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CHICAGO HISTORY The Magazine of the Chicago Historical Society

EDITOR

Winter 1994-95

RO SEMARY ADAMS

Volume XXIII, Number 3

EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS LYDIA B. FIELD LESLEY MARTIN

DESIGN STUD IO BLUE

CONTE

TS

PHOTOGRAPHY jOII N ALDERSON JAY CRAWFORD

4

Land and Learning JEFFREY

Copyright 1994 by the Chi cago Historical Society Clark Street at ort h Avenue C hicago . lL 60614-6099

22

Footno1cd manuscripts of the articles appearing in this issue arc avai lable from the

Chi cago llistorical Society's i'ublications Office.

Cover: Arg)le Streel.

PhotographfryR1~uel/ Phi/hp.,.

The Nguy en Family AL SANTOLI

ISSN 0272-8540 Article s appearing in this journal arc abstracted and indexed in HistoricalAbstracts and America: I foto,y a11dLife.

CHARLES

36 Chicago's

egro Leagues

LINDA ZIEMER

DEPARTME 52

TS

Yesterday's City

65 Index to Volume XXIII

Chicago History, Winter 1994-9 5

Land and Learning Jeffrey Charles

Between r850 and r940, Northwestern University, the/ailed Chicago University, and its successor institution, the University of Chicago, participated in extensive land development activities that have shaped the modern urban landscapes of Evanston and Chicago.

o one in Evanston or Hyde Park today can ignore the presence of Northwestern University or the University of Chicago-large organizations whose thousands of employees and students determine the commercial and cultural climate of their neighborhoods. Yet throughout their history, these two universities have influenced far more than their employees, students, and neighbors. In fact, the impact of higher education in Chicago is also quite visible in the urban landscape of the central city.

Through extensive land development activities, Chicago' universities became significant forces in the economic community and helped build the city's physical environment. In doing so, they inextricably entangled educational ideals with property values.

From 1852 through World War II , the interaction between investment practices and educational purposes influenced and complicated the relationship between the city and three of its schools: orthwestern University, the failed Chicago University, and its successor institution, the University of Chicago. For trustees concerned with institutional survival, using endowment funds to invest in and develop local land became a way of achieving educational purJeffrey Charles presently teaches at California State University,San Marcos.

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poses. Real estate investment also allowed the schools to play a larger local economic role. At times, these financial dealings lined the pockets of the trustees. Sometimes, however , investment concerns overrode educational ideals and obstructed the goal of higher learning. Nevertheless, from their inception Chicago's universities were firmly grounded in city life.

Early Chicagoans saw no urgent need for higher education. In the city's first two decades, citizens founded a handful of academies, two busine s schools, and a Catholic seminary, but no local college until the early 1850s. By the mid-nineteenth century, however, institutions of higher education proliferated in towns and cities across the country, reflecting the beliefs of local boosters that a college could help create a thriving and cosmopolitan metropolis. Chicago businessmen John Evans, Orrington Lunt, Grant Goodrich, and a group of six other prominent citizens, all Methodists and members of a solidifying elite, shared these booster sentiments.

Motivated by a complex mixture of religious faith, civic pride, and self-interest, they decided that "sanct ified ... learning in the northwest" required a college in Chicago.

Acting on their convictions, these busine smen solicited the regional Methodist conferences for donations, obtained a charter of incorporation from the state legislature , and by 1852 had raised enough money to purchase several lots for a building downtown . These lots, at the corner of Jackson Boulevard and LaSalle Street, were not developed as a campus, but instead were leased to become the location of one of Chicago's early premier guest houses.

(Retained by orthwestern today, they are now the location of the Continental Bank building.)

The lots therefore represent the first significant

Opposite:The crestof the Universityof Chicagodeclares "Let knowledgegrowfrom moreto more;and so behuman life enriched." The towersof ChicagoUniv ity (below),jmrnrsorof the Universityof Chicago,rosefrom CollageGiove Avenue, betweenThirty-thirdand Thirty-fourthStreets.

•

Chicago History, Winter 1994-9 5

contribution of higher education to Chicago's physical and economic development.

The trustees developed grand plans for the campus. They began exploring outside the city for an appropriate piece of property on which to locate their as yet inoperative institution. As Orrington Lunt told the story later, the trustees had just settled on some property south of the city when Lunt took a drive north along the lake and saw a piece of property so enticing that he dreamt about it and could not dispel the "fairy visions that constantly presented themselves in fanciful beauties-of the gentle waving lake-its pebbly shore-the beautiful oak openings and bluffs beyond."

Lunt undoubtedly also envisioned a train chugging through subdivided lots platted over the beautiful bluffs. Before obtaining the property, perhaps even before Lunt discovered its beauty, Evans had talked with his brother-in-law, railroad magnate Walter Gurnee, and received a guarantee that the Chicago and Milwaukee railroad would pass through the land. With this prospect in mind, the trustees purchased the land for the institution, despite the high price it owner demanded. The trustee were willing to pay the price not only because they knew the institution would benefit from a well-connected location, but also because they could finance their purchase by dividing the acreage and selling off lots. Self-interest dallied with educational altruism, as the trustees purchased some of the choicest lot for personal investment. Other trustees acquired adjoining tracts that multiplied in value on the basis of the railroad 6

connections and the prospective educational institution. Thus Northwestern built itself in the mid t of a brilliantly successful real estate speculation, soon named Evanston, after John Evans, the university 's founder.

The prominent role that orthwestern and its trustees played in this real estate venture reAects the evolution of trusteeship in the nineteenth century. Today, college or university boards choose trustees for the wealth, power, and prestige they bring to an institution, or because they have some expertise useful in running the school. Ideally, the trustees oversee the school's operations \\'ith institutional success foremost i11mind, and presumably they make decisions regarding the investment of their school's endowment giving top priority to the interests of the institution. The boards of trustees control endowment funds that represent, in aggregate, an important source of investment in the nation's economy. But the funds exist more to ensure institutional survival than to promote economic growth.

In the early nineteenth century, capitalist enterpri es operated on a smaller scale, and trusts that gathered the funds and administrative expertise of prominent bu iness leaders could have a significant economic impact. Even philanthropic endowments played an explicit role in local economic development, and the investment decisions made by the trustees displayed self-interest more openly. Although businessmen might fund a local educational institution primarily to provide a school for their community, the endowment created by their

Land and Learning

donations also represented a pooling of local financial resources . Since the donors frequently became the trustees, they controlled where the endowment was invested, and often they invested institutional funds in local development or even in enterprises in which they had direct personal interest. Pro-business courts gave trustees of corporations virtual freedom from individual liability and enormous latitude to invest endowments as they p leased. In the Midwest, state legislatures were especially willing to grant corporate charters if institutions sen 1 ed local needs and conu-ibuted to regional growth, as would Northwestern. orthwestern's land dealings also indicated the importance of land development to American enterprise. In antebellum Chicago, real estate speculation created more individual wealth than did mercantile or industrial act ivity.

For every one of Northwestern's trustees-and John Evans in particular-their personal investment in the university's North Shore property was on ly one of many real estate activities. Evans, for example, also played a major role in developing a large chunk ofland southwest of the central city, beyond Bridgeport.

Yet for these trustees, the development of Evanston represented far more than another speculation, and their personal profit from the investment should not discredit their vision for Evanston and Northwestern. Indeed , for Evans in particular, the land acquired more than monetary value, because it guaranteed the prosperity and influence of Northwestern as a center of

"sanct ified learning ." Primarily through Evans's insistence , one-quarter of each lot owned by Northwestern was reserved from sale 1hroughout most of the nineteenth century. Like many nineteenth-centu1-y colleges, onhwestern was continually short of cash. The school rented some of its unsold property (faculty members, for example, were for a time forced to rent as part of their contract), but other trustees continually urged that the valuable land be sold, and the money invested in more liquid, higher profit securities.

Evans, however, convinced the board to retain the land , and in the 1870s, he gave a muchneeded donation to the university on these conditions. The school's land holdings in Evanston, he argued, would provide financial security, but they would also allow Northwestern to retain control over local development. orthwestern and Evanston would grow together, and, in one hundred years, "Northwestern will have shared the blessings of sanctified enlightenment to the generation that has grown up around it , and been educated by it." Holding land promised a "c ity of one hundred thousand cultivated and refined People" in which Northwestern would be "capab le of exerting the greatest educational influence of any in all this great country." For Evans and the trustees who supported his land policies, the school's local rea l estate investments reinforced the link between an en lightened institution and a refined society, and thereby contributed to the moral cultivation of the entire community.

Opposite:Northwestern University's founders,John Evans (left), Orrington Lunt (middle), and Grant Goodrich (right) workedto insure thefinancial stabilityof Northwesternas well as the successof the real estates/Jeculationthat createdthe town of Evanston. In I897, Evanston's railu•aystation (left) showed little distinction, but it was a key element in the growth of the town and the university.

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NorthwesternUniversity'sI9I 1 generalplan of development showedgrand ambitionsfor the university'sexpansion.

Chicago History, Winter 1994-95

The real estate relationships between Evanston and Northwestern became more complicated, and acquired additional moral implications, with the amendments to the original charter that Goodrich carried through the legislature in 1856. The first amendment prohibited sales of intoxicating liquor within four miles of the university; the second declared that "a ll property of whatever kind and description belonging to or owned by the said corporation shall forever be free from taxation." Evanston citizens would not appreciate the tax exemption and would challenge it in court cases decided in the university's favor in 1874 and 1908. Northwestern's land holdings, when considered merely as property, became a point of tension between the town and the university. But Evanstonians would also fight to retain the liquor ban and thus preserve the virtuous character of their community.

Northwestern's land , when considered an area governed by the school's Christian and temperance principles, cemented the relationship between town and gown. Meanwhile, orthwestern relied upon Evanston's high-toned reputation to attract parents who were concerned about their sons and daughters, advertising a suburban educational experience in a "town as free from Immoral influences as any in the land; affording the advantages without the moral dangers of city life ."

In 18 56, four years after the Northwestern board of trustees began their successful speculation, the progenitor of the University of Chicago, known as Chicago niYersity, originated through combined philanthropic, civic, and real estate interests. Stephen Douglas , lawyer and Illinois senator, seeking to promote land development and increase the value of his extensive holdings just outh of Chicago's business district, offered to donate several acres of land for the building ofa "Christian college." He first made the offer to the Presbyterians, but they declined , partly because of the denomination's opposition to Douglas 's compromises with Southern factions in Congress regarding slavery in the territories.

Universityand town grew up togetherin Evanston. Right: Evanston's Fountain Square in r88o; oppositeleft: the same scenein r940. Oppositeright: Students of r92 5 stand on the stej1sof Old College,thefirst building erected 011 campm.

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The minister of the largest Baptist church in Chicago, J.C. Burroughs , who did not object to Douglas 's politics, learned of the offer. With the support of wealthy members of his congregation, he negotiated the land transfer and college founding with Douglas. As part of the contract, Douglas required that a building be built , construction to begin within the year, at a cost of not less than one hundred thousand dollars .

Only such an impressive structure would serve Douglas 's development purposes.

Burroughs agreed to this stipulation, believing he could count on the booster spirit of Chicago's business community. Burroughs launched an extensive subscription campaign within the city, receiving funding promises from Chicago benefactors William B. Ogden and

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Land and Learning

Walter S. Gurnee. Since the members of the First Baptist Church included some of the richest men in Chicago, significant donations also came from families within Burrough 's congregation.

Unfortunately for Burroughs and Chicago's first university , the cor~junction ofland, morality, and local support that ensured Northwestern's survival failed to materialize. That men such as Ogden joined the board of trustees showed that local boosterism did produce some goodwill.

But Burroughs found his fundraising hampered by the panic of 1857. Further , the local political reputation of Douglas was gravely damaged

by Douglas 's support of the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the Fugitive Slave Act. The majority of Chicago citizens saw Douglas 's legislative compromises as a corrupt bargain designed to smooth Douglas's path to the presidency. The same charges of corruption tainted his gift for the university.

No one attacked Douglas more vigorously than the mouthpiece of the Republican party in the city, the Chicago Tribune. Rather than praising Douglas 's philanthropy, the Tribune denounced "Douglas's University" as a "spec ulation" designed to increase the value of his property. \ Vh ile personal profit was a factor, the same could be said of many civic enterprises that the 1hbune upported.

Douglas 's donation carried the university through a poorly planned and badly executed cornerstone-laying ceremony on July 4, 1857. (At the ceremony, the small crowd booed Douglas, ll

Chicago History, Winter 1994-9 5

and, the night after the ceremony, vandals uprooted the cornerstone and stole all its valuable contents.) The donations and administrative oversight of a wealthy Baptist and speculator, William Jones , allowed construction of a small hall and the beginning of instruction in 1859.

With support no longer corning from Douglas following his death in 1861, and with the Civil War draining the student population , the university immediately fell on hard times.

During the war, part of the campus served as Camp Douglas, a prison camp for Confederate soldiers, and university students did some wellpublicized war relief work, which might have provided the university with renewed legitimacy. Unfortunately, quarrels among Chicago's Baptists undermined the denomination's support for the institution. Struggling for funds , university trustees attempted to use land for financial salvation. They first mortgaged the property that Douglas had donated to the Union Mutual Insurance Company of Boston for twentyfive thousand dollars and used that money to construct a main building, known as Douglas Hall. They also acquired a tract ofland near the stockyards, which they subdivided and tried to sell nationwide to Baptist congregations as a

12

money-making investment. Finally, the trustees acquired farm acreage outside Chicago in a failed attempt to qualify for federal land-grant college funds restricted to schools that supplied agricultural or mechanical training. Each of these transactions pulled the school deeper into debt and brought newspaper charges of chicanery and profiteering by Burroughs and other trustees.

Yet prominent loc al supporters remained anxious to cement the tie between the school and the city. One of them was lawyer Thomas Hoyne , whose gift of five thousand dollars had inaugurated the university's law school, which outlasted the university by affiliating with orthwestern after the university collapsed in 1886. In an 1867 speech to a national convention of Baptists , Hoyne attempted to identify the young institution with the young city, expressing the conviction that the new city required a new type of university. "The scholar will look in vain for the 'storied urn or animated bust' to connect him with any tradition of the past. ... No, such things are not here! All around us the very freshness of the scene, thi new and great foundation, itself speaks only of the present, the inexorable , the practical but the ever living pre-

Land and Learning

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sent. " Hoyne's words were echoed repeatedly by university supporters, such as prosperous businessmen J. Young Scammon and Henry Greenbaum, but their hopes for a new university never reached fruition . Burroughs and the university 's short-sighted board of trustees quarreled among themselves, fired popular instructors, and failed to cover operating expenses. Thus Chicago University obtained no "storied urns "-just the several land-investment schemes advocated by Burroughs that went bust.

Analyzing the failures of an economically feeble institution, the city's papers argued that the school's curriculum was at fault. According to the university's critics, the classes that were offered did not meet the practical needs of the local citiLenry. Depicting the school as controlled by narrowly religious intere ts, the Tribun e wondered "whether the University taught anything that the U .S. in this year of grace need to know or is it merel y such things as a coterie of shipwrecked theologians are able to comprehend and teach ?" Although the school's course offerings were not innovative, its curriculum was

Stephen Douglm (above) donatedseveral acres of land on the South Sidefor a university. The land had to be mortgagedto build Douglas Hall (left), and the universityfailedfinancially aJewyears late1: Opposite: Theseprograms commemorate events held al this predecessor of the University of Chicago.

no more hidebound than that of myriad other institutions that survived into the twentieth century-including Northwestern.

Still, as the school struggled through the late 1860s and 1870s, its economic difficulties and small enrollments disappointed local boosters, who disavowed the institution. When the Union Mutual Insurance Company foreclosed on the university , the papers reacted with ridicule and corn, painting a picture of an institution run by administrators bereft of honor and practical sense. Unlike orthwestern , Chicago University had failed to connect its speculative investments with its educational mission. Had the education it offered proved of exceptional quality, Chicago's business community might have supported it. Or, had its land investments succeeded , perhaps it could have funded a stronger 13

Land and Learning

curriculum and attracted enough students to survive. But Chicago University served neither its educational purpose nor its economic one.

Out of the ruins of the failed Chicago University rose a new institution , the University of Chicago. A group of Chicago Baptists, embarrassed at the demise of the local university affiliated with their denomination, convinced fellow Baptist and oil czar John D. Rockefeller that the city required a new university. With Rockefeller's financial support and with the appointment of a dynamic first president, William Rainey Harper, the Univer ity of Chicago became one of the most dramatic success stories in the history of American higher education.

William Rainey Harper is often included in the pantheon of those who constructed the modern university-research-oriented , bureaucratic, producer of expertise for corporations and government. With money coming from the New Yorker Rockefeller-his donation eventually rose above thirty million dollars, four-fifths of the early funding-local attitudes seemed irrelevant. Harper, however, had taught at the seminary associated with Chicago University, and he knew the consequences of local indifference. Given the new institution's ambitious scope, what is interesting about the development of the University of Chicago is the prominence of local concerns.

Rockefeller often had to bail out the university as free-spending Harper ran deficits, and without Rockefeller's largesse there would not have been a University of Chicago. evertheless, despite the enormous influence that such funding gave him, most of the decisions concerning the institution's policies were made by a board of trustees with members such as Charles L. Hutchinson and Martin Ryerson . Further, since the dependence on Rockefeller created its own local problems, as suspicion of Rockefeller's motives and the purpose of"Rockefeller University" was widespread in Chicago , Harper combined many of hi institutional innovations with measure designed to attract local support. Harper devoted a great deal of effort to attracting local undergraduate , including a pioneering use of advertising ; he established a football team partly as a way to involve local society in university affairs ; and founded a university extension school, drawing thousands more

After lhPdissolutionof ChicagoUniversity,localBaptistsconvincedjohn D. Rockefeller(bottom, top hat) toJund a new university. Together;he and William Rainey Harper (to/1and bottom, mortarboard)createdthe Universityof Chicago shown opposite in I928.

casual students into close contact with the university. Thus as Harper fulfilled his vision for the modern university, he fostered new connections between the university and the city.

That the trustees thought similarly is shown by a key investment policy, formulated early in the life of the university: the trustees funneled a significant percentage of the endowment into local real estate development. The university's first significant investment involvement with greater Chicago real estate dealing occurred in 1895, when Helen Culver gave the university more than one million dollars , much of it in local property and mortgage securities. Late1~ La Verne oyes gave the university five hundred thousand dollars; this donation too contained several downtown properties. With these gifts, 15

ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5 and, most important, with purchases from Rockefeller's donations , the university became a major player in downtown real estate. In the next thirty years, it would own or hold an interest in more than twenty large properties near the heart of the downtown business district , directing the bulk of its early investment to downtown business properties and to local loans. This investment strategy was relatively successful , yielding approximately 5 to 6 percent a year between 1900 and 1920. But perhaps most important for the fledgling university, local goodwill and local financial interests were well served.

By 1899, Charles Ewing , financial agent for the university, refined that strategy , arguing that an "investment in small mortgages is the most economical way of handling [the endowment] funds until they assume large proportions. " Mortgages became the favored local investment instrument. By 1922 , with the Rockefeller gift largely completed , the trustees decided to increase their inve unent in real estate loans on "well located business property in Chicago ."

Preference would be given to properties "so located that the Trustees or members of the finance committee can have knowledge by personal inspection."

With increasing frequency through the 1920s , the minutes of the university's finance committee show approval of first mortgage loans to businessmen and women for places of business and small apartment houses . These loans were widely dispersed through Chicago , with some concentration on the West and South Sides . The general effect was to create a development bank open to small businesses throughout the city. By the end of the decade these loans totaled nearly twelve million dollars , or 15 percent of the university's total investment portfolio. Thus the University of Chicago found its destiny as inextricably linked with local real estate as did Northwestern.

As pursued during the 1920s, this investment policy made financial sense. Properties were closely inspected at first by the board and later by employees of the business office . A solid return of 6 percent with very little risk seemed assured. So confident was the financial office of this type of investment that as late as 1931, with the depression deepening, it recommended to the board of trustees that the number ofloans be 16

increased , given the miserable performance of the stock and bond market.

Within the yea1~ howeve1~ it became apparent that this polic y of investing in small residential and business loans was ill-advised, involving not only financial difficulties but also moral pitfalls.

Foreclosures wer e mounting , and the university found itself the villain , evicting businesspeople

Land and Learning

IVilliam Rainey Ha1per worked lo keep the University of Chicagoconn ected lo the larger community through Pmion courses, shown varifd means such as athletics 1111d e-.:I aboveand opjJo;ite.

alread )' hurt badly by Lhe depression. By Lhe late 1 930s the universit y owned over one hundred properties Lhrough foreclosure.

Ill will from evictions was a temporary product or financial crisis. A morally indefensible component of the universit y's land investment policy wa it support of Chicago's extreme racia]

segregation. ot only did the university allow racial covenants-contracts that prohibited the current property owners to sell to blacks-on its investment property, it also supported, with legal advice and financial assistance , "protective associations " designed to prevent blacks from moving to neighborhoods surrounding the university. In fact, some of the local lending policy was designed, in the words of board president Harold Swift, to "reclaim" the property to the west of the campus from the expanding Black Belt.

In defending its policies from critics , the universit y based its case on the property owner 's right to protect the value of the real estate. But as university sociology professor Louis Wirth pointed out in a 1936 memo to the board, the university was no ordinary property owner. It presumably held property only to provide income for an "enlightened educational institution"-whose purposes should not be to "prevent the free assertion on the part of citizens of their right to move and compete freely in the economic and social sphere."

Because of the protests of Wirth, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and local citizens, the university could not hide behind its property rights.

The institution had to confront the conflict between its real estate role in a local economic community that engaged in morally abhorrent policies and its educational responsibilities to work apart from that community as an inspiration and guide . Throughout the 1930s, the president and trustees found this conflict impossible to resolve. Not until after World War II did the university make attempts to remediate the segregation its real estate policies had supported.

Meanwhile, Northwestern also became further involved in downtown real estate development. At the turn of the century, in attempts to enlarge the scope of the university, North western presidents and trustees devoted a great deal of attention to the professional schoolslaw, medical , dental, and pharmacy. These schools , partly because of earlier institutional alliances and partly because of the residential characLer of early Evanston, were located in downtown Chicago. In addition, a downtown business school was founded in 1908 and 17

ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5

DONT FENCE MEIN

Henry Ives Cobb's cloistered idealfor the University of Chicagocampus, drawn in 1893, was in ironic contrast to the restrictive covenants that the university supported for manyyears. Op/1osite: A crowd gathersfor the dedication of Northwestern's downtowncampus.

became an immediate success. By 1920, its enrollment of 2,598 exceeded that of the undergraduate college by nearly six hundred students.

Given their success, it is not surprising, then, that the professional schools and their downtown location received increasing attention from 18

the board of trustees. For the downtown schools, the problem of facilities was perhaps the most pressing, and in 1916, the board decided to build a new downtown campus on Lake Shore Drive , between Chicago Avenue and Superior Street. The trustee recognized that this decision would create a fundamental change in the character of orthwestern and would also tran form the institution 's relationship with Evanston and Chicago.

The job ofreconciling the urban professional character of the downtown orthwestern with the orthwestern of Evanston , still tied to liberal studies and the Methodist denomination, fell to the president appointed in 1919, Walter Dill Scott. Working skillfully to reconcile factions among the trustees and the alumni, Scott spoke often of the service both campuses could perform-appealing to Northwestern 's educational roots as a provider of"sanctified learning," but also calling forth orthwestern's responsibilities to the metropolitan bu iness community. "We should not ask whether the University needs the city," Scott wrote to alumni, "but whether the city needs the University. " The city's business community welcomed the university with open arms, for its completion of a downtown campus in 1933 held the promise of a building boom in the depths of the depression. As the Tribune wrote appreciatively, "It will cause the outer drive to be used .... It will result

Land and Learning

in other beautiful buildings being erected on that magnificent arm of the city's boulevard system, increase property values all through the growing northside business section, and add to the desirability of the neighborhood also as a residential area. " All these things did come true, in part because ofNorthwestern's presence.

Northwestern, however, was still not completely committed to the city of Chicago. More than ever, it maintained a dual metropolitan identity, split between suburb and city. This geographical conflict helped to contribute to Scott 's one dramatic failure as president, the attempt in 1933 to unify orthwestern and the University of Chicago into one grand metropolitan university .

The proposal to unite the two campuses came because of a conversation between Scott and the University of Chicago's dynamic young president, Robert Maynard Hutchins , over the competition for local donors that often harmed both schools. As conversations continued, suggestions for fundraising cooperation soon burgeoned to encompass a full-scale merger, with each campus location serving a different educational function. In a proposed restructuring that fit the established identity of each school and played on the strength of each location, the Evanston campus would assume the undergraduate teaching function, its suburban location protective of undergraduates; Northwestern's downtown campus would house all the professional schools, retaining that campus 's ties to the business community ; and the urbane Hyde Park would be the site of the graduate schools.

Judging from student newspapers , the presidents' proposal had the support of those attending the undergraduate schools. Predictably, however, the plan outraged faculty, offended alumni, and worried trustees. Despite assurances from both presidents, the faculty assumed, probably correctly, that the merger would mean staff cuts . Most vociferou were the faculty at 1orthwestern Medical School, who opposed the "bolshevist" clinical approach of the University of Chicago. ( 1orthwe tern ' faculty consisted of private practitioners.) But the doctors and medical students at Northwestern brought no credit to private practitioners when they conducted an angry rally downtown, in which they hung Scott and Hutchins in effigy.

In addition, alumni of both schools warned of declining educational standards; they wrote of old traditions threatened and sports rivalries lost. Trustees of both schools wondered about the financial tatus of the merged universitie .

Most important of all to orthwestern trustees, the merger appeared to threaten their 1856 charter , which made all properties owned by the university tax-exempt. Since the University of Chicago had no exemption on its income-earning properties, and since the proposed merger would occur under Northwestern's charte1~ a whole new set of court cases would arise in which the exemption might be disallowed. The possibility that such a major player in the Chicago real estate market as the university could acquire new downtown properties that would be tax-exempt alarmed the Chicago business community and turned Chicago newspapers against the merger. The Tribune, in particular, argued that by creating such a large common endowment, the merger would make the institutions "unresponsive to obvious local needs."

Fears about local needs played the predominant role in the most vehemently negative reaction of all-that expressed by prominent Evanstonians. While realtors and merchants worried over lost income , what appeared to disturb most Evanstonians was the threat to the identity of their community. Forgetting for a moment their perennial resentment over the university's tax exemption, citizens voicing their opinion in the local papers suddenly recalled that for eighty years "school and town had been

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Chicago History, Winter 1994-95

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indispensable to one another." The Evanston Review led the fight against the merger-in the Review's version, Rockefeller millions were being used to wipe out Northwestern and leave Evanston a "deserted village." Equally suspicious was the chamber of commerce, which regarded the merger proposal as a new attempt

by Chicago to annex Evanston. "The merger" they wrote, "would undermine the barrier between Evanston and Chicago, and contribute to the probability of municipal absorption."

Behind the vehemently negative reaction to the merger were not only legitimate fears about orthwestern's and Evanston's future if the school became less prominent, but also a typical suburban parochialism. "Keep the dirty slums in Chicago rather than Evanston" said Mrs. Helen Babcock Latham, Northwestern trustee and a lumnu s of the university. Referring to the University of Chicago's location near the Black Belt, an alumnus wrote Pre ident Scott that to his mind "the only word which properly describes the proposed alliance is miscegenation."

These sentiments, along with all the other areas of resistance, meant the proposal faced overwhelming odds. Even as lawyers worked through the detail in the summer and fall of 1933 to draft an agreement, it became clear that the merger would fail, and indeed it was officially killed early in 1934. The significance of this relatively unnoticed episode for Chicago's relationship to its institutions of higher education is, of course, immeasurable. A chance was missed to create a uniquely metropolitan institution encompassing both suburb and downtown.

That the merger failed reveals how the interaction between real estate development and educational purpose constrained institutional behavior. Had the universities not represented such important investment interests, with significant local property holdings, then the business communities of Chicago and Evanston would likely not have opposed the merger. On the other hand, had a merger been proposed between two ordinary businesses holding local property, the citizens of Evanston, Hyde Park, and Chicago would not have reacted as if their very identity was at stake. The schools, after all, did represent something more than vehicles for investment, and their real estate had acquired more than monetary value.

NORTHWESTERN ANO CHICAGO U. FRAME MERGER

I

TAX EXEMPTION QUERY RAISED IN U.OFC.MERGER MEDICAL SCHOOL STUDENTS OF N.U. PROTEST MERGER A possibleme1gerof Northwestern Universityand the Universityof ChicagoappealedloJew;students of both schoolsand residentsof Evanston and Chicagounited in their disapprovalof the idea. Opposite:The Northwestern Universitycrestdeclares"Whatsoeverthings are true."

20

Land and Learning Both the University of Chicago and orthwestern University thrived after World War II , continuing to attract exceptional students, distinguished faculty, and solid financial supportespecially with private donations now augmented by a flood offederal money . Both schools retained significant large holdings in local real estate, while continuing to confront legacies of earlier patterns of community relations shaped by these holdings-the University of Chicago with its attempted "controlled integration" of Hyde Park; Northwestern with a continuing quarrel with Evanston over property taxes.

N. they pursued investment policies designed to perpetuate institutional success, the universities' trustees, leading local businessmen, could not help but alter the course of metropolitan development. Yet as the failure of the old Chicago University demonstrated, the trustees who confused educational purposes with investment schemes quickly lost moral authority and financial support. Today, those fashioning the partnership between higher education and the private sector should not forget that, in addition to economic development, institutions must honor a higher obligation: to build more enlightened and tolerant communities.

For Further Reading The founding of Northwestern University and the University of Chicago have greatly impacted Evanston and Chicago. To learn more about the establishment of universities in the United States, see v\lilliam C. Ringenberg 's The Christian College: a History of Protestant Higher Educationin America (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Christian University Press, 1984) and Laurence Russ Veysey's The Emergence of the American University, I865-19ro: A Study in the RelationsBetween Ideas and Institutions (Berkeley, California: University ofCalifornia , 1961).

For a bi tory of Northwestern University, see I larold F. Williamson and Payson S. 'v\lild's Northwestern Univenity: A Histo1J, 1850-1975 (Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University, 1976). Northwestern ' early invokement with Evan ton i explored in George Dalgety's Evanston and Northwestern University (Evanston, Illinoi : Evanston Historical Society, 1934). Thomas Wakefield Goodspeed provides an early accoum of the niversity of Chicago in hi, book The St01y of the Univer ity of Chicago,

1890-1925 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925). Other accounts of the University of Chicago include: William Hardy Mc eil's Hutchins ' University:A Memoir of the University of Chicago, 1929-1950 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991) and One in Spirit:A Retrospectiveof the Universityof Chicagoon the Occasionof its Centennialedited by Robert E. Su·eeter (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991 ).

Illustration Credits 4, CHS Library; 5, CHS, ICHi-01517; 6, courtesy of Northwestern University Archives; 7, courtesy of 1 orthwestern University Archives; 8-9, courtesy of Northwestern University Archives; 10-11 , courtesy of Northwestern University Archives; 12, CHS Library; 13 left, CHS Library; 13 1·ight, CHS, ICHi10097; 1 4, CHS, ICHi-06981; 15, Department of Special Collections, The University of Chicago Library; 1 6 top, Department of Special Collections, The University of Chicago Library; 16 bottom, CHS, SDN 4506; 17 top, CHS Library; 17 bottom, Department of Special Collections, The University of Chicago Libi-ary; 18 top, Department of Special Collections, The University of Chicago Library; 18 bottom, from Escape (Chicago: Committee of Racial Equality, 1945), CHS Library; 19, courtesy of orthwestern University Archives; 20 top, from Chicago Tribune ( ovember 21, 1933), CHS Library; 20 middle, from ChicagoTribune(November 22, 1933), CHS Library; 20 bottom, from ChicagoTribune(November 27, 1933), CHS Library; 21, courtesy of orthwestern University Archives.

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21

ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5

In May r975, Vietnamesrreji1gees scaledthr U.S. embassy wall in Saigon in hof1es of111aki11g their way to the United Stales.

Many such immigrants sellledin Chicago's Uptown neighborhood.

22

The Nguyen Family

The Nguyen Family Al Santoli

As they established their lives in Chicago, the Nguyen family, like countless other immigrants, faced the challenge of retaining the traditions of their native land while fitting into American culture.

Editor'sNote: Chicagohas long beena de tinationfor immigrantsfrom around the world.In the earliestdays Frenchfur traderssettledalong the river; in the nineteenthcentury,Irish, Germans,Scandinavians,Bohemians, Poles, Eastern EuropeanJ ews, and Italians arrived and changedtheface of the city. Today,one of thefastest growing ethnicgroups is Asian Americans.

Since thefall of Saigon in 19 75, morethan one million SoutheastAsians have settledin Americaseeking a new life, many in Chicago'sUptown neighborhood.

Thefollowing excerpttellsof onesuch Vietnamese family, Trangand Thanh Nguyen and their children,who left Saigon in 1975 with departingAmerican troops.

Al Santoli interviewedthefamily in 1986. Their story is uniqueyet resonateswith the conflictsand challenges faced by immigrantsfiom all countries and all eras. . . . I drov e to Chicago, where my in-laws were living. The second da y, I found a job as a janitor at Water Tower Place, the most luxurious shopping m all. My wife and children came to join me a week lat er.

The majority of janitors at the mall were Vietnamese. The company liked to hire us, because we did the job well. But sometimes the superintendent of the building came to my supervisor and said, "We want these gooks out of here tomorrow. " So some Vietnamese went to the Department of Lab or, who ruled that the super intend ent's prejudice was illegal.

··uptown"from ew Americans: An Oral Histor y byAl Santoli. Copyright© 1988 byAl Santoli. Usedby permissionof VikingPenguin, a division of Penguin Books USA, Inc. 23

Chicago History, Winter 1994-95

Uptown was the area where many Vietnamese refugees were sent by the voluntary agencies. My wife and I found a place to live in the Albany Park neighborhood, which had a lot of Koreans and other Asians. We found that my income was not enough to meet the family's needs. So although Thanh's English was not good, she found a second shift job at a factory making plastic cups. We rotated responsibility for the children.

My son, Tran, was nine years old, and my daughters were five, fow~ three, and one. My two oldest children had a lot of problems with their classmates in Chicago. The school in Albany Park was a mixture of white, black, Asian, everything. Tran was beaten sometimes, and his teacher wasn't patient with him, because he didn't know English. I went to the school and I

24

told the principal that I thought the teacher was being unfair. The principal was sympathetic and said, "I understand." After that there was no more problem.

After one year at the mall, I was appointed supervisor. My responsibility was the Continental Bank. But the next year, in 1978, I realized that there were a few thousand Vietnamese refugees in Chicago who needed assistance. When I heard that Travelers and Immigrants Aid was looking to hire a caseworker, I took the job.

I found an apartment large enough for all of my children in Uptown, on Argyle and Sheridan, right in the center of the Vietnamese refugee community. Robberies and crime throughout the neighborhood were severe. My cousin, who lived one floor below me, was robbed twice.

The Nguyen Family Thieves came into his apartment, tied up his family, and robbed them.

Every day, after finishing at my office, I would go on the street and ask people about their needs. To improve the area, the first thing we had to deal with were the community associations, who wanted the refugees to leave. So we worked with the church, the police, and local officials. As a caseworker, I served as a mediator between the refugees and the authorities. Many problems occurred at the medical center and in the schools. Small issues were magnified by language and cultural differences.

For instance, in Vietnam, when both parents work, their older children take care of the babies.

But in America, that creates problems. The schools would call the homes to ask why students

Although ma-nyrefugeescomefrom rural areas,they have adjustedto city life. Restaurantsand grocery storesdot bothsidesof Argyle Street (left),signifying Vietnameseimmigrants' determinationto establish themselvesin America.Above: Vietnamesechildrenat a MidAutumn Festival.Photographby Sam Hong.

weren't attending class . In many cases, neither the parents nor the children could speak English.

Since I was the one who registered the kids in school, the authorities would call me to help.

I would visit the families at night to explain the law to them. They would respond, "But I need them to watch the little children." I'd emphasize, "If you don 't obey the law, they'll take away your children." There were no daycare centers. That put extra pressure on families working in low-payingjobs who were trying to be self-supportive and stay off welfare.

The older kids attend Senn High School, which is considered the most ethnically diverse in America. Some seventy-eight languages are spoken there. There weren't many problems with the white American kids, but other ethnic groups really gave the Vietnamese children a hard time. Especially the blacks, Mexicans, and Chinese.

Chinese kids from Hong Kong chased the refugee children. "Go home. Go back where you come from." Usually the refugee children kept quiet. They listened to their parents: "Go to school and learn and study-not to fight." But the children couldn't be patient any more.

A fight began between a Vietnamese-Chinese and a Hong Kong Chinese boy. It quickly expanded to four, six, twelve kids, then became a big battle. Some of the Hong Kong kids were hospitalized. The first response was a lot of prejudice toward the refugees. In the newspaper, an authority said, "Because Vietnamese kids grew up in wartime, what they know is killing , nothing else." It became a hot issue in the community .

And the parents of the Chinese kids tried to sue 25

ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5 the refugee parents. So I called a lawyer. I told him, "I need your help. I don 't have money to pay for the fee of the children. And most of their parents are on welfare." The lawyer said, "Okay, I'll see what I can do. " We had a long conversation about refugee life here and our culture. The lawyer adapted well. He used all the facts I gave him and won the case.

That was a small victory compared to other problems in the community. Crime threatened everyone's daily life. Muggers robbed refugees on the street, in the lobby of apartment buildings , in the elevators, in the stairwells, everywhere. In Vietnam, people seldom had locks on their doors . We had to teach them to bolt the door or hook the chain on the lock.

Whenever an incident happened , the refugees would call my office. One day there were more than thirty robberies. We needed to develop a strategy to deal with all the crime.

So I called the police , the church (which has Vietnamese priests) , the voluntary agencies, and community leaders.

We decided to organize what Chicago police call "beat representatives." These are citizens' groups that watch the neighborhood and call police if there's trouble. And among the refugees, we developed an "ambush" strategy.

Refugee men organized committees to catch robbers. One notorious building was a twentyfour-floor high-rise on West Lakeside. Muggers very badly tormented the refugees who lived there. And there were a few other large buildings where crimes occur every day.

Our strategy was to set up ambushes from the high-rise buildings. Refugees opened their windows to look onto the street. One person acted as bait and walked alone. When a robber started to follow her the watchers from one building would signal the other buildings, just like a military operation. When the robber grabbed her neck and took her purse, which had phony money inside, the citizens' patrols began to follow. They converged on him from all directions until he was surrounded. The refugees kept him cornered until the police arrived to take him away.

The police were very supportive and stopped many robberies. When word went out around the neighborhood that the police were active and the refugees were organized and defending themselves, much of the crime stopped.

26

During 1980, at the height of the Vietnamese boat-people crisis, my wife quit her job at the cup factory to work for the Intergovernmental Committee for Migration to greet refugees at O'Hare Airport. She helped transfer them to connecting flights. Her job was very tough , because the refugees were arriving at all hours of day or night. It was dangerous for her to come home alone after dark. There were still problems in the neighborhood-a lot of rapes-and I was afraid that, if we stayed, the children would grow up with a bad influence. So I decided to move.

I looked for a home close to the neighborhood , but no landlords wanted a family our size.

Sometimes I thought, "Is having a lot of children a crime in America?" Finally, a friend in Des Plaines, on the North Side, close to the airport, was selling a home for $50,000 with a very low clown payment. I didn't have enough savings, so I borrowed money from friends . I just closed my eyes and bought it.

I continued working in Uptown every day at my Travelers Aid job. We were resettling a lot of refugees into the area, and I worried about their future. Uptown was still a disaster, and the Vietnamese boat people, the Cambodians ,vho survived the holocaust, and the Laotians and Hmong were less educated than the Indochinese who arrived in 1975. Many refugees came from rural areas, unprepared for city life. They didn 't have a higher education or any skills except farming. I couldn't move them into apartments considered good, or even livable. The families were usually large.

I felt hurt , because I did not want my family to live in that neighborhood, so how could I tell other people to live there? I was determined to improve the neighborhood, but how to do that was the big question.

The business strip on Argyle Street was a disaster area. Around ixty percent of the buildings were owned by a Chinese association, Hip Sing, which had a vision in the late 1960s of turning the area into a new Chinatown. But they had little success, because of crime and the depressed environment. Still, the Vietnamese thought that maybe it could be a good place to start our business area.

We asked the Hip Sing to rent us some abandoned store fronts. They said, "No, you're not Chinese. This is the New Chinatown." But I

The Nguyen Family

began to work closely with a Chinese manager of one of the buildings. I said, "If you can he! p us, we can all benefit. There aren't that many Chinese living in the area. If you let the Vietnamese rent spaces, this area can be developed. And I can place new refugees in apartment buildings that the Hip Sing owns, that have low occupancy rate. They will shop here on Argyle Street and the area will grow and develop." He agreed.

I didn't know anything about business in America; I could only advise refugees on social issues. But we were able to provide a translation service so they could obtain business permits.

The neighborhood began to grow.

Nearly all the businesses owned by refugees were started by families pooling their money together or borrowing from friends. The first places were restaurants and small supermarkets.

As more refugees were moving into the neighborhood and new businesses were springing up, the gangs, the drug addicts, and the winos had fewer and fewer abandoned buildings to hang out in. And as the neighborhood began to come back to life, the police sent more security.

Crowing up in the United States, Vi.etnamese Americanchildren often adoptAmerican values with ease.Parents,howeve1; oftenstruggle withpreserving Vi.etnamese traditionswhile embracingAmericancustoms.Above: The Lefamily celebrates a traditionalNew Year'sEve. Photographby Sam Hong.

But in the alleys and side streets it was still something else.

Argyle Street became a kind of a beachhead where people could have a semblance of ordinary life. From my Travelers Aid office, I began sending a newsletter to teach the refugees about American life and personal safety. But the refugees needed a community center staffed by their own people. There is more pride in a community when an ethnic group can take care of their own. It cakes pressure off the welfare system when successful members of an ethnic community help others to find jobs. People can adapt to their new society without having to be ashamed of their own culture.

In 1 980, I heard the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services planned co contribute grants for Mutual Assistance Associations.

27

Chicago History, Winter 1994-95

I gathered friends, and we wroLe a proposal Lhat was awarded a federal grant to develop a Vietnamese Community Service Center through the Vietnamese Association of Illinois. We found office space on Broadway, a few blocks from Argyle. We searched for a good director , and we trained a small staff.

The center opened in the winter of 1980 with only two donated desks and a dozen folding chairs. A group of volunteers built p lywood tables and benches to furnish classrooms. Sometimes the heater broke down and the staff had to work in many sweaters, scarves, and gloves.

Despite conditions in the office, the Center grew very quickly. After a yea1~the Center was awarded a state grant, so there was enough money to continue services as the Vietnamese population blossomed. ow the Vietnamese Association has expanded the center to twenty staff members. The director is a very talented young woman, goan Le, who has great initiative. And Mr. Zung Dao, who owns a successful restaurant business in the neighboring Edgewater area, runs the Center's Community Eco-

Community Economic Develo ment Program

28

norni c Development Project. That is the only program in our area to teach refugees how to do business in America. And we are helping other refugees, like the Ethiopians who just opened a restaurant on Argyle Streel.

Argyle has become an international area.

There are more than fifty Vietnamese familyowned businesses on the sLrip. There are also sLoresowned by Khmer, Lao, Chinese, Elhiopians, a Jewish Kosher butcher, two Hispanic grocers, a black record shop, and an American bar. There are Japanese , Thai, Indian, and Mexican restaurants in the area. And a McDonald's.

I remember in 1978-79, when I worked with American sponsors from the suburbs, if I said, "Why don't you come to Uptown to work with the refugees?" they would say, " o way, it's too dangerous." Now people from many areas like to come to Argyle Street Lo shop, and enjoy coming to community activiLies like the annual Argyle StreeL Festival or Lunar New Year Celebration.

The VieLnarnese restaurants do a lot of their business from tourisLs on weekends. Many don't

Thr l'ietnameseAssociation 1, a vital commuof ll/i1101s nil)' resourcethat teaches refugeeshow to conduct bw,inessin America through initiative1like the Economic Dnwlopment Project.

Left: VietnameseAssociation of lllinois brochures.

Opposite:The l'ietnamese communitythrives around Argyle Street,wheremore thanfifty Vietnamesefamilyowned businessesoperate.

PhotographbyBob Fila.

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ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5 Right: Adve1tisementsfrom a Vietnamese business directory.

Oj,posite: Vietnamese iimnigrants preservefamily tradition with eachyear's celebrationof Tet, the Vietnamese Lwwr New rem: Rituals include the Lion Dance, which brings good luck.

These ch-ildrenwelcome the newyear at the Quang Minh Vietnamese Temj,le. Photog raj,h

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earn a lot, but they survive by family manpower.

For example, Mr. and Mrs . Phan, who own the Nha Tang Restaurant, had a simple dream. They came here as boat people in 1979, worked in a factory to save enough to make a $700 lease payment on a small storefront to open a twelve-table restaurant. His wife is a very good cook , and they charge low prices. Sin ce they opened in 1981, they stay open seven days a week from 9:00 A.M. until 10:00 P.M. They earn enough to keep the fami ly we ll fed and have a little profit left over for saving.

The most famous place in the neighborhood is the Mekong Restaurant, on the corner of Argyle and Broadway , which attracts many people from the suburbs and other states. The owner, Mr. Lam Ton, worked with the U.S. State Department in Vietnam.

The first year his restaurant opened, in 1983, Lam Ton lost money. The neighborhood's reputation was still very rough. But, all of a sudden, his business turned around after some Chicago newspaper people wrote very favorab ly about the restaurant. The Mekong brought Uptown into the limelight, especially in 1985, when a lot of media attention was given to the tenth ann iversary of the fall of Saigon.

Newspeop le saw a lot of new stor ies with posterboards written in Vietnamese. They wrote 30

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stories emphasizing how the refugees revitalized Uptown and turned the slum area into a more beautiful place. They began calling Argyle Street "Little Saigon ."

But as the neighborhood's good reputation began to grow, that created a problem. The Chinese Hip Sing organization , who dreamed that the area wou ld become the "New Chin atown, " started to fee l like second-class citizens.

The Hip Sing office bui lding is right next to the el train stat ion on Argy le, and they still own a lot of property that the Vietnamese lease. So they consider themselves the ones who control the area.

On one occasion , the Vietnamese organized a big Mid-Autumn Festiva l [or the chi ldren, and we had a lion dance on Argy le Street. One Chinese man came out of the Hip Sing building and said, "Did you ask our permission to dance on this street? " I said to him, "Why do I have to ask your permission ? This is America. The streets are built by the taxpayers, not you guys. " He said , "I don 't want to see you people, because the Lion Dance is for Chinese ." I said, "The kids enjoy it, even if they don ' t do the dance properly. Their joy is our goal."

The Hip Sing, under Jimm y Wong and Charley Soo, did work hard to develop the area .

Impro vements like the sidewa lk renovation by

The Nguyen Family the city were made thanks to their lobbying. But they never had enough population for a New Chinatown. It was the Southeast Asian refugees who decided that, even if we were put into a slum, we would improve the neighborhood. And we had enough people to support new businesses on Argyle.

The small family-owned businesses can only employ a limited number of people. So refugees travel to jobs on the South Side of Chicago or in the suburbs. Many are unskilled factory workers, like machine operators. Other refugees work as painters and mechanics. During the past couple years, Chicago has turned into a servicebased city. In a lot of new hotels, refugees work in housekeeping or maintenance jobs. And many of the earlie1~ better-educated refugees went to school to become electronics technicians at places like GTE or AT&T. At first, some Vietnamese refuse to work at menial jobs because they don't want a lower social standing than they had in Vietnam. Others take welfare because they are lazy or don't have the right encouragement to study English . I

try to motivate them. But sometimes I'm told, "Forget about being a social worker. Who are you to tell me what to do? You are Vietnamese, just like us. You have no right to push me."

The Vietnamese Community Center has been instrumental in changing people's attitudes from being so negative. The Center now has five programs: Employment, Social Adjustment, Youth, Women, and Economic Development.

Within a few years, the Vietnamese welfare dependency rate declined from eighty-seven percent to fifty-five percent, and now only around twenty-five percent are unemployed or on public assistance.

After I saw the neighborhood begin to turn around and living conditions for the refugees improve, I thought, "How about their moral and cultural life?" There are family conflicts, because the children are learning so quickly in school to adopt American culture. The parents might learn a little English at work, but it is a very slow process. They have to rely a lot on the children.

The kids watch television and forget about the Vietnamese cultural values. The parents are

31

ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5 shocked. They feel they have lost authority.

There are arguments. The children want to move out or run away.

To deal with the generation gap, we started counseling sessions for the parents and children at the school, to keep them from drifting apart.

There are boys who have both parents working or who escaped from Vietnam alone. They have a lot of unsupervised time and begin to get into trouble. I try to work very closely with the schools to follow the progress of the students and develop strategies for teachers to work better with the children ....

At the Community Center we try to create activities for kids. There are three main youth clubs: Boy Scouts, the Buddhist Family Club, and Catholic Youth. Sometimes we organize sports. And to reduce the generation gap with their parents , we have Vietnamese language classes for the kids while their parents study English at a nearby public agency.

My own children like the new fashions, the ew Wave. I've tried to stay with the Asian Confucian tradition. As a father, I have to be strict. But in this society, you can't force children to do what you say. They have their own lives.

THANH: Our children were very young when we came here. So we have adjusted and let them have some freedom . We realize that we can't live the way we did in Vietnam. But we try to teach them to respect family life. I tell my children, "The U.S. is liberal. You have the right to drive a car. But when you see a 'O ne Way' sign, you can't ignore it and say, 'this is a free country, nobody can tell me what to do.' That will lead to a bad accident where you can get hurt. You must also think that way in terms of family rules."

TRONG: Our oldest daughter is fifteen. I wouldn't be happy if a boy asked her to a dance at school or for a date, but it would be okay to go to a party al school, because it would be under supervision. Sometimes we compromise and allow her to go to a party at a friend's house if we know the parents .

Vietnamese tradition is not as strict with boys.

I gave my son more freedom when he was in high school, but I had to know where he was going and who he was associating with. I told him, "I give you freedom, but you have to be home by 10:00 P.M., or midnight." Ifhe didn 't come home at the time limit-"Sorry ," the next time

32

he asks. But sometimes, when he was having a lot of fun and wanted Lostay out a little longer, if he called me to ask permission, that was fine.

Last year, after Tran graduated from high school, he moved out on his own. That was a great shock for me. We didn't have enough money to send him to college, so he started working full-time to save for tuition. His high-s chool grades were average, but he is very artistic, a good drummer. In his free times, he practices a lot with his band. During days he works at a company downtown, and in the evenings he comes into our restaurant to help.

The first year of the restaurant business was miserable . Little by little , our customers have been building up. Our location, on the border of the Uptown and Edgewater neighborhood, is not the greatest. Promotion and advertising cost money that we don't have . My son and two oldest daughters help to keep our costs down.

Another reason I have the girls working here is to learn how to communicate with people. If they can handle serving customers, it will help them to handle a lot of other situations in the future. My oldest daughter is very shy, but she's becoming more relaxed and talks with the customers a little more. My second daughter, Thanh Tram, is more outgoing and enjoys dealing with customers.

THAHN TRAM: When most Americans first meet me, they think that I'm seventeen or eighteen and was born here . When they find out that I'm only fourteen and was born in Vietnam, they are surprised.

I don't work at the restaurant on weekdays during the school year . But if I don't have any homework , I'll call the restaurant and see if my mom and dad need me. I come in all day on weekends and during the summer.

The best thing about working here is that I've gotten better at speaking Vietnamese.

Where I go to school in Des Plaines, there aren't Vietnamese to talk with. I only talk Vietnamese ifI talk on the phone with friends in Uptown.

But by working here, I've learned how to talk and write better.

I became a citizen with my parents two years ago. The whole family took the oath of citizenship together. ow most of my friends at school say that, because I have my citizenship, I am American, no longer Vietnamese. I always tell

The Nguyen Family Chicago's Vietnamesehave had a diverseAmerican exj1erience, dealing with a variety of social and economic conflicts. Right: These Vietnamesehavef ound successin an cmto repair shop.

Photographby SarnHong.

,I

•

them, 'Tm still Vietnamese, no matter what. I'm never going to be all American. I always have to stick to my country."

I cried one time in school when they were talking about Vietnam in class ... the war and everything. Some kids saw me crying and said, "Why are you crying?" I said, "No, my eyes are tearing." They said, " If you want to cry, why don't you go outside, like a little baby?" I said to them, " If you lost your country, wouldn 't you cry? " They said, "No. Not if you can 't even go back. " I told them, "I wish that I was over there rather than here." They said , "Do you want to die? " I said, "Even though I like it here, I also want to be in my own country." So a boy shrugged his shoulders and said, "Whatever you say."

Most of the kids call me "stuck up." I don 't mean to get them upset. I just can 't express my feelings. o one at my school thinks about what it's like to be a refugee. No one even cares, unless I have a real close friend who tries to help me through these problems. Otherwise I never tell anyone about my feelings. l was very young when I came here. But I still remember what my house in Vietnam looked like, and the beach. One time in Des Plaines, I was itting by the small lake near my home. It was getting dark , the sun was orange. I sat down

•v•, -. . · ..... ,.

on a beach and closed my eyes. I saw myself on the beach in Vietnam. I started crying. I opened my eyes and saw the sun setting over the lake. I cried even more and began talking to myself.

My sister and her American friends came up to me and asked what was wrong. I didn't want to tell them. When I told my sister, she said I was stupid. She asked , "Why are you still thinking of that? " Her attitude is that we're American now; we shouldn't think of the past. ...

TRO c: Thanh Tram has a very nice dream to become a doctor. I only hope that I will be able to support her education. To become a doctor takes a long time and a lot of money. She gets mostly N.s in school and graduated from middle school in the Honor Society.

She is very mature for a fourteen-year-old.

But I worry a lot about my son, Tran. I want him to go further in his education. His high-school grade were kind of average-B's.

He's still deciding what he wants to do.

TRAN: I didn't know what I wanted after I finished high school last year. My dad wanted me to go to college, but first I wanted to support myself. I moved out on my own because I wanted to have more life experience. Now I live in this neighborhood, on the street next to the restaurant. A guy from my band rooms with me.

33

Chicago History, Winter 1994-95 Right: Argyle Street. Photogra/Jh byjolmAldmon.

I don't expect playing the drums will be my profession. I just love music. It's a way for me to forget my problems., \Then I get home from work at night, I listen to mostly Vietnamese music, because you can concentrate on the lyrics and feel the music better. But when I get up in the morning or go to parties, I like New Wave. For a whi le in high schoo l, I only listened to heavy metal. That drove my parents crazy.

The band I'm with plays all different kinds.

Some Vietnamese music, some rock songs like "Jump" by Van Halen. But we play mostly New Wave, because at parties that 's what a lot of kids expect. We play only on weekends , because most of the guys in the band work or go to school.

I work downtown at a hearing-aid company, doing shipping and receiving from nine to five.

Then I take the bus to Uptown and work in the restaurant until eleven o'clock. I would like to start school this winter semester , so I have to work full-time. But I don 't take any money for helping my parents. I do it because I have a responsibility as their son.

There has been some conflict in my family because I want to establish myself on my own.

But my loyalty to them hasn 't changed. When I lived at home, I argued with my parents a lot. I had an attitude just like American kids. But once I left, I realized how much I respect them ....

THRONG: I was very up et when my son went out on his own. I was worried about his wellbeing. In the Vietnamese community, I saved a lot of families from the generation gap, but when the problem came to my own family, I cou ldn 't solve it.

My children were very young when they came here, so their values have become much more American. I try to behave as an American too, but in my heart I am always Vietnamese. I dream that one day I can get back to Vietnam. I was born there, grew up there .... I still remember that, in the past, my father and father-in-law worked for our people's freedom. What I am doing now is very different from what they did.

We have freedom here, and sixty million people in Vietnam still do not have that. I still dream of somehow helping them to win their freedom.

34

The Nguyen Family For Further Reading To learn more about Vietnamese American culture, see Marty Hansen and Sam Hong's BPhindthe Golden Door: Refugees in UjJtown (Chicago: Hong / Hansen , 1991 ). Moving to the United States has been difficult for many Vietnamese. For more information on the trials associated with moving to a new country and becoming American, see James M. Freeman's Hearts of Sorrow: Vietnamese-AmericanLives (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1989). Patricia Germaine Fox provides an in-depth look al Vietnamese family life in her Ph.D . dissertation Family Change Among Vietnamese Refugees in Chicago (Chicago: University oflllinois, Chicago, 1988).

Organizations such as the Vietnamese Association of Illinois and Travelers and Immigrants Aid of Chicago play a vital role in the assimilation of Vietnamese settling in Chicago.Jeffrey R. Henig's Neighborhood Mobilization: Redevelopment and Res/Jonse (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1982) analyzes the conditions that facilitate neighborhood-based institutions crucial to residents' needs . Travelers and Immigrant Aid publishes In Transition, a newsletter that provides public information , as well as articles about various issues confronting Chicago's immigrant communities.

Illustration Credits 22, AP/World Wide Photos; 24,John Alde1-son; 25, Hong / Hansen , Behind the Golden Door, 1991; 27, Hong / Hansen , Behind the Golden Door, 1991; 28, Vietnamese Association of Illinois; 29, courtesy of Chicago Tribune; 30, Vietnamese A sociation of Illinois; 31, Hong / Hansen, Behind the Golden Door, 1991; 33, Hong / Hansen , Behind the Golden Door, 1991; 34-35, John Alderson.

35

Bill Gatewood,

Chicago

American Gionts, 1913 .

One of the "stor twirlers" on Foster ' s Chicago Amer ican Giants, Gatewood "hod the habit of putting the boll over the fence ot times " when he hit , according to the Chicago Daily News.

SDN 58 ,615 .

36

CHICAGO~§ LEAGUE§ LINDA -

.

........ :"·"· ".. ~

-

.

-

I-,_.,;.-

NEGRO

ZIEMER

Before the founding of the Negro National League in 1920, black professional baseball players earned their living

--

playing ball in a semiprofessional

n the years before the founding of the Negro National League in 1920, black professional baseball players and teams were limited, for the most part, to playing against independent and semiprofessional teams . Although called "semipro" by the newspapers to distinguish them from "organized baseball," these players were generally professional , that is, they earned their living playing baseball . Black professional baseball teams in Chicago might play in semipro league games during the weekend, travel downstate to play white semipro teams, and return to Chicago for games against other black professional teams at the end of the week.

During the first two decades of the twentieth century , Chicago had a thriving semiprofessional baseball league. The Chicago Baseball League was one of the most organized in the country, with games scheduled every weekend .

The league comprised both white teams , such as Anson ' s Colts, the Gunthers , and the Logan Squares, and black teams , such as the Union Giants, the Chicago Giants and the Leland Giants . As the Chicago Daily News noted in 1905 , "Both the Cubs and the White Sox ploy at home tomorrow, but despite this

I

league.

fact, every one of the leading semiprofessional clubs of the city will fill their usual dates, figuring the town is large enough for a dozen big ball games ." The Union Giants, the Leland Giants, and the American Giants were among the black teams that competed in this league, as well as playing games against other black and white professional and semiprofessional teams across the country .

Fronk Leland established the Union Giants team in 1901. He hod managed Chicago's first black professional team, the Chicago Unions.

The "crock" Union Giants, led by pitcher "Cannonball" Joe Miller, won 112 of 122 games in 1905.

Leland went on to form the Leland Giants in 1905, which dominated the Chicago Baseball League for the next few years, especially ofter pitcher /manager Andrew "Rube" Foster joined the team in 1907 . The Leland Giants played at Auburn Park at Seventy-ninth Street and Wentworth Avenue . In 1909, the Leland Giants were lead ers in the league, despite a grueling schedule of games (sometimes as Linda Ziemer is assistant curator of prints and photographs at the Chicago Historical Society.

37

ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5

"championship

and the Union Giants managed to tie the Leland

won 112 of 122 games

Giants in the fifth game

in 1905. According to So/ .

White's Official Baseball

of the series, which left the teams even, with both

Taylor . SON 2974 .

Guide, the Union Giants and the Leland Giants had a "battle royal" for the

teams winning two . Left to

Opposite : Clarence Lytle,

right : Bill Irwin, Willis

pitcher, Union Giants, 1905 .

SON 312S .

38

of the west,"

Rose, Tom Washington,

Above : Union Gionts, 1905 .

The Union Giants, managed by William S. Peters,

Jones, P. Roberts, Haywood

Harry Hyde, Clarence

Lytle,

George Hopkins , George (Chappie) Johnson, George

Chicago'sNegro Leagues

many as six games in three days) and injuries to four players, includ ing Foster , who had broken his leg by sliding into home plate during a July game against the rival Cuban Stars . The Leland Giants played a postseason series against the Chicago Cubs in October of that year, losing three close games , including two against the great Cubs pitcher Mordecai "Three Finger" Brown.

Foster and Leland had a falling out in 1910 and, after a lega l battle , Foster retained the rights to the name Leland Giants . Leland then formed the Chicago Giants . In 1911 , Foster left the Leland Giants to start a new team, the American Giants, which would prove to be a dominant team for the next three decades . The team played at the old White Sox grounds at Thirtyninth Street and Wentworth

Avenue, in a new nine-thousand seat grandstand built by Foster's white partner , John M. Schorling .

In 1913, a hotly contested series between the Lincoln Giants of New York and the American Giants , which would determine what the Chicago Daily News called the "national colored team championsh ip," drew thousands of fans .

Many of the Chicago Daily News photographs on the following pages accompanied articles about the semipro teams in Chicago.

Some were featured on the front page of the sporting extra editions under headlines such as "Semipro Men Who Show Speed ," or "Baseball and Pugilistic Celebrities of Local Fame ." Taken by staff photographers at the Chicago Daily News, these images provide a rare look at early black baseball in Chicago .

39

Chicago History, Winter 1994-95

,.

Below : Andrew Payne, right field, Leland Giants , 1909.

Known as "Jap," Payne also played with Rube Foster on the Cuban X Giants in 1903, which wan the "championship of the east" from the Philadelphia Giants . SON 55,418 .

40

Right : This photograph of Payne appeared in the Chicago Daily News on August 10 , 1909 , under the headline " Semipro Baseball Men on Local Teams ."

SON 55 ,384 .

Chicago'sNegroLeagues

41

Chicago'sNegro Leagues

Oppos ite , top left : Walter Ball, pitcher, Leland Giants , 1909 . SON 55 ,357 .

Left : Walter Ball, pitcher , Leland Giants , 1909. On June 19 , 1909 , the Chicago Daily News noted that " Walter Ball is pitching the best ball of his career at present and is the ma instay

Above: James " Pete" Booker, catcher, Leland Giants , 1909 . In 1910 , the Chicago Daily News observed that "in Booker and Petway the Leland Giants have two backstops who would probably be in the majors except for their color ." SON 55 ,358 .

of the leaders of the Chicago Baseball League ."

SON 55 ,360 .

43

Chicago History, Winter 1994-9 5

Pete Booker of the Leland Giants slides into base during his team's 1907 match against the All-Star team .

In 1907 the Leland Giants won 110 games , including forty -eight in a row, and took the pennant in the Chicago Baseball League .

SDN 53 ,280 .

44

Chicago History, Winter 1994-95

46

Left : George Wright , shortstop, Leland Giants , 1909 .

SDH 55 ,417.

Above : Nathan

Harris ,

Leland Giants, 1909 . This photo appeared

in the

Chicago Daily News on July 8, 1909, under the headline "Semipro Baseball Men Who Show Speed ."

SDN 55,500 .

47

Above ond right: Andrew

Giants in 1902), bringing

In 1909, under Foster's

"Rube" Foster, Leland

with him team motes from the champion Philadelphia

Giants were the leaders in

his nickname by beating the great Philadelphia

Giants , including Pete Hill,

the Chicago Baseball

Pete Booker, Mike Moore ,

League, even ofter suffering

Athletics pitcher Rube

and Bobby Winston. Known

injuries to four key players :

Waddell in 1902 . In 1907,

as the "father

of block

Winston, Boll, Gatewood,

Foster come bock to

baseball,"

Foster called sev -

and Foster , who injured his

Chicago as player /manager of the Leland Giants (he

eral club owners together in 1920 and founded the

left leg by sliding into home plate in on effort to beat

hod previously worked a

Negro Notional League.

the throw from the field.

short stint with the Union

SON SS,JSS and SON 55 ,361 .

Giants, 1909. Foster won

48

management,

the Leland

Chicago'sNegro Leagues

Below : J . Preston (Pete)

Wentworth , and Charles

defeat the Gunthers 4-0 .

Hill, Leland Giant, Gonzalo

Gunther , the condymoker ,

More than five thousand

Sanchez, Cuban Stars,

offered his club (the Gunthers) , if the Leland

spectators

catcher , 1909 . In August 1909, the Cuban Stars

attended

the

game, and over twenty-five

Giants (their longtime

hundred dollars was raised

rivals) would ploy o double-

to benefit Provident

raise funds for Provident

header on August 5, 1909 .

Hospital. SON 55,497 .

Hospital. The White Sox

The Cuban Stars beat the

provided free use of their

Leland Giants 6-3 , but the

grounds ot Th irty-Ninth and

Leland Giants come bock to

ployed o series of games to

49

Chicago History, Winter 1994-95

Below : Bill Gatewood ,

Opposite : Spottswood

pitcher , Leland Giants,

Pales , Lincoln Giants , 1913 . Known as the " black

1909 . Gatewood

went on

play for the Chicago American Giants , and later

Ty Cobb ," Poles starred

managed the St . Louis Giants and St . Lou is Stars.

Giants of New York. This

SON 55,356.

the Lincoln Giants were

centerfield

at

for the Lincoln

photograph

was taken when

in town to play the Chicago American

Giants for the

" national

colored team

championship SON 58 ,616 .

."

ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5

YESTERDAY'S CITY Chicago's Horseless Carriages Louis S. Schafer

Many people today think that the often snailIike pace of city traffic is the result of the automobile age. At the turn of the century, however, most Chicagoans felt similarly trapped in a slowmoving urban jungle. The available methods of transportation included horse-drawn carriages, two-wheeled "boneshaking" velocipedes, trolley cars, and elevated railroads. Whenever people journeyed any distance from their homes, most had to do so by means of cross-country railroads, interurbans, or steamboats. As the twentieth century approached, barely one out of every ten thousand local residents cou ld count the automobile, or horseless carriage, as a travel option.

In 1895, horses remained a major factor in everyday Chicago life, though they were beginLouis S. Schaferis a high schooladministratorin Michigan.

He has beena freelancewriterforfifteen years.

52

Yesterday'sCity

ning to lose favor through much of the city.

The average horse produced about twenty-two pounds of manure dail y. In Chicago, with a horse population of 120 ,000, the annual output of manure was equivalent to a one-acre pile rising fourteen hundred feet into the air, keeping sanitation workers extreme ly busy. Further more , disease-bearing flies bred in manure by the billions. Rain left the thoroughfares slippery and unsaf e, and on dr y da ys du t clouds of powd ered dung filter ed in ide through open windows. On e urban histori an ,Jo el A. Tarr, summed up the overall feelings of Chicagoans: The faithful, friendly horse was charged with creat ing the very pr oblems today attributed to th e auwm ob ile: a ir co ntaminants harmful to h ea lth , noxious odor s, and noises .... The solution to the problem , agreed the critics. was th e adopt ion of the horseless carria ge.

A variety of vehiclescrowdedChicago'sstreets at the turn of the centwy. Above:A six-horseteamjJUlls a park bus lo the racesin I889. Opposite,top: The elevated train came on the scenein the 1890s, but horse-drawnwagonsstill shared the streetwith trolleycars, seen hereon the cornerof Franklin and Madison in 1906 (opposite,bottom).

One firm believer in the new mach ine was Chicago newspaper executive Herman H .

Kohlsaat. His Chicago Times-Herald extravaganza was America's first automobile race. Billed as the "Race of the Century," the event excited Kohlsaat 's subscribers and signaled the arriva l of the horseless carriage in Chicago.

On Jul y g, 1895, Kohlsaat 's front-page headlin e announced a purse totaling ten thousand dollars. September 13 was set as the closing date for entries. By that time, no fewer than eig h tynin e drivers had entered their vehicles in the

53

Chicago H istory, Winter 1994-95

KINED

MAP

America'sFirstAutomobile Race - Spon.wrtdb) The Cluca!(o T,m~s-Hcrald,No11trnbtT28, 16Qj This Map comm,,morates the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Chicago Times -Herald Race . It was prepued bv me as an umpire and driver in the Race using the original map published by the sponsors and adding data (rom complete. authentic records including. my official umpires report .

The Race was won by J. Frank Duryea in a car he designed. built and drove . his record being as follows· Elapsed time ..... ..... .. .. 10 Hours. 23 Min .

Actual running tim,, ........ 7 Hours , 53 Min .

Average speed ···- ···· .. 5.05 MPH Average running speed .... ....

6.66 MPH Official distance or route· ·····52.4'Miles Second place was won by the Muellerlknz car driven by Oscar B. Mueller .

As umpire in this qr, I also bccam,, its dnver for the last hour of the Race to the finish-line, due to Oscar Mueller becoming unconscious from exposure . Earhcr in the afternoon, Charles G. Reid . an observer . also unconscious from exposure , had been lilted out of the car into a sleigh in Riverview Park. The record of the Mueller car was: Elapsed time ... . ...... 10 Hours, 47 Min .

Actual running time . 9 Hours . 32 Min .

Average speed 4.87 MPH Average running speed . 5.51 MPH 01 the six starters , these were the only two cars to finish ihe Race.

J. Frank Duryea received " cash award of $2.000 . while the Mueller car won $1,500: and later H . Mueller . Oscar's father, who entered the second winning car. presented me with a gold medal in appreC1at1on of my scrvice-s.

\

54

-•-

Yesterday'sCity

The Chicago Times-Herald sponsoredAmerica'sfirst automobile race on Thanksgiving Day, I895. Opposite:A map shows thefifty-four-mileroute through Chicago.Right: The race's second-placefin ishe1; Oscar B. Meuller (seated al Jar right)poses with race officials ColonelLudington, Henry Timken, and C.P.Kimball in his Mueller-Benz.

prestigious event. The route began in Jackson Park, ran through Chicago to Evanston, and then returned to the starting point-a fifty-fourmile round trip. The race was set for November 27, Thanksgiving Day, and people from across the Midwest arrived to witness the event. Chicago , however, lived up to its reputation for poor weather during the night before the race , when a foot of snow fell on the city and high winds caused six-foot drifts. Six undaunted drivers were present for the 8:55 A.M. starting time.

Driver Frank Duryea won the race as he crossed the finish line at precisely 7: 18 P.M. One historian has commented: "If any single event can be pointed to as the catalyst leading to the ultimate acceptance of the automobile in America and the impetus for the beginning of new industry, that event would have to be the Chicago Tim.esHerald contest."

More than one hundred automobile makers established themselves in Chicago during the first half of the century , but all eventually were forced to close their doors. One by one, they fell victim to Henry Ford's a sernbly-line and massmarketing techniques , the inability to compete against less expen ive model , and financial difficulties. Still, they contributed greatly to Chicago's expanding economy and rich history .

One of these early automobile makers was the Hertel Company. It held the distinction of being

the first to find a home within the city limits.

Maxwell Hertel had for many years tinkered with the idea of designing and constructing his very own motor car. Finally, in September of 1895, after months of trial and error, he unveiled the Hertel automobile. The five-hundred-pound machine, advertised as "one of the lightest hydro-carbon motor vehicles on the market," had been converted from ordinary bicycle parts.

Its side-by-side, independently sprung front wheels were carried in a conventional bicycle fork, and it was powered by two 3.5-horsepower engines nestled in the rear. Sales were good at first, since the company provided Chicagoans with their first opportunity to buy a car. The Hertel, however, proved to be unreliable and lost popularity within two years of its introduction .

The Hertel Company remained in Chicago for only two seasons before it moved to Greenfield, Massachusetts. Maxwell Hertel later was responsible for creating the Impetus automobile in Pornichet, France. None of the few Chicago-built unit that Hertel managed to place on the market are left today.

Longer lived was the Woods Motor Vehicle Company, which began retailing the Woods Electric in early 1899. The vehicle proved to be one of the most popular across America during the next two decades. Unquestionably, it succeeded because customers wanted to avoid two 55

ChicagoHistmy, Winter 1994-95

faults of the gasoline-powered vehicles of the day: laborious handcranking and the noise and smell associated with the early petrol cars.

The Woods vehicles ran almost silently. The initial model, known as the Hansom Cab , was propelled by a thirty-five-horsepower motor mounted atop the rear axle. Though the folks at Woods had not yet managed to eliminate the slightly clanging chain drive, they were successful at convincing local buyers that near-silence was most certainly golden.

The major disadvantage of the Woods Electric was a short driving range, only about seventy-five miles. The owner was then forced to plug in the cable of the charger in order to restore the batteries to full power. The power packs, typically composed of twenty-seven to thirty cells, had the added inconvenience of taking up an enormous amount of space beneath the car's seats and rear deck.

The Woods designers attempted to solve the space problem in 1903 when they introduced the four-seat Tonneau model. The Tonneau's steep, nicely rounded hood closely resembled that of a gasoline-powered automobile and provided far more room for placement of bulky storage batteries.

A maximum speed of twenty-five miles per hour, coupled with a short driving range, did not prevent people from purchasing a Woods Electric for intracity jaunts. The company's advertisement portrayed a well-dressed woman sitting proudly at the tiller with no stubborn gears to change or engine to crank.

Price was the factor that eventually pushed the Woods Motor Vehicle Company out of business, since its cars cost nearly forty-five hundred 56

dollars. During the summer of 1917, however, Woods proved that it was not yet ready to give in to low sales, when it introduced one of the most intriguing automobiles ever designed. Known aptly as the Dual Power, the new model housed two entirely distinct power sources: a Lwelvehorsepower, four-cylinder Continental Gasoline engine and an auxiliary standard electric motor.

The maximum speed was thirty-five miles per hour whenever the driver opted lo use both engines simultaneously. As costs continued to rise, however, the v\Toods firm was forced to file for bankruptcy just two year later.

In early 1 goo, the Friedman Automobile Company, situated at 3 East Van Buren Street, placed an advertisement in automobile journals throughout the Midwest: Try it and you will buy it. ... The Friedman Road Wagon, point for point, is the equal o! any gasoline automobile sold in the U .. for$ 1,200, and is the only machine equipped with a Double Cylinde1Four Cycle Balanced Engine that retails fo1-less than that amount. They will climb any grade up to 30 % and develop any speed up to 30 miles per hour.

Absolute and instantaneous control. Every engine guaranteed to develop six horse-power. Our price this year is ·750.

Friedman was the first automobile maker in America that could offer a warranty for one full year. After all, the machine's flat twincylinder, four-stroke engine, which sat comfortably beneath the driver's seat, possessed few moving parts and could readily be repaired by even the most unskilled mechanic. But Friedman kept its doors open for just three seasons.

Yesterday'sCity

Some ca11iage makers substituted horsepowerfo r horse with few other changes i11the vehicle. Opj,osite: The electric runabouts by the American Electric Vehicle Company and Holsman Automobile Company show a strongfa11lil y resemblance to horse-drawn carriages. Left: Thefamily of 19 ro rode in a11automobile mon! closely resembling itsmodemday descendants. Below: The Chicagofac/01y for the Holsman runabout, one of the most success ful of the cal1'iagestyle autos until im/Jroved road swf acesmade their high wheels unnecessary.

One auto enthusiast of the day, Colonel Albert Pope, noted, "You can't get people to sit over an explosion." The folks at Friedman found it difficult to compete with other "less dangerous " designs of the early 1 goos.

One of the most neglected aspe cts of American automobile history is that a limited number of four-wheelers were constructed with carriage or wagon-style bodies originall y designed for horse-drawn vehicles. One of the most famous high-wheelers, produced by the Holsman Automobile Company, led the midwestern sales market because ofHolsman 's longstanding reput ation as a respected wagon maker.

Initially exhibited in late 1 902, the Holsman automobile was an immediate success with area

farmer s, rural mail carriers , and country physicians. The body 's height off the ground enabled the vehicle to operate without problems along the region's most rugged roadways. Buyers had their choice of a two-seat runabout and a larger , four-seat surrey. The enormous wood-spoked wheels , which measured forty-eight inches in diameter in the rear and forty-four inches up front, were outfitted with solid rubber tires 1.75 inches in width. The wheelbase of different models varied from sixty-five to seventy-five inches, and there were four all -steel elliptical springs providing a "smooth ride. " The Holsman body was of typical piano -box style. There also was a smaller box situated in front of the dash for storage purposes. Its patent-

57

Chicago Histmy, Winter 1994-9 5

leather fenders acted as a catchall for water , mud, and other debris thrown up by the wheels, and its folding victoria top protected the occupants from foul weather. The company's advertisement, nationally published in 1908, promised: High wheels travel all roads because all roads are made to be traveled by high wheels .... Here is a high grade motor carriage at a most unusual price, made by the oldest, largest , and most practical manufacturer of carriage automobiles in the world .. ..Winner in Algonquin Hill Climb; first and second place motor buggy clas .. . . Greatest hill climbing event in America.

The very characteristic body style that made the Holsman automobiles popular throughout the country proved to be their downfall. As roads improved, there was no longer a demand for a spindly, belt-driven high-wheele1~The firm ceased building automobiles after the 1909 season.

In high-wheeler competition with Holsman was a crosstown rival known as the Black Manufacturing Company, located at 1 24 East Ohio Street. Black's unique version, introduced in 1903, was powered by a ten-horsepower , twocylinde1~ air-cooled engine, which incorporated a chain drive in the place ofHolsman 's standard belts. Black's first advertisements in auto journals, including Chicago's Molo cycle Maga zin e, attempted to lure business from Holsman by stressing speed, cost, economy, and appearance: Speed! I guess yes! $375 to S450-and economy, too, in the Black Motor Runabout. 'fraYels any road-up hills, through mud. 2 to 25 miles per hour. 30 miles on one gallon of gasoline . . .. No tire troubles, safe, reliable, handsome.

In 1909, Black unveiled a much larger fourcylinder model, which had been constructed with the technical assistance of the Chicagobased Crow Motor Car Company. The public, however, was not impressed with the so-called Black Crow, and sales fell to an all-time low. It was apparent that the days of the high-wheeled motor buggy were ending as new, paved roads were constructed.

During the same year that the Black Manufacturing Company opened, James A. Charter

58

Yesterday'sCity

Partici/1antsin the VanderbiltAuto Race held in Crown Point, Ji1[lia11 a in 1909.

59

ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5 introduced one of the most unusual engines of the day. Promising to address "any and all future gasoline shortages," he made the amazing boast that the Charter Water-Gasoline Car could operate on a combination of the two liquids. Gasoline vapor and atomized water were drawn simultaneously into the cylinder by the piston and mixed at a fifty-fifty ratio. When the charge reached the super-heated chamber, the water was instantly changed into steam. The result , according to Charter, was a "longer and softer explosion."

Whether or not the Charter actually lived up to its billing was irrelevant to its success, since most Chicagoans found the claim to be "absolute ly impossib le." The unique Charter automobile, however, possessed other promotable features . They included an extremely stylish rear-entrance tonneau body design, folding seats up front for immediate access to the en gine, and a pair of storage compartments on each side. One of the Chaner 's most intriguing characteristics was the absence of a conventional temperature gauge. Such a device was "totally

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At the price of the average good driving learn and top buggy we are offering the 14 horse power Sears$ 395 ! A car can be left standing without running away when the band plays, or when the nies are bad, or when a train goes by, or when a newspaper blows aero the street. No sympathy necessary for leaving it out in the rain or cold, and it will be your umbrella , taking you home just as cheerfully in a pouring rain as in sunshine. Keep it out late at night if you like, the Humane Societywon't interfere; drive it uphill as fast as you like, it won't get tired or out of wind ; coast down hill as fast as you dare, it won't stumble; keep it going twenty-four hours a day if you like, it never sleeps!

Within a few months, the Sears slogan "Going, alway going'· became a household motto.

The company began to claim that its units were actually worth between $600 and $850; discount pricing was possible because of extremely low overhead-it had no expensive salesman to feed or outside advertising to purchase. Sears stayed

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unnecessary, " claimed the company's owner: since the engine was nestled beneath lhe seals , the driver could always tell when things were getting overheated!

While Charter was developing and promoting this unproven method of mixing water with gasoline, other local inventors were experimenting with kerosene, compressed air, gravity, and springs. None of these ideas , howeve1~was ever developed into an acceptable means of automobile propulsion .

For several years , even Sears, Roebuck and Company sold automobiles through its mailorder catalog . The Sears car was available in nine different models between 1905 and 1 g 11.

Constructed by a subsidiary firm , the Lincoln Motor Car Works of Chicago , the Sears car was primarily aimed at the lower-priced market.

Average cost ranged from $325 (for a twopassenger model without top or fenders) to $475.

Sears boasted that its designs were the "lowest in original cost-lowest in upkeep cost." Soon , the company's sales promotions began to employ an intriguing contrast with horse-drawn vehicles:

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Leftand opposite:In addition lo accessoriesfor the driver and parts for the ca,; Sears, Roebuck sold whole automobiles by mail between 1905 and 1911.

Yesterday'sCity

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SLW.ROEBlJCK.&,CO ClHCllC1$~GOt 61

Chicago History, Winter 1994-9 5 Left: The successof the Ford Motor Company's assembly line hastened the elimination of many small automobile man ufl 1cturersfim11the market.

Below: The motor of a Holsman, which disapjJeared from the seen/' in r909. Right, top lo bottom:More successful automobiles- the 1904 Oldsmobile, the r908 Buick, the 19r0 Cadillac, lhe r912 Hudso11 , andth e r9r4 Hujnnobile.

in the competitive automobile game for six years. The company developed one gimmick that was unmatched by any other makers: a lenient sales policy that actually offered a free ninety-day trial period.

All Sears models had solid rubber tires and two-cylinder, horizontally opposed, air-cooled engines as standard equipment. The cars were steered by a left-handed tiller and had kerosene running lights on each side. With a wheelbase measuring a scant six feet and a tread of four-and-a-half feet, a Sears car weighed in at approximately one thousand pounds. For an extra fifteen dollars the buyer could add a speedometer to the package. For a slightly higher price, the customer had the option of choosing an ingenious "friction-drive " transmission over the more conventional chains. But unhappy customers soon discovered that there was a trick to handling Lhe innovative transmission system . Without unwavering care, the friction band that rotated again t the car's huge flywheel would break due to rapid wear. In fact, if the driver happened to be "foot heavy " and carelessly engaged the clutch while driving, wear and tear equivalent to that from hundreds of miles of normal operation occurred almost instantaneously .

The good qualities of the Sears automobile outshined the bad, however. Under ideal conditions for example, it could travel up to 150 miles on a full tank of gas, at a steady cruising speed of about eighteen miles per hour.

62

During its brief stint as a car maker, the company sold nearly four thousand uni Ls. The Sears automobiles , however, could not compete with lower priced , more modern Model T Fords , and in 1911 the company discontinued the line.

Sears made another attempt to sell cars Lhrough its calalog in 1952, with a model known as Lhe Allstate, but found thal the public had no interest in purchasing cars sight unseen.

In early 1913, the Panin Manufacturing Company opened its doors at 29 South LaSalle Street in Chicago . Thal year 's model was a large six-seater powered by a six-cylinder ~ Lhirty-eighthorsepower Rutenber engine and priced to ell at a reasonable $975 .00 . Partin joined forces with the Palmer Motor Car Company later that same year. The new Partin-Palmer Compan y designed two distinct models. The larger version, dubbed the Partin-Palmer 38, housed a six-cylinder

Yesterday'sCity Mason engine and carried five passengers comfortably.

Howeve1~the Partin-Palmer 20 model far outsold the larger version. It offered three speeds forward, a speedomete1~ and uniquely fashioned wooden wheels all for the low price of$495. Two of its oddest features were advertised as "a llnew electrical equipment with eight-candle lighting ability" and "a steering column as long as a giraffe's neck. " Partin-Palmer 's 1914 advertising did not emphasize subtlety: You said it would come-a powerful, light, stylish, quality car . . .. This car will be a revolution to you . 1o other ca1-at anywhere near the price offers a fullfloating rear axle and such extraordinary value throughout .... For pleasure or for business, this handsome high-grade car has no equal-it is built to meet the demands of the thousands.

Partin-Palmer was unsuccessful in convincing "thousands" with its straightforward advertising angle. It was swallowed up by the Commonwealth Automobile Manufacturing Company in 1917.

The Roaring Twenties brought renewed interest in the sagging automobile business, which had suffered from supply shortages during World War I. In Chicago, the HamlinHolmes Motor Company introduced a grandiose scheme to produce cars with "front-wheel drive. " The first Hamlin-Holmes, resembling the Model T Ford, was constructed in early 1919. Thereafter, pilot models appeared on an annual basis in a variety of body styles and engine capacities. Each was designed for test purposes only. In 1923 , Hamlin-Holmes decided to produce a touring model. At least that 's what the company claimed it was going to do; actual production of the car failed to materialize.

After years of planning, a sleek HamlinHolmes Roadster was entered in the 1926 Indianapolis 500; it failed to place. That particular model housed two axle systems, which allowed all of its weight to rest on what company officials referred to as the "dea d axle." An exceptionally low center of gravity, achieved by moving both axles closer to ground level , now became the m,~or selling point of the vehicle.

After the "Holmes" portion of the marque was dropped, Hamlin did eventually produce a 63

Chicago History, Winter 1994-95

ture aircraft engines during World War II. He raised capital by offering dealer franchises and stock to the public. Rumors that the Tucker Torpedo was nothing more than a dream machine were temporarily laid to rest by Tom McCahill, a respected automotive writer of the times: The car is real dynamite! I want to go on record right here and now as saying that it is the most amazing American car I have ever seen; . .. its performance is out of this world .. . . It steer and handles better than any other American car I have driven. As to roadability, it's in a class by itself.

The well-dressed automobiledriver in r9r 5.

front-drive model in 1930. It was a four-door sedan with a slanted radiator hidden beneath horizontal hood louvres. Shortly thereafter the firm was declared financially in olvent. o automotive history of Chicago would be complete without mention of the Tucker Torpedo, designed and constructed by Preston T. Tucker. Labeled the "Car of Tomorrow," the 1946 Tucker incorporated safety features never before seen, including disc brakes, padded dash, a front passenger "crash compartment," and a pop-out windshield. Other features introduced in the 1948 version were an aerodynamic design, rear-mounted engine, independent suspension under all four fenders, doors extending into the roof for easy exit and entry, and a third headlight that turned in unison with the front wheels.

Tucker's ambition was to produce a welldesigned automobile that was free of Detroit's "stodgy cliches." Tucker leased a large government building that had been used to manufac64

The Securities and Exchange Commission was not impressed, however, charging Tucker with thirty-one counts of fraud and theft, claiming that he never intended to mass-produce the car and duped his financial investors. Tucker was vindicated in 1950, but the press had already found him guilty. Hi Torpedo became a mere footnote in the history of American automobiles.

Although Detroit eventually become the center of American automobile production, the early Chicago manufacturers played an important role in automotive history. They offered Chicagoans a thing they most desired during the first half of the twentieth century-personal mobility.

Illustration Credits 52 top left, CHS, ICHi-05396; 52 bottom left, CHS, DN 50 ,842; 52-53 , CHS, ICHi-24736; 54, From Personal Side Lights of America 's First Automobile Race (Larchmont, N.Y.: Privately published, 1945); 55, from PersonalSide Lights of America's Fir t Automobile Race, 1945 (Larchmont, N.Y.: Privately published, 1945); 56 left, CHS, ICHi-24734; 56 right, CHS, ICHi-24737; 57 top, CHS, G1980.186.51; 57 bottom, CHS Library; 58-59, CHS, ICHi-55215; 60, CHS Library; 61, CHS Library; 62 top and bottom, from A Pictorial History of the Automobile ( 1ew York: The Viking Press, 1953), CHS Library; 64, CHS Library.

Index

Index to Volume 23 This index includes author, title, and subject entries.

Illustrations are indicated in italics. If a subject is illustrated and discussed on the same page, the illustration is not separately indicated.

Compiled by Lesley Martin

A Abrams, Floyd, and ACLU, 2:8 ACL , See American Civil Liberties Union Accardo, Tony, l: 14 Administration Building , World's Columbian Exposition, 2:53 Adonis.Joe, 1:13 Advertising: of World's Columbian Exposition, 2:44-57; use of painted signs, 2: 46, 4 7; of civic celebrations, 2:48-49; of Chicago, 2:51-52. See also Posters.

Affirmative action, 2: 16 African Americans: relationship to Jews , 2:4-19; Great Migration 2:6, 12, 14; depiction in films, 2: 15-17 ; slave trade, 2: 12-14 ; and baseball, 3:36-51. See also Civil rights movement; Lynchings; Racism Alaskan Stampede, at Chicago Coliseum, I :72 Albany Morning Press,on Christian Science, I: 19 AMA. See American Muni cipa l Association AmericanArchitectand Building News, on churc h architecture, 1:16 American Civil Liberties Union, 2:8 American Elecu·ic Vehicle Company, 3:56 American Giants. See Chicago American Giants American Municipal Association, I :9 Anson's Colts (baseball team), 3:37 Anti- emitism: in popular press, I :49; growth of, 2: I 0-l l , 18; decline of 2: 16 Arcadia Roller Rink, I :72 Architecture: classical, I: 18, 21, 22, 24-25; gothic, 1:27-28; prairie, 1:30; of Christian Science churches, I: 16-31 Argyle Street, 3:24-25, 26-28, 29, 30-31, 34-35 Armory Rink , I :72 Armory Show, See Jntemational Exhibitionof ModernArt Arnold, C.D., photographs of World's Columbian Exposition, 2:50, 51 Art, See InternationalExhibitionof ModernArt; Art Institute of Chicago; School of the A.rt Institut e; names of individual artists and schoo ls of art An Institute of Chicago: and commercial art, 2:54; and /11/emalional Exhibitionof ModernArt, 2:58, 64, 65. See also choo l of the A.rt Institut e Arthur, Aldis T., and International Exhibitionof ModernA1t, 2:64 Arvcy, Alderman.Jake, 1:10 Ashcan School, influenced by World's Columbian Exposition art ists, 2:54

Atwood, Charles C., designs Palace of Fine Arts, World's Columbian Exposition, 2:50 Auburn Park, 3:37 Auditorium Building, as home to Chicago First Church of Christ, Scientist, I :25 Automobiles, manufactured in Chicago, 3:52-64. See also names of individual makes of automobile

B Baldwin,.James, 2:15 Ball, Walter, 3:42 Baptists , and University of Chicago, 3: I 0-13, 15 Barbara, .Joseph , 1: 15 "Barba rian s in Our Cities," speech, by Virgil W. Peterson, 1:9-10 BarbariaminourMidst, by Virgil Peterson, 1:15, 71 Barkhausen, Carl, 1:29 Barnum, P.T., on World's Columbian Exposition, 1 :34 Barnum & Bailey's circus, posters of, 2:47-48 Bas, Marvin.J. , 1:14 Baseball, and African Americans, 3:36-51 Bellow, Saul, 2: 15 Beman, Solon Spencer: as architect of Christian Science Churches, I :21-31; early career of, I :24; and World's Columbian Exposition, 1:24; and town of Pullman 1:24-25 Be1~amin,.Judah P., 2:5 Black Manufacturing Company, 3:58, 60 Black Muslims. See Nation ofislam Blum ,.Jero me, 2:71 Bonney, Charles C., 1:23, 24 Booker.James "Pete," 3:43, 45 Bootlegging, and organized crime, I :4 Boxing, at Chicago Coliseum, I :71-72 Boy Scouts of America, 3 :32 Bradley, Will, illusu-ations , 2:54, 55 Bran cusi, Constantin, Mlle. Pogany(sculpture), 2:60, 61 Briggs , Claire, cartoons by, 2:67, 68 Brigham, Charles, I :27 Brooklyn Bridge, publicity for opening, 2:48 Brown, Mordecai "T hree-Finger, " 3:39 Brown v. Boardof Education, 2:8 Bryan , William Jennings, and "cross of gold" speech, l :60 Buddhist Family Club, 3:32 "Building a New Religion ," article, by Paul Eli Ivey, I: 16-31 Burnham, Daniel, and World 's Columbian Exposition, I :24; and City Beautiful Movement, I :29 Burnham Plan. See Plan of Chicago Burrough ,.J.C., and Chicago University, 3: 10-11 , 13 Busse, Mayor Fred, I :71

C Cambodian immigrants , 3:26 Camp Douglas, 3: 12 Capone, Al, I :4, 7, 9

65

ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5 Ca pone syndicat e: l :4.; an d graft, I :6, 9, l l ; an d national connec tio ns , l :9, 13 Carpeme1; Newton 1-1., and /11/emationalExhibitio11 of Modem Ari, 2:64 Ca rs. See aut omobi les "Cartoon Commentary," photographic essay, by Jerold].

Savory, I :32-57 Castaigne, Andre, 2:54 Catholic Youth (organi zation), 3:32 Chabas, Paul , SeptemberMorn, 2:64, 65 Chaney,James, 2:8 , 9 Charles, J effrey, "La nd and Learning," articl e, 3:4-2 1 Charter,James A, and Chaner Water-Gasoline Ca r, 3 :60 Chavez, Cesar, at Chicago Co liseum, I :72 Cheret,Jules, 2:48 Chicago American Giams (baseba ll team), 3:36, 37, 50 Chicago and Milwauk ee Railroad, a nd Evanston, 3:6, 7 Chicago Baseba ll League, 3:37 Chic ago Black H awks, at Chi cago Coliseum, I :64 Chicago Coliseum : I :58-59; origi ns as Libby Prison Museum , 1:61-62 ; co nstru ction deaths, I :63-64; Chicago Coliseum Company , I :63; conve ntion s in , I :64, 65-67; sporting eve n ls in , I :64 , 7 I ; mno shows, 1:64, 68, 69; First Ward Balls, 1:68; during \\' or ld War II , 1:72; rock concerts , 1:72 ; politica l rallies, I :72; acqui red by Soka-Gakkai Int ernat ional USA, I :72 Chicago Crime Co mmi ssion : form ation and purp ose of, l :6; Virgil Peterson becomes director, 1:6; investigat ive work, l :7-9 ; and Kefa uver hear ing s on o rgani zed cr ime, 1:13- 15. See also Peterson, Virgil Chicago Cubs: ca rtoons of2:66, 67; and Negro Leag ues 3:37, 39 ChicagoDaily News: on William J ennin gs Bryan , 1:60; coverage of Negro Leag ue s, 3:36-5 1 Chicago Day Celebration, 2:45 ChicagoEvening Post:on ded ication of First Church of Christ, Scientist, 1:21 ; on Intemational Exhibitionof Modem Art, 2:61 ChicagoExaminer on InternationalExhibitionof Modem Art, 2 :61 Chicago Giants (basebal l tea m ), 3:37, 39 Chicago Histori ca l Societ y, and Char les Gunther. 1:62-63 Chicagof11teri01; on church architecture , l : 16 Chicagolnler-Ocean, on International Exhibitiona/Modern Art, 2:58, 61, 71 ChicagoNews, on organized crim e, I :4 Chi cago Public chools: and Vietnamese immigrants, 3:24, 25-26. See also names of individual schools ChicagoRecord-Herald, on Inlemational Exhibitionof Modern Ari, 2:59, 60-61, 64 Chicago Times-Herald:on Chri stian Science, I: 19-20 , 26; sponsors 1895 auto mob ile race, 3:53-55 Chicago Society of Artists, 2:71 ChicagoTribune: canoons of World's Co lumbi an Exposition, I :35, 40, 48; on riot al Chicago Coliseum , I :71 ; on International Exhibition of Modem Art, 2: 60, 61, 63-64 , 65-71, 72; on Chicago University , 3: 11, 13; on

66

1o rthwestern Un iversity's downwwn cam pu s, 3: 18- 19; o n proposal to merge o nhw es tern and Un ivers ity of Chicago, 3: 19 Chicago Un ions (baseba ll team ), 3 :37 Ch icago Un iversity. See Univers ity of Ch icago, old Chicago White Sox , and egro baseball leagues, 3:37, 49 Chicago Zephyrs (bas ketba ll team) , at Chicago Co liseum , 1:64 "C hi cago's l lorseless Ca ni ages," Yesterd ay's City, by Loui s Schafer , 3:52-64 "C hi cago's Negro Leagues ," phowgraphic essay, by Linda Ziemer, 3:36-5 1 Chri stia n Science. See Ch ur ch ofCh ri l , tie nti , t ChristianSciencej ournal, I : 19, 29 Chur ch of Chri st, Scientist: chur ch buildings , I : 16-17, 20, 22-24, 26-31; found ed, I : 18; grow th of, I : 18, 2 1; beliefs, I: I 8- 19, 24; and women , I : 19; and businessmen, I : 19, 2 1; and Chi cago as demographic center of, I :2 1; Mother Chur ch , Boston , I :20, 2 1; and World's Parliament of Religion s, I :22-23; and wealth , I :29 Chur che, , architecture of, I : 16-3 1. See also nam es o f individual denominations and chur ch es Circu s posters, 2:--17-48 City Bea utiful movement: and Chri stia n Science, I :29; publicit)' for, 2:49 Civil rights movement, 2:6, 8, I 8 Civil \\'ar, and Chicago niversit) ', 3: 12 Cleve lan d, President Grover, open, \\'or iel'; Co lumbi an Expos ition , 1:35 Coan, M. Blair, and hlternationalExhibitionof ModernAri, 2:65 Cody, " Buffalo Bill," at Chicago Co liseu m , I :6-1 Co lleges. See names of individual instituti on s Co lman , Cary l, 2:54 "Co lored Peop le's Day," World 's Co lumbi an Exposition , I :35, 5 1, 52-53 The ColumbianOde, by Ha rriet Monroe , 2:5.J, 55 Commonwea lth Automobile Manufacturing Company, 3:63 Commu nists, I: I I , 15 Community Econom ic Development Project, 3:28 Conventio n s: Bull Moose , I :6.J; Democrat ic, I :60, 72; Rep ubli can, I :64, 65-67; professional organiLations, I :72; 2:52 "Co nventio ns and Curi os ities," Yes terday's City, by Adam Langer , I :58-72 Coste llo gang, and n at io nal conn ectio ns, I : 13 Coug hlin , "Bath house j ohn ": and graf t, 1:4; and First Ward Balls, 1:68, 71 Co urt of H onor, World 's Co lumbi an Expos ition, 2:5 / Cox, Kenyon, 2:54 Cram, Ralph Adams, on classical arc hit ecture and Ch ri stian Science, I :30 Crawford, J ohn , and Libb y Prison Mu seum , I :6 1 Crime, orga ni zed : durin g Prohibiti on, I :4; Lies lO politician s, I: 4, 6, 8; and gambling, I :4; and bootlegging, I :4; and nat ion al conn ect ion s, I :9- 11; Kefa uver he arings on , 1:13- 15 Crim e, street: against immi grants, 3:24-26

Ind ex "Critiquin g Cubi sm ," Yeste rday's City, by Rand olph Ploo g, 2 :58- 72 The CrooksGet all the Breoks,by Virgil Peterson, I :11 Crow Motor Car Comp any, 3:58 The Cm cial Decadeand Afler:America J 9-15-1960, by Eric Go ldm an, 1:13 Cub an Stars (base ball tea m), 3:37, 49 Cub an X Giant s (ba seball team ), 3:4 1 Cubi st art: 2:61, 62, 63-64 , 71 ; satire of, 2:67-69, 72 Culver, Helen, donates real estate LO University of Chicago, 3: 15

D Dancing, al Edgewater Beac h 1-lo tcl, 2:2 1 Dao, Zun g, 3:28 Dawson, Ma nierre, on l nlernational Exhibition of Modem Ari, 2:58 Depr e sion, of 1930s: effect on U niversity of Chicago, 3 : 16- 17; and North western 's downt own campu s, 3: 18- 19 Dewey, William A., man ages Edgewater Beach H otel, 2:22 Douglas, Steph en: 3:13; do nate land for Chicago U niversity, 3: 10- 12 Douglas H all, al Chicago University, 3: 12, / 3 Douglass, Frederick, and World 's Co lumbi an Exposition , 1:5 1 Dove, Arthur , 2:71 Driving Miss Daisy (movie), 2: 16- 17 Drur y, William, 1: 14 DuBois, \V.E.B., 2:5 Duchamp, Marcel, Ni,de Descending a Staircase,2:58, 62, 63, 64-65,68 Dunnin g, N. Ma x, 1:29 Dut)'ea, Frank , wins 1895 automobile race, 3:55

E Earle, Lawrence, 2:54 Edd )', Art hur J ero me, and lntenw tional Exhibitionof Modem Art, 2:65 Edd y. Mat)' Baker, I :18; Scienceand Health, l :2 1, 30 "Th e Edgewater Beac h Hotel,.. ph otographi c essay, 2:20-1 3 Edu cation . See names of individual schoo ls and scho ol systems, co lleges and univ ersities Eighth Chur ch of Chri st, Scienti st, I :30-3 1 Electricity, 2:46 Ellison , Ralph , 2: 15 Engrav ing,, halfw ne, 2:46 Evans.J ohn : he lps foun d No nh" estern Universil)', 3:.J, 6, 7: and real estate speculation, 3:6, 7 Evan Lon : and onhw eslern Universit ·, 3:4- 10, 20-2 1; and liquor ban, 3: IO; Foum ain Squ are, 3: / 0- 1 J Et1amlon Review, on p roposed merge r of No rthw estern University and University of Chicago , 3:20 Everlei gh, Ada and Minn a, I :68 Ewing, Ch arles, 3: 16 Exodu., (woo d engraving), b)' Isac Friedland er, 2:/ 8

F Farr akhan, Louis, 2: 16 First Bapti st Chur ch, 3: I 0- 11 First Chur ch of Chri st, Scientist, I :23, 25-26 Fischeui , Charles, I: 13, 14 Ford Motor Comp any, 3:55, 62 Forepaugh, Adam , 2:47-48 Foster, And rew " Rube," 3:3 7, 39, 48, 49 Fourth Chur ch of Chri st, Scienti st, I :27 Frank , Leo, lynchin g of, 2:5, 6 Fre nch, William M. R., and lnternalional Exhibition of Modern Ari, 2:64 Friedland er, Isac, Exodus (woo d engraving), 2: / 8 Friedm an Automobile Comp any, 3:5 6- 57 " From the Editor," Claudi a Lamm Woo d , 1:3 Frost, Charles, des igns Chicago Coliseum , I :63 Futuri st an , 2:6 1, 65

G Ga mblin g, and orga nized crim e, 1:4, 8 Gambling: Should ii be Legalized?, by Virgil Peterson , I: I 5 Gangs. See Crim e, orga ni zed Garde n, Hu gh M., as arc hit ect of Chri stian Science chur ches, I :26, 29 Gatewoo d, Bill, 3:36-37, 50 Gaugin, Paul, in lnlernationalExhibition of Modem Art, 2:61 Gibson, Charles Dan a, drawin gs ofWorld 's Columbian Exposition , I :46-47 Gibson, W. I lam iito n, on anti cipation of World 's Co lumbi a n Expo ition, 2:5 1 Go ldm an, Eric, The Crucial DecadeandAfl er: America 1945- 1960, I: 13 Good man, Andr ew, 2:8, 9 Goodri ch, Grant : 3:6; helps found s orthw estern University, 3:4; amends charter , 3: I 0 Goree Island , Senega l, and slave trad e, 2: I 2-1 3 Gra ft, in Chicago, l :4, 6, 8 Graham, Charles: 2:5-1; painting of World 's Columbian Exposition Admini stration Buildin g, 2:53 Grange r, Alfred, designs Chicag o Coliseum , I :63 Gray, W.H., and Libby Prison Museum , I :61 Grea t Migra tion, 2:6, 12, 14 Gree nbaum , H enry, 3: 13 Gree nberg, Douglas, "An Un easy Alliance," articl e, 2:4-19 Gree nberg, J ack, and Brown v. the Board of Education, 2 :8 Gregg, Frederick.James, on Chicago rea ction to lnternalional Exhibition of Modern Art, 2 :71 Grey, Elmer, and archit ectur e of Chri stian science churches , I :28-29, 30 Gunth e,; Charles F.: moves Libby Civil \\'ar Prison to Chicago, I :6 1; collections of, I :62-63; converts Libby Prison to Chicago Coliseum, I :63; and semi pr o baseball tea m, 3:49 Gumh ers (baseball tea m), 3:37, 49 Gurn ee, Walter, 3:6, 11

67

ChicagoHistory, Winter 1994-9 5

H Hamlin-Holmes Motor Company, 3:63-64 Harper, William Rainey, and creation of University of Chicago, 3: 15 Harper'sByline, on Christian Science, I: 18 Harris, Nathan, 3:47 Harris, Neil, "Dream Making," article, 2:44-57 Harrison, Mayor Carter I, caricature of, l :38 Harrison, Mayor Carter Il, and hiternational Exhibitionof ModernArt, 2:65 Hassam, Childe, 2:54 Heaton, I-1.R., cartoons ofWorld's Columbian Exposition,

l:35, 40, 48 Henning, Arthur Sears, on deaths in Chicago Coliseum construction, l :63-64 Hertel Company, 3:55 Higinbotham, Harlow, caricature of, l :38 Hill,J. Preston "Pete," 3:49 Hip Sing (Chinese Association), and Argyle Street, 3:26-27, 30-31 Hmong immigrants, 3:26 Hodgdon, Charles, 1 :29 Hoffman, Dennis E., "Watchdog on Crime," article, l :4-15 Hol man Automobile Company, 3:56, 57-58, 62 Hoove1; J . Edgar, I : 15 Hopkins, George, 3:38 Horses, as transportation, 3:52-53 Hoyne, Thomas, and Chicago University law school, 3: 12-13 Hutchins, Robert Maynard, and proposal to merge University of Chicago and Northwestern University, 3:19-20 Hutchinson, Charles L., as u·ustee of the University of Chicago, 3:15 Hyde, Harris, 3:38 Hyde Park (Chicago neighborhood), and University of Chicago, 3:4, 15-18, 20

I Ianelli, Alfonso, and Midway Gardens, 2:72 Illinois State Senate's Vice Commission, on International Exhibitionof ModernArt, 2:65 Immigrants . See individual nationalities lmpressionist art, 2:61 The Inland Printer,2 :52 Intergovernmental Committee for Migration , 3:26 InternationalExhibitionof ModernArt: al An Institute of Chicago, 2:58, 64, 65; Chicago's reaction to, 2:58-72 IronAge (magazine), on deaths in construction of Chicago Coliseum, I :63-64 Irwin, Bill, 3:38 Ivey, Paul Eli, "Building a New Religion," article, 1: 16-31

J Jackson, William, photographer of World's Columbian Exposition, 2:50 Jackson Park, as site of World 's Columbian Exposition, 2:50

68

Jazz Singer,and racism, 2 : 15 Jefferson, Thomas, and abolition of slave trade , 2: 13 .Jeffries, Leonard , 2: 16 Jennings, William Angie,; Sanctumy, engraving, 2:19 Jews: relationship with African American , 2:4-19; migration from Europe, 2:6, 9-10, 14; life in America, 2: 11-12. See also Anti-Semitism; Civil rights movement John on, Gem·ge "Chappie," 3:39 Jones , William, and Chicago University, 3: 12 Jones, Willis, 3:38 Judge (comic magazine) , 1:33, 34, 40

K Kefauver, Senator Estes: 1:J 2, and hearings on organiLed crime, 1:11, 13-15 Kelly, Mayor Edwa1·dj.: l:10; and Capone syndicate 1:6,8 Kenna, Michael "Hinky Dink ": and graft, I :4; and First Ward Balls, 1 :68, 71 Keppler.Joseph, cartoons of World's Columbian Exposition, I :32, 38-39, 41, 44-45, 55 Kimball , C.P., 3:55 King , Martin LmherJr ., 2:8, 17, 18 Kohlsaat , Herman H., sponsors I 95 automobile race, 3:53-55 Ku Klux Klan , 2:5, 10

L "Land and Learning ," article, by Jeffrey Charle,, 3:4-21 Landon, Herman, on fntematio11alExhibit1011 of Modem Art, 2:59, 60-61 Langer , Adam, "Yesterday's City: Conventions and Curiosities," I :58-72 Lansky, Meyer , I: 13 Laotian immigrants, 3:26 Latham , Mrs. Helen Babcock, on proposed merger of Northwestern University and University of Chicago, 3:20 Le, goan, 3:28 Le family, 3:27 Leibowitz, Samuel, defend Scottsboro Boys, 2:5 Leland, Frank , 3:37, 39 Leland Giants (baseball team), 3:37, 38, 39, 44-45, 49 Lincoln Giants (baseball team) , 3:39, 51 Libby Civil War Prison, 1:61 Libby Prison Museum , 1:61-62 Licensing, and World 's Columbian Exposition, 2:55 Life (comic magazine ): I :33; on World 's Columbian Exposition I :34 Lincoln Motor Car Work , manufactures automobiles for Sea1·s, 3:60 Linotype machines , 2:46 Lion Dance, 3:30, 31 Ludington , Colonel, 3:55 Lunt, On-ington, helps found Northwestern University, 3:4, 6 Lynchings , 2:5 , 6, 7, 14 Lytle, Clarence, 3:38, 39

Index

M McCahill, Tom, on Tuckerlorpedo, 3:64 McCauley, Lena May, on lnlenwlional Exhibitionof Modern Ari, 2:61 McCormick Place , replaces Chicago Coliseum as site of convent ions, 1:72 McCutcheon,Jolrn T., cartoons by, 1:9; 2:67, 68, 69 McGrath, Attorney General J. Howard, 1: 11 McWilliams, Roy, and futurist costume party, 2:71 Mlle. Pogany(scu lptur e), by Constantin Brancusi, 2:60, 61 Mafia, See Crime, organ ized Malamud, Bernard , 2: 15 " Mama's Ange l Chi ld ," by Penny Ross, 2:70, 71 Mandel Brothers Department Store, and Cubist an, 2:71,

19-20; professional schools, 3:12, 18-19 ; downtown campus, 3: 18-19; proposed merger with University of Chicago, 3: I 9-21 Noyes, La Verne, 3: 15 Nude Descendinga Staircase,by Marcel Duchamp , 2:58, 62, 63, 6+-65,68

0 O 'Brien, T h omasj: sher iff Cook County, I :10; and organized crime, 1:6 Opper, Fred , cartoons of World 's Columbian Exposition ,

I :36-37, 52-53

p

72 Marketing. See Advertising Marshall, Benjamin, designs Edgewater Beach Hotel, 2:21 Matisse, Henri, and f nle-rnalionalExhibitionof Modern Ari, 2:66 Mekong Restaurant , 3:30 Merchant Tailors' Building , World's Co lumbian Exposition, 1:24 ,25 Metcalf, Willard, 2 :54 Methodists, and Northwestern University, 3:-1, 6 Midway Gardens, 2:72 Miller , "Cannonball" Joe, 3:37 Mo' Beller Blues (movie), and charges of anti-Semitism, 2 :15-16 Monroe, Harriet, The ColumbianOde, 2:54, 55; on fnlernalio,wl Exhibitionof ModernAri, 2 :60, 61, 63-64 Moran, Thomas, 2:49 Morelli, Fred, buys Chicago Coliseum, I :72 Mortimer, Lee, on organized crime, I: 10 MolocycleMagazine, 3:58 Mott, Frank Luther, on Puck, I :33 Muelle1~ Oscar B., 3:55

N NAACP, See ational Association for the Advancement of Colored People Nash, Patrick: chairman Cook County Democratic Central Committee, I :10, and Capone syndicate, l :6 Nation of Islam, at Chicago Coliseum, 1:72 Nat ional Association for the Advancement of Co lored People, 2:5, 7; protests support of restrictive covenants

by University of Chicago, 3: 17 National In stitute of Municipal Law Officers , I: 11 egro National League, 3:37, 49 New YorkMinm; '"Chicago Confidential" column, I: l 0 Newbre, L.\V., cartoon by, 2:67 " guyen famil)," article, by Al Santoli, 3:22-35 Nha Tang Restaurant, 3:30 Nordfeldt, B.J.O. , 2:7 1 Northwe,tem University: 3:8-9, 11; and Methodists, 3:4,6; and real estate holdings , 3:4, 6-7, 10, 17, 20; and railroads, 3:6, 7; and morality , 3: IO; and property tax , 3: 10,

Paderewski, Ignace, at World's Columbian Exposition, I :5-!,

55 Palace of Fine Arts, World's Co lumbi an Exposition, 2:50, 54 Pa lm er, Potter, caricarure of, 1:38 Palmer Motor Car Company, 3:62 Paris Expos iti on Un iverse lle, 2:46 Partin Manufacturing Company, 3:63 Partin-Palmer Company, 3:63 Payne, Andrew, 3:40, 41 Penfield , Edward, posters for Ha1per's, 2:54 Peters , William S., 3:38 Peterson , Virgi l \V.: I :5, and organized crime, I :4-15; become director of Chicago Crime Commission, I :6; connections with FB I, I :7; investigations of gamb lin g operat ions, 1:8-9; "Barbarians in our Cities" speec h , I :9-1 O; The CrooksGetAll the Breaks, 1:11; and Kefauver hearings on organ ized crime, I: 13- 14 Phan, Mr. and Mrs., 3:30 Philadelphia Giants (baseba ll team) 3:4 1, 49 Phonograph records, 2:46 Photography, use in publicity, 2:46, 50, 51 Picabia , Francis, in lnlenwlional Exhibitionof Modem Ari, 2 :63-64 Picasso, Pablo , Womanwith a Mustard Poi, painting, 2:60, 61, 64 Plan of Chicago,publicity for, 2:49 Ploog, Randolph, "Yesterday's City: Crit iquin g Cubism," 2:58-72 Poles , Spouswood , 3:5 J Pope , Colonel Albert, 3:57 Posters: circus, 2:4 7-48; theater, 2 :48; political, 2:-18-49; art, 2:54 Presbyterian , refuse involvement in Ch icago Univers ity, 3: 10 Providencejoumal wul B11/l elin, targets organized cr im e, 1: I 0 Provident Hospital, 3:-19 Puck (comic magazine ). See World'sFairPuck Pulitze1; Joseph , and fund-raising for Statue of Liberty, 2:49 Pullman (town), and Solon S. Beman , l :24-25 Pu11ch(comic magazine), on World's Columbian Exposition, 1:36

69

Chicago Hist01y,Winter 1994-95

R Racism, 2: 5, 7-8, 14-18 ; 3:25, 26; in popular press , I :35, 49,52-53,56 Ragen,James, 1:14 Railroads, and land development , 3:6 Randolph, A. Philip, 2:8 Rauh,.Joseph, and ACLU 2:8 Reagan, Ronald, 2: 16 Real eslale speculation, and universities, 3:4-21 Religion. See names of individual denominations Restaurants , Vietnamese, 3:28-30, 31, 32, 34 Roberts , P., 3:38 Rockefeller , .John D., and niversity of Chicago, 3: 15-16 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 2:6 Rose, Haywood, 3:38 Ross, Penny, "Mama's Angel Child," 2:70, 71 Roth , Philip, 2: 15 Ryerson , Martin, as trustee of the University of Chicago, 3: 15

s Sabat!,, Alderman Adolph j., 1:/0 Saigon, fall of, 3:22-23 St.James Episcopal Church, 1:19 St. Louis Giants (baseball Learn), 3:50 St. Louis Stars (baseball team), 3:50 Sanchez , Gonzalo , 3:49 Sanctua,)', engraving, by William Angie1· Jennings, 2:19 Sanitary conditions, and horses , 3:53 Santoli, Al, "Nguyen Family," article, 3:22-35 Savory,Jeroldj., "Cartoon Commentary," photographic essay, 1:32-57 Scammon, .J. Young , and Chicago University, 3: 13 Schafer, Louis, "Yesterday's City: Chicago's Horseless Carriages," 3:50-64 School of the Art lnstintte of Chicago: 2:67; and lntemational Exhibitionof Modern Ari, 2:66 Schools. See names of individual schools 01·school systems Schorling.Joh.n M., 3:39 Schuyler , Montgomery, on World' Columbian Exposition architecture, 2 :44, 46 Schwerne1; Michael, 2:8, 9 Scienceand Health, by Mary Baker Eddy, I :21, 30 Scon, Walter Dill: appointed president of Northwestern University, 3: 18; and proposal to merge Northwestern University and University of Chicago, 3: 19-20 Scottsboro Boys, 2: 5 Scribner's,World 's Columbian Exposition issue , 2:56 SDS. See Students for a Democratic Society Sears , Roebuck and Company, and automobile sales, 3:60, 61, 62 Second Church of Christ, Scientist , I :26 Seltzer, Leo , buys Chicago Coliseum, I :72 Senegal, and slave trade , 2:12-13 Senn High School, and ethnicity, 3:25 Se/1te111ber Morn, by Paul Chabas, 2:64, 65

70

SGI-USA. See Soka-Gakkai lmernational USA Siegal,Ben, 1:13 Smith, Sidney, cartoons by, 2:66 Soka-Gakkai International USA, acquires Chicago Coliseum. I :72 Sonderegger, Leo, Providencejournal and Bnllelin, I: I 0 Soo, Charley, 3:30 Sousa ,John Philip , at World 's Columbian Exposition 1:54, 55 SouL11erners, in popular press, I :50-51 Souvenirs, of World 's Columbian Expo ition, 2:55-56 Spalding , A.G., and Libby Prison Museum, I :61 Spingarn,.Joel and Arthur: help found NAACP, 2:5 Stanhope, Leon E., I :29 Starr Piano Company, 2:50 Statue of Liberty, publicity fo1; 2:48-49 Stieglitz, Alfred, on Armory Show, 2:58 Students for a Democratic Society, at Chicago Coliseum, 1:72 Swea/Iv. Painte,; 2:8

T Tarr,Joel A., on horses and sanitation, 3:53 Taxation, and Nonhwestern University, 3: 10, 20-21 Taylor, George, 3:39 Telephone, long distance , 2:46 Television , and Kefauver hearings on organized crime, 1: 13 Third Church of Christ, Scientist, I :26, 28, 29 Thompson, Mayor \\'illiarn I !ale , I :8, and Capone syndicate, I :9 Thurber, \V. con, gallery of, 2: 72 Timken, Henry, 3:55 l'on , Lam, 3:30 ·n·ans-Arnerican Publishing and News Service, Inc. , and gambling, I :8 11-ansponation. See Automobiles; llorses; Railroads Travelers and Immigrants Aid , 3:24, 25, 26 Truman, President 1Iarry , I: I I Ti.tcker, Preston T., 3:6-1 Tucker 'fo rpedo, 3:64 T,rnin, Mark , on Christian Science, I: 19

u "An Uneasy Alliance, " article, by Douglas Greenberg, 2:4-19 Union Giants (baseball Leam), 3:37, ]8-39 Union Mutual Insurance Company, and Chicago University, 3: 13, 15 United States Conference of Mayors , I: I I niver ities. See names of individual institutions niversity of Chicago, 3:14, origins of, 3: I 0-13; and Thomas Hoyne, 3: 12-13; and John D. Rockefeller, 3: 15-16 ; marketing of, 3: 15; extension courses, 3: 15,

Index 17, football, 3:15, 16; and real estate transactions , 3: 15-18 ; and restrictive convenants, 3: 17-18 ; proposed merger with Northwestern Unive1·sity,3:19-21 University of Chicago, old, 3:5, l 0-13 Uptown (Chicago neighborhood), and Vietnamese immigrants, 3:24--3 1. See also Argyle Street

V Van Gogh, Vincent, in lnlematio11alExhibition of Modern Art, 2:61 Vanderbilt Auto Race: 3:58-59 Vietnamese Association of Illinois, 3:28, 3 1 Vietnamese Community Service Cente1~ 3:28, 31 Vietnamese immigrants: 3:23-35; and employment 3:23-24, 31, 34; and crime, 3:26; and prejudice 3:25-26; and festivals, 3:27, 31; and businesses, 3:27-28, 30; generational conOicts, 3:33-35; gender roles, 3:32

y Yesterda)"s City: "Convemions and Curiosities," br Adam Langer , I :58-72; "Critiquing Cubism," b)' Randolph J. Ploog, 2:58-72: "Chicago 's Horseless Carriages," by Louis S. Schafer, 3:52-64

z Ziemer, Linda, photographic essay, "Chicago 's Leagues ," 3:36--51 Zug, George B., on Armory Show, 2:58, 61

egro

w Waclclell, Rube , 3:49 Waitkus, Eddie, 2:21 Washington , BookerT , 2:5 \Vashingtan , Tom , 3:38 "Watchdog on Crime," article, by Dennis E. Hoffman , l:+-15 Water Tower Place , 3:23 Webster, H. Elfra, on lntemaliona/ Exhibitionof ModernAri, 2:61 Wells, Ida B., and World's Columbian Exposition, I :51 Whitcomb,£. Noyes, 1:27 Wirth, Louis, protests support of restrictive cove n ams by University of Chicago, 3: 17 H0111a11 with a Muslard Pot, by Pablo Picasso, 2:60, 61, 64 \Vong.Jimmy, 3:30 Wood, Claudia Lamm, "From the Editor," I :3 Woods Motor Vehicle Company, 3:56 The WorldToday (magazine) , on classical church architectme, I :27 World's Columbian Exposition, 1893: inOuence on architecture , I: 18-19, 24-25; and Christian Science, 1:23-24; as depicted in cartoons, I :32-57; opening ceremonies, I :35; New York reaction I :36-3 7; Sunday openings, I :40, 41, 43; Women's building, I :44; "Co lored People's Day," I :51, 52-53; marketing of2:44-57; pre-opening publicity, 2:50-52: tie-ins , 2:52; art posters of, 2:5-l; souvenirs, 2:55. See a/,sonames of specific buildings 11 0rld', FemPuck, cove,;and \\'oriel 's Columbian Exposition, I :32-57; inOuence on popular pres s, I :33 \\'oriel 's Fairs. See \\ 'oriel's Columbian Exposition, 1893; Paris Exposition Universelle World\ Parliament of Religion,, and Christian Science, I :22-23 Wright , Frank Lloyd , 2:72 Wright , George , 3:46 Wrigh1, Richard, 2: 15

71