Cristina Bustamante
GSAPP
Urban design
Portfolio
M.S. Architecture and Urban design Candidate
Selected work
2015
Cristina Bustamante
Content
GSAPP
Selected work
Lima, Peru | 61
Experimental Housing
Quito, Ecuador | 47
Quito: A Contested City
U.N. Buffer Zone,Cyrpus | 39
The Common Void
Masdar City,Abu Dhabi, UAE | 33
The hybrid Courtyard
New York City,NY, USA | 25
[Live] [Work] [Make] [Play]
Boulder, CO, USA | 21
Dynamic Wellbeing
Newburgh, NY, USA | 13
Additive Enterprise
Suwon, South Korea | 1
Leveraging Exchange
1|Cristina Bustamante Urban design Studio III
Spring 2015
Suwon, Seoul, South Korea
Leveraging Exchange SUWON: A HUB FOR INTERNATIONAL COLLABORATION
In Collaboration with: Ross Brady, Anais Viteri, Filiberto Viteri
Cristina Bustamante | 2
Leveraging Exchange aims to transform Suwon’s identity to become a platform for the international exchange of knowledgebased businesses and humanitarian services. A dynamic built environment, composed of a flexible framework of spaces, is proposed to host collaborative activities, leveraging Suwon’s local assets such as research institutions, IT companies, business incubators and medical services. Based upon the city’s high concentration of medical, research and educational institutions, a Medical Knowledge Exchange Campus is proposed in a site suited for social interaction; this center will be arranged around public spaces with flexibility for expansion, contraction and reconfiguration. The project will be situated within 2 kilometers of Suwon’s train hub, which offers connections to the Seoul metro as well as national and international railroads. Growth can be initiated by taking advantage of recently vacated buildings that can be re-purposed with little investment for a variety of uses. Possible sponsors for this development include corporations and national or local governments interested in the fields of medical research, treatment and technology to Suwon to take part in a collaborative exchange of their knowledge and specializations and for the enhancement of their skills.
The private investment that is expected to be procured will help develop the area through infill construction, fulfilling this project’s vision of Suwon having a new lively, pedestrian 24/7 neighborhood. The spatial concept includes an area divided into inter-linked, independent mixed-use, mixed-income blocks, each having an open public space preserved in the center (referred to as “madangs” in traditional Korean urban design), with each block functioning as a unit of the larger development. These blocks are in turn organized along a central corridor that acts as an axis connecting the units to each other.This organizing structure is employed so that each unit can function independently with a great deal of autonomy while still maintaining the integrity of the overall vision, or be combined at the discretion of property owners to form larger units. The development’s network of madangs, which connect the block units to each other, will eventually be expanded beyond its boundaries by reaching out into the surrounding neighborhood to create new madangs in opportune places for social interaction. Successful implementation of this concept has the potential to endow Suwon with a branded reputation as a place for international exchange within the broader Korean model of specialized cities and an increasingly globalized East Asia. By pairing Suwon’s specialties with international organizations, Suwon and its institutions can increase economic, technological and humanitarian initiatives with knowledge and services-based trade, creating a niche for Suwon in the global marketplace.
3|Cristina Bustamante national, regional, and global reach of Suwon potential places for international collaboration
to trans-siberia railway Russia
Incheon transporation hub 7.25 million passengers in 2014. Connection to East Asia
2 1
1 h. Seoul capital and largest urban area Concentration of highly educated professionals
china
1 h.
Suwon city of international medical knowledge exchange Geographical link between specialized cities and the global market
to trans-china railway
N. Korea
2 h. Daejeon Office District and Gov. agencies Large infrastructure dedicated to research on science and technology
International Presence
20% Annual increase of foreigners
1
2
4
3
1 h.
4 5
25% International marriages 8
6 7
+11 Higher Education Institutions
On a global scale, the proposed development can become a platform for international exchange since Suwon is strategically located within South Korea to act as a global interface between the nation’s specialized cities and the rest of the world. Situated exactly halfway between the international air and sea ports of Seoul and cities in the southern part of Korea that specialize in medicine and research, the campus can act as a geographic link between these cities and the global market. On a national level, INDUSTRIAL SECTORS IN KOREA ARE DIVIDED SUCH THAT ITS CITIES FORM A NETWORK OF SPECIALIZATIONS, from the exchange of goods in Busan and Incheon
to the financial exchange and currency trading in Seoul. The Medical Knowledge Exchange Campus seeks to shape Suwon’s identity in Korea’s network as a place for international exchange of knowledge-based and humanitarian services. Suwon is already a center for international exchange due to seveal factors. First, THE CITY IS CONNECTED TO THE SEOUL METRO AS WELL AS LONG-DISTANCE RAILROADS (such as the Trans-Siberian) with direct links to China, Russia and Europe. Furthermore, in recent years there has been an increase in foreign nationals making
Cristina Bustamante | 4 Suwon’s Competitive advantage for International Exchange Connection to Trans-China Railway
Connection to Trans-Siberian Railway
Main Railroad Vehicular Artery
Seoul
Medical Education seongnam typical resiential city Majority of people commute to Seoul for work
3
Medical Research Health Center Sites owned by RDA
train
Daegu-Gyeongbuk Free Economic Zone City For Services Center for Oriental and alternative medicine
5
Ulsan Specialized Industry Busan Largest Port Exchange of goods
6 1.5 h.
8 Changwon Heavy Industry Cluster Also known for preventive medicine
7
3 h. to Japan
energy research and advanced tech.
medicine exchange
knowledge exchange
specialized education
housing infill
it development
Proposed Projects for RDA Land
Suwon their home. THIS SIGNALS INCREASING TOLERANCE FOR AN INTERNATIONAL PRESENCE SUWON which, when paired with the city’s concentration of medical, research and educational institutions, becomes the basis for the proposal of the Medical Knowledge Exchange Campus. THE MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE EXCHANGE CAMPUS SEEKS TO LEVERAGE OTHER ASSETS IN SUWON, such as its strong research and development sector, information technology businesses and
potential for the development of industrial technologies in relation to energy. Combined with education and housing, such a model could provide a road map for Suwon’s continued development in the decades to come. THE PROJECT IS ONE EXAMPLE OF THE FLEXIBLE FRAMEWORK envisioned here that can be deployed elsewhere in the city. Since there are five more concentrations of land in Suwon that the Rural Development Administration plans to turn over to the city, the model of specialized campuses is expected to replicate in Suwon and elsewere along the same lines.
5|Cristina Bustamante existing conditions of site
development model Main Railroad
Taxes/ Businesses
Vehicular Artery Train Station
Management Organization
Former Agricultural Land
Suwon City
Site Owned by RDA Project Development
dr. woo jang-chun memorial
$$
initial phase
participant organizations seoho lake
$$$
middle phase
participant organizations
$$ $$
suwon station
The site is situated on approximately 23 hectares of land recently vacated by the RDA. It is set next to a park containing Seoho Lake, a popular recreational destination for area residents. Furthermore, the development site is about 1300m from Suwon station, which is connected to the Seoul metro as well as national and international railroads. The development is also intended to follow a flexible economic model. In operation, Suwon
City pairs with an organization to manage the development. Outside organizations, such as corporations or national or local governments, send their professionals in medical services, research and technology to Suwon for training and collaboration with other professionals from around the world. These organizations contribute resources to construct and maintain the development, essentially buying a stake in it, which also gives them a say in guiding
final phase
participant organizations
its future. The framework is initially seen as being composed of separate units, which will become further integrated and interdependent over time. The design of the campus is derived from an analysis of campuses found across the Korean peninsula, and the form of infill construction is taken from generalized examples of traditional Korean neighborhoods, qualities
Cristina Bustamante | 6 analysis of traditional urban fabric
madang
Neighborhood Scale: The Campus Public-Private Transitions
Centralized Activity
Symbolic Space Precincts Public Space
7.5 meter grid
Alleys
0m 7.5
Building Cluster Scale: The Dong
7.50m
block units
private courtyard communal/ transition housing unit courtyard
private
alley
semi-private private-public
communal/ transition
street
semi-public
public
public scale: the madang house/bldg
central element working
recreational
open space transitional
of which neighborhoods surrounding this development tend to exemplify. At the finest level of detail, the separate blocks of the development are based around public open spaces, called Madang. THE MADANGS FUNCTION AS THE HEART OF THE BLOCKS. The importance of the Madang as an organizer for this project comes from their significance to the concept of exchange. In historic Korean usage, a Madang was a privately owned space
Existing Roads Removed Roads New Roads set aside for the use of the public. This form has been appropriated here to serve as a local interpretation of this concept, with each Madang having a different focus, or theme. Madang for cultivating agriculture (Working), sports field and park uses (Recreational), and to act as a formalized open space between program areas (Transitional) are all featured in this project. Proposed sequence of implementation:
1. NEW STREETS are designated to increase connectivity of the existing network. 2. BLOCK UNITS are defined within the new grid of streets. Each block is seen as a single unit of the flexible framework. 3. A 7½ METER GRID, derived from the dimensions of adjacent neighborhoods, is applied within each block to guide the future parceling of land and to define the Madangs.
7|Cristina Bustamante PROPOSED PARCELIZATION
Small Parcels
Medium Parcels
Small Parcels Medium Parcels
Large Parcels The 7½ meter grid is implemented to ensure the design is contextual but it is also necessary for this area to STAND OUT AS A UNIQUE PLACE FOR INTERNATIONAL EXCHANGE, so a range of flexibility is demonstrated to illustrate this capacity. The first possibility shows a fine-grained division of parcels, situated for neighborhood-scale development. A medium-sized division allows for mixed development of both neighborhood and
Large Parcels
institutional scales. A large-scaled parcelization accommodates primarily institutional buildings or a large landholder. The proposal for the Medical Knowledge Exchange Campus features a mix of these types, intended to create a PEDESTRIANSCALED NEIGHBORHOOD THAT CAN ALSO HOST INSTITUTIONAL USES. Parceling of land is completed around existing buildings that are set to remain and be re-purposed (shown in gray).
Parcel Combination 0 100
After the parcels are set, they can be bought and building design can begin. Any new buildings must follow a set of design guidelines to ensure that (even with a flexible division of land) A CERTAIN MINIMUM CRITERIA WIL BE ADHERED TO so the development is endowed with certain desirable spatial qualities.
Cristina Bustamante | 8 PROPOSED DESIGN GUIDELINES Parcels can be combined or subdivided for greater flexibility, and cannot be smaller than 170m2
Buildings in the madang need to have frontage on public space with at least 30% porosity on the ground floor. Frontage to madang Porous ground floor Frontage to madang Frontage to madang Porous groundPorous floor ground floor
Buildings along the main corridor must have frontage onto it, with the first and second floor dedicated to commercial or service use.
PARCELS
MADANG
CORRIDOR
Buildings along the main corridor must not exceed 7 floors or 25m, or 5 floors or 18.5m for the rest of the development.
Edges of parcels not abutting a street must have a 1.5m easement on each side to form 3m alleys between buildings.
Connection between madang must be maintained with alleys throughout the development.
1.5 meter easement 1.5 meter easement 1.5 meter easement for alleys for alleys for alleys
Max height at the corridor Max height off the corridor Max height atMax the corridor height at the Max corridor height offMax theheight corridor off the corridor 5 floors 7 floors 5 floors 5 floors 7 floors 7 floors
Connection of madangs Connection ofConnection madangs of madangs through alleys through alleysthrough alleys
HEIGHT
ALLEYS
CONNECTIONS
Lot coverage must not exceed 70% to ensure space between buildings that allows for open space on the ground floor.
Development that is exclusively residential cannot happen along the main corridor or around the Madang. It can only occur along secondary streets.
Social spaces must be created at higher levels of institutional buildings
70% built area 70% built area70% built area Housing only Housing only Housing only
LOT COVERAGE
HOUSING
SOCIAL SPACES
9|Cristina Bustamante proposed phasing
Circulation
Circulation
Built Fabric
Built Fabric
PHASE I The Medical Knowledge Exchange Campus will be established with primary public spaces on the North end, connecting to a existing pedestrian path around the lake.
Circulation Built Fabric
PHASE III Development will densify along the main corridor and will begin to define the network of Madangs on the interior of the blocks.
PHASE II Main corridor is defined. Flexibility will be allowed in the order of which parcels are developed as long as design guidelines are adhered to.
Circulation Built Fabric 100 0
PHASE IV At final build-out, the madangs will become fully defined. At various points throughout the site, infill construction will occur.
Cristina Bustamante | 10 proposed complete development
10,578 Residents
2,500
visitors/day
2,650
470
People/Ha
Housing Units
Connection to Neighborhood Madang Network Extension
PHARMACEUTICAL CENTER Working Madang
RESEARCH CENTER Transitional Madang
Temporary Housing
MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE EXCHANGE CENTER
Mixed Use Development Recreational Madang
IT CENTER Working Madag
Repurposed Buildings
Mixed Use Development Transitional Madang
Pedestrian Bridge North-South Connection
Neighborhood School Recreational Madang
Housing Development Recreational Madang
Neighborhood Services Transitional Madang
The north side of the development will be primarily occupied by INSTITUTIONAL USES, with the south side having a stronger focus on HOUSING AND NEIGHBORHOOD AMENITIES. There will be a shared pedestrian/cyclist path running along the middle of the main corridor, which will connect the two sections via a bridge over a highway that divides the site.
0
100
11|Cristina Bustamante Illustration of Moments along Madang
Recreational Madang [Cultural-Festival]
A primary function of the main corridor is to CREATE A CONNECTION BETWEEN SIDEWALKS AND STOREFRONTS, as well as to emphasize its CONNECTION TO THE NETWORK OF MADANGS using defined pathways and semi-public spaces in the buildings that separate them. The Madangs, serving as the heart of the block units,
have the potential to become imbued with varying themes, giving the blocks qualities to encourage recreational and event use or for official public gatherings. A bridge that connects the north and south sections of the development will engage buildings aorund it at upper levels to support the goal of creating SOCIAL SPACES AT MULTIPLE VERTICAL
Cristina Bustamante | 12 Main corridor
Medical Knowledge Exchange Center [End of Corridor and transition to waterfront]
LEVELS, adding elements of spatial variety to the corridor. When the corridor reaches the Medical Center it will recede gently into the lake, linking the Medical Center with the park. The development’s network of Madangs connecting semi-autonomous block units can also be seen as a MICROCOSIM OF
Transitional Madang [IT Research Center]
KOREA’S TRADITIONAL STRUCTURE OF NETWORKED CITIES. In this way, the Medical Knowledge Exchange Campus will align with national goals while reflecting Korea’s overall urban organization. As such, this project’s plans for Suwon can further increase Korea’s interaction with its neighbors and the global economy.
13|Cristina Bustamante Urban design Studio II
Fall 2015
Newburgh, NY, USA
Additive Enterprise Engage Education. Activate Workforce. Expand Economy In Collaboration with: Arshia Chaudri, Crystal Eksi, Zhimin Zhang RESIDENTS BELOW PROVERTY LEVEL HIGH LOW
119
9W
I87
MT ST MARY COLLEGE Clean Energy Incubator
KINGSTON
$ 10 MILLION SUNY - ENGINEERING INNOVATION HUB
SUNY
NEW PALTZ
$ 3 MILLION
Engineering Incubator
NYS CENTER FOR CLOUD COMPUTING
POUGHKEEPSIE
SOUTH MIDDLE SCHOOL
Arts Incubator
CGAM MECHANIST TRAINING
209
$ 2.5 MILLION NEWBURGH
TOURO COLLEGE OF OSTEOPATHIC
$ 1 MILLION
BEACON
MAKE[IN] NEWBURGH NON FOR PROFIT
HEALTH ACCELERATOR
MIDDLETOWN 209 I 84
I87
9W
119
Cristina Bustamante | 14 Hardware Incubator | William Street
Additive Enterprise is a framework to spur the transformation of urban corridors by promoting the growth and success of small businesses. By re-purposing existing vacant buildings and parcels the project strategically clusters and supports small enterprises, educational opportunities and new public spaces within the city. In Newburgh, this transformation takes place along the William and Dubois Street corridor that connects two of the city’s key anchor institutions, South Middle School and St Mary’s College. The corridor provides new spaces that can serve as incubators for art, media , technology and food entrepreneurs while promoting greater community interaction. This is achieved through three strategies: Engage, Activate and Expand. The project engages with the existing skills of the workforce while creating a place for art, media , technology and food while promoting and opportunity for hands-on learning as well as
support to establish startup businesses through Make [in] Newburgh, the network of Hardware, Art, and Kitchen Incubators. These would activate the buildings along the corridor by generating an incremental growth of small businesses, which would bring a critical mass of interaction to the street while transforming it into mixed used neighborhood. Make [in] Newburgh, is a non-for-profit with partnership to educational and community organization such as Boces, Suny, Safe Harbors of the Hudson, and Habitat for Humanity. These provide a programmatic link for people along the corridor to explore new possibilities, to build upon their experiences or learn new skills, and to inspire new ventures. The City of Newburgh would promote a more active public realm to better allow people and neighborhoods to safely connect and interact. Finally, the process expands through scaling up and promoting businesses through the Cultural Expo-center, overlooking the Hudson River that showcases the skills, products and services that various enterprises can offer within the Hudson River Valley region.
15|Cristina Bustamante Background Information and Strategy
US SALES
Loss Of Workforce & Investment
QFT. NS
8 MI L
30%
COMMERCIAL SPACE
50%
N LIO
54%
20-34 BILL IO
Small Businesses In Us
EDUCATION
POSITITVE IMPACT ON LOCAL ECONOMY
GROWTH IN JOBS
POSITITVE IMPACT ON LOCAL ECONOMY
63% SUPPORTS PEOPLE IN COMMUNITY
63%
COLLEGE
VOCATIONAL
55%
X
ECONOMY
MONEY STAYS IN LOCAL COMMUNITY
Competitive Advantage
70%
SUPPORTS PEOPLE IN COMMUNITY
SECTION 8 76% WELFARE ECONOMY
Big Impact On Community
70%
70%
ELEMENTARY HIGH SCHOOL
Mechanism for growth
55%
WORKFORCE
MONEY STAYS IN LOCAL COMMUNITY
ENGAGE ADAPTIVE REUSE ALONG WILLIAMS AND DUBOIS | INCUBATORS AND NEIGHBORHOOD
NEW YORK STATE
NEW YORK STATE
21.3% CITY IN POVERTY
X
CDBG NY MAIN STREET REVITALIZE HISTORIC DOWNTOWNS
REDUCED NO INFLOW DEVLEOPMENT LESSER JOBS
LAND RESOURCES
MAKE[IN] NEWBURGH NON FOR PROFIT
URBAN INITIATIVE FINANCIAL AND TECH. RESOURCES
ENGAGE STREETSCAPING AND TRANSPORTATION DUBOIS AND WILLIAMS | CONNECTIONS
vacant
VACANT LAND
TO
T R A N S I T O R A N G E
TRANSPORTATION, COMMUNITY AND SYSTEM PRESERVATION TRANSIT, STREETSCAPING, T.O.D. PLAN
VACANT
WATER FRONT REAL ESTATE
PRODUCTION & TRAINING
ACTIVATE
REVITALIZATION OF NEIGHBOURHOOD INFRASTRUCTURE
HUMAN CAPITAL
SAFE ROUTES TO SCHOOL
LIVABILITY
INFRASTRUCTURE WITHIN 1/4 MILE FROM SCHOOLS
RENOVATION OF NEIGHBORING BUILDINGS ALONG STREETS
NEW YORK STATE
MAKE[IN] NEWBURGH NON FOR PROFIT
YOUTH
SKILLED
UNSKILLED
BROADWAY
COMMUNITY PROGRAMS
INFRASTRUCTURE
NEW BUSINESSES & INVESTMENT
FRIEGHT RAIL
NEIGHBORHOOD STABILIZATION PROGRAM
NY MAIN STREET
RENOVATED VACANT DELLAPIDATED PROPERTY
REVITALIZE HISTORIC DOWNTOWNS GRANTS
UNIVERSITIES MAKE[IN] NEWBURGH NON FOR PROFIT
VOCATIONAL PROGRAMS
EXPAND
MIXED USE NEIGHBORHOODS
CULTURAL EXPO CENTER
SCHOOLS
EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES
MAKE[IN] NEWBURGH NON FOR PROFIT
PUBLIC PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP
BUILDING OWNER
[Engage]
Cristina Bustamante | 16
Site Intervention
strategic implementation
17|Cristina Bustamante
GREEN HOUSE ROOF VEGETABLE GARDEN CLASSROOM AND CO-WORKING SPACES
Repurposed Buildings for incubators
PACKAGING AREA INCUBATOR RETAIL COFFE SHOP BAKERY SHARED KITCHEN
SHARED OFFICE SPACE CLASSROOM WOODSHOP INDIVIDUAL WORKBENCHES
T.
IS S
BO
DU
Kitchen incubator
STORAGE AND SHARED WOODSHOP
INDIVIDUAL OFFICES SPACES METALWORK SPACE DISPLAY ROOM
Hardware incubator PUBLIC SCULPTURE PARK BLACK ROOM PHOTOGRAPHY STUDIO MUSIC STUDIOS LOUNGE AND MEETING SPACE INDIVIDUAL STUDIO COURTYARD OPEN STUDIO
WORKING SPACES
GALLERY SPACE
CLASSROOMS CIRCULATION SHARED SPACES
Arts incubator
MAKE[IN] NEWBURGH
POCKET PARK AVERAGE WOODSHOP: 8,500 sq ft STREETSCAPE 30’
SECOND FLOOR ADDITION
49’ VACANT LOT 1,556 sq ft
65’ x 45’ VACANT WAREHOUSE 2,882 sq ft
POOR SIDEWALK CONDITIONS
14’ x 44’ VACANT BUILDING 647 sq ft
48’
42’
12’
14’
31’
53’ VACANT BUILDING 4,632 sq ft
WASHINGTON ST.
14’
14’
20’
VACANT GARAGE
96’ UNDERUTILIZED LOT 9,120 sq ft
20’ x 54’ VACANT BUILDING 3,063 sq ft
48’ x 94’ VACANT LOT 4,512 sq ft
VACANT FIRST FLOOR 1,330 sq ft
47’ VACANT WAREHOUSE 4,650 sq ft
96’
ANN ST.
Cristina Bustamante | 18 Programmatic linkages
cafe
bodega
La Cocina newburgh
NEWBURGH
Kitchen incubator
Kitchen incubator
Hardware incubator
Arts incubator
Arts incubator
H
VAN NESS ST.
BROADWAY
19|Cristina Bustamante
[Activate]
Residential Transformation into Mixed-Use
Cristina Bustamante | 20 Programmatic linkages
E IN MAD RGH BU NEW
Curbside Library
Parklet
Downing Park Amphitheatre
Neighborhood Library
[Expand]
Newburgh Creative Interface
BROADWAY
ENTRY BRIDGE
ROOF PARKS PUBLIC PLAZA
CULTURAL GALLERY
FERRY CONNECTION COLDEN ST.
RETAIL
WATER ST. EXPO CENTER
ART DISPLAY
Cultural Expo Center
21|Cristina Bustamante Urban design Studio II
Fall 2014
Boulder, CO, USA
Dynamic Wellbeing Human and City Interactions
In Collaboration with:Ekarat Punsupol, Qian Qi, Nour Zoghby
101,808 $57,100
ENVIRONMENT & ECOLOGY
Family Education
Accessibility
Policy
Stability
40% of population between 20-35 years old Youth Population
Waste
FAMILIES 40% of people are married 50% of children are between 6 and 17
TRANSPORTATION
Transportation
Consumption
Medical Care
Exercise
Seniors 8% of population
Water
Shelter
Transportation
Community Engagement
Production
Security
Recreation
Economy
Health
Local Organic Food
RECREATION
Social Activities
Recreation
50% of population between 10k and 60k Median
Public Institution Education
Policy
FOOD
Soil
10% of population 10k or less low Income
Skills
Park
Mountains
Tourism TOURISM #2 Largest industry in Colorado 7.3 million overnight visitors
Production
Boulder is considered the HEALTHIEST city in the country. It is also one of the top cities that score highest in WELLBEING. We investigate this wellbeing through the HUMAN and the CITY as well as their relation to one another. By doing that, we understand the healthy behavior, which measures LIFESTYLE HABITS as well as the human’s interaction with his BUILT ENVIRONMENT.This
understanding is looked upon in a complex and dynamic system through the interaction of the ecological environment, the recreational activities, the food system and the transportation networks on different scales. This is reached by the continuous efforts in the expansion of that dynamic system as well as the POLICY that governs it in order to move forward towards RESILIENCY.
Cristina Bustamante | 22 City Scale
7. DISPOSING
16 Local Routes
Health Awarness
CLIMATE
Community Cultivation
SOIL
Private Cultivation
64%
20% 15%
Phone number received orders To evacuate to higher ground
71% of people
Trips are by Foot, Bike or Bus
work in town
BOULDER
ALL 15 major creeks and 23 irigation ditches flooded 8000
RIVERS AND WETLANDS
BOULD
8 DAYS OF RAIN
2013 FLOOD
Community collect kitchen scras for composing to add to farm soil
1%
CITY PARKS
OPEN SPACE
FLOODPLAIN MAPPING & PLANNING
3. PROCESSING
5. RETAILING
Transformation of raw ingredients into food
Farmers, Restaurant owners, or local store owners sell food to consumer
Flood Mitigation & Infructure
Capital Improvemet Projects
1. GROWING
2. HARVESTING
Crops Grown 5,880 Acres
Farm workers often gather the ripened crops by hand from the feild
Stormwater Collection System
6. EATING
14,000 Acres (OSMP)
Farmers prepare soil, plant, and tend crops on small farms growing a variety of crops
$44.8 million
People buy, prepare and eat the food
Local
Greenways improvements 2
Farmer’s Market
FLOODPLAIN REGULATIONS
4. PACKAGING
Development in flood areas to protect the community, prevent property damage, and maintain essential services.
BIKE SHARING
Workers put foods in resusable boxes or bags for transport Grocery Stores Restaurants CSA
BIKE - N - RIDE DRAINAGEWAYS
drive a car
Local
aft y cS
ate
Pub li
Clim
Invest
Plan
Surport
BOULDER Livestock 520 Acres
Resilience Plan
PARK - N - RIDE
50.2% of people
Identify
GROUNDWATER/ WATER TABLE
Farmer’s Market Grocery Stores
40/yearly
my
nm
ent
BOULDER BRANDS
Eco no
Livestock 7,600 Acres
STREETS & PATHS
STORM DRAINS
Env iro
NATIONAL
ial
Superior Live Auction
750 Employees $ 461,000,000 Revenue 328 Products
Soc
NATIONAL
Restaurants
46
Thousand cubic yards of sediment removed from creeks
SKIING
12
Thousand tons of trash collected
85
Creek structures were repaired
Cristina Bustam Ekarat Punsup Qian Qi Nour Zoghby
The City faces two wildfires. The prese voirs play a major ro agriculture. The we agricultural waste. city and farmer’s people meet. Agricu and awareness spre munity gardening. take the bus helpin
670,445 LBS
of food was redirected from landfill HIKING
BIKE SHARE CAR SHARE
TOPOGRAPHY
LOUISVILLE PARKS
HIGH RISK
14 Regional Bus Routes Daily Rides
Extremely HIGH RISK
FARMER’S MARKET FOOD PROCESSING INDUSTRY
29% work out of town
20 THOUSAND
AGRICULTURAN LAND
50,000 people come into town
7,000 Feet 6,500 Feet
Boulder City Governm
26%
BIKE SHARE Recreation Area
Boulderites live in 15 mins walking neighbrhood
.25 mile
CAR SHARE BIKE SHARE CAR SHARE FARMER’S City MARKET faces
Accessibility
4,500 Feet
High
Low
BIKE PATHFARMER’S MARKET FOOD PROCESSING INDUSTRY TRAIL-HEAD AGRICULTURAN LAND TRAIL
Aquatic Facilities
74
Boulderites walk 3X more than US Average
64% COMPLETE TRIPS
BIKE PATH
Boulderites make 2X more bus trips than US average
TRAIL
TRAIL-HEAD BIKE SHARE CAR SHAREFLOOD PLAIN FARMER’S MARKET PARKS & RECREATION disaster, the floods
BIKE UNDERPASSES
300 BIKE SHARE CAR SHARE FARMER’S MARKET
MILES OF BIKE WAYS
AGRICULTURAN BIKE PATH LAND TRAIL TRAIL-HEAD
Upto100 Acres
Parks
TRAIL 100 1000 LOCAL ROUTES
BOULDER USA
BIKE SHARE TRAIL-HEAD REGIONAL ROUTES BIKE SHARE
Upto 300 Acres
City/Reginal Parks
BIKECommunity SHARE
BIKE PATH
FOOD PROCESSINGAND MOVEMENT CARPATTERN SHARE BUS RIDERSHIP FLOOD PLAIN INDUSTRY
Recreation Center Golf Course Diamond Ballfield Rectangular Field Playground Skate Park Bike Park Dog Park Picnic Park Tennis Court Community Garden
CAR SHARE OT RA HER A NS K LK IT
5,000 Feet
T
W
BI
E R ME
5,500 Feet
RECREATION AND NEIGHBORHOOD ACCESIBILITY
6,000 Feet
HO
CA
CAR SHARE FARMER’S PARKSMARKET & RECREATION FARMER’S MARKET FOOD PROCESSING INDUSTRY FOOD PROCESSING INDUSTRY AGRICULTURAN LAND farmer’s AGRICULTURANcan LAND sell
Various users land
BPRD
Boulder Parks and Recreation Department
Neighborhood BIKE PATH FARMER’S MARKET Parks BIKE PATH TRAIL FOOD PROCESSING TRAIL INDUSTRY TRAIL-HEAD TRAIL-HEADAGRICULTURAN LAND 5-20 Acres
FLOOD PLAIN FLOOD PLAIN PARKS & RECREATION their products PARKS & RECREATION
Civic Spaces
BIKE PATH TRAIL TRAIL-HEAD FLOOD PLAIN PARKS & RECREATION
The two major natural and city and in markets where people FOOD PROCESSING PROCESSING The preservation FLOOD PLAIN the FOOD wildfires. of wetlands and all the water meet. Agriculture and food health is wildly talked about and FLOOD PLAIN INDUSTRY INDUSTRY reservoirs play a major role in the resilience of the city as well as awareness spreads in educational facilities as well as community AGRICULTURAN LAND AGRICULTURAN LAND PARKS & RECREATION PARKS & RECREATION in its agriculture. The wetlands also helps in the cleansing of the gardening. The people of the city mostly walk, bike or take the agricultural waste. Healthy food production is very high in the bus helping in the decrease of CO2 emission.
Columbia University GSA Moving Images Studio Fa
23|Cristina Bustamante Boulder county
BOUL
TO FORT COLLINS TO LOVELAND Fort Collins-Loveland Metro Area 4th Largest city is CO Home of Colorado State University
1862 Boulder County forms
BOULDER
Size: 1,988 acres
BOULDE
Rabbit Mountain 2,733 Acres
LYON
Size: 3,988 acres
POP: 2,092
Hall Ranch
1871 Boulder City incorporates
Size: 38,133acres
3,000 Acres
1898 First land for Open Space BOULDER Size :318 acres Chautauqua
Heil Valley Ranch 5,020 Acres
1967 First nation to tax themselves to preserve open space
LONGMONT POP: 88,669
Boulder County Fairgrounds 1969 Celestial Seasonings make wild herbs grow
Size: 1701 acres
Cristina Bust Ekarat Punsu Qian Qi Nour Zoghby
Lagerman Reservoir
Size : 23,460 acres
BOULDER 1977 White Wave brings soy to public Niwot Trail System
1979 Second largest 10K in the world 119 1988 Gaiam brings ecological awareness and leads ecological and health information and goods
Size :478 acres
Size: 7,227 acres
Size: 112,344 acres
BOULDER 1992 Horizon's organic yogurt is offered for the first time
287
2000 University of Colorado is the first university to use renewable energy, powered by wind
Betasso Perserve
119
7
BOULDER
POP: 101,808
2005 Dopts Zero Waste as a guiding principle
BOULDER
Looking at Boul muter rate. Ove everyday. The Co was the first city serve these land and the recreati well connected Lyon, and Denve major recreation
Size: 2,988 acres
36
14,000 Feet
LOUISVILLE
POP: 19,074
FOREST AREA RARE SPECIES WILDLIFE HABITAT
Size: 10,185 acres
NEDERLAND POP: 1,478
Two Creeks
POP: 25,733
Size: 6,988 acres
2006 Pass the country's first municipal carbon tax to fight global warming.
TO ERIE Easy access to Denver’s Airport
LAFAYETTE
Caribou Ranch 4,000 Acres
Size: 3,460 acres
Reynold Ranch 1,200 Acres
Carolyn Holmbery Preserve at Rock
Walker Ranch Park 1,200 Acres
AGRICULTURAL L TRAIL RECREATION AREA GOLF COURSE
93
SCENERY NATURE LANDS CONSERVATION LA
Size :228 acres
12,000 Feet
REGIONAL BUS RO PARK-N-RIDE TRANSFER STATIO BIKE STATION
TO DENVER Major transit hub Largest city in CO
TO LITTLETON Denver’s Suburb
10,000 Feet
Boulder County Go
8,000 Feet 6,000 Feet
84,000,000 Acres
20%
10%
REGIONAL BUS ROUTE PARK-N-RIDE TRANSFER STATION BIKE STATION
5%
36 m $15 ins .28
2%
59,839 gal saved
2,389,751 miles not traveled alone
1,045,776 lbs saved
54,000 57% People commute = All Boulder Boulder Employees REGIONAL BUSintoROUTE PARK-N-RIDE High living costs in the city 65% Drove alone TRANSFER STATION
BIKE STATION
AGRICULTURAL LAND REGIONAL BUS ROUTE TRAIL PARK-N-RIDE RECREATION AREAS TRANSFER STATION AGRICULTURAL LAND GOLF COURSE TRAIL Looking at Boulder County, Boulder City has a very high commuter BIKE STATION RECREATION AREAS SCENERY rate.AGRICULTURAL Over 50% The LANDof the population come into the city everyday. NATURE LANDS GOLF COURSE TRAIL owns over 99,000 Acres County of open space and was the first city CONSERVATION LANDS RECREATION AREAS SCENERY who imposed itself to pay taxes in order to preserve these lands. GOLF COURSE NATURE LANDS These lands play a role in both the agriculture and the recreation CONSERVATION LANDS SCENERY NATURE LANDS CONSERVATION LANDS
COMMU 0 cal TIN G
23
lbs
Nation
$368,388 saved
DRIVE
BOULDER COMMUTERS HOME
NPS
National Parks Service
PARKS AND RECREATION
CPW Colorado Parks and Wild Life
BOULDER
REGIONAL BUS ROUTE PARK-N-RIDE MULTITRANSFER STATION MODAL BIKE STATION AGRICULTURAL LAND TRAIL RECREATION AREAS GOLF COURSE SCENERY
0 lbs
225,000 Acres
PCPOSD
Boulder County Parks Open space Department
BOU LD
1,730 cal
Colorado State
99,303 Acres
10h 17 mi n $ 0 lb 0 s cal
1h19mins $0
OSMP
Open space and Mountain Parks
Boulder County
Car share in county by year
Water Usage for Crops
4,73 0
DENVER
Boulder Parks and Recreation Department
S TION OP
WALK
TO ER
44,000 Acres
15 lbs 0 cal
s
BPRD
Boulder City
52mins $5.00
REGIONAL BUS ROUTE PARK-N-RIDE TRANSFER STATION BIKE STATION
E BIK
NSIT TRA
LONGMONT
REGIONAL BUS ROUTE PARK-N-RIDE TRANSFER Roadways 700 Miles ofSTATION 50% Paved BIKE STATION 50% Gravel
Acre Feet of Water Needed
4,000 Feet
AGRICULTURAL LAND TRAIL RECREATION AREAS GOLF COURSE
SCENERY NATURE LANDS CONSERVATION LANDS
1.5 1.5 1.5 1.32 1.8 2.5 1.5 1.5
Wheat AGRICULTURAL LAND TRAIL Sunflowers Grass Pinto Beans RECREATION AREAS Corn
Alfalfa GOLF COURSE Barley Sugar Beets
SCENERY Crops Grown NATURE LANDS CONSERVATION LANDS
aspects of the county. NATURE LANDS Boulder city is very well connected to all the LANDS Longmont, Lyon, and Denver. Multiple surroundingCONSERVATION cities mainly trails and roads connect the cities to major recreation resorts.
16,0 7,000 4,000 2,000
Cristina Bustamante | 24 Boulder as a Major Player in Colorado DROUGHT $10 billion damages (2003)
300 days of sunshine
173,000 jobs in the industry 66 million acres of farmland #1 beer producing State
Highly productive area
$718 million in food is exported 100 Countries
2x National farm-table sale $190.000 revenue
Reinvestment: At store: 20% At farmer’s market: 100%
Pawnce Pionee Trails
DENVER: Main distribution artery
#3 natural food grocery store chain in US
$809 million
300 “ snow yearly
16” rainfall yearly
1987
24 million acres of forest 9 national forest 960 wildlife species
Roosevelt National Forest
INFRASTRUCTURE
Water supply for 19 States 86% water goes to farmland
6 rivers start in the mountains 80% of state water from melt 8,000 miles of rivers
75% of all US land above 1,000 54 mountain peaks Highest average altitude of us
State Forest
FREIGHT
Northwest Colorado Food Coalition
MANAGEMENT
+500 miles of trails
2,815 listed trails
85,409 miles 29 mountain passes
FRONT RANGE 85% Of CO population Reinvested in manitenance and preservation
St Vrain
33% of federal land
5.9 million visits
3% of federal land
4.1 million visits
6% of federal land
Lowest obesity rate in US Highest activity rate in US
I-76
Longmont
2,967 miles trackage
79 public airports
Boulder County Food and Agriculture Policy Council Boulder
58% of federal land
7.3 million visits
Jackson Lake
High Production
24 million acres under Federal Agencies 30 million visits
Greeley
Loveland
Peak to Peak
2 National Parks 2 National Grassland 42 State Parks
NATURAL RESOURCES
Fort Collins
Export of agriculture, energy and minig
Use for transportation of goods and passengers
COLORADO RIVER BASIN Supply water to 7 states
5 Mountain Ranges
North Sterling
85
RIVERS
TOPOGRAPHY
COLORADO
I-25
Cache la Poudre North Park Steamboat Ski Resort
ECOLOGY
BOULD
DISTRIBUTION
AGRICULTURE
FLOOD 4,500 sq. Miles flooded 12,118 people evacuated (2013)
Barr Lake
Rifle Gap
25 Scenic Byways
Arpaho National Park
Rifle Fall
Guanela Pass
Hayden Eldorado Canyon
Cristina Bustam Ekarat Punsupo Qian Qi Nour Zoghby
Hawey Gap Denver
I-70
OUTDOOR RECREATION
I-70
Cherry Creek
Rox Borough
90% of Coloradans participate in outdoor activities
45% of state land=public
Denver Sustainable Food Policy Counsil
Chatfield
Sylvan Lake $34.5 billion income 313,000 jobs
Summit County Food Coalition Counsil Eagle County Food Coalition Counsil WATER ACTIVITIES
WINTER ACTIVITIES
WILDLIFE ACTIVITIES
TRAIL ACTIVITIES
57% Of population
51% Of population
29% Of population
Throughout the Colo activities in the mas government is prese nected and complem splits the agricultur recreational space to a Major transportatio production lands wh tele. Boulder’s produ and specially gluten the state and the co infrastructural system der is then distribute by freight through th river plays also a ma depend on its water.
Castle Wood Canyon
83% Of population
West Elk Loop #19
#4
#12
#6
#6
#30
#8
#14
#23
#2
#10
#7
#1
To Utah, Nevada and Arizona
NATIONAL RANKINGS
Colorado Spring
I-70 Spa
8%
Mountain Climbing 8% Brewery
9%
#2 Largest industry in Colorado 7.3 million overnight visitors
Skiing / Snowboarding 10%
Cheyeme Mountain
10%
Fishing
12%
Casino
12%
Gold Belt Tour
13%
Swimming
15%
Landmark / Historic Site
18% 19%
National / State Park
20%
Hiking / Backpacking Fine Dining
22%
Shopping
52%
64.6 MILLION 42%
3,440,000 acre feet
14,400 Feet 12,500 Feet 10,000 Feet
Overnight Leisure 27.1 Million
6% Overnight Businiess 3.9 Million
7
USERS OF COLORADO RIVER
2013 COLORADO ACTIVITIES ON A TRIP
33%
Day Trips 33.6 Million
2013 VISITOR’S EXPENSES
Bar / Nightclub Museum
25
Collegiate Peaks
11%
2013 TRIPS TO COLORADO
Camping
Retail $1.4 Billion
Recreation $1.6 Billion
15%
Eating/Drinking $2.1 Billion
14%
23%
Accomodations $2.9 Billion
Frontier Pathway Pueblo Lake
$10.4 BILLION 20%
23%
Pueblo
Transportaion $2.4 Billion
Alpine Loop SCENIC BYWAY FOOD POLICY CENTER
FOOD DISTRIBUTION CE
San Juan Skyway
STATES GET THEIR WATER FROM THE COLORADO RIVER
AGRICULTURE LAND
Lathrop
STATE PARK Food Action Council of Pueblo
Colorado State Governm RIVER
Trinidad Lake
Los Amigos Antiguos
Highway of Legends
7,500 Feet 5,000 Feet Sprinkler system misplacement
Las Vegas ARISONA
Los Angeles Tijuana
Phoenix Tucson
MEXICO
N.MEX.
Boulder County Average
CALIF.
100 gal WATER USE PER DAY
Denver
UTAH
US Average
NEV.
Cheyenne
COLORADO RIVER BASIN
WYO.
HOW IS COLORADO’S WATER USED
3,318 Feet
Stone, Clay and Aggregates
34%
COLORADO STATE more than
10,000,000 TONS/YEAR
86%
10,000
5,000
2,500
Chemicals
SCENIC BYWAY SCENIC BYWAY
50%
WIND
11%
18%
75,000,000 37,500,000 18,750,000 0 150 in Miles
overwatering
7%
in Tons
EVAPORATION
IRRIGATION
SCENIC BYWAY
30%
Truck Volume
WASTE
300
Limber and Forest Products
450
FOOD POLICY CENTER
Grain
FOOD DISTRIBUTION CENTER
FOOD POLICY CENTER
FOOD DISTRIBUTION CENTER
AGRICULTURE LAND
FOOD POLICY CENTER
FOOD DISTRIBUTION CENTER
AGRICULTURE LAND
STATE PARK
Columbia University GSAPP FOOD POLICY CENTER Moving Images Studio Fall
FREIGHT CONTENT IN COLORADO
FREIGHT TRAFFIC FOODUSA’S POLICY CENTER
SCENIC BYWAY
SCENIC BYWAY
Farm and Food Products
FOOD DISTRIBUTION CENTER
WASTE
AGRICULTURE LAND STATE PARK
FOOD DISTRIBUTION CENTER AGRICULTURE LAND activities in the massive Throughout Colorado, there are various recreational clientele. Boulder’s production of organic food, fruits and vegetables STATEnational PARK amount of green open space that the government is preserving. All these areas and specially gluten free food is highly recognized throughout the state and AGRICULTURE LAND STATE PARK are very well connected and complement one another. The state I-25 Highway the country. Agricultural lands also follow major infrastructural systems and STATE PARK splits the agricultural land to the East from the open green recreational space to rely on them. The food from Boulder is then distributed either my trucks to their the West. It passes though Denver which is a Major transportation hub. Boulder destination or by freight through the Denver distribution engine. The Colorado City, however has very high production lands which cater to both local and river plays also a major role on a state scale and several cities depend on its water.
25|Cristina Bustamante Urban design Studio I
Summer 2014
Flushing - Queens, NY, USA
Live - Work - Make - play
A Community Framework through Innovation In Collaboration with: Arshia Chaudri, Amy Shell, Yuxian, Jiang
=
+ CRAFT
TECHNOLOGY
L IV E
WORK
INNOVATION
MA K E
+ HOMES FOR DIVERSE HOUSEHOLDS
PL A Y
= SHARED SPACE
COMMUNITY FRAMEWORK
Cristina Bustamante | 26 Flushing is a neighborhood in NewYork’s borough, Queens. The area has mostly developed as a residential neighborhood; however, centered along Main Street, the area has developed in a large commercial and retail center - the fourth largets business district in the city. Due to immigration, the population has increased by 2% since 2000 creating a new demand for housing that is not being met. The large investments in the incoming projects are mainly developing luxury condominiums that do not cater to the needs of its residents.
Flushing Vision and Existing Conditions
Van Wyck Expy
The vision is to create a progressive neighborhood that integrates Flushing’s existing local businesses and social framework through which people live and work within the culture of shared space and resources leading to an exchange of ideas and a district noted for its innovations. The area’s growth has been restrained due to the current zoning regulations as Manufacturing and as commercial zones leading to existence of underutilized land west of college point. Due to its current zoning, the area has been developed into a material supplier district; however, this has led to a program redundancy throughout the area.
Outlook Rest Area Innovation District Flushing Creek
Pedestrian Bridge
The area faces some physical obstacles that have turned it into a fragmented site. These barriers include Van Wyck Expressway, the LIRR, the 7 train infrastructure, and existing buildings such as Skyview Mall and Home Depot. The site’s is located in Flushing Creek’s flood plain which acts as a segregating due to its poor conditions. Finally, the neighborhood west of college point does not have easy access to public transportation. Even though downtown Flushing is bursting with bus routes, this is not the case just a couple blocks west. There is only one bus route that goes through the site, which covers the route from downtown to La Guardia.
Main Street
Through an infrastructural landscape that acts as the backbone of the area Our design intentions are to unify the fragmented layers of the site, into a cohesive entity that responds to its surroundings.
College Point
We have approached our intervention in a thematic process that establishes a connecting tissue creating a framework for our neighborhood development. Amongst these are a B.R.T corridor, Eco-boulevards, boardwalks along the creek and a transit plaza as the prime node integrating flushing.
REDUNDANCY
Corona Crossing
Corona Park
POLLUTION
BARRIERS
27|Cristina Bustamante
The creek acts a major spine assembling the fragments within the site together bringing the people of flushing to the waterfront. The envisioned boardwalk is a continuous path along the creek which consists of outlook-rest areas, pocket parks and pedestrian bridges connecting to Willet Point and Corona Park. The boardwalk does not only function as a means of circulation but it also offers community-oriented spaces, such as community gardens.
Community Gardens along the Boardwalk
W O R K M A K E L I V E L I V E
PERMEABLE PAVED SIDEWALK
BIKE LANES
WATERFRONT TRAIL
BOARDWALK
Improvement of Creek Ecology
CREEK ECOLOGY ENHANCEMENT STORM WATER WETLANDS Cristina Bustamante | 28 Improvement of Creek Ecology
RAIN GARDENS + BIOSWALES COLLECT STORM WATER + RUNOFF ZONE OF SETTLEMENT SAND FILTER, SUPPORTS NUTRIENT PLANTS FOR AQUACULTURE
FILTRATED WATER FROM WETLAND FLOWS INTO CREEK
D UPLAN
ITION TRANS
ZONE
OND
TION P FILTRA
RIVER E
Y COLOG
Water Filtration
In order to do so, improvement of the creek ecology would be the first step responding to the creek’s current condition. The process will happen in three phases, each phase with a 10 year duration. Phase I, involves stepping down the landscape to prevent surface erosion through compost bio-logs. A constructed wetland will aid in the filtration of the creek water and storm water management from the paved surfaces leading it into the creek through an outlet pond. Filtration will
happen through a constructed wet-land with Bio-swales, rain gardens with flood preventive plant species that will enhance the quality of the landscape By the end of 10 years, with an improved quality of water, the landscape transforms into a riverfront park housing various activities for its residents. In the last phase, we envision generative activities such as aqua-culture and urban farming to develop along the creek, and thus provide for job- creation and economic development.
29|Cristina Bustamante
5’-0”
10’-0”
10’-0”
13’-6”
Typical Eco-Boulevar
The Eco-Boulevards provide east-west connections from downtown Flushing to the waterfront as well as north-south by re-structuring College Point as one of flushing’s main artery. The connecting tissue of the Eco Boulevard unfolds as a natural buffer that collects gray water and marks the center of the pedestrian promenade. On both sides of the bio swale, there is a wide sidewalk to support commercial spaces and street life. Amongst others, the college point eco-boulevard will also include lanes for shuttle busses that run locally.
10’-0”
W O R KM A K E L I V E L I V E
PERMEABLE DRAIN PIPE
GRAY WATER FILTRATION
BIOSWALE
SHUTTLE LANE
DRIVE LANE
PERMEABLE PAVED SIDEWALK
W O R K M A K E L I V E L I V E L I V E
15’-0”
BIKE LANE
Eco-Boulevars
10’-0”
5’-0”
13’-6”
Cristina Bustamante | 30 Transit Node
Plaza at Transition Node
A Bus Transit Transit will be added in Van Wyck as a way of extending the site’s connections. This move responds to Flushing’s need for decongestion in the downtown area while solving the site’s insufficient access to public transportation. The suggested routes will connect Flushing to Manhattan via La Guardia, to John F. Kennedy airport, to East Bronx and to Bayside. The B.R.T will not develop in isolation but will provide for transition spaces. As a prime node within in our proposal, the plaza acts as a catalyst for not only decongestion but also for connecting flushing city-wide and international outlets.The plaza connects the urban context both visually and physically brining the creek and wet-lands as a landscape elements within the space.
The plaza is programmed to include a bike rental, repair and store, care-share and open space for food market. The multi- level plaza integrates the rear of sky-view mall in our proposal by transforming it and connecting to the waterfront through a series of public spaces thereby, breaking the disconnection to it. The path connecting the two levels includes a series of pocket parks for different activities ranging for leisure spaces to outdoor movie spaces. At the top level where the plaza connects to the highway, a well activated public space that acts as waiting area.
31|Cristina Bustamante Residential Neighborhoods
Makers’ Point Section
The northern part of the site, Makers’ Point, is envisioned to be a system of co-working environments consolidating the existing building suppliers, providing for new maker-spaces, incubators for the incoming and local young professionals and live-work units. The neighborhood provides for parking, a training school, an outdoor exhibition area as shared resources amongst them and for the city. Makers’ Point includes three different spaces: retail, display areas and storage spaces. Incubators offer open-plan workspace and studio-type facilities, which allows for workshops and display areas. Residential includes family style and micro units. The southern part of the site, Corona Crossing is a neighborhood that caters the needs of the multi-generation family and the increasing elderly population of Flushing. It is developed by bleeding the adjacent Corona Park into the proposed housing underneath the highway to dissolve the existent barrier. Located
in a setting of a series of green spaces including corona park, Kissena Park, it connects the southern part of flushing to the waterfront through a pedestrian boulevard which creates a strong visual axis within the neighborhood. it is Envisioned as medium rise- high density housing, It is programmed to have public facilities along with various unit types catering to single family, elderly couples, extended families and individuals. The shared spaces created through muti- level roof gardens plazas and ground spaces provide opportunities for community interaction and resource sharing. As a framework for this process, we have defined a set of people with vested interest in the entire project. These would include current-residents, the incoming population, local government, and public institutions as users and facilitators for maker’s point and Corona Crossing.
Cristina Bustamante | 32 Corona Crossing
LOCAL COMMUNITY MR bENJAMIN
LIVES IN MAKERS’S POINT HAS A LARGE SUPPLIERS STORE USES BRT TO GO TO NYC FOR BUSINESS MEETINGS DROPS OFF HIS CHILDREN TO THE CHILD CARE IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD
BUILDING SUPPLIERS PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS SENIOR CITIZEN COMMUNITY MR HENRY
LIVES IN CORONA CROSSING LOVES THE PEDESTRIAN FRIENDLY NIEGHBOURHOOD CONTRIBUTES TOWARDS SOCIAL PROGRAMS DEVELOPMENT FOR THE COMMUNITY
FRIENDS FROM NEIGHBOUHOOD
LIVES IN CORONA CROSSING ENJOYS THE WATERFRONT ON A DAILY BASIS AND TRAVEL WITH EASE HTROUGH THE TRANSIT PLAZA ALSO CONTRIBUTR TOWARDS CREEK IMPROVEMENT PROGRAM
YOUNG PROFESSIONALS
FRIENDS FROM NEIGHBOUHOOD
LOCAL HOUSING AUTHORITY AS A FACILITATOR FOR THE INCLUSIONARY HOUSING PROGRAM IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
ASIAN AND AMERICAN ENTREPRENUERS
YOUNG PROFESSIONALS BUDDING ENTREPRENUERS SEEKING NEW SPACES FOR WORK AND LIVING WITH THE BEST AMENITIES AVAILAIBLE IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD
MR RAKE
REPRESENTATIV OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS LIKE SCHOOLS AND RELEGIOUS BUILDINGS AS FUNDING AGENCIES TO SUPPORT COMMUNITY
33|Cristina Bustamante Seminar:Public Space and its Represention
Spring 2015
Masdar, Abu Dhabi
The Hybrid Courtyard In Collaboration with:Ekarat Punsupol, Tatiana Merheb
UTHEAST
ABU DHABI
DDLE OF THE
Cristina Bustamante | 34 Regional Conditions
‘RANDSTAD’ CONCEPT
AMSTERDAM
17
17
LELYSTAD
KM SOUTHEAST FROM ABU DHABI
KM SOUTHEAST FROM ABU DHABI
LOCATED NEXT TO ABU DHABI INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT
IN THE MIDDLE OF THE DESERT
ABU DHABI
IN THE MIDD DESERT
ABU DHABI MASDAR
20% L
OCALS
17
KM SOUTHEAST FROM ABU DHABI IN THE MIDDLE OF THE DESERT
LOCATED NEXT TO ABU DHABI INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT ABU DHABI
ABU IN THEDHABI MIDDLE OF THE DESERT
80% F
LOCATED NEXT TO ABU DHABI INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT
LOCATED NEXT TO ABU DHABI INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT
20% L
OCALS
80% F
OREIGN
1960-OIL DISCOVERY #6 OIL RESERVE
ONE OF HIGHEST GDP PER CAPITA IDENTITY
OREIGN
1960-OIL DISCOV #6 OIL RESERVE
35|Cristina Bustamante PROJECTED
38% COMMERCIAL
2% RETAIL
8% COMMUNITY
52% RESIDENTIAL
PROJECTED
PROGRAM
Masdar Master Plan and Governance
40,000 RESIDENTS 50,000 COMMUTERS
135 PEOPLE PER HA SIMILAR TO VENICE
1 MILE LONG
700 HECTARES
$$$
Governance
$$$
$$$
‘CITY’ CORPORATE HOUSING
NS
PIR
AS
MIXED HOUSING
O ATI
OFFICES/RETAIL HOTEL
ASPIRATIONS
COMMUNITY FACILITIES MOSQUES LIGHT INDUSTRY/ R&D PARKING PARKS AND OPEN SPACE RECREATION
ENTERPRISE
SOCIAL
SUS
TAI N
ABI
LITY
Cristina Bustamante | 36 Sustainability Approach SOCIAL SUSTAINABILITY ENERGY MANAGEMENT : CONTROL OF ENERGY CONSUMPTION: SOLAR PANELS, SUNLIGHT DEFLECTING WINDOWS, SYSTEMS OF SENSORS
GOALS
HIGH STANDARD OF LIVING
WASTE MANAGEMENT: RECYCLING AND COMPOSTING WASTE
COMMUNITY SPACES
EQUAL OPPORTNITY FOR ALL
MASDAR C I T Y WATER MANAGEMENT: WASTEWATER, REUSE OF WATER, RAINWATER HARVESTING
PERCEIVED FREEDOM
TRANSPORTATION: SOLAR POWERED ELECTRICAL VEHICLES
EQUAL OPPORTNITY FOR EXCLUSIVE ELITE
OUTCOMES
CONVENTIONAL C I T Y MASDAR CITY
TRANSPORTATION
E N E R G Y GENERATION
W A S T E
CONVENTIONAL
80% OIL AND GAS
13% LANDFILL
7% FOSSIL FUEL
-56% ENERGY
-24% RENEWABLE
-12%RECYCLING / WASTE TO ENERGY
-7% ELECTRIC/SOLAR
BUILDING D E S I G N
EFFICIENT
37|Cristina Bustamante Arab Public Space
Housing Cluster
Courtyard Housing
STATIC
STATIC
DYNAMIC
STATIC
Traditional Public Space
MIXED USE
INDOOR INDOOR
SYMBIOSIS
INDOOR-OUTDOOR LOOP
STATIC
DYNAMIC MIXED USE
OUTDOOR
OUTDOOR
INDOOR
OUTDOOR
Cristina Bustamante | 38 Masdar Plaza | Main Public Space
Masdar Plaza Daily Uses
Masdar Plaza Program EATING EATING
MORNING MORNING
NOON NOON
AFTERNOON AFTERNOON
EVENING EVENING
NIGHT NIGHT
RETAIL RETAIL
5 STAR 5 STAR HOTEL HOTEL
HOTEL HOTEL
CINEMA CINEMA
CONVENTION CONVENTION CENTER CENTER
SINGLE SINGLE
FAMILTY FAMILTY
COMMUTER COMMUTER
Masdar Plaza Renderings
BUSINESSMAN BUSINESSMAN
TOURIST TOURIST
VISITOR VISITOR
RELAXING RELAXING
SHOPPING SHOPPING
EXHIBITION EXHIBITION
ENTERTAINMENT ENTERTAINMENT
39|Cristina Bustamante Seminar:Urban Prefigurations
Fall 2014
UN Buffer Zone,Cyprus
The Common Void
In Collaboration with:Filiberto Viteri, Jeronimo Aguilar
Cristina Bustamante | 40
40,
OOO
Cyprus | A Divided Land
POP: 265,000
LEDRA PALACE AGIOS DHOMETIOS LEDRA STREET ASTROMERITIS PYLA
UK BASE POP: 2,771
ANTHINEOU
POP: 2,771
MAMMARI DENEIA
4 km
ABANDONED AIRPORT POP: 5,017
LIMNITIS
POP: 11,052
POP: 373
AGIOS NIKOLAUS
TROULLOI
POP: 789,300
PYLA
BUFFER ZONE | NICOSIA
UK BASE
10,000
LIVE/WORK IN BUFFER ZONE
GREEK CYPRIOTS MILITARY ZONE
RoC
7
2,000
CROSSING POINTS
BLUE HELMET ZONE
UN
TURKISH CYPRIOTS MILITARY ZONE
TRNC
WAR PRISIONERS
ABANDONED AIRPORT
ABANDONED AGRICULTURAL LAND
41|Cristina Bustamante Agriculture Land Production
FROM
TO
AGRICULTURAL CORRIDOR CULTIVATED FIELD (CEREAL, POTATOES, CITRUS)
DENSE FOREST: ORCHARDS (OLIVE AND CAROB)
IRRIGATED AREA
SPARSE FOREST AND BRUSH: GRAZING (GRAIN, TOBACCO)
OF CYPRUS 343 SQ KM 3% IN BUFFER ZONE
10% OF ALL AGRICULTURAL LAND
.4 SQ KM TURKISH CYPRIOT LAND GREEK CYPRIOT LAND
TOBACCO
FODDER
POTATO
CITRUS
OLIVES
GRAPES
CEREAL
LIVESTOCK
FRUITS
1 YEAR
...
Cristina Bustamante | 42 Partners and Strategy
UNITED NATIONS: FROM STATIC PEACE KEEPER TO PROACTIVE PEACE GENERATOR UN INSTITUTE FOR TRAINING AND RESEARCH
THE PEACE BUILDING COMMISSION (PBC)
Institute that delivers innovative training and conducts research through technology-based knowledge-related services
Intergovernmental advisory body that supports peace efforts. It plays a unique role in (1) bringing together key actors (2) combining resources (3) proposing integrated strategies for post-conflict peacebuilding.
FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION (UN)
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND AND WORLD BANK
Leads international efforts to defeat hunger. Helpd countries modernize and improve agriculture, forestry and fishery.
The World Bank and UNCTAD cooperate in the delivery of technical assistance and capacity-building programs.
STRATEGIES PHASE I
PHASE II
1. Platform for shared products and community training
4. Create transboundary cooperatives
PHASE III
7. Expand agricultural corridor: unify north and south agricultural land
2. Regulations to incentivize joined projects 5. Incorporate more land into program NICOSIA
3. Bring together international donors and financial insitutions
6. Increase accessibility and services
8. Establish central trading market for agricultural network at global scale
43|Cristina Bustamante Phase I
VETERINARY HELP FOR LIVESTOCK Create a Framework that allows utilising experiences from other countries to develop a new animal health system, built on a private-public partnership.
ALTERNATIVE WAYS TO SUSTAIN FOOD SECURITY AND NUTRITION
Provide assistance to support developing farmers’ capacity and promotion of modern crop management and plant protection techniques
PRODUCING QUALITY SEEDS In most small family farms, farmers plant Fields that rarely produced the yields they could have, because the farmers had no access to a crucial input – quality seed, although on of the less expensive.
Identify goods that have decresed in productivity rates and improve their conditions
DECREASING CHILD LABOUR WHILE PROMOTING RURAL EMPLOYMENT Developed and endorsed a rich Framework for Action to prevent and reduce child labour in agriculture
RISE WARNING ABOUT MARKET CRISES FAO and other agencies could incorporate programs for early warning interventions of food market crises.
MODERN CROP MANAGEMENT AND PEST CONTROL
WOMEN DAIRY FARMERS Instead of the seasonal income provided by crops, a dairy enterprise, once established or improved, can supply milk that is sold weekly or even daily for cash. In the vast majority of cases, that cash goes to the women of the household
Cristina Bustamante | 44 Phase II
ROADS TO CONNECT COMMUNITIES Link communities that produce complementary products with provision of social protection and capital assistance.
MICROLOANS UN and micofinal institutions assist dislaced persons ans entrepreneurs with small-scale business.
IMPROVE ACCESS TO WATER Encourage communities to work together to agree on common challenges and goals in order to share resources pacefully, such as cleaning canals and receive food in return
45|Cristina Bustamante Phase III | Nicosia Urban Market
Cristina Bustamante | 46 Partners and Strategy
CURRENT STATE The Buffer Zone gets new regulation and UN Agencies start to generate and fund productive projects
PHASE III The area gets expanded and becomes active part of most of the activities in the country
10,000
LIVE/WORK IN BUFFER ZONE KM2
346 1000
100,000
LIVE/WORK IN BUFFER ZONE KM2
3000 7500
PHASES I AND II The area gets expanded by new networks and land utilized by productive projects
COMMON LAND The entire country becomes common ground for projects that eventually reshape the type of interaction.
50,000
LIVE/WORK IN BUFFER ZONE KM2
1745 4300
47|Cristina Bustamante LOCAL, GLOBAL, POSTCOLONIAL
Spring 2015
Quito, Ecuador
The Contested City Struggle for Identity in Public Spaces: Colonial Architecture, Indigenous Heritage and Global Tourism
BULEVAR 24 DE MAYO
Cristina Bustamante | 48 Abstract
View of Quito’s Colonial City1
The rehabilitation of historic city centers in developing countries emerges with the opportunity of benefiting from the increasing mobility of international tourists. In this competitive global market, a particular aspect of history and culture is commercialized: one that celebrates buildings and conceals a certain aspect of heritage. The city becomes a contested space where dacades of physical and socio-economic conflicts ingrained in the city become manifested in the search for heritage. An expression of this conflict is embodied in the rehabilitation of Bulevar 24 de Mayo, an urban intervention in Quito’s historic center, where its renovation for heritage consumption has neglected its former residents and uses.
The city has seen the need for transformation in order to meet the standards of international cities, causing a rupture between an indigenous identity and the preferred memory of heritage. Paolo Rossi, says that “history is a game of unveiling and concealment, of manifestation and obliteration (…) but it is its repression which incites memory to address the forgotten” 2. Identity formation is a dispute of the oblivion more that it is of memory and for it, more is forgotten that it is remembered. In the Bulevar 24 de Mayo, oblivion is strategic and it’s used as a tool for the construction of an identity that responds to Western standards.
1. Esteban Mateus, “Amanecer Centro Historico de Quito 108”, photograph, 2013, Flickr.com, https://www.flickr.com/photos/estebanmateus/9733569708/ (accessed March 13, 2015). 2. Paolo Rossi, El Pasado, La Memoria, Y El Olvido. Nueva Vision ed. Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI Editores, (2003), 24.
49|Cristina Bustamante Introduction INTRODUCTION
As cities around the world compete for global tourism, their identity, history, and heritage are presented as unique commercialized assets; these are usually manifested in public, monumental spaces such as squares, churches, cathedrals, and museums as an expression of a grandiose past. However, history brings more than a simple physical expression to the global market, it also brings a neglected aspect of its people and culture. In Latin America, historic centers are demonstrations of colonial repression. According to Dias, a South American historian, “The magnificent architecture of their convents, churches and works of art were testimony to this concentration of power and wealth”3. Heritage tourism is the manifestation of a particular demonstration of history that is provided for the tourist. This reality is constructed for the visitor’s enjoyment by a specific local group while another group’s interests are neglected. In this way, tourism is simply an extension of politics in which “political implications of culturally selective identification, interpretation, conservation, and marketing of the inherited built environment are profound and potentially deadly”4. To give space for heritage tourism, the city becomes the ground for a power struggle where the dominant power redefines relations while altering the historical and cultural life of communities and transforming the city and its actors5. Cultural, social, and economic struggles carried down through history become more acute as a particular demonstration of heritage is portrayed as ‘real’. As a consequence, local activities of the neglected group, usually the ones that give vitality to the city, are seen as barriers for its development.
Colonial architecture, Quito.6
Plaza Grande, Quito.7
3. Patricia Dias, In: In: Carrion, F., Centros Históricos De América Latina Y El Caribe, Paris: UNESCO, 2001. 4. J.E.Tunbridge, “Whose Heritage? Global Problem.” In European Nightmare, Building a New Heritage: Tourism, Culture and Identity in the New Europe. London: Routledge, 1994, 123. 5. Alan Middleton, “Informal Traders and Planners in the Regeneration of Historic City Centres : The Case of Quito, Ecuador.” Progress in Planning, 2003, 73. 6. Esteban Mateus, “Amanecer Centro Historico de Quito 012”, photograph, 2013, Flickr.com, https://www.flickr.com/photos/estebanmateus/9733687226/in/set-72157635491857371 (accessed March 13, 2015). 7. Esteban Mateus, “Amanecer Centro Historico de Quito Plaza Grande 02”, photograph, 2013, Flickr.com, https://www.flickr.com/photos/estebanmateus/9733415428/in/set-72157635491857371 (accessed March 13, 2015). 8. Romulo Peralta, “Capilla del Robo”, photograph, 2012, Flickr.com, https://www.flickr.com/photos/romulofotos/16196864071/ (accessed March 13, 2015).
Cristina Bustamante | 50 Introduction In the narrative of modernity, heritage becomes an alibi for a disciplinary undertone that carries with it ideas of civilization, culture, and aesthetics. Heritage leads to the deconstruction and the interpretation of history under the umbrella of economic, social, and urban development while condemning its current state and the people who inhabit it. This fabrication of reality is enforced by the focklorization of those whose identity has been neglected. Folcklorization, as an attempt to build bridges, acts as an alienating force that creates a stereotype to be consumed by the tourist; it
is the manicured interpretation of where the local meets the global. Historic centers are considered to be spaces where everyday life determines the use of the space due to its long history of inhabitancy; however, cities like Quito that have uncover the economic benefits of exploring heritage tourism, do not follow the social use of space for its enhancement but instead follow the commercial uses of culture to determine rehabilitation projects.
Traditional dance performance in Historic Center.9
9. Eduardo Flores, “Quito en Busca de la fiesta Andina�, photograph 2013, Flick.com, https://www.flickr.com/photos/agenciaandes_ec/8462936254/ ( accessed March 13, 2015).
51|Cristina Bustamante Historical Context In order to understand the state of Quito’s as a heritage site, it is fundamental to understand how the city developed over time. Quito was inhabited by various indigenous tribes, including the Incas, for over 800 years before it was conquered by the Spanish in 1534. The city bloomed during the colonial era. Various religious orders such as the Jesuits and Franciscans settled in the city and built churches and convents with indigenous labor. By 1563, the city had become the administration district of Spain and by the beginning of the nineteenth century, the city already had 10,000 habitants. Throughout the colonial years, the growth of the city was structured around a hierarchical order that prescribed locations based on race and this gave framework for the city’s development. In 1822, after 300 years of Spanish domination, Quito gained independence. However, this only signified a change for the elite class and did not cause a major change for the indigenous population due to its permanent hierarchical relationship with the elite, defined by interdependence and exploitation. During the Republican era, the number of elite families that settled in grand houses in the city center increased, pushing the rural indigenous population to the periphery; however, the growth of city lead to infrastructural improvements and construction, creating a demand for labor that came from the countryside. Through the 19th century, Quito developed as the center of informal trade and artisanal activities; street trading, particularly of agricultural produce, became an important activity for the indigenous population. By the end of the century, the strcture of the city was transformed as the ground floor of grand houses began to be occupied for trade coming from the countryside and artisanal activity. The spaces were rented on a month to month base. However, this did not reduce the informal commerce in the street, but it attracted more people from countryside to make a living in the city.
By the beginning of the 1900, the colonial city was considered the commercial, social and economic center of the city, characterized by its indigenous activity. For the elite, this was seen as the degradation for the city which lead to major reforms that removed street traders from doorways of various squares. Street traders
Plaza de San Francisco, 190310
Government Building and Main Plaza, 190711
9. Alan Middleton, “Informal Traders and Planners in the Regeneration of Historic City Centres : The Case of Quito, Ecuador.” Progress in Planning, 2003, 78. 10. “Plaza de San Francisco 1903” In: Miradas sobre Quito, photograph 1903, Abritinecuador.com, http://www.abritinecuador.com/miradas-sobre-quito-2/p1010070/(accessed March 15, 2015). 11. “Ecuador Governement Building” In: Fotos Quito Antiguo, photograph 1907, Quitoantiguofotos.blog,com, http://quitoantiguofotos.blogspot.com/p/billetes.html (accessed March 15, 2015)
Cristina Bustamante | 52 were perceived as obstacles for progress since their “behavior lowered the cultural tome of the area”9. This align with the European Hygenist movement, which incentivized actions for the cleansing of the city as a way of stressing the contrast between development, rationality, sanitation, and the indigenous lifestyle. At this time, ‘indigenous’ was a term “loaded with ‘pejorative and humiliation’ undertones12. Attempts to clear the streets fed an already existing anti-indigenous feeling and a racist ideology, seen as attractive to the city elite’s. 1914
1947
1971
Quito’s Urban Growth
Historical Context This setiments did not stop the rapid growth of the city due to the improvement of inter-regional transport connections. Between 1906 and 1950, the population increase from 52,000 to 210,000 and to sustain this growth, the city expanded from 174 ha at the beginning of the century to 1300 ha by mid-1900. Due to the topographical constrains of the city, the city growth evolved from a concentric radial pattern to a longitudinal layout, allowing the elite to move out the historic colonial center into the recently developed are to the north; this resulted in a stratified spatial structure. Expansion in the periphery led to the abandonment of the city not only by the elites but also by municipal authorities. Facing the needs of the neglected city center, in 1942, the Plan Regulador was established by the city government for the conservation and rehabilitation of the colonial city. However, the project was conceived on monumentalist policies that followed strategies of the developed world;
the plan was ahistorical, ignored local political realities; its grand ideas were beyond economics of poor country plagued by agrarian crisis and the war with neighboring Peru; it took no account for social forces such as the migration which the war of 1941 and the economic crisis in the rural area produced; and it did not begin to involve the people of Quito in its design or implementation.13
The plan did not respond to the needs of the majority of the populationn, and major infrastructural challenges were left unattended. In 1978, Quito became the first city to be recognized by the UNESCO as a Cultural Heritage Site of Humanity. The UNESCO recognition placed the city in a global context and enforced the development of a framework for preservation. The notion of rehabilitation was only pertinent for major
12. Zeynep Celik, “Chapter 5: Housing the Algerians: Grands Ensembles.” In Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations Algiers under French Rule. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997, 156. 13. Alan Middleton, “Informal Traders and Planners in the Regeneration of Historic City Centres : The Case of Quito, Ecuador.” Progress in Planning, 2003, 79.
53|Cristina Bustamante Historical Context buildings and monument of architectural importance, neglecting the everyday spaces that its inhabitants occupied. International investment from Spain, Belgium, and France was concentrated in cosmetic measure to renovate the face of the city; it was considered a cleansing and beautifying plan more than one to improve the living conditions on those who inhabited the city. The 1991 Master Plan for the Integral Rehabilitation of the Historic Centre of Quito, established policies for the conservation and improvement of the living conditions of the city inhabitant’s with proposals for the repair of public spaces, buildings of less architectural significance, infrastructure and schemes for the economic regeneration of the city as the method for the increase of tourism. This was reinforced by the promotion of the
‘correct’ use and preservation of public and private buildings, making the city center more attractive for international visitors.
Calle La Ronda in 1978 with some informal commerce along the street14
Street in Quito’s historical center populated with indigenous stores.16 14. “El Cronista De La Ciudad Detalla La Historia De La 24 De Mayo.” In: Patrimonio Contemporaneo, photograph 1978, ElComercio.com, http://patrimonio.elcomercio.com/patrimonio-historico/ bulevar-de-la-veinticuatro-de-mayo/historia#.VR1E9_nF98E (accessed March 15, 2015) 15. Centro Historico De Quito: La Vivienda. Quito: TRAMA, 1991, 24. 16. Allen Morrison, “Postcard view of an unidentified street in the central area”, photograph 1970’s, Tramz.com , http://www.tramz.com/ec/q/qe00.html, (accessed March 15, 2015).
Cristina Bustamante | 54 QUITO COMPETING FOR HERITAGE TOURISM
Quito Competing for Heritage Tourism
Today, Quito’s historic city is the largest, best preserved colonial center in South America. The city has 375 hectares of preserved space, with 130 monumental buildings of which 42% are religious and 58% are of civic character. In 2014, only 40,000 people lived in the city center, which signified a decrease of 2.5% compared to the previous year18. However, the city center is still considered a thriving area of the city as 320,000 people come into the city on a daily basis. Even though the government has done an extensive effort to eliminate all forms of informal commerce, the city houses over 800 informal workers; this is after a decade programs that relocated more than 6,500 informal traders into regularized markets19. Group of tourists walking in Quito’s historic center17
Today, Quito competes in a global market for international tourism. Tourism plays an extremely important role in Ecuador’s economy. Without considering oil, it is the fourth source of revenue, only after bananas, shrimp, and seafood export. In 2014, Quito received 26% more tourist than the previous year, placing the city only after Tokyo and Bogota with regards of its growth in tourism20. Over half of all national tourist visit the city center and its monuments, including squares, churches, and cathedrals. It is important to understand that through heritage tourism a process of selection takes place, that which gives value to certain aspects of history while suppressing others. The rehabilitation of the city for the development of heritage tourism in Quito has relied on the displacement of indigenous people of city’s streets, giving access to colonial and republican buildings while reducing indigenous culture to a folkloric depiction that features the ‘otherness’ of this sector of the population. Heritage tourism is forced to respond to local and global forces; however, global forces have more weight due to its economic significance in the national scheme. In this competition for tourism, a particular perspective of history and culture is sold, that which celebrates its architectural expressions and ignores its people and its contested relationships.
COLONIAL CITY
CABLE CAR
PANECILLO
NIGHT LIFE
SHOPPING
OTHER
Most visited places in Quito in 2014
LOCAL
GLOBAL $$$
$$$$$$$
Local and global forces in heritage tourism
17. Marcelo Jaramillo Cisneros “Calle del Centro Historico de Quito” photograph 2010 , Flick.com, https://www.flickr.com/photos/marcelo_quinteros_quito/846293625354/ ( accessed March 14, 2015). 18. Patricia Dias, In: Carrion, F., Centros Históricos De América Latina Y El Caribe, Paris: UNESCO; 2001. 19. Segio Ferragut, and Georgina M. Gomez. “From the Street to the Store. The Formalization of Street Vendors in Quito, Ecuador.” RePub Publications from Erasmus University, Rotterdam, May 8, 2008 (accessed March 14, 2015) 20. Ibid.
55|Cristina Bustamante Bulevar 24 de Mayo
Bulevar 24 de Mayo after rehabilitation 20
BULEVAR 24 DE MAYO A statement of the struggle for identity and heritage is portrayed in 2003’s City Rehabilitation Plan through which the urban intervention Bulevar 24 de Mayo transformed a ‘blighted’ area into a destination for heritage tourism. Through its rehabilitation, former uses of the space are being replaced as a mean to transform the space in a source of revenue for tourism. The project caused a rupture between its former inhabitants of the space and its history by placing heritage as a value of the global
market. Today, due to heritage tourism, oblivion is strategic and part of an intentional construction of identity; the Bulevar 24 de Mayo is seen as an area where more of history has been forgotten than it has remembered. Over the past one hundred years, the plaza has been a vital component of thriving commercial heart of the city; today it’s clean and sleek plaza, is left to both for nostalgia and oblivion. This is what happens to cities in the process of the so called ‘modernization’, when they opt to profit from a constructed heritage while neglecting the life behind grand facades.
20. Esteban Mateus, “Amanecer Centro Historico de Quito 14”, photograph, 2013, Flickr.com, https://www.flickr.com/photos/estebanmateus/989733687226/in/set-72157635491857371 (accessed March 13, 2015).
Cristina Bustamante | 56 THE HISTORY BEHIND THE BULEVAR 24 DE MAYO Until the end of the 19th century, the area of the Avenida 24 de Mayo, was the ravine known as Ullanguangahuayku, the ‘vulture ravine’. It was a place with unhealthy and filthy conditions due to its function as the natural drainage of the city; due to the city’s urban gowth, it became a center for infections. However, during the European hygienist move, emphasis was given to health and cleanliness and in 1899 the city municipality started a project to fill the ravine. The project took 23 years and it was completed in celebration of 100 years of independence. It was part of a city wide transformation that sought the beauty of European cities; in order to “modernize the city, it was necessary to bring order and civilization to the capital”22. “Beauty” was a tool used by the elites to separate themselves and to condemn the “other”. The city grew in basis of the difference and the distinction of the “other”, as the “dominated”, the “pollutant”, and the “barrier” for development.
History behind Bulevar 24 de Mayo
Bridge over ravine Ullanguangahuayku 23
The beginning of the twentieth century in Quito was marked with ‘modernist changes’ based in Eurocentric views used by the elites in order to emphasized the inability for a city like Quito to become modern due to its indigenous character. The anti-indigenous feeling was highlighted by a wave of rural migration to the capital caused by the agrarian crisis the beginning of the century. During the 1930 and 1940, the area was occupied by the growing indigenous population and their practices; Informal markets along the side of streets sprung as a manifestation of this growing population. As a consequence, of this ‘ disorderly’ growth, the 1942 Plan Regulador took place in the city and the transformation for the Avenida 24 de Mayo was a key component for this citywide plan. The avenue, took the shape of European avenues and it planned to become the “broadest and most beautiful avenue”23. European taste marked the difference between the diverse social groups. In this way, investment was directed towards ‘public spaces’ within the historic center. However, this ‘public spaces’were not seen as public for all; a café, the hotel, the theatre were open to the public but in a segregating manner. The theatre was located in the Avenida 24 de Mayo; however, it was meant one of these public spaces exclusively for the elite. The intent of the Plan Regulador was not fulfilled because the city grew at a pace beyond the one it was expected. This was especially true to the area surrounding the Avenue 24 de Mayo because, in the late sixties, the bus terminal was located just south of the avenue. In this way, the Avenida 24 de Mayo became the gateway for a transient community coming from the rural areas of Ecuador. The increase of the indigenous population in the sector
Informal activity along the streets of the historic center 26
Plaza in 1970 as a result of 1942 Rehabilitation Plan 27
21. Diego Coronel, “Impacto Social de las Politicas Patrimoniales en el Bulevar 24 de Mayo en Quito-Ecuador” Flacso Andes: Biblioteca Digital. March 25, 2013. Accessed March 31, 2015, 63. 22. Ibid, 73. 23. Centro Historico De Quito: Vision Historica. Quito: TRAMA, 1991, 30. 26. Ibid, 25. 28. Ibid, 27.
57|Cristina Bustamante 2003 City Rehabilitation Plan gave the Avenida 24 de Mayo a particularly informal character. By 1976, the avenue became the place where a lively furniture market was established and where indigenous artisans’ skills became a driving factor for the interaction among different social classes. With time, the furniture market was neglected by the authorities and it was gradually transformed into a second hand goods market to serve the growing population that lived under poverty. The market was associated with stolen goods and even with prostitution. The housing, commerce, and safety of the area were neglected, leading to disrepair of the area; these conditions were related to poverty and indigenous practices and therefore seen as the main actors of its decay. The character of the Avenida 24 de Mayo took an abrupt change; from an avenue ambitioned to have the grandiose of European avenues, to being the most blighted part of the Colonial city. This change
was associated to its indigenous population presence and not necessarily to a governmental negligence. 2003 CITY REHABILITATION PLAN It was not until 2003 that the City Rehabilitation Plan took the Avenida 24 de Mayo as a major rehabilitation project along with two other zones that were considered ‘blighted’ but were considered major touristic assets. The project Bulevar 24 de Mayo was conceived as a vital part of the “new model for economic and social development”29. The rehabilitation plan sought to renovate the avenue’s urban form and to “rescue it from poverty and political and economic abandonment”30. In this way, poverty, wa seen as the generator of the area’s decay, and through this idea of ‘rescuing the public space’, lifestyles of
Furniture Market San Roque - Avenida 24 de Mayo, 1976 28 28. Cesar Moreno, “Antes y Despues en la 24 de Mayo”, photograph 1976, ElComercio.com, https://derechoalaciudadflacso.wordpress.com/2014/02/03/el-rol-de-los-sujetos-patrimoniales-en-el-derecho-a-los-centros-historicos-caso-quito/ (accessed March 13, 2015). 29. Diego Coronel, “Impacto Social de las Politicas Patrimoniales en el Bulevar 24 de Mayo en Quito-Ecuador” Flacso Andes: Biblioteca Digital. March 25, 2013. Accessed March 31, 2015, 92. 30. Ibid, 94.
a certain group of people, gets marginalized and seen as in need to be ‘rehabilitated’.
Photo: Google Earth, 2011
The City Rehabilitation Plan sought to give the area a global character that would allow the city to compete in a global market. One of the strategies was to change the name of the area from ‘Avenida 24 de Mayo’ to ‘Bulevard 24 de Mayo’. By using a French word, the space acquired an international character that conveyed superiority and grandiosity by associating it to a Western understanding of modernity. The plaza was divided into four sectors, each with a specific program. To the north, the ‘Religious Plaza’ hosts one of the oldest chapels in the
Photo: TVictor Manuel Jacome, Vendedora de ropa, 2010
Cristina Bustamante | 58 2003 Rehabilitation Plan SECOND HAND CLOTHING INFOMAL MARKET
Second Hand Clothing Market in Avenida 24 de Mayo 31
INFORMALITIES THROUGH TIME
IMBAB
CULTURAL PLAZA
BOULEVAR 24 DE MAYO
RELIGIOUS PLAZA
URA
BENALCAZAR
SOCIAL PLAZA
RELIGIOUS PLAZA
CUENCA
CULTURAL PLAZA
SOCIAL PLAZA COMMERCIAL PLAZA
COMMERCIAL PLAZA
GARCIA MORENO
VENEZU
ELA
Implementation Plan Bulevar 24 de Mayo 31. “Vendedora de Ropa.” In: Patrimonio Contemporaneo, photograph 2010, ElComercio.com, http://patrimonio.elcomercio.com/patrimonio-historico/bulevar-de-la-veinticuatro-de-mayo/historia#.VR1E9_nF98E (accessed March 15, 2015)
2011 REHABILITATION OF BOULEVAR 24 DE MAYO
59|Cristina Bustamante city; this plaza is considered as the space that has been preserved closest to the population’s lifestyle due to its religious character and its adjacency to Imbabura Street, a highly commercial and lively street used daily by the residents. To the south, sits the ‘Cultural Plaza’ which is connected to the city museum to the east; this has been the area mostly affected by the increase in real estate prices and from where most former residents have faced relocation. Next on the ground sits the ‘Social Plaza’, covered with benches five meters apart from each other in order prevent any kind of interaction; this was a design decision in order to avoid ‘undesired’ activities. This area was previously known for the congregation of sexual workers. Last, stands the ‘Commercial Plaza’ planned to accommodate a stage and commercial activities that would attract tourists. To do so, all business that where not ‘tourist-friendly’ were removed from the plaza to give space to dollar generating spaces; however, today the plaza remains with all its first floors closed in favor of a sleek, clean look. CONCLUSIONS Tourism generates development and therefore more than a simple intention, it is a politic for economic growth. When the relation between informal commerce and tourism gets analyzed in terms of economic development and profit, tourism gets heads up as the driver for development. However, this kind of development usually fails to acknowledge the people who make a living in this space. The intervention in the Bulevar 24 de Mayo saw its main driver heritage tourism; however, it has caused major displacement in the area as residents were forced to close their business and as real estate prices increased. Today, the plaza stands empty; all business’s doors remain closed and the space has become more of a transitory space than a social place. Its stunning and clean design has been abandoned by its citizens but manicured for the consumption of a tourism that celebrates a colonial heritage while condemning its indigenous background. Oblivion is strategic; it is memory’s alibi and guides us through a specific path of remembrance.
Photo: Esteban Mateus, Amanecer Centro Historico de Quito 14, 2013
Conclusions “EQUITY, SOLIDARITY, ACCESSIBILITY, SUSTAINABILITY”
LIFELESS PLAZA
VACANT STOREFRONTS
Bulevar 24 de Mayo after Rehabilitation 34
BOULEVAR 24 DE MAYO AFTER REHABILITATION
Bulevar 24 de Mayo after Rehabilitation 35
34. Esteban Mateus, “Amanecer Centro Historico de Quito 25”, photograph, 2013, Flickr.com, https://www.flickr.com/photos/estebanmateus/98973368754226/in/set-721575289187458 (accessed March 13, 2015). 35. Esteban Mateus, “Amanecer Centro Historico de Quito 35”, photograph, 2013, Flickr.com, https://www.flickr.com/photos/estebanmateus/9897332574226/in/set-721265514825 (accessed March 13, 2015).
Cristina Bustamante | 60 Works Cited Works Cited Acosta, Alberto. Identidad Nacional Y Gobalizacion. Quito: FLACSO, 1997. Boada, Ruben. Quito: Una Vision Historica De Su Arquitectura. 1st ed. Quito, Ecuador: Direccion De Planificacion, 1993. Capello, Ernesto. City at the Center of the World: Space, History, and Modernity in Quito. Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2011. Capello, Ernesto. City at the Center of the World: Space, History, and Modernity in Quito. Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2011. Centro Historico De Quito: La Vivienda. Quito: TRAMA, 1991. “Centro Historico De Quito: Plan Espacial.” Municipio Del Distrito Metropolitano De Quito. April 15, 2003. Accessed March 15, 2015. Chaelon, Felicia. “El Centro Historico ?concepto O Criterio En Desarrollo?” Arquitectura Y Urbanismo. April 10, 2009. Accessed March 15, 2015. Coronel, Diego. “IMPACTO SOCIAL DE LAS POLÍTICAS PATRIMONIALES EN EL BULEVAR 24 DE MAYO EN QUITO-ECUADOR.” Flacso Andes: Biblioteca Digital. March 25, 2013. Accessed March 31, 2015. Del Pino, Ines. “El Centro Histórico De Quito Y El Turismo Cultural.” Revista America Patrimonio, November 3, 2012. Dias, Patricia. In: Carrion, F., Centros Históricos De América Latina Y El Caribe. Paris: UNESCO ;, 2001. Dunham, Donald. “Exploring Quito’s Twenty-first-century Plan: Utopic Metropolitan Governance in the Post-colonial City.” In Planning for the City Yet to Come. Vol. 232. Berkeley, CA: International Association for the Study of Traditional Environments, 2010. “El Cronista De La Ciudad Detalla La Historia De La 24 De Mayo.” El Comercio, December 28, 2011, Patrimonio Historico sec. Accessed March 12, 2015. http://patrimonio. elcomercio.com/patrimonio-historico/bulevar-de-la-veinticuatro-de-mayo/historia#.VR1E9_nF98E. Ferragut, Sergio, and Georgina M. Gomez. “From the Street to the Store. The Formalization of Street Vendors in Quito, Ecuador.” RePub Publications from Erasmus University, Rotterdam. May 8, 2008. Accessed March 14, 2015. Jones, Gareth, and Rosemary Bromley. “The Relationship between Urban Conservation Programmes and Property Renovation: Evidence from Quito, Ecuador.” Cities 13, no. 6 (1996): 373-75. Kingman, Eduardo. La Ciudad Y Los Otros : Quito 1860-1940 Higienismo, Ornato Y Policía. Quito: Flacso, 2006. “La Ronda, Calle De Dualidades Y Tradición.” El Comercio, April 30, 2009, Patrimonio Contemporaneo sec. Accessed March 15, 2015. http://patrimonio.elcomercio.com/patrimonio-contemporaneo/la-ronda/historia#.VRq6vvnF98G. Lozano, Alfredo. Quito, Ciudad Milenaria: Fora Y Smbolo. 1st ed. Quito, Ecuador: Ediciones Abya-Yala, 1991. Middleton, Alan. “Informal Traders and Planners in the Regeneration of Historic City Centres : The Case of Quito, Ecuador.” Progress in Planning, 2003, 72-123. Montufar, Marco. Quito: Imagen Urbana, Espacio Público, Memoria E Identidad. Quito: TRAMA, 2005. Moya, Rolando, and Evelia Peralta. Quito, Arquitectura De La Memoria. 1st ed. Quito, Ecuador: Ediciones Trama, 2000. Nunez, Jorge. NAcion, Estado Y Conciencia Nacional. Quito: Secretaria Nacional De Comunicacion Social, 1992. Oleas, Luis, and Diego Oleas. “La Avenida 24 De Mayo.” Proa Internacional, no. 416 (1996): 9-26. Paez, Santiago. Itinerarios: Temas De Cultura Ecuatoriana: Lo Heredado, Lo Adquirido, Lo Impuesto. 1st ed. Quito, Ecuador: Paradiso Editores, 2008. Peralta, Evelia, and Rolando Moya. Quito: Patrimonio Y Arquitectura Contemporánea. Quito: FONSAL, 2010. “Plan Metropolitano De Desarrollo 2012-2022.” Quito Turismo. January 6, 2012. Accessed March 31, 2015. Quito 30 Años De Arquitectura Moderna, 1950-1980. Quito, Ecuador: Pontifcia Universidad Católica Del Ecuador, Facultad De Arquitectura Y Diseño :, 2003. Chicago does not offer any guidelines for citing radio/TV programs. Rossi, Paolo. El Pasado, La Memoria, Y El Olvido. Nueva Vision ed. Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI Editores, 2001. Tunbridge, J.E. “Whose Heritage? Global Problem.” In European Nightmare, Building a New Heritage: Tourism, Culture and Identity in the New Europe. London: Routledge, 1994. “Turismo Es El Cuarto Rubro Que Aporta a La Economía.” El Telegrafo, August 16, 2012, Economia sec. Accessed March 15, 2015. http://www.telegrafo.com.ec/economia/item/ turismo-es-el-cuarto-rubro-que-aporta-a-la-economia-2.html. Walkowitz, Daniel J. Contested Histories in Public Space: Memory, Race, and Nation. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2009. Zaaijer, Mirjam. “Quito, Cities.” ElSevier, May 25, 1991, 87-92. Far, Marco. Quito: Imagen Urbana, Espacio Público, Memoria E Identidad. Quito: TRAMA, 2005.
61|Cristina Bustamante Development of Urban Informality
Fall 2014
Lima, Peru
Experimental Housing Project
Cristina Bustamante | 62 Introduction This report will analyze PREVI (Proyecto Experimental de Vivienda), the experimental mass housing project established in 1970 in Lima, with the intentions of merging disputing forces of informal growth and top-down planning. The project was carried along by the Peruvian government and financially sponsored by the United Nations through architectural methods that would deploy incremental construction housing models.
the growing population, the Peruvian government opted to deliver “assisted shantytown’. “These allowed legal occupation of and self-construction on public non-urbanized land designated for social interest by the Official Community Plan, as long as urban legislation was respected (street clearances, areas for services and urban facilities)”6. As a response to this lack to governmental efficiency, people were building their own homes in informal barriadas7.
The main objective of the project was to develop flexible units that would anticipate change and plan for mobility. Each unit controlled its own growing terms; each unit had the possibility for expansion through a concept of self-help housing1 . Justin McGuirk in the article “PREVI, Lima” states that Previ is “perhaps the first act that recognizes the value of the dynamics of growth adopted in the informal slums”2 due to its sensitivity towards low-rise, high-density housing.
The housing crisis in Lima was the result of quantitative and qualitative housing deficit as well as the continuous formation of spontaneous settlements, which made it impossible for the government to control its progression within its capacities. The emergence of barriadas broke up Lima’s traditional patterns of organization and growth in a way that traditional urban planning housing schemes were not capable to respond to the needs. This rejection to previous concepts of urban planning, is what lead to the creation of Previ; “the concept was a statement against the Modernist model of urban design that was heir to the time of the first CIAM, the negative effects of which we already being experienced in certain European and Latin American cities”8 such as Brasilia with Le Corbusier’s projections that could be built anywhere in the world.9 However, the socioeconomic reality behind these Modernist projects generated a growing informality in cities socially and spatially segregated.
The decade of the 70’s in Latin America can be described as a time of accelerated population growth along with an un-sustained migration from the country to the city. By mid-seventies, Lima had over 50% of its population was living in slums. Previ was the response to this immediate housing need. The project aimed to create 1500 units in a 40 hectares site in “Los Olivos’, a neighborhood north of Lima’s downtown. BACKGROUND INFORMATION Lima’s quick growth started in 1930 when urban migration started. It was mostly people from the Peruvian highlands, due to the high levels of poverty. However, urban migration problems intensified in 1940 when the road network got expanded, making it easier for people to move. Until 1950, the new comers settled in barriadas inside the city; however, once all the space inside the city center was taken, people started populating the deserted areas of Lima and building what is known as barriadas3. These today account for half of the city’s built fabric. In 1940, when the city was still relatively contained, but by 2005, the city had penetrated every habitable space in the mountainous topography. By 1960, there were 1.8 million inhabitants in Lima; by the end of the decade, Lima was facing a population of 3.3 million inhabitants4. In fact, “the 1961 census revealed that sixteen of Peru’s twenty four geographical departments were losing people, almost entirely as a result of heavy migration to the capital region” in search of jobs, so scarce in the countryside at the time5. The extreme concentration of economic activity in Lima due to the boom in the fishmeal industry, the expansion of the port of Callao (north of Lima), and increased in manufacturing encouraged massive migration to the city. In the sixties, Lima’s population was growing so fast that government housing schemes, limited to site and services, were proving to be inadequate and insufficient. Conscious of its incapability to provide housing for
Population growth in Lima from 1940 to 200310
1. Justin McGuirk, “PREVI, Lima.” Justin McGuirk. Domus,<http://justinmcguirk.com/previ>. 2. McGuirk. 3. Marcela Cerrutti, “Urbanization And Internal Migration Patterns In Latin America .” Conference On African Migration In Comparative Perspective. Cento De Estudios De Poblacion Argentina, Johannesburgh. Reading. 4. David Soll, “Healthy Country, Unhealthy City: Population Growth, Migration, and Urban Sanitation in Lima and Manila.”Global Environment 9 (2012): 96. 5. Soll, 94. 6. Hector Abarca,“Revising Previ.” On Site Review 30 (0): 31. 7. McGuirk. 8. Fernando Garcia-Hidrobo, Diego Torres Torriti, and Nicolas Tugas. “The Experimental Housing Project (PREVI) Lima.” Architectural Design 81.3 (2011): 27. 9. Helen Castle, “Latin America At The Crossroads.” Issuu. <http://Issuu.com/Ani.arzumanyan/Docs/0470664924Architecturalb>. 10. ”Geo “Paz Y Bien””June 2013. <http://alumnospazybien.blogspot.com/2013_06_01_archive.html>.
63|Cristina Bustamante Social actors In Lima, barriadas have always been associated with rural migrants from the Andes moving into the city in the search for better opportunities. This was especially true during the sixties, when the housing market did not grow at the same rate as the urban population, forcing people to build their own homes in informal settlements. In fact, by 1960 only 22% of the peasants from rural provinces lived in Lima; however, 80% of the barriadas were inhabited by them13. Immigrants did not only faced poverty and inhumane living conditions in the barriadas but they also encountered that the available jobs in the city were not sufficient to sustain the basic needs, even less the possibility of social mobility.This accentuated the gap between the poor and rich and enhanced discrimination and marginalization. The following quotation accentuates the perception that informal settlement had in the eyes of the formal city:
The barriadas are an insult to every aspect of our lives. They are an insult to the sight, an insult to the smell, an insult to the heart. It is a filthy brother where human life is prostituted daily at the sight of every limeño.14
Urban and social differentiation was established in terms of living location; between people living in Lima’s valley and the periphery, establishing a negative connotation to people living in the periphery. This led to a city with two distinct faces: the poor and the rich, center and periphery, white and cholo, the educated and the ignorant. Initially, the barriadas were generated as bedroom settlements for factory workers; however, the social urban rejection and the formal economy impermeability led to the establishment of the barriadas as satellite cities where informal economy emerged. In 1961, Lima’s President, Manuel Prado, acknowledging the current situation of informal settlements, passed the “Law of the Barriadas”, which prescribed that all existing slums “were legalized to ensure security of tenure, and state support for the installation of services”. Even though housing conditions did not improve in the slums as a response to this law, it provided slums in the city with water and sewer connection. In a way, this can be understood as an act of the government’s resignation to its reality and its incapability to provide housing for the poor due to the lack of funds while taking an alternative solution of providing services that would improve sanitary conditions in the barriadas.
13.Castle. 14. “Infierno en Lima” Caretas N. 195, April 1960. P 27. 15. “El Acceso a La Vivienda En Lima.” La Mula. <https://lamula.pe/2014/10/03/el-acceso-a-la-vivienda-en-lima/frankchute/>. 16. Ibid.
Evolution of barriadas16
Barriadas intial settlements showing extremely precarious conditions.15
Cristina Bustamante | 64 Solutions EXPERIMENTAL HOUSING PROJECT (PREVI) In 1966, the housing situation improved in Lima as Fernando Belaunde became president of Peru.As an architect and planner, Belaunde recognized the immediate need to invest in housing alternatives. The first proposal brought into consideration by Belaunde’s government in 1966 was the large-scale demolition of the city’s central barriadas and in its place, the construction of modern housing project. However, with the rapidly rising foreign debt due to other large infrastructural projects, such as roads, it soon became clear that this strategy towards housing was economically unfeasible. Bealaunde quickly understood that large superstructures or tower blocks simulation postwar housing projects in Europe were not going to sustain the mode of life present in the barriadas, which were mostly inhabited by people from the countryside and therefore dependent on “a traditional subsistence type of economy”21 and seeked for an alternative. He recognized the need to develop methodologies for producing “low-rise high-density housing with limited funds” and launched the government in a venture to support an experimental housing project focused on self-build informal barriadas, later known as PREVI.22
Extremely dry conditions in barriadas settlements outside Lima19
Aerial view of Barriadas in Lima’s outskirts17 17. Antonio Escalante, “Redistribuyendo Nuestra Población.” Redistribuyendo Nuestra Población. <http://redistribuyendolapoblacion.blogspot.com/>. 21.Castle. 22. Ibid.
65|Cristina Bustamante Previ | Pilot Project (PP1) Fernando Belaunde, introduced the project to the United Nations Development Program for funding and it was accepted a year after, in 1967. The UN allocated funding and technical support for the project but also gave a time frame of 3 years for its completion.23 Additionally, the UN selected Peter Land as the project manager. Peter Land was an English Architect highly involved with both the Peruvian government and international organizations. In 1963, he became the director of the Inter-American Graduate Program in Urban and Regional Planning at the Universidad Nacional de Ingenieria in Lima, where he made connections with the Peruvian government. Following this, in 1965, he took an advisory position in the Housing Bank. Land’s was appointed to supervise the entirety of the project, which comprised of three parts to respond to the housing crisis: Pilot Project 1 (PP1), the most widely known, Pilot Project 2 (PP2), and Pilot Project 3 (PP3). PP1 involved the design and construction of new low cost housing neighborhood, which took the form of a national and international competition and which is the most well know portion of the project. PP2 was a project to develop techniques and processes to repair and rehabilitate existing slums; this was unprecedented at the time since urban upgrading has only been considered an option by international organizations for the past 25 years. 24 PP3 was focused on the provision of site and service. Lastly, in 1970, Pilot Project 4 (PP4), was
added after May’s earthquake that resulted devastating for the more impoverished areas of Lima. PILOT PROJECT 1 (PP1) This report will focus on Pilot Project 1 for its contribution to architecture in terms of bringing to the light some key and significant priorities for design, planning and building for mass housing projects. In 1968, Peter Land organized an international and national competition to plan a solution to Lima’s housing problems. For this, all Peruvian architects were encouraged to participate while the international competition was by invitation only. It was essential to present a “truly global selection” in order to maintain the UN sponsorship. The invited international architects were the following: Oskar Hanses and Svein Hatloy from Poland, Esguerra, Saenz, Urdaneta, and Samper from Colombia, Kiyonori Kikutake, Fumihko Maki, and Noriaki Kurokawa from Japan, Charles Correa from India, James Stirling from England, Knud Svenssons from Denmark, Atelier Five from Switzerland, Toivo Korhonen from Finland, Herbert Ohl from Germany, J.L. Iñiguez de Onzoño and A.Vazquez de Castro from Spain, Aldo Van Eyck from the Netherlands, Candilis, Josic and Woods from Frances, Christopher Alexander and Sandy Hirshen from the United States25.
Barrio Los Olivos, northern side of Lima showing the location of PREVI. 22. Ibid. 23. Iqbal Aalam, “PREVI, Experimental Housing Project, Lima, Peru. Part I.” Iqbal Aalam. WorldPress, 12 Dec. 2012. <http://iqbalaalam.wordpress.com/2012/12/12/previ-experimental-housing-projectlima-peru-part-i/>. 24. “History of Urban Upgrading.” History of Urban Upgrading. MIT. Web. 12 Dec. 2014. <http://web.mit.edu/urbanupgrading/upgrading/whatis/history.html>. 25. Abarca.
Cristina Bustamante | 66 Program Implementation The initial idea was to select 6 wining projects, 3 national and 3 international. Each architect was supposed to build 250 units to make up a total of 1,500 dwellings that would fit under the master plan developed by Peter Land with support of various architects and planners from the Peruvian government. The grand proposal included schools, sports grounds, community centers, commercial areas, and parks in order to be a fully functioning neighborhood. The brief for the competition called for projects to develop neighborhoods that would fit the needs of a fast growing city. PREVI was meant to be “the response: simple, inexpensive and humane housing, based on the principle of rationalization, standardization, repetition, selfconstruction, mutation, and evolution”26. The competition description was outlined in six points shown to the right. Regarding the dwelling unit, the brief called for 60-120 m2 on no more than three stories, in plots of 80 m2. The unit size had to provide for a household of four members, increasing to sixteen. The unit had to permit for socio-economic mobility that would allow the addition of rooms as the family grows but also the incorporation of family businesses.The structure had to allow for vertical expansion.The unit distribution had to be as follows: 40% of the units had to house a family of four, 40% a family of 6, 20% a family of 8. They were all meant to eventually accommodate an elderly couple as well. They had to have a living area with access to patio, a dining room, bedrooms with build-in storage, and incorporated bathroom in the unit. The main challenge was that the unit had to be understood as a flexible unit with a cycle of evolution. “Accordingly, each architect was to present a two-fold design- a core housing unit to be constructed by professional contractors and taking advantage of the economies of mass-production, and a blueprint for gradual horizontal and/or vertical extension of the house over time by self-help, contractors, or a combination of the two”. 27 In this way, the architect’s blue print was only used to direct the growth, not to prescribe it. The idea of the blueprint for expansion can be better understood through Image 13 which portray’s Aldo Van Eyck’s proposal.
Generate high-density, high-density, Generate low-rise low-rise urban urban housing housing Emerge in in clusters clusters and and generate generate Emerge sense of of community community sense Generate Generate an an expandable expandable house house or known known as as the the casa casa que que crece. crece. or Include a a landscape landscape plan plan that that involve involve Include surrounding surrounding areas areas Use Use prefabricated prefabricated materials materials for for mass mass production production Focus Focus entirely entirely on on a a human-scale human-scale pedestrian pedestrian environment environment
Six points for competition
PROGRAM IMPLEMENTATION (PP1) Due to the extremely valuable competition entries, it was hard for the judges to decide only on six projects to build, and therefore decided that Pilot Project 1 was going to be the development of twenty four of twenty six entries, both from the international and national entries, as neighborhoods, with approximately twenty example of each constructed. This resulted in a total of four hundred sixty seven houses built. All proposed projects responded to the three scales in which they had to operate: urban, housing unit, and building technology. The projects that did not qualify for its construction were Herbert Ohl’s from Germany and Takahashi from Peru due to their technical difficulty, which the Housing Bank and the United Nations could not finance. During the construction process, emphasis was given to the architectural and building technique exploration, for which the governmental housing institute, ININVI (Instituto Nacional de Investigacion y Normalizacion de la Vivienda) was established in the constructions site. This facilitated the prefabrication of building components during the construction phase and also supported the unit owners during the first years of the dwelling expansion. Aldo Van Eyck’s proposal for the unit evolution.28 26. Ibid. 27.Helen Gyger. “The Informal as a Project: Self-Help Housing in Peru, 1954-1986.”Ph.D ColumbiaUniversity-Dissertation Paper n.a (2013): 14. 28. Fernando Hidobro and Diego Torriti. ¡El tiempo construye!: el Proyecto Experimental de Vivienda(PREVI), Lima : genesis and outcome. Barcelona: 27.
67|Cristina Bustamante Previ | Pilot Project (PP1)
Proposals specific to a family deploying the actual gowth of the housing unit over time.29
During the construction process, emphasis was given to the architectural and building technique exploration, for which the governmental housing institute, ININVI (Instituto Nacional de Investigacion y Normalizacion de la Vivienda) was established in the constructions site. This facilitated the prefabrication of building components during the construction phase and also supported the unit owners during the first years of the dwelling expansion. Even though most funding came from the United Nations and the Peruvian Government through the Housing Bank, some of the financing was arranged through the White-Collar Workers’ Social Security Pension Fund (Caja de Pensiones 29. Hidrobo. 30. Gyger, 202. 31. MIT Report. PREVI/Lima. Low Cost Housing Project. Cambridge: MIT Report No 16, 1969, 188.
del Seguro Social del Empleado). This organization was created to service office workers, government employers, and similar groups. In fact, “the income groups to be catered were those earning from 2800 to 5800 soles ($65-$134) a month”.30 The estimated costs for the complete housing unit was estimated to be 1350 soles ($31.4) per square meter, which in most cases resulted in units ranging from 78,000 to 164,000 soles ($1,814 to $3,814). 31 The units were financed to families for re-payment periods of up to 20 years, calculated at 20 to 25% of the household monthly incomes. These were loans taken at a 6% annual rate. The Pilot Project 1 was targeted to a population whose income allowed monthly saving and therefore it was feasible the acquisition of a housing unit through long term financing.
Cristina Bustamante | 68 Program Implementation INTERNATIONAL PARTICIPANTS i1 James Stirling i2 Knud Svensson i3 Esquera, Samper, Saenz, Urdaneta i4 Atelier 5 i5 Toivo Korhonen i6 Herbert Ohl i7 Charles Correa i8 Kikutake, Maki, Kurokawa i9 Iniguez de Ozono, Vazquez de Castro i10 Hansen i11Aldo Van Eyck i12 Candilis, Josic, Woods i13 Christopher Alexander PERUVIAN PARTICIPANTS p5 Miguel Alvarino p6 Ernesto Paredes p7 Luis Miro-Quesada, Carlos Williams p9 Juan Gunther, Mario Seminario p12 Carlos Morales p16 Juan Reiser p18 Eduardo Orrego p20 Luis Vier, COnsuelo Zanelli p21 Franco Vella p22 Manuel Llanos, Elsa Mazzarri p24 Frederick Cooper, Jose Garcia-Bryce p25 Fernando Chaparro, Victor Ramirez p27 Jacques Crousse
Site Plan by Peter Land 32
In 1968, Belaunde was displaced from office by a military coup, which delayed the execution of PREVI. However, because the project was backed up by the United Nations, the first phase of the project was carried along and finished by 1974, and users occupied the dwellings by 1976. After the first phase was completed, PREVI was terminated due to the lack of governmental enthusiasm and further support. Only four hundred sixty seven dwelling of the 1500 units were completed.
32.Hidrobo, 50
69|Cristina Bustamante Case Implementation Since the project was designed as a platform for expansion and the steady evolution of the growing and changing family needs over time, its success and failures have been better tested over a period of 40 years. “The transformation of the PREVI is the reflection of a dynamic, consolidated, cohesive neighborhood”.33 Today, the neighborhood is perceived as a middle class neighborhood where most families live comfortably. Due to this flexibility, many households were capable of developing family businesses in the ground floor, which allowed for upward mobility and self-sufficiency throughout the community. This progression and flexibility in the initial design can be seen in every model established in the project. In order to get a better understanding of this evolution within the housing unit as well as in the neighborhood, this report will look more closely into Atelier 5’s proposal, which was one of the judge’s favorites when entries first came in into the competition. Atelier 5’s proposal emphasized the site specificity of the in the urban plan, through environmental factors that affected the layout and distribution of the unit, as well as technical and economic
considerations proposed in the construction technique. An example of these considerations is the continuous row of trees placed along the two busy streets adjacent to the project in order to create sound barriers. This helped preserve the feeling of the project as a small scale neighborhood development. At the unit scale, the row houses design exploited environmental factors such as cross-ventilation and sunlight through elongated lots that maximized sun exposure. The plans of the units can be best described as a cellular system that allowed continuous growth. For instance, expanding the unit for 66.2 to 105 square meters gave the family the possibility of adding three bedrooms while adding space to the kitchen and dining areas.34 Atelier 5’s principle of “Unfold your Life”, established that each family should be able to withdraw from the public realm regardless of how populated the development is. This can be seen in the walled garden patio that clearly demarcates public from private.
Atelier’s project recently completed35 33. Tomeu Ramis,“What is Previ.” dAP. Version 9. Digital Architecture Papers. <http://www.architecturalpapers.ch/index.php?ID=91>. 34. Hidrobo, 78. 35. Hidrobo, 46. 36. Ibid.
Same project 25 years later 36
Cristina Bustamante | 70 Assesment Furthermore, Atelier 5’s construction scheme was extremely economical due to the use of pre-cast concrete panels small enough to be built on site and easily handled by a single construction worker for wall and roof construction. “The assembly and handling of these elements must be easy enough that the residents are persuaded to use them … In this way these elements will constantly be produced, assuring the continuing availability”.39 Atelier 5’s success lies in its appropriate use of technology and consideration of local conditions while allowing continuous selfmanaged growth. It was believed to be the most effective response to the housing problem presented in the competition. ASSESMENT Over time, PREVI has been considered a highly successful project due to its effective response to the existing housing crisis in Lima. Most of the solutions proposed by PREVI are still relevant in today’s housing policy making and low-cost developers. Futhermore, while the projects started as a top-down approach, due to its dynamism and versatility, the project can be considered a bottom-up development. The project enforces urban aspects that promote a sense of community and belonging absent in other mass housing schemes. In order to understand the project, this report will be analyzed within six different categories:
its dynamic habitat, open space design, multi-scale thinking, change of use, self-managed transformation, and added value. Dynamic Habitat
Since Peter Land’s original master plan modified in order to fit all 26 The neighborhood was was planned for expansion which housing schemes, itincreased resultedthe in property an checkerboard plan thatthesome people value and stimulated retainment of youth. It was to accommodate aspiration loosely of a have criticized as a the “patchwork of able disparate proposedthe solutions, structures around succeeding a narrow population. central walkway, allocated only a small number of units, none of the architects were able to fully realize their Open Urban Design 43 urban concepts forThe theneighborhood residentialhad grouping”. However, the formal the infrastructure of a metropolitan city as typology is scale morewith often than not understood as a collage, public space network. A main pedestrian axis with individuality and specificity; way, PREVI responds to this typology connected in thethis education, the sports complex, the main park, transportation. The neighborhood network of not only due to theand different interventions but alsowas duea to the various plazas developed within each project but connected through small transformations done by each owner. pedestrian passages. Lastly, there was pedestrian-vehicular
separation no interruption, decreased the air and Due to the high dynamism of with the house and thewhich possibility for expansion, noise pollution while increasing safety in the area. it is hard to perceive and appreciate initial design and technical decisions made by the architect, which has raised some criticism. Furthermore, this flexibility for change hasThinking raised a safety concern; even though Multi-Scale building ‘half a house’ a creativescale, solution that allows for growth and At a is metropolitan the neighborhoods responded with thenew larger city; at a neighborhood individuality, it canthrough result an in connectivity a hazard since additions to the unit scale, it provided accessibility to services; at the vicinity were not always in accordance to previous plans and therefore structural scale, the network of plazas and pedestrian walkways element were not meant to sustain these weights. enhanced its accessibility; at the housing scale, the unit allows for expansion.
Dynamic Habitat The neighborhood was planned for expansion which increased the property value and stimulated the retainment of the youth. It was able to accommodate the aspiration of a succeeding population. Open Urban Design The neighborhood had the infrastructure of a metropolitan scale with public space network. A main pedestrian axis connected the education, the sports complex, the main park, and transportation. The neighborhood was a network of plazas developed within each project but connected through pedestrian passages. Lastly, there was pedestrian-vehicular separation with no interruption, which decreased the air and noise pollution while increasing safety in the area.
Multi-Scale Thinking At a metropolitan scale, the neighborhoods responded through an connectivity with the larger city; at a neighborhood scale, it provided accessibility to services; at the vicinity scale, the network of plazas and pedestrian walkways enhanced its accessibility; at the housing scale, the unit allows for expansion.
39. Gyger, 249. 43. Gyger, 218.
Change of Use This variable was not only visible at the scale of individual units but it also had an impact at the larger scale. The first floor of the housing unit in the properties of the perimeter roads were transformed into convenient stores, while the ones in the main pedestrian road became corner shops.
Change of Use This variable was not only visible at the scale of individual units but it also had an impact at the larger scale. The first floor of the housing unit in the properties of the perimeter roads were transformed into convenient stores, while the ones in the main pedestrian road became corner shops.
Self-Managed Transformation The units allowe for modification of the dweillings in order to establish an identity to the property while responding to individual needs: densification- family grows adding more members to the family nuclei; consolidation-house is divided into units and given new uses.
Added Value Initial design guidelines allowed change while imposing safety, which resulted in the addition of value in the housing unit and in the entire neighborhood.
71|Cristina Bustamante Personal Evaluation | Conclusion PREVI challenged the way in which mass housing was perceived at the time. Even though today PREVI is seen by many as an unfinished project, it allowed the creation of an active community, where neighborhood life is experienced in parks, plazas, and pedestrian walkways. The project was able to generate a concise neighborhood with a strong connection within but also to the larger city. It has also been a key component in the evolution of self-help housing through its various housing schemes that have facilitated social mobility and the creation of individuality in a mass produced environment while challenging superstructures and tower blocks. Even though the project overall was a success in creating dynamic housing with a strong sense of community, the question of why it has not been replicated arises. It can be inferred that this is due to the intricacy of the entire project scheme. It is not easy, nor cheap to host an architectural competition with architects as renowned as the ones that participated in PREVI. Furthermore, the involvement of the United Nations through financial and technical assistance at the time is not as feasible anymore due to the organization’s change in the way it supports programs. Finally, although the project did respond to the housing crisis in Lima in 1970, it questionable how easy it can be traced back to the core of the problem. This crisis was originated by rural immigrants establishing themselves in the city in search for opportunities. More often than not, these immigrants moved to Lima in extremely impoverish conditions, which made squatting the only possible option for housing. However, PREVI was planned for middleclass families, with possibilities of acquiring financial mechanism that would allow them to pay back for the house. There is a mismatch between the core of the housing problem and the solution that PREVI presented. Interior view of Atelier 5 units 45
CONCLUSION The project could have been more successful if it started as a smaller scale, testing more units of the housing schemes of fewer architects in order to generate more cohesive neighborhoods that would still function as collage cities. These projects can be replicated around the city, testing the combination of various housing schemes while providing dynamic housing units. A renewed interest in PREVI’s strategy has been shown in various projects around the world. One of the most recent project is 2003 Elemental Iquique in Quinta Monroy, Chile by Alejando Aravena46. Through this project, Aravena has taken the concept of PREVI and modified in order to fit a more contemporary issue of housing in Chile. The project focuses on self-help housing and social mobility through a unified master plan that has one prototype as the starting plan for every unit. This has created a more cohesive urban scheme throughout the project. Once the initial unit was completed, settlers moved in and began customizing their space at their individual cost. After a few years, most units doubled in size, growing at the pace the resident’s income could accommodate. Quinta Monroy was the first project erected by Alejandro Araveno; however, since then, over a thousand expandable units have been built in Latin America following PREVI’s concept of the dynamic house.
Alejandro Aravena’s | Elemental in Quinta Monroy47
45. Ramis. 46. Ramis. 47. Lepik, Andres. “Introducing Small Scale, Big Change.” Moma. 5 Oct. 2010. Web. 12 Dec. 2014. <http://www.moma.org/explore/inside_out/author>
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Cristina Bustamante
UNI: mcb2245 M.S. Architecture and Urban Design GSAPP