “Venice Can’t Manage Its Tourists—Yet It’s Encouraging More To Come From China”, The Art Newspaper, 2017 <https://www.theartnewspaper.com/feature/venicecant-manage-its-touristsyet-its-encouraging-more-to-come-from-china> [Accessed 14 March 2018]

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1:

Author’s own.

Figure 2:

Venezia Unica, Rialto Fish Market, 2015 <https://www.instagram.com/p/-EnVOtKYpo/> [Accessed 29 March 2018].

Figure 3:

Comune di Venezia Archivio della Comunicazione, San Marco 1966, 2012 <https://www.mediastorehouse.com/p/497/venice-flood-1966-flooded-canals-invenice-6215757.jpg> [Accessed 29 March 2018].

Figure 4:

Comune di Venezia Archivio della Comunicazione, Rialto 1966, 2016 <https://www. theveniceinsider.com/acqua-granda-flood-venice/> [Accessed 29 March 2018].

Figure 5:

Data from: Comune di Venezia, A01_T01_Serie Storico Popolazione 13, Popolazione Residente, 2013 <https://www.comune.venezia.it/it/content/statistica-studi-e-ricerchepopolazione-movimento-e-calcolo-bilancio-demografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018]; Comune di Venezia, B01_T01_Movimento E Calcolo Della Popolazione Residente - Anno 2015, Popolazione Residente, 2015; Settis, Salvatore, If Venice Dies, (Bologna: New Vessel Press, 2014), p. 9. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 6:

Data from: ISTAT, Censimento Della Popolazione E Delle Abitazioni, Variabili Censuarie, 2011 <https://www.istat.it/it/archivio/104317> [Accessed 2 February 2018]. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 7:

Figure 8:

Data from: Comune di Venezia, B01_T01_Movimento E Calcolo Della Popolazione Residente - Anno 2015, Popolazione Residente, 2015 <https://www.comune. venezia.it/it/content/statistica-studi-e-ricerche-popolazione-movimento-e-calcolobilancio-demografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018]; Comune di Venezia, B01_T11_Emigrati Italia 15, Popolazione Residente, 2018 <https://www.comune. venezia.it/it/content/statistica-studi-e-ricerche-popolazione-movimento-e-calcolobilancio-demografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018]; Comune di Venezia, B01_ T12_Emigrati Estero 15, Popolazione Residente, 2018 <https://www.comune.venezia. it/it/content/statistica-studi-e-ricerche-popolazione-movimento-e-calcolo-bilanciodemografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018]. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 9:

Data from: Comune di Venezia, Centro Storico Dati, Popolazione Residente, 2009 <https://www.comune.venezia.it/it/content/statistica-studi-e-ricerche-popolazionemovimento-e-calcolo-bilancio-demografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018]. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 10:

Data from: Comune di Venezia, B01_T09_Emigrati Provincia 15, Popolazione Residente, 2018 <https://www.comune.venezia.it/it/content/statistica-studi-e-ricerchepopolazione-movimento-e-calcolo-bilancio-demografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018]; Comune di Venezia, B01_T10_Emigrati Regione 15, Popolazione Residente, 2018 <https://www.comune.venezia.it/it/content/statistica-studi-e-ricerchepopolazione-movimento-e-calcolo-bilancio-demografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018]; Comune di Venezia, B01_T13_Emigrati Tutti 15, Popolazione Residente, 2018 <https://www.comune.venezia.it/it/content/statistica-studi-e-ricerche-popolazionemovimento-e-calcolo-bilancio-demografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018]. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 11:

Author’s Own.

Figure 12:

Data from: Comune di Venezia, B02_T05_Quartieri 09, Popolazione Residente, 2018 <https://www.comune.venezia.it/it/content/statistica-studi-e-ricerche-popolazionemovimento-e-calcolo-bilancio-demografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018]; “Top 10 Cities Of Veneto By Population”, Top10cities.Net, 2016 <http://www.top10cities.net/ country/italy-veneto.php> [Accessed 24 January 2018]. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 13:

Richard Wong, Venetian Carnivale Mask Shop, 2015 <http://www.rwongphoto.com/ blog/colorful-venice/> [Accessed 8 January 2018].

Figure 14:

Data from: Comune di Venezia, A01_T01_Serie Storico Popolazione 13, Popolazione Residente, 2013 <https://www.comune.venezia.it/it/content/statistica-studi-e-ricerchepopolazione-movimento-e-calcolo-bilancio-demografico-2015> [Accessed 23 January 2018]; Comune di Venezia, H01_T01_Movimento Turistico nel Comune di Venezia, Statistiche Turistiche, 2018 <https://www.comune.venezia.it/it/statistica> [Accessed 23 January 2018]. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 15:

Data from: Atlante Della Laguna, Atlantedellalaguna.it, 2018 <http://www. atlantedellalaguna.it> [Accessed 23 January 2018]. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 16:

Venezia Autentica, Turistico, 2015 <https://www.cntraveler.com/story/how-venicesartisans-are-working-to-save-the-city> [Accessed 1 November 2017].

Figure 17:

REX, Cruise Ships In The Grand Canal, 2016 <https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/worldnews/giant-cruise-ships-banned-venice-11492081> [Accessed 7 October 2017].

Figure 18:

Data from: COSES, Turismo sostenibile a Venezia, report 141.0, March 2009; Foscari, Giulia, and Rem Koolhaas, Elements Of Venice (Baden: Lars Müller Publ., 2014). Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 19:

Data from: Ente Bilaterale Turismo, Le Dinamiche Del Turismo, Ente Bilaterale Turismo Dell’area Veneziana, 2017, p. 150. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 20:

Data from: Casagrande, Marco, “Heritage, Tourism, And Demography In The Island City Of Venice: The Depopulation And Heritagisation”, Urban Island Studies, 2 (2016), 121-141 <https://doi.org/10.20958/uis.2016.6>. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 21:

Data from: Foscari, Giulia, and Rem Koolhaas, Elements Of Venice (Baden: Lars Müller Publ., 2014). Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 22:

Data from: Inside Airbnb, “Inside Airbnb: Venice”, Inside Airbnb, 2017 <http:// insideairbnb.com/venice/?neighbourhood=&filterEntireHomes=false&filter HighlyAvailable=false&filterRecentReviews=false&filterMultiListings=false> [Accessed 23 January 2018]. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 23:

Figure 24:

Figure 25:

Xah Lee, The Venetian, 2003 <http://xahlee.org> [Accessed 14 December 2017].

Figure 26:

Author’s Own.

Figure 27: UNESCO, Culture And Development In Venice: From Restoration To Revitalisation, The Future Of Venice And Its Lagoon In The Context Of Global Change (Venice: UNESCO, 2011) Figure 28:

Foundation Napoleon, Piazza San Marco Before And After The Building Of Ala Napoleonica, 2016 <https://www.napoleon.org/en/history-of-the-two-empires/images/ page/66/> [Accessed 11 January 2018].

Figure 29: FAI, Olivetti, 2010 <https://divisare.com/projects/313385-carlo-scarpa-marco-introininegozio-olivetti> [Accessed 11 January 2018]. Figure 30:

Mirka Rallo, One Day In Venezia, 2017 <https://www.onedayinvenezia.com/thewinners/> [Accessed 29 March 2018].

Figure 31:

Gruppo Interconstruzioni, Isola artificiale del Tronchetto, 1960 <http://www. intercostruzioni.eu/in-cantiere/item/29-isola-artificiale-del-tronchetto> [Accessed 11 January 2018].

Figure 32:

Author’s Own.

Figure 33: Unknown, Cruise Ships in the Marittima, 2013 <http://bimag.it/imprese/innovazione/ venezia-terminal_958/> [Accessed 29 November 2017]. Figure 34:

Comune di Venezia, Una Nuova Porta Per Venezia E Il Suo Porto Crocieristic, 2018 <http://archive.comune.venezia.it/flex/cm/pages/ServeAttachment.php/L/ IT/D/6%252F1%252Fb%252FD.ce5df9c7f3b8d55bfe34/P/BLOB%3AID%3D62948/E/ ppt> [Accessed 14 February 2018].

Figure 35: Ibid. Figure 36:

Frederica Goffi, “An Untimely Apologia: Humble Details Versus Banal Elements In The City Of Venice”, Scroope, 2017, p. 169.

Figure 37:

Data from: Venice Project Center, “Venice Project Center 2.5”, Veniceprojectcenter. org, 2018 <http://veniceprojectcenter.org> [Accessed 5 December 2017]. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 38:

Data from: Soji Adelaja, et al, Chasing The Past Or Investing In Our Future: Placemaking For Prosperity In The New Economy (Land Policy Institute Michigan State University, 2009). Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 39:

Data from: Atlante Della Laguna, Atlantedellalaguna.it, 2018 <http://www. atlantedellalaguna.it> [Accessed 23 January 2018]. Drawing is Author’s Own.

Figure 40:

Author’s Own.

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