Chicago History | Fall 1986 by Chicago History Museum

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CHICAGO HISTORY-

____ T_h_e_M _ a,gazine of the Chicago Historical Socie~- - -

EDITOR

Fall 1986

R L'SSELI. LEWI S

Volume XV, Iumber 3

ASSOCIATE EDITOR

Mu: W

A ITER

EDITORIAL ASS ISTANT

AI.ETA ZAK DESIGN ASSISTANT

CONTENTS

MI C IIFI.I.E K OCAN PHOTOGRAPHY

J ANE R EGAN

King of the Hoboes ROGER A. BRUNS

WiU.I AMj ENN INCS

Henry Demarest Lloyd's Winnetka MICHAEL H. EBNER

Chapin & Gore's 'Jolly Portrait Gallery" JOSEPH B. ZYWIC KI

ISSN 0272-8540 Articles appea ring in this journal are abstracted and incl cxccl in /-listorica/ Abstracts a nd AmPrica: /-listo,y and Life. Footnoted manuscripts of th e articles appearing in this issue arc avai lab le in the C hi cago Historica l Society's Publications Office. Cover: Post card, c. 1920. Cl-IS Print; and Photographs Collection .

A Woman for Mayor? SHAR01 Z. ALTER

DEPARTMENTS

From the Editor Book Reviews

Chicago Historical Society OFFICERS Bryan S. Reid,Jr., Treasurer Philip D. Block III, Chairman Mrs. Newton N. Minow, Secretary Philip W. Hummer, Vice-Chairman Stewart S. Dixon, Immediate Past Chairman Richard H. Needham, Vice-Chairman El ls worth H. Brown, President and Director

TRUSTEES Philip D. Block III Laurence Booth Mrs. Pastora San Juan Cafferty Stewart S. Dixon William M. Drake Philip W. Hummer Edgar D. Jannotta Philip E. Kelley Mrs. Brooks McCormick John T. McCutcheon,Jr.

Willi am J. McDonough Robert Meers Mrs. ewton N. Minow Richard H. Needham Potter Palm er Mrs. Edward S. Petersen Bryan S. Reid,Jr. Edward Byron Smith,Jr. Dempsey J. Travis Mrs. Abra Prentice Wilkin

LIFE TRUSTEES Cyrus Co lter Andrew McNall y III Mrs. Frank D. Mayer Mrs. C. Phillip Mi ll er Gardner H. Stern Theodore Tieken

HO ORARY TRUSTEE Harold Washington, MaJor, City of Chicago

The Ch icago Historical Society is a privately endowed institution devoted to coll ecting, preserving, and interpreti ng the history of the city of Ch icago, the state of Illinois, and selected areas of American history. It must look to its members and f1iends for continuing financ ial support Contributions to the Society are tax-deductible, and appropriate recognition is accorded major gifts. Membership Membership is open LO anyone interested in the Society's goals and activities. Classes of annual membership and dues are as follows: Individual, $25; Family, 30. Members recei\'e the Society's quarterly magazine, Chicago History; a quarterly newslette1~Past-Times; a quarterly Calendar of Events listing Society programs; invitations to special events; free adm ission to the building at all times; rese1-verl seats at films and concerts in our auditorium ; and a 10 percent discount on books and other merchandise purchased in the Museum Store. Hours The Museum is open daily from 9:30 A.M. to 4:30 P.M.; Sunday from 12:00 NOON to 5:00 P.M . The Library and Manuscripts Collection are open Tuesday tJ1rough Saturday from 9:30 A.M. LO 4:30 P.M. All other research collections are open by appointme nt. The Society is closed on Christmas, New Year's, and Thanksgiving clays. Education and Public Programs Gu ided tours, slide lecLUres, gall ery talks, craft demonstrations, and a variety of special programs for all ages, from pre-school through senior citizen , are offered. Admission Fees for Non-members Adult , $1.50; Children (6-17), 50Â˘; Senior Citizens, 50Â˘. Admission is free on Mondays.

Chicago Historical Society

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(312) 642-4600

FROM THE EDITOR

Throughout history every important city has had its rival: Sparta and Athens in ancient Greece, Rome and Carthage in the Roman Empire, Florence and Siena in medieval Tuscany. In twentieth-century America, Chicago and ew York have faced off in what future historians will call a classic city duel. From obscure beginnings in the nineteenth century, the rivalry grew into a national spectacle as the two cities vied to host the World's Columbian Exposition in 1893. (The rivalry had become "official" in 1890 when Chicago surpassed Brooklyn and Philadelphia in population to win the "second city" title.) Since then, the two have traded bluster, swagger, gibes, and jeers over which city is better. Chicagoans have grown proud of their city's second ranking. They have touted it as one of Chicago's great achievements, glorifying their second city status in the names of stores, construction companies, even towing services. I can think of no other city in history that can match Chicago's devotion to the number two spot. And in a strange way Chicago's infatuation witl1 being second best has made it a stronger rival. Had Chicago competed with New York to be first city, it probably would have failed. But by devoting its energies to being the best second city ever, it has become a great city. Today the old rivalry continues but witl1 a new twist: Los Angeles is now officially the nation's second city, having edged past Chicago by a scant margin of 25,000 people in 1984. I feared this news would devastate Chicagoans. After all , Chicago has drawn much of its identity over the years from its second cityhood. As .it turned out, my fear was unfounded; the city has fared quite well. Los Angeles's climb to second city has transformed traditional city rivalry into a new kind of urban competition, and as a result, Chicago has risen in the city hierarchy. In the past, the struggle for urban dominance of the nation focused on city personality, but in recent years the contest has shifted to a battle between two city types. Chicago and New York have put aside their bickering and joined forces in the defense of one type: the nineteenth-century industrial city. Los Angeles represents the other, the twentieth-century postindustrial sunbelt city. New York and Chicago have come up with a brilliant strategy to ensure number one status for the city type they represent: they simply deny tl1at Los Angeles is a city. By their standards the qualities that are crucial to urban experience-physical density, a central core, subways, and pedestrian traffic-are simply missing in L.A. A writer once described Los Angeles as a hundred suburbs in search of a city. Los Angeles does have explosive growth in its favor; it is predicted to push ahead of New York by the year 2000. In the meantime, it is not content to be second city. Its citizens believe their city is destined to become first. But size alone is no longer enough to assure first city status. L.A. will have to validate the type of city it represents as the ideal urban setting for today and for the future if it is to become first of the land. For now, Americans continue to look to Chicago and New York as their model cities. And as never before their similarities are more important than their differences. Who knows, in the not-toodistant future we may be calling them twin cities. RL

Dr. Ben Reitman presides over the Hobo Banquet held on )\ffty 20, 1907, al Chicago's Windsor-Clifton Hotel. RRitmnn's goal in organizing the banquet was Io give the hoboes a forum to rxpress themselves and to promote better understanding of their plight. UnfortwwlRly, the press focused more on the guests' offbeat appearances than on the content of their speeches.

King of the Hoboes By Roger A. Bruns

Ben Reitman was determined to change the world. With flamboyance and zest, he crusaded for a deeper understanding of hobo life. To many he seemed an eccentric rogue, but to the homeless men of Chicago s tenderloin district he was both friend and inspiration. Editor's note: In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Chicago was America's railroad hub. The trains brought hoboes: unemployed and homeless men and boys in search offood, shelter, and jobs. The tramp problem, which began escalating in America after the Civil War, worsened during the economic panics of 1873, 1893, and during the CreatDepression of the 1930s. Certainly one of the most colorful and charismatic tramps ever to ride the rails was Dr. Ben Reitman, who used his many talents to better the lives of society's poor and outcast. Born in 1879 in St. Paul, Minnesota, Reitman grew up in Chicago and hit the road at the tender age of twelve. Between hobo adventures, he earned a medical degree from the American College of Medicine and Surgery in 1904 and then established an office in Chicago. Reitman's pioneering studies of the homeless paved the way for future sociological investigations. When tramping, Reitman changed his address as often as other people changed clothes. He changed hats often, too, and wuld be found alternately ministering to the prostitutes, pimps, drug addicts, and vagrants who drifted into his South Side office, lecturing on lwbohemia and venereal disease at the city's Hobo College he helped found, or managing a nationwide public appearance schedulefor his lover, anarchist Emma Goldman. Reitman was a frequent patron of Chicago's Dill Pickle Club, a meeting place for literary giants li'1e Theodore Dreiser and Carl Sandburg as well as offbeat bohemian poets, common l.aborers, thieves-and hoboes. There he delivered addresses on a variety of subjects, including "Satisfying Sex Neecls Without Trouble';Âˇ "Can a Modern Man Be Happy ,\lanied with a Flapper?';Âˇ and "Favorite Methods of Suicide." Reitman once rejened lo himselfas;._ .. an American by birth, a J ew by parentage, a Baptist by adoption, single by good fortune, a physician and teacher by J>rofession, cosmopolitan by choice, a socialist by inclination, a rascal by nature, a celebrity by accident, a tram/J by twenty years' exjJerience, and a tramp reformer by inspiration.''

Below is an excerpt from Reitman's biography, The Damndest Radical, by Roger A. Bruns. The author is director of publications for thr, National Historical Publications and Recorcls Commi55ion of the National Archives.

Ham lin Garland, while operating his father's farm near Osage, lowa, in the 1870s, hired large numbers of itin e rant fi e ld hands-former so ldiers, sons of poor farmers, mechanic from the Eastall on the road to find fortune and adventure. Swarming into the l\liclwest in the harvest season, disappearing in September as mysteriously as they first appeared, the drifters seemed to the young Garland like "a flight of alien unclean birds." From these men Garland "acquired a desolating fund of information concerning South Clark Street in Chicago and the river front in St. Louis." The ta lk was not alluring, Garland said, but base and sordid. A few years later, however, he himself was on the road, taking odd jobs, sleeping in barns and abandoned buildings, hungry, shocked at the hostility and contempt of suspicious farmers . "To plod on and on into the dusk, rejected of comfortable folk, to couch at last with polecats in a shock of grain is a liberal education in sociology." Like Garland, Ben Reitman had achieved that liberal education, had been among those in the alien swarms. He knew well those drifters lurking in the railroad yards, pounding on back doors. He had seen cling-bats, old professional tramp beggars, putting on the touch ; the elderly stew bums wasting themselves on rot booze;jack-rol lers, sneaking around lumber and mining camps, angling for wallets on paydays; road yeggs, planning safeblowingjobs and gang holdups; mush fakirs, their 5

Chicago History, Fall 1986

"If you don't go away I'll sel the dog on you ,, '' You can't do it Mum, that dog's no setter,"

I'!,e Amt>1-ica11 /nns largely portmy'd hobn1'<as panl,a11dln:1, drunks, and lazy good-for-nothings. Nl'il111a11 arg11f'(I //,at !ht>_\' wen' victi111-1 1110re //,an villai11s. burdm,,rt b1â&#x20AC;˘/JOVt'rly 1111d //,l'irown restll'.5SlleS5 a11d exploited by //, p vagrancy law<.

umbrella-mending kits strapped to their shoulders, looking for honest work; gandy dancers, hobo sho\'el stiffs, working the railroad construction sites. He had seen young, tenderfoot gay cats, new to the road and its perils; pathetic jungle buzzards, feeding off the lea\'ingsafterhobo feasts; hoop-chislers, peddling their fake rings. With them he had mooched, flipped freights, boiled up clotJ1es in the jungles, ridden the rods, ca1Tied the banner in no-name towns, chalked his moniker on water tanks, listened to the sky pilots in the missions drone their angel-food sermons, and done time in jerkwater jails. He had spent at least four months on the road each year. flopping in municipal lodging houses in almost every state, hanging around tramp saloons for weeks at a time, roaming with tramp gangs. He had been arrested over forty times in the United States for vagrancy as well as several times in foreign countries. He had been to sea as a stowaway. "There is," he wrote, "scarcely any phase of vagrancy in which I had not had a practical experience." Ben's experience had taught him a deep and 6

bitter lesson: the tramp in American society was despised, feared, mistrusted , abused. Well before tJ1e day he had first slid onto an open boxcar in Chicago. the spectre of a tramp menace had inflamed public debate all across the United States. ewspapers emblazoned stOt)Âˇ after story about train robberies and hijackings; of marauding gangs of rioting young punks setting fire to trains and waging pitched battles with police; or hordes or Hun-like invaders infesting small towns and terrifying the citizens; of safe-blowers and murderers. It made little difference that many of the wandering men of the road were hobo workers moving from job to job, filling the labor needs of mine owners, railroad magnates, and farmers. To most of American society the road wanderers were a single ma s of men, both deviant and dangerous. Editorialists, law enforcement officials, railroad spokesmen, government leaders, all called for a campaign again t the tramp peril. One writer in 1886 declared that the tramp had no more 1ights than "the sow that wallows in the gutter, or the lost clog that hovers around tJ1e city squares. He is no

Hobo King

BEI-:RlNG UP UNDER THC: HARD TIMES.

Hobo slereol:y/1es of 1894 (fiir left and above); tramps gather in .\'ew York's Balle,y Park, 1878 (cenfn).

more to be consulted, in his wishes or bis will ... than if he were a bullock in a corral." Concerned citizens zealously combed English precedents for dealing with the army of homeless men wandering the country. They discovered that the tramp laws enacted some 300 years earlier in England provided that a beggar could be driven back to his birthplace for tbe first offense, dep1ived of the gristle of his right ear for the second, and executed for the third. Some zealots saw a more modest solution in Washington Irving's 1809 burlesque , The History of New York. Governor William the Testy, according to Irving, had solved the vagrant problem with a gibbet, from which he dangled the offenders: "It is incredible how the little governor chuckled a t beholding caitiff vagrants and sturdy beggars thus swinging by the crupper, and cutting antic gambols in the air. He had a thousand pleasanu-Âˇies and mirthful conceits to utter upon these occasions. H e called them his dandelions-his wildfowl-his highnyers- his spreadeagles-his goshawks-his scarecrows-and finally, his gallows-birds.~

Just as William the Testy found sport in tormenting captured wayfarers, entire communities sometimes enjoyed similar revelry in the late 1800s. In one Iowa community the townspeople stoned and whipped tramps and beggars as they ran a gauntlet. In Elizabeth, New Jersey, town officials created a "tramp-trap," an inviting, open boxcar placed on a switch of the Pennsylvania Railroad. Atabout ten o'clock each night the trap was usually filled with at least a few of the prey, lured like rats to cheese. Another New Jersey constable went a few steps further in later years. He chained tramps to trees in the center of the village, where they became feasts for swarms of mosquitoes from nearby lowlands. Mostly the states relied on new vagrancy laws. Ben Reitman wrote , "No one can tramp about the country without feeling the effect of the vagrancy law. If a boy keeps going, he will be anested for vagrancy on an average of once every six weeks; and it is during one of these stays in jail that he makes up his mind to go home or become a criminal. It is much easier to do the latter ... the 7

Chicago History, Fall 1986 vagra n cy law ma kes ma ny tra mps crimin a ls." Th e Pe nnsylva nia vagra ncy law, e nacted in 1876, de fin ed tramp and vagra nts as persons wh o lo ite r with "n o la bo r, trad e, occupa tio n, or busin ess, a nd have no visibl e means of subsiste nce, and can give no reasonable account o f th emselves ...." Such an offe nse ca ll ed for hard labor for no less than thirty clays nor more th a n six month s. In Ohi o a tra mp co uld be impriso ned for three years for kindling a fire on a highway or railroad trac k. Ill d efin ed , with a hurri ed , hyste ri ca l qu ali ty, th e vagran cy laws gave city o ffi cials broad li ce nse. Besid es herding m en in and out of j ail , judges began to exe rcise th e option of d eporta ti o n. A typi cal sente nce me ted out to a pe nniless drifter was an injunction to leave town imm ediately.Judi cial purists might have qu estio ned th e legali ty of su ch sente nces, ye t tl1 ousa ncls o f h ome less me n we re shuffled back and forth in streams, from town to town , by courts a nd law e nfo rcem ent officials anxious to pass th e pro bl e m on to so me otl1er location. With recurring d e pressi o ns and economic hard times in tl1 e la te 1800s, th e tramp pro bl e m di d not ctbate. The Railroad Gazette d eclared in 1894, "Like

potato bugs and English sparrows it is an evil whi ch has arisen qui ckl y, but whi ch can be exterminated o nl y at prodigious pains." Onl y through rigid e nforceme nt o f th e vagra ncy laws, th e Gazette conclud ed , co uld th e plagu e be e radi cated. Those in th at plagu e, th ose "potato bugs a nd English spaITows," were finding th e road a haITowing place, as Be n Re itm an kn ew well. H o boes a nd tra mps suffe red a grisly sla ughter on th e tracks: j olted fro m insecurely faste ned ho ppe r cars; ma ngled by sliding bo xcar d oors; crushed by shifting load s on gondo las; suffocated o r froze n in reefe rs wh e n trapdoors locked shut; roll ed o ff d ecks of p assenger cars; pitched from rods and gunne ls to the track bed and tJ1 e giinding wh eels; ro bbed , beate n, and killed by fellow drifte rs a nd train cli cks. At a natio nal conferen ce of charities a nd correctio ns he ld in Minn eap o li s in ] 907, seve ral socio logists, charity worke rs, and railroad o ffi cials who we re examining th e national tra mp probl e m la mented tl1 e viole nce tJ1 a t infested railroad o pe rations a nd th e fri ghte ning in crease in tl1e numbe r o f tramps rob bing stati ons and shipm e nts, building fires in boxcars, interfe ring with signals, sto ning railroad equipm e nt, and some tim es infli cting

"Providence Bob" and "Philadelphia Shorty., riding the rods in 1894. Although hoboes used trains as their primary mode of transportation, freight flifJ!Jing and rail riding were dangerous pursuits which cmisrd 23,000 hobo deaths between 190 I and 1905.

injury or death on railroad employees. But they also provided the grim statistics of the fate of many of the train-:jumpers: between 1901 and 1905 the toll of maimed and killed vagrants discovered along cinder beds across the country was a national disgrace, with over 23,000 trespassers losing their lives, more individuals than populated Bangor, Maine. Some of the railroad companies maintained private tramp graveyards where anonymous drifters were quickly laid to rest without an inquest. James J. Hill of the Great Northern wrote, "Tramps attempt to secret themselves on every train at any risk. A considerable number of these are killed or injured each yea1~ They get on or off trains while in motion, and some suffer in life or limb. Others fall off trains while asleep. It would be difficult to gather reliable statistics on this point, because a large percentage of the tramps reported as killed on the railroads are really murdered. Men returning from the harvest fields with their wages are killed for their money by their more vicious and criminal fellows." As Ben Reitman launched his hobo crusade, the nation's sympathies were not with the thousands of stiffs trudging along the roadbeds. The Philadelphia Press in 1907 called the marauding tramp population "The Shadow on the Roadside," picturing innocent women on country roads fleeing from aggressive railroad bums, ominous hordes of miscreant vagrants invading the sanctity of rural America. The New l:ork Times in the same year refen-ed to Chicago as a "drainage basin" of vagrant and criminal types a nd called for vigorous prosecution of the dangerous predators. Jail the ne're-do-wells, spread the word that the sin city of the Midwe t would no longer tolerate undesirable, decadent tramps, those "ten-ors of burglary, sneak:-thievery, highway robbery, and pocket-picking." In Chicago itself, an editorialist for the Herald wrote, "There are several great American jokes but none is more reliable than Weary Willie. It seems however that he is not all joke." Through his treachery and violence, the Herald continued, the "funny hobo th us elevates himself to the loftier position of robber and murdere1~" As the swelling call for retribution dominated debate on the tramp problem, Chicago's own hobo doctor appealed for understanding and constructive reform. A few days after th e Windsor-Clifton banquet [Reitman organized a lavish Hobo Banquet to publicize the plight of tramps and other

Particularly distressing lo Ben Reitman was the cartoon strip characln I la/JPY Hooligan, who also appeared in songs, in the theate1; and even as a doll. Reitman fought to dispel this image and convince the public that lwboes were human beings, not caricatures.

social outcasts. The affair was held on May 20, 1907, at the Windsor-Clifton Hotel. More than a hundred dined and delivered testimonials to the guests and invited members of tJ1e press.], Reitman decided to sponsor another public affair, a "sociological clinic," where knights of the tie and rail could tell their own stories. "I want to show the people of Chicago what these men are like," he told a reporter on May 26. "I believe it would be a good thing if the people found out that these are real men ...." Bum Mitt Casey would be tJ1ere, he promised, along with Rocky Mountain Lemon, the Banjo-Eyed Kid , and Olaf the Unwashed, who had cleaned himself up recently and was in the process of changing his moniker as well as his clothes. Ben stressed that the typical road wayfarer was not the Happy Hooligan caricature of the cartoon strip or the criminal portrayed in the press. Tramps and hoboes did not carry tJ1eir valuables in tomato cans as pictured in tJ1e comics and on stage. Most were not simple-minded boobs, as much of the American public believed; nor were they the vicious desperados imagined by many others. On May 31, at Handel Hall, twenty-five gentlemen of tl1e road told of tl1eir escapades and travails Lo a group of reporters, social workers, and fellow vagabonds. A hobo from Cincinnati opened the 9

Chicago History, Fall 1986

At transient lodging houses across the country, like this one in Boston m 1895, lwboes could get a bath and a meal. Reitman dreamed of operating a facility that would provide the wayfarer with food and shelter tis well as jobs, loans, .fellowship, and education.

program with a piano solo, which he characterized as a combination of Beethoven's melody in F major and ;'There'll Be a Hot Time in the Old Town Tonight." Those who heard it characterized it in less flattering terms. Another gent wailed the old hobo standard, "Where Is My Wandering Boy Tonight?" Ben then paraded onto the stage several homeless men who represented various backgrounds-doctor, lawyer, pharmacist, criminal, soldier, and sailor. All of the participants were asked to explain how wanderlust had affected their lives. The Tribune reported that "a good deal of stage effect was lost through not turning the lights low to slow music." The tramps were allotted only five minutes to speak, and some loquacious types had to be restrained from rambling on. When they were done, Ben mounted the stage to give his own address, not limited, of course, to five minutes. Steaming into a heady tirade, he attacked the practices of such charitable institutions as the social settlement houses and the YMCA. To the 10

charity workers in the audience, host Reitman was anything but charitable. "You people," he charged, "wo uld be all right if you would have a lot more kindness and not try to separate the sheep from the goats. The first thing you ask is /\re you worthy?' You ought to ask, /\ re you hungry?"' Charity officials, Ben argued, were baffled by the enigmatic vagrom men and their puzzling migratory habits. "They come from the somewhere and vanish into the nowhere," a favorite saying among social workers, was a charming but unsatisfactory explanation of the tramp life, he scolded. Tramps come from the division stations and terminal points of the railroad lines, the favorite haunts of young boys just learning to flip freights. The boy who successfully decks a rattler for a five- or ten-mile excursion could very easily succumb to the bewitching train-jumping habit and find himself taking hundred - or thousandmile journey. Reitman told the audience that many of the young boys who stayed on the road and suffered

Hobo King its pri vatio ns becam e harde ned trac k ruffi a ns . Th e onl y a nswe r to th e tra mp pro bl e m was to poli ce adequate ly th e ra il road ya rds, and toward this e ncl he pro posed th a t th e governm e nt impose fines o n those railroads th at a llowed tres pass ing. Blind baggage a nd deck-riding to urists must be forced off th e fre ights fo r th e good o f th e co unl.l)' and for th e good o f th e tra in -jumpers th e mse lves, Be n sa id. He didn't e la bo ra te o n how such a law co uld be e nforced. But as lo ng as ho m e less m e n need ed she lte r a nd food , as lo ng as th e road exacted its toll of hum a n misery, th e re must be individu als and instituti o ns willing to le nd a ha nd , pre fe ra bl y o ne no t ho lding reel ta pe. "Everyo ne wants to g ive th e tra mp a bath ," Be n bristl e d . "Now, who wa nts a bath ? Th e ho bo simpl y as ks for food , a pl ace to slee p, a nd som e tim es a j o b." Four days after the tra mp symposium , tJ, e Chicago Daily News ra n an edito ria l suppo rting Re itm a n's ca ll for in creased supervisio n o f th e ra ilroads. "Supe rinte nd e nts," th e pa pe r charged , "have it in th e ir po we r to check th e spread of th e tra mp evil , of which the ir lines are the chie f agencies:â&#x20AC;˘ Alth o ugh th e edito1ia l cha racterized th e May 3 1 meeting a t ll a ncl e l H a ll as "biza rre," Be n had a t last evo ked se1ious newspaper respo nse o n th e tramp questio n. Less tha n two wee ks late r, however, Re itm a n's co ntrove rsia l socia l expe rim e nt was te mpo raril y squ e lched . On Jun e 15 th e Tribune a nnoun ced th at a d ee p gloom had d esce nd ed o n suite 6 l Oof th e Stewa rt Building, th e Chi cago ho me of th e Inte rna ti o na l Bro th erh ood We lfa re Associa ti o n, have n fo r bums, yeggmen, and cadgers of all saipes. Doc Re itma n, pres id e nt o f th e orga nizatio n, had bee n evicted . If soJTow a nd me la ncho ly clo uded th e spirits o f th ose in 6 10, th e o th e r te nants a ppeared co ll ecti ve ly re li eved . For th e m, th e past few wee ks had bee n ha JTow ing ind eed . Miss J essie Ve rn eta, o wn e r of a bea uty sho p ne xt to th e in fa m o us d octo r's o ffi ce, revea led that a tramp had recently invaded her salon, brandishing a ca ne a nd harassing he r custo mers until th ey purchased so m e co lla r butto ns. "The ma n frigh tened m e vet)' mu ch ," attested Miss Verne ta. "Th ere were o nl y girls in th e parl o rs. [ tried to pass him to get to th e d oor, but he baJTecl th e way with his cane a nd insisted th a t we assist him by bu ying some co ll a r butto ns. He frighte ned us so tha t we bo ught." Simil a r chilling ta les came fro m o th e r pa rts o f th e building. On e wo man repo rted th a t as she waited in a d octo r's receptio n roo m on anoth er

I l obo jungles could bf fo und mostfrequen tly along railroad tracks, lihe lhi., one in Downers Grove, Illinois. in 192--1.

ÂŁ1001~ a hobo wa lked in a nd procl a im ed , "'Scuse me, lad y, but I'd like a littl e fin a ncial assista nce." Th e lad y was, th e Tribune no ted , suffe1Âˇing fro m a case o f ne rves. "l be lieve Dr. Re itma n is sin cere," o ne o f th e ph)'Sicians in th e Stewart Building admitted , "but we co ul d no t sta nd for th e tramps." Th ey wo uld in vad e th e pre mises a t a ll ho urs of th e night, II

Chicago History, Fall 1986

Ben Heilman (front row. left center) with "Gr11era/"J acob Coxey (front row, left) at a llobo College gathering, /928. Cox,y had ltâ&#x20AC;˘rl a11 am,y of une,nployPrl men in an 1893-9./ march 011 Haslti11gton lo demand economic relieJJrom Congress.

subjecting the tenants to all sons of indignities and inconveniences. Reitman would always give the beggars something, whether they were drunk or not, the physician said. "He must have given away from $6 to $8 a day in dimes and quarters to bums. He would never question them, but put his hand in his pocket." Unshaven, his crumpled clothes and tousled black hair giving him a gypsy-like appearance, Reitman met the press outside his former office. "I feel like a bum myself," Ben aid. "Where I'll go I don't know ... This was purel y a charitable enterprise:.' With his base of operations lost but his reputation as a hobo benefactor established, with the spring weather and open boxcars calling him, Ben decided to head out on another tramping expedition. But this trek would be unlike his usual frivolous outings, he decided. This one would have a grand purpose: a fact-finding tour for the IBWA; a careful, firsthand investigation of the 12

present conditions in Ame1ican trampdom. It would provide him with potent ammunition, he thought, for his continuing campaign for the downtrodden. El Paso, Albuquerque, Detroit, Philadelphia. Reitman freighted across the country as "King of the Hoboes" and tl1e "Master Bum," speaking before groups of fellow road knights, reformers, and invited members of the fourth estate. He told how he had given up a potentiall y lucrative medical practice to devote time to his charitable crusade; how the charity agencies had failed to deal effectively wit11 the needs of the homeless; how the International Brotherhood Welfare Association was inaugurating a remarkable experiment in social reform . In Philadelphia Ben met with the mayor on the same afternoon that a trained baboon and his keeper also appeared at city hall. In Toledo he met with the nationally respected reform mayor, Brand Whitlock, and spoke at Golden Rule Hall on the plight of the American tramp. In New York

Hobo King

As winier approached, thr homeless gravitated lo large cities like Chicago, the hoboes'mecca, in search offood, lodging, and jobs. The tenderloin district of the Fint Hrird offered transienlS cheap rooming homes, greasy spoons, and soup kitchens.

he met th e socio logist Orl a nd o Lew is o f th e Charity Society, a leading auth o ri ty o n th e subj ect of th e tramp. Lewis was convin ced, alo ng with most o th e r reform ers and stud e nts o f th e wayfa ring society, th at ho meless men we re produ cts o f th e ir own mo ral in ad equ acies, no t of outsid e econo mic influ e nces. All j o bl ess me n co uld find e mpl oyme nt if th ey rea lly wa nted it. To Lewis and o th e rs un e mpl oyme nt was a pro bl e m o f mo ti vatio n, no t of th e curre nts of th e co un try's eco no mic wa ters. In a n articl e in Atlantic Monthly th e fo ll ow ing sprin g, Lew is, reco unting Re itm an's side o f th e argu me nt, quo ted "a thinking nÂˇamp ... a ma n who ind eed ha frequ e ntl y 'hit th e road ' as a hobo." Vagrancy, Be n told tl1 e socio logist, "is no t a natio nal p ro bl e m in the se nse in which yo u describe it to be; it is a rail road pro bl e m ." Pe na li ze th e ra ilroad co mpa nies fo r a ll owing trespas ing a nd th e co mpanies wo uld so lve th e vagra ncy pro bl e m. As fo r th e dri fte rs l11 e mse lves, pay th e m for th e work th ey pe rfo rm in ja il so that th ey wo uld no t be

forced to return to pe tty thievery and train-h o pping upo n re lease. Re itman argued tha t mo re th an 50 perce nt o f th e me n riding fre ights and id ling in skid roads wo uld ta ke jobs if th ey could get them . Whil e in New York, Be n also me t Edmund Ke ll y, a n influ e ntial lawyer and humanitaria n who was writing a book call ed The Elimination of the Tramp. Ke lly, who was quite ill, spe nt most o f on e night with Be n o n m e Bowery, in U ni o n Square, and do wn at th e Battery mingling witl1 the ho boes. At four o'cl ock in th e morning Ke lly a pproach ed a bo ut fifty me n in th e Squ are and invited th e m to feed a t a n all-night resta ura nt. After th e lo ng night had e nd ed , Ke lly told Re itm an tl1 at he didn't wa nt to di e in bed , th at he was beginning to see ways in whi ch th e wo rld could be changed for the be tte r, and th a t he wa nted to be part o f a new revo luti o n that could ma ke peo pl e su ch as those o n th e Bowe ry co nscio us o f th e ir own wo rth and poss ibilities. "Yes," he told Ben , "start a revolution ." Re itma n le ft Lewis and Ke lly in 1ew Yo rk and 13

Chicago History, Fall 1986

Hobo Glossary ding-bat tramp begg ar flip to hop fre ights flophouse a cheap room ing house gandy dancer one in a gang of track

workmen on a railroad gay cat a hobo tenderfoot hoop-chisler peddler of worthless rings and watches jack-roller town thief who fleeced migratory laborers jerkwater small-town jungle buzzard low-life of the j ungle mushfakir itinerant umbrella mender sky pilot preacher stew bum bum who remained in one city or town yegg itinerant burglar and safeblower

1"tH>'-

(f._%1.f L,.

Hoboes developed their own umguage, a blend of railroad and prison argot. These hobo signs were dmwn by the Chl)v>lme Kid in 1978.

h eaded back to Ch icago in th e fall, having gain ed a new perspective on th e Am er ican tramp. In 1907, when he had me t James Eads How in St. Louis, Ben had been inspired by th e id ea of a reform movement but was basi call y igno rant of the history and politics o f th e tra mp qu esti o n . Through bluff and bl under and brashness, through a d ogged effort to fill newspape r columns with his schemes and no tions, dri ve n by a waxing confidence that he could becom e th e leading figu re in Am eri ca on the subject, he had ach ieved th e notori e ty th at he insatiably craved . But he had now become more than the tawdry grandstander, the coxcomb. Fill ing page after page with notes and statistics, interviewing socio logists and government offi cials, d e bating charity wo rkers, Reitman h ad gain ed exte nsive inform ati o n whi ch h e began to sift and analyze. Be n Reitma n th e reform dandy 14

was now Be n Reitma n th e researche r. In a pap e r e ntitl ed "Th e Ame ri can Tramp," Be n revea led th at th e ty pi ca l road drifte r was no t a midd le-aged alco holic fl ee ing marital or econo mic distress, nor was he a hard e ned crimin al esca ping fro m th e law, as most Ameri ca ns suspected . Th e ty pi ca l tramp, Reiuna n cl aim ed , was a yo ung boy. His co ncl u io ns a bo ut th e road in 1907 were similar to th e findin gs o f su ch research ers as Th o mas Min e han and Edwin Suthe rland nearl y thirty years la te1~during th e Great Depress io n . T he ho nÂˇifying po rtrait ske tched by th e m o f packs o f wild yo uth , fo rced to th e road by poverty a nd neglect, was a testa ment, most sociologists agreed , to th e volca nic scori a o f eco nomi c co ll apse. In 1907 Re itm a n found mu ch of th e sam e soc ial d eso la ti o n. Th ose h o rd es o f was tre ls stea lthil y slinkin g a round fre ight cars, te n-o rizin g socie ty's good citi ze ns, we re Ame ri ca's yo uth . Afte r inte rvi ewing ra il road d e tecti ves a nd ra il road e mpl oyees, po uring over po li ce records in mo re th a n 100 towns, talking to missio n directo rs a nd socio logical in vestigators, a nd ta ll ying his own in fo rm al o bservati o ns fro m ra ilroad yards a nd jungles, Re itm an co nclud ed th at approx im ate ly 75 pe rce nt o f th e road wa nd e re rs we re und e r twe nty-o ne years o f age, some as yo ung as e ight. On e exampl e fro m hi s own ex perie nce was ty pica l. Amo ng e ighteen tra mps with wh o m he shared a boxcar near v\lashington, D.C.. no t o ne was over twe nty-o ne. "My estim ate th at 75 perce nt of th e tramps in America are boys l have shown to many ra il road po li ceme n , ra il road bra ke me n, co nd ucto rs a nd statio n age nts (th ese me n see mo re rea l tramps th a n a ny o th e r class o f me n in th e wo rld ) and th ey stated th a t th is fi gu re was too low." In assess ing th e ca uses o f th e large numbe rs o f drifters o n th e road , Be n loo ked to his own past as we ll as to th e co un try's eco no mi c a nd social co nditi o n . Yo ung boys su ccum b, as he did, to th e alluring e nticeme nts of p laces neve r seen. T hey begin to fli p fre ights a nd to ma ke fri e nds with veteran tra m ps a nd j ackers, who e ntra nce th e m with sto ri es of wild d eed s a nd swas hbu ckling ad venture. Drive n by wa nde rlust, gÂˇive n o ppo rtuni ty of move ment by easy access to th e fre ights, ta ught tJ1 e lesso ns of th e road by tJ1 ose wh o kn ow its ways, hard ened by stints in j ail , th ese yo ung boys age qui ckl y, th eir lives becoming a ha bitua l successio n o f haza rdo us, insensate ve ntures, odd j o bs, and pe tty crim es. "Th ey go to j ail , pe nniless and

Hobo King ragged," Ben wrote, "penniless and ragged they depart. Finally in self-defense they prey upon society." Those on the road were victims more than villains, he believed, prodded by their own restlessness, plagued by poverty, and exp loited by a legal system that exacerbated their plight. The only difference between a drifter and a man with a regular job was "a change in the social geography; not a change in his heart, in his mind, or in his attitude toward the world." But even as Chicago's hobo doctor gained greater insight and understanding of the tramp question, his proposals remained the same as they had been before: force the railroads to take better measures to prevent train trespassing; and amend the vagrancy laws to allow the segregation (in jail) of young drifters from seasoned criminals and to provide money to them upon release . Only in this way might the vicious cycle that created the tramp class be broken. Reitman began to prepare articles and papers on the road life and in doing so developed classifications of tramp and hobo types based on the men he had known on the freights. The division was essentially of three cla ses: the tramp, the hobo, and the bum. "A tramp is a man who doesn't work, who apparently doesn't want to work, who lives without working and who is constantly travelling. A hobo is a non-skilled, non-employed laborer without money, looking for work. A bum is a man who hangs around a low-class saloon, and begs or earns a few pennies a clay in order to obtain drink. He is usually an inebriate." Ben's classification was a more elaborate \'ersion of a simple definition shared by many men on the road. The hobo, the saying went, was a migratory worker, the tramp a migratory nonworker, and the bum a nonmigratory nonworker. In a con\'ersation with Ben, General Jacob Coxey claimed, "The trouble with these movements of the unemployed is that people fail to recognize that there are men honestly seeking employment. They think the)' are a lot of ruffians and property destro)'ers. They call all out of work, hobos." ' .A. lot you know about hobos," Reitman gently shot back. "When you led your army of three thousand to the lawns of Washington to pay your respects to President Cle\'eland, you were at the head of a mob of unemployed hobos. A hobo is a man tramping around looking for work." "That's not the way l'\'e heard the te1111 used ," Coxey re ponded,

"'Rovi"g Bill " Aspinwall ( 1893), like many otlwr lwboes, eked out his living as a mush.fi,ki,; or 11111.brel/a mender:

Chicago History, Fall 1986 "and I have been hearing the word for forty years. A hobo is a good-for-nothing fellow who would rather beg or steal, or even starve than work. I never led hobos to Washington." Ben told Coxey that the parasites described by the general were tramps, not hoboes, and he continued to insist to reporters, sociologists, and anyone else who would listen that the men of the road were not a single, invidious mass but were of different types and motivations. He even wrote a paper on the subject, "A Plea for a Proper Classification of the Itinerant Vagrant." After his summer of tramping, interviewing, and public speaking, Reitman began to sketch specific plans for the organization of Chicago's Hobo College, whose infancy in the Stewart Building had been so ignominiously cut short in June. The Chicago chapter of the IBWA would be much more than a succession of vagrants making their unsteady way to suite 610 to panhandle dimes and quarters from a sympathetic hobo doctor. Ben once described to a wealthy Chicagoan the kind of charitable institution for social outcasts he would establish if he had the capital. In the basement I'd have a first-class bathroom and laundry; I'd equip the place with modem laundry machinery "路here a man could come in ragged)', lousr and dirty and by the time he took a bath and manicured his toes, got a shave and a haircut, his clothes \\'Oulcl not only have been laundered but they \\'Oulcl ha,路e gone through the mending department and have been mended, patched and had buttons se\\'ecl on. His shoes would have gone LO the shoe shop, have been soled and repaired and shined o that when he came upstairs LO the desk to register he would be looking like a real human being. Then we'd have a clearinghouse upstairs. After he had had a good breakfast with the proper amount of calories and vitamins I would have him pass through the hands of a doctor \l'ho would examine him carefully, detect any infection or physical ailment, and, if necessary. send him to a hospital or to a clinic for treatment. Then I'd have a psychiat.ri L examine him, see what his mental capacity and fitness for work was. If necessary we would treat him. Then we'd pass him on LO the employment department or find out \\'hat his vocation was and try LO get him a job. Then I'd give him a guest card for one week and provide for all his needs until he got a job. lf, at the encl of the week, he was unable to find a job, I would send him LO our banking deparllllent and loan him money enough to take care of him until he found \\'Ork. While under our supen路ision it would not be necessary for the man LO beg or steal; he would not be a menace or a danger to the community. I'd make special provision to receive men the minute they got out of jail. I would father and help and guide them until they acijustecl themselves. 16

If this was only a wistful vision ofa u路amp ShangriLa, Ben's plans for the Hobo College were not. The object or the college, he wrote, would be "to teach tJ1e vagrant the truth about himself, what his duty is to society ... to teach him that labor is man's lot and that education will restore him to habits of industry and contentment" In his early plans, Reitman conceived of the college as a structured institution, one which would offer room and board, a fixed two-week term, and a series of lectures all designed to encourage young boys of the road to leave tJ1e lairs of the homeless and tJie slum Rialtos and to achieve respectability. He planned an intense assault on tJ1e tramp lifestyle, a detoxification of fledgling drifters from Lile road life. Hi aim was to recruit physicians to describe the deleterious effects of a tramping existence; psychologists, to talk about the roots of wanderlust and clromomania; judges, to explain the vagrancy laws and the liability or railroad bums to arrest and incarceration; and business representatives, to talk aboutjob opportunities. Reitman even thought of presenting a physiologist to demonstrate tJie comparative amount of energy expended by an individual holding a regular job and by one who was "idle." On the main stem, Ben knew, there was no real idleness or leisure. "There'll be work for all," Reitman said of the college, "but first we'll ask: 'Have you had your dinner?' Having it, how easy comes the work when we can say, 'I wi h you'd do a littJe over here; these windows need a \\'ashing; this floor has not been scrubbed for several clays."' The Hobo College would be "The Whole Meal Hull House for Hoboes," a place of respect and fraternity, an oasis for all those infected , like Reitman himself, with the mania for roaming." o ghost will be hovering to tJie background of the place. No sermons will be on the program. No woodyard will be just around tJie corner ... and once a week we'll send one boy back home to mother; we'll settle ten hoboes a week to steady work who tJ1e clay before had no work and settJecl place of existence farthest from their soberest thoughts; and, greater than these, we'll give to 10 per cent-15-perhaps 20 per cent of Chicago's 500 incoming wanderers daily a new, refreshing touch and reminder that they are still human in a world tJiat has not lost all humanity." In early December 1907 Ben again traveled to

Reitman f inally achieved his goal offo unding Chicago's Hobo College in 1908. The college lodged and fad the homeless and offered them educational programs and entertainment. A typical Hobo Collegegathering probably resembled this hobo minstrel show al SI. Mark's Chapel in New York City, c. 1925.

New York to spread th e gospe l of ho bo reform. H e checked in to th e O ccide ntal H o te l in th e Bowery and no tifi ed th e New ibrk Times of hi s continuing research o n th e li ves of drifte rs. H e carefull y e xpl a in ed to a Times re po rte r th e diffe re nce be twee n th e city bum , the tramp, a nd the h o bo. His missi on in New York, Be n sa id , was to expose th e evils of society's uÂˇeatm e nt of th ese me n-fro m the h o pe less street d ere li ct of th e Bowery to th e hard-muscl ed ho bo wh o worked th e wh eat fi elds of th e Dako tas, th e ora nge groves of California, a nd the fruit fa rms of Mi chigan. Be n also pre pared to host a no th er dinne r fo r ho meless men , mu ch in th e manne r of earlie r dinne rs in Chi cago. He in vited "th e cream of the world o f itinera nt vagrants," notables of th e road h e had befri e nd ed ove r th e years: Fl a t-H ead H o ratio o f Co ma nche, Texas; Pittsburgh Spid er Leg; Pessimisti c Be rnh eim er, d ean o f th e Madison Squ are park be nche rs; and Blue-Eyed Perce, rodriding paladin o f th.e East. "It would be wrong," th e Times o bse rved , "to get th e idea th at 'Doc' Reitman rese mbles in any way the vaudeville Happy H ooliga n. H e is a broad-sho ulde red , black-eyed , black-haired man . . . he wears his hair just a little lo ng a nd it curls. H e affects a loose ti e of th e artist's sty le. His face is big a nd o pe n. A fin e Ro man nose helps his pi ctu re. H e seems to have

ta ke n a bath within his m emory. His vocabulary is quite ampl e." On Decembe r 4, Reitman stood before a crowded Bowery missio n audie nce, trading hobo truths and insights with his mo tley co mrades. One of the great underl ying causes of the vagrancy probl e m, he d eclared , "is the fact that the men who are on th e road li e to th ose wh o are not. Whe n I was a boy I ran away. Wh e n I got back, I would lie to the o ther boys, telling the m what a good time I had h ad. Well , I hadn't had any good time and you me n kn ow th at yo u d o n't have any good time on the road. Am I right?" A cho rus of voices resounded, "You 're right." He we nt o n to assail the conditions of th e municipal lodging houses, railed at the country's system of labor which worked individuals twe lve and fourteen hours a day and ke pt other tl1ou sands une mpl oyed , and attacked the inefficie n cies and mo tives of th e chari ty soci e ti es, the insipid soup and sermon emporiums which robbed th e drifte rs of th eir digni ty. Th e Times repo rte r wh o covered the eve nt was impressed more by the fa ncy sartorial appearance of th e spea ker than he was by his message, referring to Re itman as th e "Milli o naire H o bo'.' Ben's reputatio n , at least to this o ne re po rter, had preced ed him to New York; but tl1 e writer o bvio usly had co nfused him with J a mes Eads How. 17

Chicago History, Fall 1986 Ben perse,Âˇered in his 111 ission. Ten days later he hosted another meeting, th is one specifically for young boy tramps. More than 500 teenage runaways filled the Bowery mission house. "The youth and flower of New York trampdom convened," the Times announced. "Practically all the boys were homeless, but none the less they presented a surprisingly clean appearance. A few linen collars glistened among the sweaters, and many of the boys seemed capable of better things." In his speech Ben sought to convince them of that very fact. "You're all young boys," he lectured , "and Twant to tell you that you're on the wrong track. There is no part of the country where you can live ici ly and without doing something for the community. You know how many of you arc happy? What's the use of going around like you are. Panhandling plays itself out. You can't be a tramp and stay out of the jug for longer than six weeks ... We're going to do our best for you boys. But you must help us. Go back to your homes. Keep away from the Bowery." Chicago's celebrated hobo doctor talked of his own life on the road , of his arrests and humiliations, of the pitiful sights of the wasted men he had met. When he concluded his talk, a sicklylooking kid named Jackson rose with tears lining his face and in a trembling, halting voice said, "I thought it would be fun to tramp, but it ain't!' Later that nightjackson left the Bowery and its brokenness and headed back to his home in New England . Once again Ben Reitman returned to the v\'indy City. He negotiated for a storefront hall in a building on Harrison Street, to house the Chicago Hobo College, and continued to make headlines. On 1ew Year's Day, l 908, he hosted an exclusive dinner for boy tramps-no hoboes, bums, or town boys allowed, only road kids like Omaha Red and Boston Slim were given sanctuary that night at 180 'v\'ashington Street. Along with food and music the boys were treated to the usual remarks on the ignominy of the road life. Ben now saw himself as a champion of misguided youth on the run. Shortly after the feed for young tramps, Reitman received an angry, sorrowful letter, one that charged the hobo crusader with indirect complicity in the death of a young boy. Mrs. F.J. McBain-Evans told Ben that the publicity of his hobo meetings and the tales of his road exploits had impelled her son William to take to the freights, only to meet a tragic end. In the flaming wreckage of a boxcar 18

J ames l,ad1 How (right), founder of the l11tematio11a/ Brotl1Rr!wod H'rlfare 1hmciatio11. W(~\ Reilm.an'.s me11/or and impirrd him lo slarl the I lo/Jo College in Chicago. I low allendnl r111 1111Pmployme111 mnjnmce with Rei/111011 (left) in /9 IO.

near Niles, Michigan, the boy a nd a friend were burned beyond recognition. Mrs. McBain-Evans wrote that her son had want.eel to taste some of the adventures and face some of the risks heralded in the stories about the legendary Ben Reitman. "That is what these stories have cost me. I will spend my life trying to off-set the mischief they have done to other boys. I am going to get in touch with boys all over the country. I may not be able to accomplish much but if I can save one mother from th e agony that I have suffered through the loss of my boy I shall feel Ill}' work has not been in vain." The grim irony was not lost on Ben . Even as he had been traveling the country encouraging teenagers on the road to give up their hot-spur foolishness, William McBain had taken that message not as counsel but as a fateful challenge. Burdened by the letter but still confident that he was ma king a significant, positive contribution, Reitman continued to provide the Chicago press, local charity officials, and sociologists with eccenuic but stimulating grist for the debate on vagrancy. In one venture he shed his cape, Windsor tie, and walking stick, disguised himself as a grimy downancl-out, and, accompanied by a well-known Chicago panhandler, made the rounds of local missions, churches, and saloons asking for handouts. For several days the investigative duo uÂˇamped

Hobo King a lso ga ine d ge nuine res pect a mo ng th ose in th e und erclasses, fo r unlike ma ny of th e sky pilo ts o f th e miss io ns, th e stree t-corn e r be ll ringers in th e Sa lva ti o n Arm y, a nd th e ch a rity innkee p e rs, C hicago's ho bo doctor had firsth a nd kno wl edge o f th e road life and a sin cere feeling for the plight o f th ose wh o tac kl ed it. As h e looked a round at th e huddl ed m e n o n West Madison Street a nd o rth C la rk, as he consorted with th e to ma to -can vags as we ll as th e pro fesh o f the r ails, he became more co nvin ced th an eve r th at his wo rk co uld ma ke a diffe re n ce . This a rti cle is excerp ted fro m The Damndest Radical: The Lifi' and World of Dr. Ben Reitman, Chicago s Celebrated Hobo King, Social Reformer, and Whorehouse Physician., by Roge r A. Brun , published by th e Unive rsity o f Illino is Press, © 1987 by Roge r A. Bruns a nd reprinted with pe rmissio n o f th e a uth o r and th e publishe r.

th ro ugh C hi cago's underclass areas mooching food and mo ney. They \·isited over 100 downtown saloons a nd ca m e away with o nl y three ni cke ls. Twe n tytwo we ll -kn own gambl e rs in som e o f th e vice d e ns don a ted seve n dim es, o ne qu arter, a nd twe nty-two ni cke ls. Th e church es a nd miss io ns we re a bit m o re ge ne rous, at least in providing foo d , if not h ard cash . Re itm a n a lso kn ocked o n th e d oo rs o f seve ra l hundred d octo rs to test th e ge neros ity o f th ose o f his own p ro fess io n . Hi s co nclusio n: the parsimo ny o f Chicago's medical professio n equalled th at o f gam b lers and sa loo nkee p e r . Th e e ntire expediti o n n e tted o nl y $4.2 l. Be n a lso we nt in d isgu ise to C hi cago's Muni cipa l Lodg ing Ho use. "Th e m e n slee p o n stee l cots," h e re po rted . "with no mattress a nd with o nl y o n e bl a nke t to wrap up in . Th ese bl a nke ts are used night a fte r night, are passed fro m o n e m a n to a no th e r wi th o ut be ing was h ed . Th ey are as fo ulsme lling and vem1in-infested as th e building itself." Th e Inte rna ti o na l Bro th erh ood We lfare Associati o n, h e vowed , wo uld fight to cl ean th e pl ace up. Since his m eeting with J am es Eads H ow months befo re, Be n h ad ac hieved a curi o us pro mine n ce . Hi s trave ls aro und th e co untry had created sparkling co py fo r th e newspa pe rs, ign ited th e wrath o f so me ch a ri ty \\"Orke rs who fe lt unjustl y ma ligned , stimul ated d e bate am o ng socio logists a nd oth e r resea rche r~ over some of hi findin gs, and attracted a wary eye fro m po li ce o ffi cia ls wh o saw his in fa nt ca mpa ign as a pos ibl e so u rce o f tro ubl e. H e h ad

For Furth er Reading Be n Re itma n's pape rs, a ri ch o urce o f in fo rmati o n abo ut him and his milie u, are he ld by th e De partm e nt o f Spec ia l Coll ecti o ns, University Library, th e Uni ve rsity o f Illin o is a t C hi cago. Th e Nati ona l Archives in Was hingto n, D.C ., has investi ga tive fi les o n Re itman a nd oth er radi ca ls. Th e a uth o r's first book, Knights of the Road: A Hobo History (New Yo rk: Me thu e n, 1980) is a good ge nera l history o f th e Ameri can hobo. Oth e r wo rks in cl ud e Ne ls And erso n, The Hobo: The Sociology of the Homeless Man (C hi cago: Th e Uni ve rsi ty o f Chi cago Press, 1923; Phoenix Edition, 1975), Frank Beck, Hobohemia (West Rin dge, 1 H: Ri chard R. Smith Publish ers , 1956), and Ke nn e th Allso p, Hard Travel/in': The Hobo and His History( New Yo rk: ;\/ew Ameri can Library, 1967). Reitman him se lf wro te two boo ks: The Second Oldest Profession (New Yo rk: Vanguard Press, 1931) a nd Sister of the Road: The Autobiography of Box-Car Bertha as Told to D1: Ben L. Reitman (New Yo rk: Sh erid a n H o use, 1937).

Illustratio ns 4. co urtesy o f University o f Illino is at C hi cago, th e l.J ni\·ers ity Library, De partm e nt of Special Co llecti o ns; 6, fro m Uncle Sam ( 1894), C HS Library; 6-7, fro m Strikes, Communists, Tramps and Detectives ( 1878), C HS Library; 7, fro m Uncle Sam (1894), CHS Library; 8, co urte y o f th e Butler- McCoo k Ho mestead Collecti o n, Th e Antiquaria n and Landm arks Society, Inc., o f H artfo rd , Co nn ecticu t; 9, CH S Li b rary; 10, co urtesy o f th e Butle r-M cCoo k Ho me tcad Co llecti o n; 11, CHS, DN 76,9 16; 12, fro m Survey ( 1928), courtesy o f The Newbe rry Library; 13, CHS Prints a nd Ph otogra phs Coll ec ti o n; 14, fro m Knights of the Road( 1980), CHS Library; 15, co urtesy o f the ButlerMcCoo k Ho mestead Coll ecti o n; 17, C HS Prints a nd Ph o tograp hs Coll ec ti o n; 18-19, co urtesy o f Uni versity of Illin o is a t Chi cago, th e Uni versity Library, De pa rtme nt of Specia l Collecti o ns. 19

Residents of Winnetka celebrate Independence Day 011 the village common. In 1887 Hemy Demarest Lloyd helped establish Win11etkas villagewide Fourth ofJuly fes tivities; this anmwl celebration inspired a sense of commonweal among the citizens and quickly became a popular local custom.

Henry Demarest Lloyd's Winnetka By Michael H. Ebner

Winnetka gave Henry Demarest Lloyd the opportunity to implement his alternative vision of American society. In return, he imbued the village with a distinctive communal character and a progressive sense of civic pride. "W ithout peer" is how one visitor described Winnetka in 1873. This was an obvious reference to the community's attentivene s to civic virtue as embodied in its devotion to nature, concern for educating its youth, and its vi ll age common. Many years late1~ as he chronicled society life along the orth Shore, Arthur Meeker-novelist, travel writer, and astute local historian-spoke of Winnetka's residents as "tediously full of good works." Henry Demarest Lloyd, who settled in the vi llage in 1878, added immeasurably to its reputation. He affected the course of Winnetka's affairs until his deatl1 in 1903, often standing at the center of its civic life even as he participated on a national stage. For Lloyd-age twenty-nine when he arrived and already plagued by ill health-this suburb was not merely a haven , but a laboratory where he tested his tl1eories about the practice of democracy. Described by a biographer as an "inte ll ectual activist," Lloyd belongs in tile front rank of reform advocates during the final third of the nineteenth century. Generally, his career is discussed in connection with Henry George and Edward Bellamy. Imbu ed with fervent Christian convictions and unconventional political prescriptions for righting society's evils, all three essayists wrote in tl1e "adversary tradition." Each offered what.John L. Thomas, an intellectual historian , refers to as "alternative" visions of the American political economy spawned by the events of tl1e Industrial Revolution : Lloyd through his book Wealth Against Commonwealth ( 1894), George in Progress and Poverty ( 1879), and Bellamy in Looking Backward: 2000-1887 (1888). This trio sought to return to the simplicity of the pre-Civil War polity, propagating nostrums for the future based upon such principles as democratic self-governance, the spi1itual mission of Christianity, equality, and laissez-faire. A careful student of Lloyd's place ,\/ichael H. E/nwr is chair of lhl' Department of Hist01y at La//e fores/ College in La//e H1resl, flli11 oi.s.

among late nineteenth-century refo1mers describes him as "an eclectic and enigmatic person." When Lloyd arrived in v\linnetka, it growth seemed too slow for rea l estate promoters who had been anxious to capitalize on its natural advantage since its incorporation in 1869. In the aftermath of the Great Chicago Fire, a speculator had unsuccessfully'sought to stimulate a boom, progressing only to th e point of erecting several houses tllat soon fell apart due to flimsy construction. A real estate pamphlet published in 1873 lumped Winnetka witl1 Glencoe, while according each of the other suburbs along Lake Michigan indi,Âˇidual notice. "No particular improvements are now going forward ... " was tl1e estim ation of a ,Âˇisitor from Chicago in May of 1873 who igi1ored the installation of a sewer system at the center of the village the preceding year. One resident during the seventies would later remember tl1e place as "decided ly stup id and as leep," anotl1er as a "o nestore town," while still another told of it appearing more like a "pioneer town" than a suburb; a woman whose family took up residence in 1881 belie,Âˇed it 'Just a clump of houses in the wilderness." Residential settlement centered east of the Chicago & North Western tracks in the genera l vicinity of the commons. A smaller cluster of larger homes, several of them owned by families associated with tJ1e merchandiser Car on, Pi1ie, Scott & Co., ex isted in the northeastern corner of the viilage, which was origina ll y ca ll ed Lakeside. (It was eve ntua ll y renamed Hubbard Woods in honor of its most prominent family.) Evanston , five miles to tile south, was the place youngsters might be taken by their parents on special occasions, while Ch icago was rather beyond the ken of all except the few men who rode the commuter train. In the federal cen us of 1880, Winnetka had 584 residents, ranking Third from the bottom among the shoreline communities, ahead of Glencoe and Vlilmette bu t considerably behind Lake Forest. A decade 21

Chicago History, Fall 1986

He>11)' Demarest Uoyd(J857- l903)in 1873, they('(lrofhis 111wriageto Jessie Hross. The Lloyds settled in \ \/innetlw in 1878 and lived in tht' village for the next twenty-five yecm.

late1~ when Winnetka's population had reached 1,079, it stood second from last. Though the village was clearly unappreciated by real estate investors and some of its residents, in others' eyes Winnetka's slow pace amounted to a virtue. This reflected an adherence to the notion of a "simple village" credited to founders such as Sarah and Charles Peck, Artemus Carter, and their fellow Unitarians. One resident, recalling the 1880s in Winnetka, summed up these years: "It's remarkable what great times we had in such a dead town." The most notable accomplishment was not a public improvement-a waterworks or street gradingbut the community's concern with education. Sometime in the late seventies, what would later come to be known as the Winnetka Reading and Social Club was founded. Men and women gathered, initially in a private home but in short order in the public assembly hall of the Unitarian chapel, for an evening's discussion of literary works and issues of contemporary importance. Lora Townsend Dickinson saw this activity as "the beginning of one of Winnetka's favorite indoor sports-group reading and discussion." This edified simplicity must have attracted people wishing to share in such an approach to suburban culture. But by the early eighties it was quite apparent

that Winnetka's residents were divided. What took place was an outright conflict between "old villagers" and "progressive commuters." The former seemed content with the relaxed atmosphere and viewed any prospect of change as adding to the local tax burden. The foremost concern of the newcomers, who gained control of the apparatus of government in 1885, was to institute a series of public improvements aimed at bringing to their community the modern conveniences being enjoyed by resid e nts of some of the neighboring suburbs. Symptomatic of what they had in mind was the formation of a public library during that very year, which immediately inspired immense pride among reside nts. While at first inspection these civic controversies were familiar enough, recalling disputes over the cost of improvements in Highland Park, Wilmette , South Evanston, and Rogers Park during the e ighties, the course of events in Winnetka was starkly differe nt. Henry Demarest Lloyd was at th e center of many of these events. The Evanston Index probably spoke for many-in and beyond Winnetka-when it said: "Mr. Lloyd is a crank, yet a man of large sympathies and some good ideas." He pursued much of his political activity within the village in collaboration with J essie Bross Lloyd, the strong-minded daughter of a prominent Chicago family whom he had married in 1.873 and whose financial resources provided inestimable support during their life together. William Bross, her father, had distinguish ed himself as a founder of the Republican party, as lieutenant governor of Illinois, and as publisher of the Chicago Tribune. His new son-in-law would work on the newspaper's editorial staff. It is noteworthy that the young couple, while still residing in Chicago, attended the Unity Church of Robert Collyer who had influenced Winnetka's founders and may have commended Winnetka to the Lloyds. Chester McArthur Destler, in his biography of Henry Dem arest Lloyd, contends that the Lloyds found life in Winnetka "a source of unending delight" both for its natural endowments and the character of its community life; having enjoyed earlier summers along the Atlantic Ocean at Newport, tl1ey now fancied Lake Michigan as "our Mediterranean." The lake could be viewed from the third-floor study of their beloved "Wayside" (which remains standing today, complete with a statue in memory of Lloyd of a sorrowful figure entitled Labor, commissioned by one of his sons).

Henry Demarest Lloyd Aligned with those who advocated change in Winnetka, th e Lloyds worked to channel such enthusiasm along the path Henry termed "The New Consciousness." Writing in the aftermath of Chicago's Haymarket Riot of May 4, 1886, Lloyd prescribed that the convulsive, complex industrial society required a "mediator of mankind " who could steer the proper course between what he deemed "Ed e n of the past and H eave n of the future." Out of this would evolve the practice of direct democracy as his antidote for "too much re presentation." While he directed this formulation mostly to much larger polities, Winn e tka served as his ideal. "Give n a fre e fi e ld ," writes historian John Thomas, "the 'new consciousness' could create communities not so different from his own Winn etka, where the townspeople lent a direct hand in managing local affa irs, staffing school boards, sitting on library committees, and

running village improve ment societies." Lloyd's life in Winnetka amounted to a wellconceived attempt to unify his private and public designs for the future. The core of his vision was a ratl1er unconventio nal arrangement of family lifethree sons were born between 1876 a nd 1885-as the central institution; it brought togemer not only me generations bm also outside guests, among them neighbors as well as notables. At one time or anotl1er beginning in 1888 (he had retired from dail y journalism two years earlier after a second mental collapse), Jessi e a nd Henry were host to Jane Addams (whom they admired greatly and who came to regard Ways ide as "an annex to Hull House"), John R. Commons, Eugene V Debs , Florence Kell ey, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and Booker T. Washington, among many otl1ers. Also in residence, often for a weekend, were young men and women to whom the Lloyds offered

Neighbors and visitors found Wa)~ide, the Lloydfamily s v\linnellw home overlooking Lake Michigan, to be comfortable and convivial. In their living room the Uoydsfrequenlly entertained distinguished guesL<, i1uludingjane Addams, Eugene V. Debs, Clwdotte Perkim Gilmore, and Booker T v\lashi11gto11.

Chicago History, Fall 1986

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·AT · Wl NN E'TKA.,

brief sanctuary from the rigors of daily labor in the factories, shops, and offices of Chicago. This aggregation can-ied on what one historian has called "a fluid relationship, a lively procession of minds and personalities." The social worker Vida Scudder would recount the scene fondly, writing that Wayside' "friendly tranquil comradeship is an experience one does not forget." Out of this collective social experience, Lloyd claimed, his own family \\-Ould be stTengthened to cope creativelr with the multiple demands of modern life. That the collective social experience made a lasting impression within and beyond Winnetka-especially with the n-ain of visitors, ordinary as well as extraordinarr-is beyond question, augmenting what was an already unique communal character. At least once, however, he prompted a bitter controversy. His public plea to the governor of Illinois 2-!

Thi.1 whi1mica/ 1892 reprl'.\f/1/ation ofa ha11q11rt at \\'ayrifi,,(lejl) pirt1m'1 lhl' Llo)~L\ reigning over g11est.1 gr,lhm'd al their table. Hight: li1111 ,w•1u>ratians of the Uoyd ji1111i(1· powlfi,r thi; 1879 group /1(/r/rait: Umm left).John C. Lloyd. Armm Z. Uoyrl. \\'illia111 liro.\\ 1./oyd, a11d I ln11y Umwre;,/ l .lo)d. Pholo· gra/1h by). Kirk X1•wmk

asking executive clemency for the defendants in the Haymarket trial and his visit to the condemned men's prison cells after they received death sentences made Lloyd a focal point of criticism within Winnetka as well as in Chicago. (It also caused a deep division between Lloyd and William Bross.) But on the whole his presence was judged salutary. "'W henever anr discussion or program was to take place," recalled a long-time resident of Winnetka who spoke of Henry Lloyd fondly, "people just expected him to step to the front and take charge of things." Not surprisingly for a man with strong religious convictions, in much of his village civic activit}' Lloyd worked in close cooperation with fellow resident Quincy L. Dowd, minister of Winnetka's Congregational Church from 1885 until 1901. (Intere tingly, Lloyd professed loyalty to no specific congregation.) What we know about his

Chicago History, Fall 1986

Reverend Quin9 â&#x20AC;˘ L. Dowd (above), minister of WinnPtlw'.< Congregalional Clwrch from 1885 lo 190 I, worked closely with Lloyd in civic organiwtions. An impo11ant cult11ralforce in the life of the village, the Winnetka Reading and Social Club provided afo111m for discussion oj literary work!, and contemporm)' social and /Jolitical issues.

([losing Eutcrtaimnmt

Winnetka Reading and Social Club.

The P ubhc

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compatri ot -a g raduate o f Obe rlin and Ya le who cam e to Winn etka by way ofM assachuseus-suggests a na tura l a ffinit y fo r th e ir co mm o n pursuit. "C ha nges a nd improve me nts d o no tjust happe n," Dowd no ted , "th ey are th e produ ct of creative, coop e rative pe rson aliti es, concerted counse ls and e nd eavors." Ll oyd a nd Dowel faste ned o n th e Village Improve me nt Soc ie ty, fo und ed in 1882, as th e ir ve hi cle for change . (In most settings th ese o rga ni za ti o ns fu nctio ncct as a force for prese rvati o n.) Th ey used th e society in Winn etka to instru ct fe llow me mbe rs o n wh a t Ll oyd spo ke of as "Our Duty to th e Vill age ." Soo n Ll oyd found himse lf install ed in a successio n o f offi cial pos itio ns, som e appointive a nd oth ers e lected , beginning as village u-easure r in 1886 a nd th e n se rving as a m e mbe r o f bo th th e schoo l and vill age boards. To in spire a se nse o f comm o nweal am o ng fe ll ow res id e nts, Ll oyd a nd Dowd in 1887 in stituted a vill agewid e cele brati o n o f th e Fourth of Jul y a t th e comm o n th a t qui ckl y becam e a n impo rta nt local custo m. As a priva te citize n, Lloyd qui etl y und erwrote so me o f th e publi c library's needs; h e also paid into th e vill age treasu ry wh a t mon ey he estimate d as fai1~be li eving him se lf to be setting an exa mpl e o th e rs sho uld fo ll ow eve n wh e n hi tax assessm e nt was som ewh a t be low this fi gu re. Th e fo unding o f th e Winn e tka To wn Meeting in 1890, a no th e r co ll a bo ra ti o n with Dowd , had th e m ost las ting e ffect o n th e co mmunity. (Alm ost simulta neously, Lloyd was in vo lved in formin g th e Chicago C ivic Ce ntre Club to e ffectu ate no npa rti san re fonn of city gove rnm e nt. ) Not Lo be confused with its New England na mesa ke, for ma ny yea rs to come Winne tka's To wn Meeting was th e caucu s for its progress ive po litical forces rath e r th a n a bod y e ndowed with gove rnm e nta l a uth o rity. Som e sessio ns o f this forum we re no t so mu ch de libe rative as broadl y inform a ti o nal, presenting pape rs o n j o hn Ruskin's th o ught, mod ern socia lism , Lucre tia Mo tt (byJ ess ie Bross Ll oyd ), divorce laws, th e tra mp pro bl e m, th e free silver qu esti o n , and d e ba te ove r the propositio n th at th e Wo rld's Columbia n Expositio n sh o uld cl ose o n Sundays. Spea ke rs o f no te, no do ubt o btaine d unde r th e influe nce of th e Lloyd s, includ ed Jan e Adda ms ("Socia l Citize nship"), Clare nce Darrow ("Socia l Evo luti o n"), Flo re nce Ke ll ey ("Child La bo r in Facto ries"), and Fran cis W. Parke r ("Ho me and School"). The Town Meeting also influenced public affairs. H e nry Ll oyd strongl y supp o rte d construction

Henry Demarest Lloyd of Winnetka's municipally owned waterworks (endorsed by the Meeting) which opened with great fanfare in October of 1893; opponents of this project deemed it costly as well as superfluous, claiming that the artesian well sunk at Wayside by William Bross in 1884 had always been made avail ab le to all who wished to draw from it. To perpetuate the principle of municipal ownership, Lloyd devised an e nduring instrument for citizens to express their opin ions. The heralded Winnetka Plan of direct democracy, beginning in 1896, provid ed for referendums to decide controvers ial public questions. The moment was opportune because the Town Meeting had been engaged in vociferous debate sin ce 1894 over the virtu es of a municipal lighting plant(which would be approved in 1896 and constructed in 1900). Referendums, Lloyd believed, equipped the citizens of W inn etka with a sh ield aga inst the market economy, preserving the village's independence from corporationsduring this same period he was fighting the "Gas

Trust" in Chicago-which sought utility franchises that he believed were monopolistic. Winnetka wa the embodiment of Henry Demarest Lloyd's world view (family and community were at the core of "The New Consciousness"), the place where he savored success and even adoration. Within the homestead at Wayside his life flourished, surrounded by a strong and devoted wife, an initially understanding and wealthy father-in-law, a budding family life, and friends and associates from near and far. In the confines of the vi llage, moreover, Lloyd was regarded as a seer, as evidenced by the electoral recognition acco rded him in its local affairs. (A Repub li can journalist from Evanston grasped this fact, writing in 1888 that despite Lloyd's position on the Haymarket case and the fact that his leisure resulted from having a rich fath er- in -law, he was "a thorough gentleman and a god-and-m ora lity politician.") Beyond this imm ed iate reach of his family, homestead, neighbors, and village, however~ he

Uoyd, a strong advocate of municipal owner.1/up, backed the cons/111ction of \1 .innelka scity-owntd walmllOrks, whirh opmed withgreatfan/hre in Or11,ber 1893. Citiuns oppmed In the J>mjecl brli1'V('d it costly and 1111 nPCes.\m)'Âˇ

Chicago History, Fall 1986 encountered frustratio n and disappointme nt Lloyd fa iled , as we kn ow, to achi eve me rcy fo r th e Hay marke t de fe nda nts, he was d efeated in his campaigns of 1888 a nd 1894 fo r a seat in th e United Sta tes Congress, and h e was bitte rl y disappo inted with th e Po pulist party's d ec isio n to link its fo rtun es to th e Dem ocrati c party in th e pres id e ntial e lectio n of 1896. H e was large ly abse nt fro m loca l a nd natio nal d e ba te betwee n 1897 a nd 1901, cl aim ing to be fini shed with po liti cs and a nxio us to trave l so as to pl ace his unde rstanding of soc ial p ro bl ems into a broad e r framework. (H e visited England, Irela nd , Swi tze rl a nd , and New Zea la nd. ) Yet hi s re turn to Winn e tka proved comforting. Despairing in general abo ut th e course o f eve nts in the nati o n, pa rti cul arl y th e asce nt of th e mo no polies in th e cl os ing years o f th e ninetee nth ce ntury, he fo und himse lf warml y received by th e villagers. Not mere ly hospitable, th ey were trul y a nxi o us to o nce m o re have his wisdom o n issues invo lving utility co nu·acts th e n be ing heatedl y d ebated . And if th e concl usio n tha t Winne tka was Ll oyd 's haven as we ll as hi s la boratory fo r pursuing experim e nts in po liti ca l scie nce is se lfe\'ide nt, he imparted much to this pl ace. Winne tka was alread y possessed with a se nse of community wh e n h e a nd J essi e mad e it th e ir ho me in 1878, a nd he added to th e vill age its distin cti ve po liti cal culture and an acco m pa nying re puta tio n th at exceed ed its sma ll sca le.

T his a rti cle is ad a pted fro m Creating Chicago's North Shore: A Suburban Hist01y, to be p u blished in 1988 by T he ni ve rsity o f Chi cago Press. It is writte n in ho no r o f Ri chard C. Wade, so n o f Winn e tka and hi torian o f C hi cago.

Fo r Furth e r Reading Ches ter McA rthur Destle r, Henry Demarest Lloyd and the Empire of Reform (Philade lphia: ni vers it y of Pe nn sy lvani a Press, 1963) is the sta nd a rd biograp hy. Im po rta n t perspecti ves arc a lso o ffe red by Allen F. Dav is, SjJearheads of Reform, the Soria / Selllemen/.s and the Progressive 1\ lovement /890- 191-1 (New Yo r k: Oxfo rd Uni \'e rsity Press, 1967), Pete r C. Fred eri ck, Knight.s of the Goldm /?.ule, the Intellectual ns Christian Social Reformer in the 1890s (Lex ingto n: Uni versity Press o f Ke ntu cky, 1976), a nd j o hn L. Th o mas, Allemalive America, Hen1y Geo1ge, Edward Bellamy, Henry Demarest Lloyd, and the Adversaiy Tradition (Ca mb ridge: Harvard Uni versity Press, 1983). A mi crofilm ed ed itio n of The Papers of Henry Demarest Lloyd is ava il ab le a t th e Sta te Histo ri cal Society o f Wisco nsin. Winne tka is ri ch in loca l histo ri es. Co nsult Lo ra l ciwnsend Di ckinso n, The Sto1y of Winnetka (W innetka: Winn e tka Histo ri cal Socie ty, 1956), Ceo1·ge D. Brod sky, Remember, Rejoice, and Renew: The Winnetka Congregational Church, 187-1-197-1 (Winnetka: The Winn etka Co ng rega ti o na l Church , 1975). a nd Caro lin e T ho mas Ham sbcrgc r, Winne/ha: 77ze Biography of a \filkif!! (Eva nsto n: Sch01·i Press, 1977).

II I ustra ti o ns Unl ess o th erwise no ted , a ll illustra ti o ns arc co u rtesy of th e Sta te I li sto ri ca l Society of Wisco nsin . 20, 26 top and bo tto m , courtesy o f th e \\'inn etka I lis to ri cal Socie ty; 27. C HS Li braf).

.f,·.,,i,· /Im.,., 1.111yd m11/i111; !11 l/1·111y /Jn111m•,1 l.111yl (/,'/I/ i11 !hl'ir l,111111·, /8<J;. /Jo11ghl1To/ \\ 'illinni /ln,,\\, rJ Jnu111i11t'l1t'<:hin1p;,, hu.\illl'.\.\lllfl11, .Jrui,· u1or/{l'd rlos1'(\' u 1itl, I Inn)' 011 fond i.,.,11,·. , (Ill{/ J1rrn1idnl tlw /i11,111riol H'.Wllffr., that 1·11uh/('(/ him lo J111n111· u,ritingruul /)(Jfitin . !~,· /'JU,. !Ill' dull· 11/ !hi, Jmrlmil (u/,wr/, /./11yl m11/d /1111/, had, 1111 hi, Ii/I' in \\ ·;u,wlhn 11 1ilh />rid,· and fl w11.,,·of Ufft11t1/1fi.,l1111nll. I I,, Juul .,,·rt1t1d th,· Pilla,t.;t' in 11 1111111/wr ,fol/ihal ra/mrili,·. ,. iududing lrn1.,11n'I" and "11110/ nm/ 11illngf' /mart!, mrmhrr: ,,., u J1riz 1at,• 1-i!i:.1·11 lw Juul nmtrihulr·d g;,·111-ruu.,l_y tu th,· Jnd,/ir lilntu)· awl tlw lm, 111 /n-u,my·.

Chapin & Gore's 'J"olly Portrait Gallery" By Joseph B. Zywicki

Here's a toast to all who are here, No matter where you're from; May the best day you have seen Be worse than your worst to come. From Toasts to Your Love and Mine Chapin & Gore, 1912

J ames]. Gore was an adventurer and frontiersman; Gardner S. Chapin, a stockbroker and entrepreneu1: Together they built perhaps the most successful, and certainl y the most colorfu l, dining and drinking estab li shm ent in late nineteenth-century Chi cago. Und o ubtedly developed as a way to promote their line of sour mash whiskeys and other liquors, Chapin & Gore Saloon and Restaurant may be better remembered today than their packag~d goods. Chapin and Gore opened their first grocery on the corner of State and Monroe streets in 1865. But Gore tired of the grocery business, so they abandoned it to concentnte on the wholesale liquor tnde they had added shortly after ope ning. Soon they were marketing their own wh iskey, dubbed "1867." During the Great Chicago Fire, they rolled eigh ty barrels in to Lake Michigan for safekeeping. Upon sampling the rescued "lake whiskey," Jim Gore pronounced it "Fine as Si lk," and Chap in & Gore went on to specialize in sour mash whiskeys, the "Best in the World." The partners rebu ilt after the fire at 73- 75 Monroe Street and by 1891 operated a chain of retail outlets and sampling rooms (including one in Paris). In 1874 they added a restaurant and saloon upstairs at the Monroe Street location. The partners, like their competitors Alexander Hannah and David Hogg, understood the importance of distinguishing their estab lishment from the multitude of saloons th at already served the city. To that e nd , they set out to create an ambience unlike any other. A full front-page advertisement in the Chicago Times on September 4, 1875, recommends J oseph B. Zywicki is curator of Jxiinti11gs and sculpture at the Chicago Historical Society.

the many attractions of the sa loon, inclu d ing, of course, its libations: Thee tabli hment is at once an elaborate art gall ery, an elegant dining house, a collection of beautiful cu1iosities, a grand ba,~room, and an immense who lesale repository for the finest brands of wines, wh iskies, cigars, liquors, etc. to be found in all America. To note the various attractions of the p lace demands several inspections. Fortunately the uniform excel lence of the good things dispensed across the counters secures the constant attendance of all patrons. A man who once ca lls on Chapin & Gore is sure to call again.

A part of the saloon's unique character was

Chapin & Gore That's all you need to know

about Whiskey

Chapin & Gore

furnished by the collection of full-sized cari catures, illumin ated by the modern miracle of electricity, that graced its walls. In 1875 the co ll ectio n was largely the work ofR. W. Wallis, "who has grouped around each subject the whimsica l adjuncts of the individual's business, with a peculiarly happy effect." Over the years Chapin & Gore added paintings by other artists including Theodore L. Wust, Edward jump (?-1883), William Schmedtgen (1862-1936), and Hall)' Murdock (?-1876). It was an honor to have one's image hung in Chapin & Gore's 'Jolly portrait gallery." " obody of any position has been spared, but the burlesques have all been executed in such a metl)' humor, that the men caricatured invariably laugh more heartily at their absurd presentment than anybody else." Many of those painted probabl y visited Chapin & Gore, as the saloon had a reputation for attracting celebrities. It is unlikely that Lotta Crabtree or Dr. Mary Walker did, however. "Into this cafe no woman ever entered. It was a man's place for men . And such men!" exclaimed a sentimental brochure writer in 1906. James Gore died in 1891, and when Gardner Chapin passed away four years later the enterprise was purchased by Charles H. Hermann . The retail business outlived the restaurant and saloon, which closed in 1904. In 1930 Hermann donated th e caricature collection to the Chicago Historical Society. The paintings illustrated here represent a portio n of the collection and span the thirty-year history of Chapin & Gore Saloon and Restaurant.

Label (above), c. /900. CH S Library.

Advnlismenl(left), 19 10. from The Ice Palace, CHS Ubrary. ChafJin & Gore Saloon on Monroe Street (below), c. 1903. CH S, Prints and Photographs Col/.eclion.

JamesJ. Gore (?-1891) by R. W. Wallis

Gardner S. Chapin (1833-95) by R. W. Wallis

Francis Wilson (1854-1935) by Theodore L. Wust Although his ambition was to be a "legi.timate" actor, Wilsons humorous face and comic talent earned him kudos instead as a competent musical comedy clown. Theatrical skill, outgoing personality, and business acumen ma.r.k him a popular figure, but he was disap-pointed by his unsuccessful forays into dramatic acting. An early president of Actors' Equity, Wilson was an ardent supporter of actors' rights.

Carter Henry Harrison, Sr. (1825-93) by William H . Schmedtgen Born near Lexington, Kentucky, Hcmison obtained an A.B. degree from Ya/,e in 1845 and his law degree from Transylvania University a decade late,: He sold his plantation in Kentucky to sett/,e in Chicago and seek his fortune in real estate. He served as county commissioner and for two terms in Congress before being elected mayor of Chicago for the first time in 1879. Harrison was mayor for/our more nonconsecutive terms, e/,ected the final time as "Worlds Fair Mayor" in 1893. His success was based on his popularity with various interests in Chicago. An accomplished and princip!,ed businessman himself, he won the trust of businessmen of both parties; at the other end of the spectrum, he enjoyed the support of the saloon interests and working classes because of his liberal views on social and moral questions. He is said to have been "the life of the company" more than once at Chapin & Core Saloon and Restaurant. His assassination on October 28, 1893, shocked the city.

Charles Anderson Dana (1819-97) by Theodore L. Wust

Self-educated as a boy, Charles Anderson Dana received an honorary A.B. degree from Harvard in 1843. An astute journalist, he camP lo be recogni.ud as a lPadn of public opinion. f-lis most significant career move came with lhP acquisition of the New York Sun. Dana "/Jopularized" the news ind11Stry, exalting news al the expense of editorials, while placing special emphasis on human interest and vividness of style. As a result, the Sun became known as lhP "newspaper mans news/JClfJl'1; " allracling a singularly brilliant roster of writers. Dana is cmlited with coining the e/Jithet "Windy City," a reference lo the level of boasting and bragging that acornpanied Chicagos bid for the 1893 Worlds Columbian Exposition.

William Bourke Cockran (1854-1923) by Theodore L. Wust

A lawyer; congressman, and prominent figure in New York City politics, Cockran was respected by friends and opponents alike for his bold oratory. In 1883 Tammany leaders invited him to join them, and as Tammany delegate lo the Democratic convention in 1884, he railed eloquently against Crover Cleveland. (Tammany founders drew heavily on Indian lore and symbolism, hence Cockran's accouterments in this portrait.) His party loyalties vacillated with the issues throughout his career, however, and he broke with the Democrats several times, returning for good to deliver a ringing oration nominating Governor Alfred E. Smith of New York for the presidency al the convention in 1920.

Ma ry Walke r (1832-1919)

by Theodore L. Wust Though lrainPrl as a physician, Mary Walkn-.[ou11d ii riif!iwlt lo obtain an official appoinlmml a\ an cmi1tanl surgeon during i/11, Civil War. l:ven af!er she did i11 186], her pn,sena on the ballle[ielri wa,1 />rolested by her colleagues and the men she snved. She had alway1 scorn,,rf confining womens clothing and wri1 an ardent advocat1, of dress reform. While in the army she assumed lhe .10/dier':, uniform and throughout her Life /1refe-n-ed frock coat and trouser:; lo full skirl.l and corsels. A{ler the war she aclivdy promoted various feminist causes, but her imperiowne.ss ancl eccentricity liept h,,r on the peri/JheÂˇ1y of lhe movemnil.

William Booth (1829-1912) by Theodore L. Wust roundl'T of the Chri5lian Mission in the London slums in 1865, William Booth had wanted all his life to be an evangelist. By 1878 Booth's mission had taken the name Salvation Army, and its recruits sallied forth in to the world to wage war on sin, oppression, and the Devil. T h e War C1-y spread the written word, and brass bands blared inspiration lo the melodies of popular songs. It is highly unlikely that "General " Booth was ever a guest at Chapin & Gore.

William McKinley (1843-1901)

by Theodore L. Wust From the beginning of his political career in 1875, McKinleys fame as a statesman grew with his advocacy of the protective tariff. Throughout his many years in the House as a congressman from Ohio, he built a solid reputation as the 'foremost champion of protection." He was placed in charge of the tariff bill in 1889, and it became law as the McKinley Bill in 1890. It was his partys opposition to JiÂˇee silver that helped him win the presidency in 1896 in spite of the elegant omtory of opponent William Jennings Bryan. In the election of /900, McKinley and running mate Theodore Roosevelt defeated Bryan again. He was assassinated at the Pan American Exposition in Buffalo in 1901.

Charles Albert Comiskey (1858 or 1859-1931) by William H. Schmedtgen A native Chicagoan, the "Old Roman" Charles Comiskey began his long baseball career in 1878 in Dubuque, Iowa. He played and managed around lhe Midwest and helped to organize lite Western League, precursor of the American League. In 1900 he founded the Chicago While Sox who llwl same year captured the first American League championship. He was devastated by the "Black Sox" scandal of 1919 but rallied to install a commissioner of baseball and restore the reputation of the game. Admired by the Jans for hi5 sportsmanship and high professional standards, Comiskey remained with the Sox until his death.

Philip Henry Sheridan (1831-88) by Theodore L. Wust

The young Sheridan exhibited a lively interest in thl' military, when at age seventeen, he lied about his age in order to be admitted to the United States Military Academy. I-le fought for the Union throughout the Civil War and was eventually promoted to major general. ln 1884 he was made commander-in-chief of the army and in 1888, general. Fort Sheridan, north of Chicago, was named after him by presidential proclamation in 1888. Promotional literature for Chapin & Gore infonns us that Sheridan was a "daily and most welcome visitor in the days when he commanded the Division of the Missouri. ,.

Oscar Wilde (1854-1900)

by Edward Jump Poet, dramatist, author, and wit, Oscar Wilde gave voice to the a;,sthetic movement and advocated art for art's sake. WildP the /1oseur, l.anguid and emotional, took Chicago society by slonn on his 1882 American tom: Hi5 flamboyant physical and verbal affectations, however, mad;, him the target of a merciless press. Always reciting plalitu.de5 and paradoxes eitherfrom a podium or to an intimate crowd, Wildr's comments regarding the wearing offlowers may have triggered lhi1 rendition of him . He suggested that ladies might propl'rly wear lilirs or roses, but only an orimtal beauty might go so Jar as lo wear a sunf/oWl'I:

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George Ade (1866-1944) and Orson Wells (1860-1940) by William H. Schmedtgen O1.d friends George Ade and Orson Wells were both Indiana natives. Ade attended Purdue University in Lafayette, Indiana, where Wells was learning the art of speculation from john Gales. in 1890 Ade arrived in Chicago hoping to make his name as a newspaper reporter. His Fables in Slang column in the Chicago Record gently lampo01U!d his countrymen and earned Ade acclaim as a master of the vernacular. Collected and published as a book in 1899, they remain today his most famous works. He and Orson Wells, who had in the meantime amassed a fortune, traveled the world together. George Orson Welles of radio and film Jame was named for Ade and Wells by his parents who had met and come lo greatly admire the two while on a West Indian cruise.

Samue l Langhorne Clemens (1835-1910) by Theodo re L. Wust

Beller known as ,Hark Twain, humorist and novelist Clemens achieved world renown for his tales of life on !he ,\JississiptJi Rive,: Born in Florida, ,\lissouri, theyoung71uain worked several years as a riverboat J>ilot. This experience furnished him with the themes that he would craft into allegories of American life. This relaxed jJOse, corncob pipe, and whiskey with lemon were characteristic of Tiuain . Al limes like this, friends said, h1' did his best writing.

Lotta Crabtree (1847-1924) by Theodore L. Wust

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Making her first appearance on the stage as a child of eight, Lotta Crabtree began her career dancing and singing in the gold mining camps of California. Later successes in the variety halls of San Francisco encouraged her to try her talents on the more sophisticated East coast. From 1867 until her retirement in 1891, Lotta was a leading figure in the growing American art of burlesque and extravaganza. Her tiny figure, bright eyes, and red hair contributed to her childlike appearance, and she became a favorite throughout the country for her boundless comic sense and her ability to communicate intimately with an audience.

De Wolf Hopper (1858-1935) by Theodore L. Wust

His imposing presence, rich bass voice, and natural comedic ability made De Wolf Hopper a popular and accomplished star of stage and comic opera. He was best known, however, for his many marriages and his spirited recitations of "Casey at the Bat." After his first rendition of it in 1888 fi1ns demanded to hear it at nearly every performance for the rest of Hopper's career. He made the ballad famous, reciting it an estimated 10,000 times.

,, James Go rdon Be nne tt (1841-1918) by Theodore L. Wust

Proprietor and editor of several newspapers, including the ew York Hera ld founded by his father James Gordon Bennett, Sr. , the younger Bennett was considered eccentric by colleagues, competitors, and employees. Financing Henry Stanley '.5 year-long search for David Livingstone in Africa as well as several polar expeditions, he built a reputation for creating news and was always ready to pay for unusual stories. An enthusiastic sportsman, he introduced polo to Newport in the 1870s and excelled at coach driving and yachting. In light of his pose here, it is interesting to note that after his engagement was mysteriously broken off by his fiancee'.5 parents in 1877, her brother attacked him with a horse-whip. The scandal ended in a harmless duel, but it so dogged Bennett in this country that he spent much of the remainder of his life managing his newspapers from France.

Russell Sage (1816-1906)

by Theodore L. Wust Capitalist, financier, railroad president, and stockbroker, Russell Sage rose from humble beginnings. His family emigrated west from Connecticut, sellling in Oneida County, New York, soon after Sage's bi1th on the trail. By age twenty-one Sage had acquired enough capital lo buy out the store owned by his brother, which he sold a year later at a profit. From 1845 lo 1856, he was active in politics, serning as an alderman in Troy, New lbrk, as treasurer of Rensselaer County, and as a lwolerm representative in Congress. Leaving Congress in 1856, Sage devoted the remainder of his life lo the world of high finance. A protege ofJ ay Gould, he made a large profit in railroads and met with success on Wall Street, where he was known for his shrewd and consernative approach. Jn 1891 Sage was seriously injured by an exploding bomb placed in his office by a disgruntled fortune hunter.

James J. Gore by Theodore L. Wust

Gardner S. Chapin by Theodore L. Wust

Louise deKoven Bowen (1859-1953)

around the time she considered a mayoral candidacy.

A Woman for Mayor? By Sharon Z. Alter

A mere three years after women won the vote, factions in Chicago campaigned to put a woman in City Hall. Louise deKoven Bowen, social reformer and suffragette, was their choice. A woman for mayor? That was the question Republican leaders and the press debated in Chicago in December 1922 when Louise deKoven Bowen considered her possible Republican mayoral candidacy for 1923. Chicago was ready for reform after the seven years of bossism, greed, and corruption of the William Hale Thompson mayoral machine. With prominent men unwilling to challenge Thompson's Republican candidacy, some citizens believed the time was ripe for an established woman to run for mayor and reform Chicago's municipal government. Born in 1859 into a wealthy Chicago pioneer family, Louise deKoven Bowen was a prominent Gold Coast socialite. She maniedJoseph T. Bowen, a successful banker and financier, in 1886 and was widowed in 1914. An ardent champion of the welfare and betterment of women , children, and families, Bowen became one of the city's leading advocates of women's charitable work and women's rights. Through her position in Chicago's social welfare network and her elite status, she had been both willing and ab le to wield power for community benefit. In her roles as long-standing treasurer of Hull-House and president of the Juvenile Protective Association and the Woman's City Club of Chicago, Bowen became increasingly involved in politics. Embracing the life of political act ivism in the belief that politics was the shortest road to good government, Louise deKoven Bowen set herself apart from the typical elite Chicago woman involved in community work. Her quest for women's rights and social welfare transcended traditional philanthropic activities and led her to political and partisan leadership. Wh a t follows is a narrative of the ideas and activities that prope lled Bowen toward a possible Chicago mayoral candidacy-a candidacy some Republican leaders, for a short Sharon Z. Alter is professor of histo-ry and political science at William Rainey Harper College in Palatine, Illinois.

time, seriously considered, and a candidacy much of the press criticized. It was with abundant energy, perseverance, and organizational acumen that Louise deKoven Bowen committed herself to the welfare of women, children , families, and ultimately to the welfare of the commun ity. Although she would eventually achieve major leadership roles in several of the city's philanthropic and social welfare organizations, Bowen's pioneering work with the Juvenile Court Committee (later, the Juvenile Protective Association) gave her one of her earliest experiences with the municipal politics of ch ildren's rights. During the 1890s Bowen and other individuals and organizations had fought for and finally secured in 1899 a law establishing the first juvenile court in Chicago. Such a court would insure that chil dren were not treated as criminals, but as "delinquent children needing wise direction, care and correction." Moreover, as part of this juvenile court, there was to be a facility where juveniles awaiting court hearings would be confined separate ly from adult criminals. Upon becoming presidentoftheJuvenile Court Comm ittee in 1900, it was Bowen who "set the law in motion ." She ass isted in raising individual and organizationa l contributions for the sa laries of the probation officers and in their selection and train ing. She later helped pass a law providing that Cook County pay the probation officers' salaries. She was even instrumental in convincing the city of Chicago, under Mayor Edward F. Dunne, to provide the land for a Juvenile Court Building and a detention home, and in securing funds from Cook County, led by Cook County Board of Commissioners president Edward J. Brundage, for their construction. When, in 1907, the Juvenile Court Comm ittee was disbanded and absorbed into the Juvenile Protective Association, Louise deKoven Bowen was made its president. She expanded theJ uvenile

Protective Association's 01iginal mission-preventing juvenile delinquency by removing "demoralizing conditions" and replacing them with "wholesome, moral influences"-byaddingan educational campaign. It was based on the results of a series of "careful studies of theaters, department stores, and wage conditions in their relation to vice, crime, and illegitimacy," which she hoped would sway publ ic opinion in favor of the association's goals. L'sing these careful studies as evidence, Bowen proved the inadequacy of many state laws and 54

municipal ordinances intended to protect the health and virtue of women and children. As early as 1912, she ad\'Ocated more severe legal punishment for rape and wife desertion, stricter regulation of su-eet selling by minor boys and girls, a "livable" minimum wage law for women, and the requirement of a medical certificate when applying for a marriage license. In her role as Juvenile Protective Association president, Bowen also acknowledged that the low social status of black Chicagoans was just as much

Woman Mayor

City--Made Tragedies

of Youth A summary of the wor~ of

The Juvenile Protective Association of Chicago

Ot•er 2; year., of se,c,c, to Chicago·., Childm1

816 South Halsted Street Tele:phon.: Monroe n~

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a threat to the nation's moral fiber as juvenile delinquency and dangerous working cond iti ons. She began to in\'estigate the lives of black Ch icagoans, seeking ways to improve their status. As early as 19 13, she identified th e problems of blacks as being directly related to poor ho using, racial prejudice, unfair and discriminato11' employment practices, and police an-ests with court convictions on suspicion and hearsay testimony. Conscious or the double hardship or being black and [emale, Bowen argued: "\\'h en th e women of the

Young boys (above left) woodworking in the detention home workshop, awaiting action by the juvenile Court, 1919. Chicago establi1hed the city's first j uvenil,, Court and detention home in 1889. Bowen ttSed her role as president of the juvenile Court Committee tu raise funds and secure land to co,istruct a building to house these municipal seruices. The building opened in 1907, the year the juvenile Protective Association UPA) absorbed the juvenile Court Committee.

Chicago History, Fall 1986

Child street /Jeddlers, 1905. The)PA tried lo /mvenl juvenile delinquenl)' by replacing the demoralizing conditions of home and neighb01Â°

hood with "wholesome moral influences." During Bowm'sfirst Jenn as )PA president, the association advocated state laws and municipal ordinances to protect the health and virtue of women and children, including passage of a 1912 city law preventing children from engaging in street trades.

In addition lo her ) PA activities, Bowe11 actively l'ltdorsed woman suffrage. Aln11g with other suffragettes, such fl5 \%men's 7J-ade Union pre5ident ,\Jargaret Drein Robins (right), slw worlied to 1trengthen the tie between the vote and social reform.

Woman Mayor city make a firm stand for fair play and equal opportunity for their sister woman , although she is of a darker color, then will the colored girl be able to make her own living and maintain her self-respect." In ]917 Bowen staunchly defended tJ1e right of a black physician to be on the staff of the Municipal Tuberculosis Sanitarium. Louise deKoven Bowen publicly and privately lobbied in tJie political arena for her social welfare objectives. To achieve a passable 19] 2 Chicago city ordinance preventing children from engaging in the street trades, for instance, Bowen successfully

argued her case before Mayor Carter H. HaJTison , Jc and various newspaper publishers. To protect minors from tJ,e sale of alcohol and to safeguard girls from "'disreputable young men ," Bowen persuaded Maror HaJTjson in 1912 to hire policewomen

who would patrol amusement parks, tJieaters, dance halls, and other places of public recreation. Her long association with Hull-House-as upporter, trustee, and later treasurer-convinced Bowen of the importance of building a bridge between her social class and the working class. At Hull-House she came "in contact with problems and situations" about which she "would ha\'e otherwise known nothing" and became involved in the 1910 Chicago garment workers' strike. Upon hearing reports at Hull-House that children of striking parents were in need of food, Bowen organized a committee that raised about $12,000 and made aJTangements for milk delivery throughout the city to striking workers . Her argument was that children were "non-combatants" and innocent victims of tJie strike. But Bowen was most concerned with achieving better wages and working conditions for striking workers, and a judicious settlement of the strike. A.II of this, of course, came at a time when collective bargaining by workers was opposed by most employers and many of Chicago's financial elite. Through her various duties as president of the Chicago Equal Suffrage Association, as vice-president of the Illinois Equal Suffrage Association, and as auditor of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, Louise deKoven Bowen linked her charity work and its political activities to women's franchise. As early as 1911, she cogently countered tJie ecclesiastical, physiological, domestic, and social arguments against woman suffrage, pointing out that it is "highly proper for women to engage in philanthropy." She critically observed that once philanthropic activity has proved its social wort!, and utility and is tJien taken over and staffed by elected public officials, women are "excluded from participating" because the ''same activities wi ll no longer be considered philantl1ropy but politics." Bowen used both the "natural rights" and the "woman!)" sphere" arguments in support of suffrage. At the June 1912 Republican National Convention held in Chicago, she stated that if women must pa)" taxes, they should also have a voice in the government that determines the disposition of tJ1ose public funds. On the same occas ion, Bowen argued tJiat voting is "women's work" for women have "an interest in and a right to select the people who shall control this municipal and state housekeeping." Two months later, speaking before the Resolutions Committee of the Republican 57

Chicago History, Fall 1986 ational Convention, Bowen again argued that women "must have an opportunity to fulfill the duties and obligations which naturally belong to them." Bowen's analogy between politics and housekeeping was an idea she would return to throughout her fight for both woman suffrage and an active role for women in municipal government and party politics. When these arguments were not supported by the Republican party, even after Bowen appeared before its Resolutions Committee, she tried a different tack. She briefly shifted her political alliance to the Progressive party because its platform endorsed woman suffrage, regulation of women's employment, and prohibition of child labor; she campaigned for Theodore Roosevelt for president in 1912. When Illinois women achieved a limited franchise in 1913, Bowen arranged a meeting of 200 Chicago women at Mrs. Cyrus McConnick's home, where she urged them to register to vote and to encourage other women to follow their example so that women could become a force in Chicago politics. In 1916, when Republicans were still reluctant to support woman suffrage in a constitutional .imendment, Bowen led 5,000 women suffragists in a well-publicized march during the Republican National Convention in Chicago. Through her many political activities, Louise deKoven Bowen helped to legitimize the demand for suffrage and created a crucial link between tJ1e wealthy and the working class. That Bowen was "regularly featured in the Chicago Tribune and Chicago Post news features devoted to the suffrage cause" certainly publicized her pro-suffrage position. Her association with Women's Trade Union League president Margaret Dreier Robins, Illinois Equal Suffrage Association president Grace Wilbur Trout, and Hull-House residents Jane Addams and Mary McDowell further strengthened the tie between woman suffrage and social reform. Bowe n viewed suffrage as the potential bond between elite and working-class women; she even saw it as a possible link between blacks and whites. She argued that with the vote and its exercise, working-class women could gain economic benefits and there could be "better opportunities for the colored people of Chicago:â&#x20AC;˘ Louise deKoven Bowen also fought for woman suffrage and improvement in women's working conditions in her philanthropic and governmental reform work during her ten-year presidency

S111Ji-agette1 .111/1/Jnrting ..woman~ rn11.1e .. riding afloat in a fourth of Jul)' parade, 1910. /Jy the 191//s, u,1111<'11 had mswned leadriohi/1 /1ositio11.1 in philanthropic work. ye1 tlu'\' Wf're dm,ed ,imilar roles i11 party politics and 11111111cipal governmenl. 801,rn honPrl hn political skills fighting for vot<â&#x20AC;˘s a11d/11/I /1artiC1/H1tio11 in the politirnl arena for womn1.

(1914--24) of the Woman's City Club of Chicago. In tJ1is role she did more than merel y fulfill the organization's nonpartisan purpose "to bring toget11er women interested in promoting th e welfare of the city" by social and civic activiti es. Bowen was able to broaden both her own agenda and that of the Woman's City Club from traditional "wo manly activities"-such as improvements in public health,

the welfare of children, and inspection of schools and pla)'grnunds-to include citizenship education and proper adminisffation of city government. So successful was this change that by 1922 Bowen noted that the club's "commendation is ought on almost eve!)' question of public policy." :'vloreove1~ the Woman's City Club representatives "were invited to attend almost every public meeting and to sit in innumerable committees called by the city and county officials." In the process of this transition to greater involvement in public policy as a logical extension of philanthropy, Bowen kept the Woman's City Club nonpartisan, yet "far from indifferent to

elections·' by "endorsing policies, not candidates." Issues of honesty and efficiency in government, civic righteousness, and the welfare of the community were most important. \\'hen Louise de Km en Bowen' personal political concern and im·oh·ement were heightened beginning in 1915 in response to the political con-uption, inefficiency, and bossism of Chicago mayor \.Villiam Hale Thompson's administration, she used her positions as president of both the Woman·s City Club and the Jm·enile Protective Association in an unsuccessful attempt to counter the mayor's negati,·e influence. As Woman's City

Chicago Hi.story, Fall 1986

Miss ,\Jyrtle Falkenstein distributing suffrage/le circulars urging ciliuns to vole in Javor of giving the ballot lo women, c. 1912. The refermdum, which appeared 011 Chicago's A/nil /9 12 primary ballot, Jailed by a two-to-one margin.

Club pres id ent, Bowe n and o the r wome n's clubs organized a mass mee ting of 4,000 wo me n voters in March of 1916. Bowen , wh o presid ed , and th e o th e r wo m e n ex presse d th e ir indi gn ati o n by ad o pting a Wo man's Municipal Platfo rm "e mbod ying th e prin ciples of good gove rnm e nt." The ir pla n was to warn Mayo r T ho m pso n th a t spo ils rul e must cease a nd to serve no ti ce th at 275,000 wo me n voters wo uld h old him acco un tabl e to th e ir d e ma nds. In ovem be r 1916, after several lette rs to th e mayor e licited no respo nses or results, Bowe n as Ju venile Protective Associati o n president pu blicly criti cized bo th th e po li ce a nd muni cipal co urtjudges under th e Tho mpson administratio n fo r th eir fl agrant disregard of th e liquor laws regarding caba re ts and mino r childre n. Two years later, Bowe n again adm o nish ed T ho mpso n. In 19 19 Bowen blasted th e mayor's administrati o n fo r a "brea kdown o f po li ce co-o pe rati o n in th e p ro tectio n of Chi cago childre n" a nd fo r th e deve lo pm e nt o f "pe tty po liti cs" a nd a partisan politica l machin e as a chi e f facto r "in th e de mo ra li zati o n o f th e po li ce fo rce." By th e fall of 192 1, as comm ercialized vice in ca ba rets, corrupti o n o n th e board of edu cati o n, a nd in effi cie ncy in garbage co ll ecti o n all worse ned , Bowe n was outspo ke n in her public criti cism to th e Chicago Tribune: "Thi s is a ro tten administra ti o n .. .. T h ere is no thing good abo ut it, and it see ms to be going fro m bad to wo rse." Decid ing th at po liti cs is th e "s ho rtest road to good gove rnm e nt" and eager to insure wome n's parti cipati o n in party co un cil s and governm e ntal activities, Louise deKoven Bowen ultimately became a partisa n o rganize r. Eve n after wome n wo n the vo te in 1920, leading wo me n pl aced o n party ca ucuses had no rea l vo ice in th e selecti o n of ca nd id ates. Bowe n d ecided to fight this practi ce byjoining th e newly established Woman's Roosevelt Re pu bli can C lu b, eve ntua lly beco ming its vicepres id e nt a nd th e n its preside nt. In de pe nd e nt of Re pu b li ca n fac ti o nal d iffere nces, th e Wo ma n's Rooseve lt Re publi can C lub was "opposed to boss rul e a nd to th e evils of the spo ils syste m." T he club did mo re th an me rely d e mo nstrate its ind epe nd e nce by refusing to e ndorse certain ca ndid ates in city, coun ty, and sta te e lecti o ns. It also offe red "wo me n the o ppo rtunity to organi ze alo ng party lin es a nd to ta ke an active part in th e cho ice of candidates in th e party primari es:â&#x20AC;˘ Impressed by th e po liti cal powe r inh e rent in o rganizatio ns, Bowe n was eventua lly able to use

Woman Mayor h er position within the Woman's Roosevelt Republi can C lub to influ ence the Republican party's choice of candidates and to meet with pub lic officials o n matters of serious concern . For example, instead of"send ing a letter to officials protesting some matter," she now met in person with city officials, who were "polite and helpful " in stead of not "particu la rl y willing to meet or consult with us." Bowen and th e Woman's Roosevelt Republican Club also successfull y placed o n the Rep ublican ticket some of their suggested cand idates, such as Mary Bartelme, the first woman judge in Cook County. Bowen's ambiva lence toward partisan politics and politics in general was rooted in her dislike of compromi se. In the instance of Mary Bartelme's ca ndidacy some comprom ise was necessary; Bowen realized that if the Woman's Roosevelt Republican Club refused to endorse the whole ticket, wh ich included some less-qualified cand idates, Bartelme, the club's candidate, "wou ld have had no chance of e lection :' Louise de Koven Bowen's reputation for justice, social we lfare reform, and opposition to bossism, and her leading roles in many charitable and political organ izations recommended her as a possib le Republi can candidate for Ch icago mayor in the 1923 election; for a short time she was considered a viab le contender. For many weeks in November and December 1922, no one appeared willing to accept the Rep ubli can nomination. Thompson, the incumbent Repub lican mayor, had not yet stated whether he wou ld seek re-election, even though many of his lieutenants in hisscandalridden administration and political machine were fac ing possibl e crimina l indi ctment and conviction. Several anti-Thompson Republi can leaders desired a reform cand idate who cou ld rid the city of graft and corruption. At this time, Attorney General Edward Brundage, leader of the BrundageCrowe anti-Thompson Repub li cans, asked the Woman's Roosevelt Repub li can Club to recommend a candidate. The club proposed Louise deKoven Bowen when it failed to find any qualified male candidate, stating that she was idea l because she "would be beyond reproach , abo\'e suspicion of graft and highly efficient and competent." Though taken by surprise at the possibility of a woman mayoral cand idate, Brundage publicly asserted Bowen's potential e lectabi lity. To the Chicago 1hbune, he stated: "If Ch icago is really awake to th e conditions that exist here today ... if

Crace \\'iibur 1;-0111, pre.1idenl of !he Illinois Suffrage Association, 1912-15. Trout, like vice-/J1-esidenl Louise deKoven Rowen, camefrom an 11/1per-class Chimgo fiunily. Ti-0111 and Bowen worl,ed logethPr to pass the MrCullocl, Bill, a stale conslitutional amendment granting UJ</IIWII sulfmge, which became Illinois law in 19 /J.

Chicaao o H.istory, Fall 1986

AT HIS PR ~L;O~O~K(~~~-;jWJim~~;:--:=----OMISES OR HIS RECORD?

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Woman Mayor the good citizens actually realize how desperately a thorough housecleaning is needed and united behind the fine type of woman that Mrs . Bowen is, there would be no doubt of her success." To the Chicago Daily News, Brundage noted that it would be "an experiment to run a woman for mayor:' Yet, he also maintained: "If we are to take a woman, we cou ld find no better cand idate than Mrs. Bowen. She represents the highest type of womanhood and has a business abi lity that is needed in the mayor's office." There were several reasons why, after the initial surprise, Brundage and some other anti-Thompson Repub li can power brokers seriously considered Bowen's mayoral candidacy. First, as a well-known public figure in Chicago, Bowen would certain ly have the name recognition needed to "attract a great deal of attention ." Second, Bowen's social welfare efforts on behalf of working-class people, her attempts to better relations between blacks and whites, and her impeccable socia l credentials precluded the possibility of any association with the Ku Klux Klan in the aftermath of the 1919 Race Riot. With these qualifications, Bowen would appea l to many voters traditionally supportive of the Thompson machine as well as to anti-Thompson Republicans. Such a coalition of voters would include blacks, the urban working class, financial elites, and social refonners. 1n addition, as a woman candidate for a major political office just three years after women had won suffrage through passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, Bowen would receive good pub! icity. Her backers believed that she would poll a very large women's vote, especia lly because of her own activities in suffrage and socia l reform and her extensive network of associ ations in women's organizations. Finally, Bowen's staunch anti-bossism and reformist politics presented no threat of her building her own political machine. Instead, one could be assured that Bowen would pe1form a "thorough housecleaning" of the corruption and incompetence of the existing . Thompson machine. Women's organization leaders enthusiasticall y welcomed Bowen's candidacy, while Thompson's machine leaders doubted that she would actual ly bid for the mayoralty. The press, for the most part, however, was both dismayed and critical of a woman campaigning for mayoc In reporting on Bowen's possible "anti-city hall" candidacy, the Chicago Evening Post stated: "S hould she decide to run , her

WOMAN'S CITY CLUB

BULLETIN PUBLISHED

MONTHLY

THE

WOMAN'S CITY CLUB OF CHICAGO Volume X Number XII

APRIL, 1922

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,. N.WeNn · -·

VOTE Every Woman in Chicago and Cook County

PRIMARIES APRIL 11th 6 A. M. to 5 P. M.

Every Member of the Woman's City Club, Annual Election

MONDAY, APRIL 17th 10:30 A. M. to 2:00 P. H

Anti-Thom/Json Republican women suggested !hat Louise deKoven Bowen seek her party's nomination for maym: Her reform record, impeccable credential~. and suffrage activities made her an ideal candidate for the 1923 election.

prominence in civic work for more than 20 years and her leadership of women throughout the state would be a campaign factor never before thrown into the balance in Chicago." Editorially, however, the Evening Post doubted that the "clay has yet come when it will be wise to e lect a woman mayor of Chicago, even so capab le a woman as Mrs. Bowen." The Post's suggestion was for C hicago's women to help Republican leaders to "d iscover the right man." In a similar ve in , the Chicago Tribune was careful not to criticize Bowen's own executive and aclm inistTative abi liti es, but argued aga inst her cand idacy on grounds of sex. No woman, they contended, ·'however capable," cou ld manage a city administration consisting of all men. The editorial claimed 63

Chicago History, Fall 1986

The Links that Bind the Hollle to the City Hall

HELP IN THE MUNICIPAL HOUSEKEEPING The Woman's City Club. Chicago

This poster expresses faith that women, previously confined to taking care of their own homes, could now confront the problems of the modern city and become caretakers of municipal government.

Woman Mayor that the issue of a woman for mayor would "detract attention from the fundamental issues" of the next mayoral campaign. Yet, the Tribune did note that a "wo man some day may prove to be the best mayor in Chicago's history." In response to criticism primarily from prominent women in the Woman's Roosevelt Republican Club, the Tribune ran a second editorial again calling for ''.t\ Man for Mayor." Here, the Tribune noted the assertion of many women that "if there is no outstanding man in the Republican party sufficiently capable and popular to win the election and assure good government in the city, the logical course is to nominate and elect Mrs. Bowen:' Yet, the Tribune's own repeated argument was not a questioning of the "honesty or efficiency of any woman, but the a bility of a woman without public office experience, without knowledge of the close relationships between official life a nd politics, and entering a city government composed almost entirely of men , to assume the chief office and administer it efficiently." The Chicago Daily News, like the Post a nd Tri,bune, headlined its editorial "C hoosing a Man for Mayor," but gave quite a different message. The News urged "men and women unselfishly interested in the welfare" of the city to meet and consider the two most important questions: "What type of a man-or womandoes the city need for mayor?" and "What should be the platform of the right candidate?" While the possibility of Bowen's mayoral candid acy elicited editorials in newspapers outside of Chicago and Illinois, only the Springfield, Illinois, State journal observed that tl1e "women, with their candidate, have literally disrupted politicians" in Chicago. Unlike tl1e Chicago papers, tl1e State journal editorialized: "Mrs. Bowen is conceded to be equal to the task by reason of her intellectual attainments, her experience in public affairs and her executive administrative capacities as demonstrated in so many public and private emerprise in Chicago." That the "male political leaders of Chicago are confused" is because they do "not know how to side track her without alienating the giÂˇeat strength that she possesses." Bowen's response to her possible mayoral candidacy was a combination of surprise, satisfaction, co ntemplation , and careful deliberation. Pleased with the honor but undecided over what to do, she revived her earlier pro-suffrage argument "C ity housekeeping is like other housekeeping,

During her ten-year presidency ( 1914-24) of //IP Hvmans City Club of Chicago, Bowen fought for public health improvements, child welfare, and. a fair and efficient city govemmenl. During the 1920.1, city officials sought the clubs opinion on most public policy issues.

and it is possible that a woman might be more interested, and therefore more successful." Given Brundage's apparent encouragement, Bowen confen-ed with several friends and advisers, including Edgar Bancroft, a prominent Chicago attorney who later became the United States ambassador to Japan; Victor Lawson, owner of the Chicago Daily News; and Alexander A. McCormick, who had been president of the Cook County Board. Bowen related tl1at "they all said they thought I would make a good mayor-they were most politebut they assured me that no woman would be able to fill the duties of that office, especially with the police." Yet, "the fact was that I felt more sure of the police than any other department, since I had had a great deal to do with them as President of the juvenile Protective Association ." Bowen decided not to run. In her letter to Brundage, she noted the honor of consideration, but she declined for unstated personal and political reasons. The Daily News, the only paper reporting 65

Chicago History, Fall 1986

ALL. ABOARD.far

CLEAN CIIICAGO!!

·chicaqo.Chicaqo.Ch,cago.quoth I ·whithc.r.oh wb,thc.r.oh whithc.r. ~pry f Io c\c.an up the <11lc.y6 · An~ c . ~ out ,he. /\y 1 >h.z.n 111 ho.-..e f~wer 6mo.\\ eo/fint> to buy ,. t~tionol Postc.r N• 161 In promoting the womans role in city government, Howen frequently drew an mwlagy betwel'/1 /Jolitics and homrkeeping: "City hausekeeping is like othn hm,sekeefJing, and ii is possible //wt a woman might be more interested and therefore more successful.··

Woman Mayor

Although Louise deKoven Bowen chose not to run for mayor in 1923, she remained politically active dwing that election and in the following yPGrs. Bmwn (center right)stand5 next to J'v/rs. Calvin Coolidge (center left) at a luncheon in 192--1.

the withdrawal of he r ca ndidacy, noted: "That her acceptance of the offer would en tail grea t pe rsona l sacrifice was certain, but it was also known that this would not deter he r from running if she thought she had a chance of e lection .... That she has decided the time is not ripe for a woman mayor in Chi cago is und erstood." One month later, however, th e Evening Post mentioned th at "accord ing to insid e rs, [Bowen] would have made the campa ign if sh e had been ab le to get th e party's so lid support." A few years later, Bowen herse lf publicly re lated that she had no id ea whatever of running for mayor.

Had I been 20 years younger [in 1922 she was 63 years old], I wo uld have liked to try it. Not that l would have been elected, but I would have liked th e campaigning. the publicity whi ch l co uld have for objects in which I was interested, and possibl y I cou ld have put up a municipal program and se t up some standards . . . .

Bowe n eve n noted, "I do not believe I co u ld have been e lected, eve n h ad I accepted, but it was am using to see how mu ch the me n resented the possibility of having a woman for mayo r." Following h er withdrawal from th e mayora l ca ndidacy, Bowe n rema ined po litica ll y active in the e lection . In 1923 she beca me a member of the

Chicago History, Fall 1986 Committee of 100, later called the Citizens' Mayoralty Committee, to fight Thompson's boss rule b}' recommending a list of possible refonnist mayoral candidates. After Thompson's withdrawal as a candidate, a three-way race for l11e Republican nomination emerged. Bowen endorsed Arthur Lueder in the primary, but remained inactive in the general election when Lueder; who had won the Republican nomination, faced the reformist, Democratic candidate William Dever. Four years later, in 1927, when Thompson had regained the Republican mayoral nomination to run against the incumbent Dever, Bowen joined the Independent Republican Committee in an unsucce sful attempt to stop the return of Thompson and the political machine. That Louise deKoven Bowen, in addition to all her charitable activities, chose partisan political invo lvement was inevitable. At first, she was active in politics as a means of gaining necessary legislation for juvenile courts, minimum wages for women, and protection of women and children. Despite becoming partisan during the suffrage fight and even more so after winning the vote, Bowen maintained her independence to further advance her program of reform. She advised:

the welfare and betterment of women and children as well as the need for competence, efficiency, and civic righteousness in government. Louise deKoven Bowen transcended her social status to build bridges of support to needy chi ldren and working men and women. nlike other women who achieved simi lar success in their philanthropic and social welfare work, Bowen persevered in her exercise of influence and power for the community in ways that few women could equal. In accepting the challenge of political activism, Bowen found a way to fuse the power of partisan politics with her vision of a more egalitarian society and good government. That she herse lf declined to run for mayor does not diminish her contributions, but instead exemplifies her refusal to compromise her principles of good government and her stTategy to promote candidates who would help realize her goals.

If you are like other women, you want lo be nonpartisan and vote for the independent ticket; bur this country has always been run b)' parties and ifwe care for good government, we must give up being non-partisan and join one of those parties and fight for our party and be loyal to it.

Two works by Bowen herself are recommended to the interested reader: The Co/.orpd People of Chicago (juvenile Protective Association, 1913) and Crowing UfJ with a City (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1926). Four volumes of her scrnpbooks are held in the Archives and Manuscripts Collection at the Society. Bowen's speeches and leuer were collected in two volumes by Mary E. Humphrc) in Speeches, Addresses, & Lellersof l..ouisedeKvven Rowen: Reflecting Social Movements in Chicago (Ann Arbor: Edwards Brothers, Inc., 1937). The papers of the juvenile Protective Association are located in the Department of Special Collection , Uni,Âˇersity Libra,Âˇy, the University of Illinois at Chicago. A good general source on Chicago's may<ll'ait> is Paul 111. Green and i\lelvin G. Holli, The ,\Jayors: The Chicago Political 7hLdition (Carbondale: Southern Illinois niversity Press, 1987).

Ironically, in maintaining her dislike of political compromise, Bowen stil l bel ieved she had to continue as an active politician. "I know of no other way by which the will of the people can have even partial expression ...." she argued. I have been forced into it because everything in the way of public work tJ1at lam doing, or have tried lo do, in Chicago during tJ1e past few years, has been made either very difficult of accomplishment or has been completely nullified because of our present corrupt municipal [Thompson] administration.

Bowen, feeling compelled to become an active politician, utilized her power and influence to promote benefits for her community. With a base of support both in her elite social status and in her multiple administrative roles in Hull-House, the Juvenile Protective Association, the Woman's City Club, l11e Woman's Roosevelt Republican Club, and others, she defended and encouraged 68

This article is based on a paper presented at the 1985 Annual Meeting of the Organization of American Historians held in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

For Further Reading

Illustrations All illustrations are from CHS collections. 52, Prims and Photographs Collection; 54-55, DN 71,323; 55, City-Made Tragedies of Youth ( 1926), Library; 56, all from The Child in the City; A Handbook of the Child Welfare Exhibit ( 1911), Library; 57, DN 59,234; 58-62, Prints and Photographs Collection; 63, from Womans City Club Bull.elin ( 1922), Library; 64, from The Womans City Club. !Is Book ( 1915), Library; 65, from Womans City Club of Chicago (1922), Library; 66, from The Womans City Club Bulletin (1913), Library; 67, DN 78,307.

Book Reviews Wh e re th e Ac ti o n Is : Me m oirs of a U.S. Communist by Jack Kling

YOUNG WORKERS COMMUNIST LEAGUE OF Al\'IERICA American Secâ&#x20AC;˘ion, Y. C. I.

New York: New Outlook Publishers and Distributors, 1985. 4.

Most autobiographies are self-serving, and Jack Kling's Where the Action Is: Memoirs of a US. Communist is no exception. Yet th is slim volume is not without its merits; like similar efforts, such as Peggy Dennis's The Autobiography of an American Communist, Kling's memoirs contribute to demystifying American communism , thereby depriving wou ld-be McCarthyites and witch-hunters of one of the ir favorite p loys-trading on the fear of the mysterious and the unknown. Kling, a prominent Communist who moved to Chicago in 1930 and spent the majority of h is political life there, was born on New York's Lower East Side in 191 l. He joined the Young Communi t League in 1928 and assumed various leadership roles on both local and national levels in the YCL and the Communist party over the next half century. Kling's memoirs are divided into twenty-six short chapters, perhaps a third of which might be of interest to the general reader. Although Kling accurately notes that members of the Communist party participated in many important struggles for social justice, for peace, and against racism, for which they should duly receive credit, his memoirs are perhaps more significant for what they don't say than for what they recounl His depiction of the Communist party and the Soviet Union, for example, is entirely uncritical. Nowhere will one find mention of the phenomenon of Stalinism which has given millions of Americans a negative impression of what they consider to be real socialism in practice. Nowhere in the book is there any mention of Kling's reaction to Stalin's extermination of untold thousands of his political opponents, including the fol lowers of Leon Trotsky and virtual ly the entire Central Committee of the Bolshevik party that led the Russian Revo lution. Moreover, the author does not mention Stalin's pact with Ado lph Hitler, nor the murders of hundreds of non-Stalinist revolutionaries-including socialists, Trotskyists, and anarchists-by Comintern agents during the Spanish Civil War, nor the murder of Leon Trotsky in 1940 in Mexico by one of Staiin's assassins. Further, there is no mention of the undemocratic bureaucracy that rules the Soviet Union today nor of the Soviet Union's suppression of the Czechoslovakian revolt in 1968, nor the recent brutal repression of the Solidarity union in Poland. One cannot help wondering where Kling stood on these issues. Surely as a member of the Political Committee of the Communist party and one of the party's central national leaders he must have been aware of 1ikita Kl1rnshchev's now famous 1956 condemnation of the "excesses" committed by Stalin. Perhaps the best means by which to measure the

jack Kling becamt' in volved in Lhe Communisl party in /928 as a teenager in ,\'nv lilrk Cit_iâ&#x20AC;˘. During lhe next fifty years. he became a /1romi11enl leatf,,,- of bolh lorn/ and naliona/ parlJ activilies. CHS Archives and ,\/a1111scripts Colleclion.

value of Kling's memoirs is to compare them with the recollections of other long-time Communists who broke with Stalin ism such as George Charney, who, in A Long journey, candid ly recounts how he came to discover the brutality ofJoseph Stal in and the existence ofa repressive regime in the Soviet Union. Charney, un like Kling, chose to reject and repudiate Stalin and Stalin ism while at the same time remaining an ardent champion of socialism. Having criticized Kling for his fai lure to enlighten the reader about his views on so many of these issues, all of which conuibuted , in part, to the decline of the American Communist party during his lifetime, one must also reiterate that U.S. Communists such as Kling often played very positive roles in movements for peace and for social , political , and economic justice in the United States, and it is to their credit that they did so. On the whole, however, one might have wished for a more candid balance sheet of Kling's poli tical life than his memoirs offer. PATRICK

M. QU INN

NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY

Chicago Hist01y, Fall 1986 Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy by Robert Slayton Chi cago: Th e Uni versity o f Chi cago Press, 1986. $22

On Christmas Day, 1865, one o f Chi cago's m os t fa mo us institutio ns made its appea rance o n th e histo ri ca l stage. Th e Uni o n Stock Yards' p e n gates o pe ne d fo r th e first tim e th at day, a nd th e history o f Chi cago's South Sid e was changed foreve r. T he huge asse mbl age of ra il road trac ks, li vestock pe ns, a nd barn s qui ckl y deve loped in to th e ce nte r of th e natio n's livestock industry. The me n, wo me n, a nd childre n wh o worke d in the mea t-pac king plants built a ne ighbo rh ood th a t has become o ne of th e lege nda ry wo rking-class ne ighbo rh oods in th e history o f th e U ni ted States. Its mos t fa mo us bard was Upto n Sinclair, wh o shocked th e wo rl d with his e pi c wo rking-class tale, The jungiR, in 1905. It s most rece nt chroni cler is Ro bert M. Slayto n wh o has writte n Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy, th e sto1y o f th e ne ighbo rh ood's a tte mpt to ga in co ntrol of its social, po litical, and eco no mi c future. Slayto n has admittedl y fo cused o n o ne pan of th e hist01y of th e Back of th e Yards, th e period wh e n Eastern Europea n e thni c groups beca me th e maj o ri ty in the ne ighbo rh ood . This era tre tches ro ughl y fro m th e turn o f the ce ntury to abo ut 1970. Hi book cove rs an eve n sho rte r pe ri od , with o nl y occasio nal ske tchy refere nces to th e post-1 945 co mmunity. Th e auth o r has atte mpte d to discuss th e rise of a local o rga ni za ti o n, th e Bac k o f th e Yards Ne ighb o rh ood Co un cil (BYNC), designed to deal with wh at seemed to be insurm o untable social a nd eco nomi c probl e ms. Slayto n discusses th e co nditio ns th at prevail ed in th e stoc kya rd d istri ct at th e turn of th e centu ry and beyo nd in te rn1 s th at recall Sinclair's nove l. ln fac t th e re are reall y two pa rts to Back of the Yards. Th e first is a lo ng descripti o n of social a nd eco no mi c co nditio ns; th e seco nd briefl y de ta ils th e growth of th e BYNC. Bo th secti o ns are tro ublin g fro m a histo ri cal pe rspe ctive. Th e a uth or does no t see m to recogn ize change in the ne ighbo rhood ove r tim e; he describes it as if it we re frozen in tim e. The Back o f th e Yards o f 1905 was ve1y diffe rent fro m th e neighbo rh ood th at gave birth to th e BYNC in th e late 1930s, however, th e reader d oes no t learn this fro m th e book. Ge ne ratio nal cha nge is brie fl y me nti o ned but no t ex pl o red . Slayto n disc usses fa mily life, but he d oes not distingu ish betwee n e thni c gro ups o r e thni c ge nerati o ns. His discussio n igno res th e latest lite rature o n working-class fa mil y life and re lies fo r th e most pa n o n o ral histo ry inte rvi ews. Back of the Yards is fl awe d in o th e r ways. Perh aps its most se rious probl e m is its refu sal to dea l with th e issu e of race . Bl ac k Americans are comple te ly igno red in this volume; eve n th e ind ex omits th e m . This is a serio us o missio n in a book abo ut a ne ighbo rh ood th at played a centra l rol e in th e I 9 l 9 Race Ri o t. Blacks we re instrum e ntal in the drive to o rga nize stockya rd wo rke rs, both blac k and white, in 19 17 a nd aga in in th e 1930s and 1940s. Raci a l tensi o n pl agued th e pac kin g-ho use labo r move ment, but th e re is no me nti o n of it in this 70

"/iuo early lwmlielh -r1•11/111J' SCl' lll' I of lifi• i11 t/11• liark o/ t/11, )hrd1: wilh growlr1:1 i11 lu1111I, worken (below) 1V11il 11111.\idt' 11 .\(1111/Jle roo111 1/1'{/r lhl' .1/11rl1Jard1. Cl IS, l'ri11ls a11d />l,otogmph.1 Colll'rlio11. Sta11/iy /ir,luka., (right) i1 rrady to 11•1w c11slomen i11 a /,i//11w11ia11 /111/rlwr .,hop 011 So11lh l/011m,,Strert, r. 191-1. CI IS, ICl/i- /6081.

Book Reviews book except in a short description of Slavic-Hi panic hostilities. This brings up another important aspect of the neighborhood's history that is ignored-organiLed labor. Slayton deals with the early period of union organizing in a few short paragraphs, and while he discusses the rise of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in more detail, it is not enough. The labor movemem gets no credit for building. democracy in Baell of the Yards. The credit is all given to ethnic fraternals, th e notorious social athletic clubs, and to the BYNC. Perhaps the main problem with this book is its extensive re liance on oral history interviews. Mr. Slayton should be commended for the work he did in interviewing resid e nts of the neighborhood. Unfortunately, he seems to have too quickly identified with them. His treatment of the University of Chicago Settlemelll is not on ly inadequa te given the wealth of resources avai lab le, but it basically reflects the opin ion ofBYNC leaders who fought with the settlement in the 1940s. The photographs that are included in the book are also problematic. The publisher claims the author unearthed a "gold mine" of historical photographs. If he did, tl1ey were not included in this work. Many of the photographs have been published frequemly before. Although new when they first appeared in William Adel man's film Packingtoum USA fifteen years ago, today they are hardly unfamiliar to those who study Chicago's history. Most are undated, and at least in one case when a date is given it is wrong. An aeria l view dated 1904 illustrates the introduction, but the Livestock Exchange Building, vis ible in the photograph, was not built until the 1920s. Despite these shortcomings, Robert Slayton's Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy is an interesting exercise in local community history. The author certainly portrays the neighborhood in graphic term . One can almost feel and smell the presence of the stockyards on the South Side. The use of oral history leads the author to some interesting insights into the neighborhood "that almost everyone claims to be from." DOMINIC

PACYCA

COLUMB IA COLLEGE

Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century by Dctvid C. Hammack :slew York: Russell Sage Foundation. 1982. 29.95.

. I 1ig11 /mm the lat,• 1970s /1rodaim1 /fork 11( the lends residenL1· /1rid1• 111 tlu•i1 ,wighborlwod. Photogmph Ii)' C:a10· P11111ch1111a , CII.S. !Clli-06998.

In writing of Chicago, Mike Royko once suggested that the city's motto "I Will" should be changed to "Where's Mine )" Such a slogan would , it seems, be appropriate for greater New York at the turn of the century, according to David C. Ham mack's recent study. In Power and Society, Hammack examines the social basis for and the exerci e of power in the political process and in the implem e ntation of public policy. His detailed exposition of the political machinations taking pl ace in the nation's leading metropolis during an era of bewildering

Chicago History, Fall 1986 change renders New York comprehensible (no small feat) and provides a model for the study of power in metropolitan America. Hammack begins his substantive analysis by detailing the transformation of New York's me1·cantile economy into a modern industrial system. This change was accompanied, Hammack indicates, by a "remarkable continuity of personnel" as 1he sons of merchants, bankers, and lawyers moved into ke) positions in the 1ew York economy The rea l slOry, however, was New York's emergence as America's industrial headquarters and its increasing economic diversity and complexity. The city's old mercantile elite lost ground Lo a rapidly growing, diverse, and imernally divided set of leaders rather than lO a new manufacturing elite. Equally important, the economic forces transforming the city auracted a similarly fragmented, non-Anglo-Saxon work force. Such workers (who were also, significant!)', voters) Look their place alongside the growing legions of professional and technical experts whose specialized training and institutional affiliations catapulted them into the decision-making arena. Having thus laid the foundation, Hammack next proceeds to explore mayoral politics and three crucial series of event that greatly innuenced 'ew York's future development: the consolidation of greater New York in 1898, the construction of the city"s first subway, and the centralization of its school system. Breaking free of the conceptual straitjacket IJ1at has confined much of the previous discussion of urban politics, Hammack eschews the "boss-reformer" dichotomy and insists instead that the "great Iheme of the period" was the "increasing diversity of the political organizations that could innuence mayo1·al nominations~ Beginning in the era of me1·chant mayors ( 1872-86), the author traces the process of political centralization IJ1rough an era of transition (1886-1903) dw·ingwhich Tammany Hall enjoyed growing success, if not consolidated strength, and the period after 1903 when the lammany Tiger emerged dominant. But if the ascendance of the Democratic machine na1Towecl the political field in one sense, Hammack emphasizes the multiplicity of new players, the opening up of IJ1e political process, and the mobilization of the lower end of New York's social order. The subsequent chapters on substantive policy cleciions further document Hammack' thesis that "power was concenu·atecl not in one or two but in several di Linet economic, social, and political elites" and that they "engaged in a shifting complex of alliances, bargained with one another, and sometimes made important concessions to secure the support of other elites and of wider publics." The fight over consolidating greater New York was particularly notable for the mercantile elite's ultimate need for and reliance upon state Republican boss Thomas Plau, who helped pass a plan that served partisan political purposes as well as patrician economic needs. Ham mack's cleft handling of IJie subway debate also reveals IJiat IJ1e city's elites, of whatever su·ipe, were increasingly dependent both upon professional politicians, and upon the corps of technical

specialists whose expertise was essential in the rapidly moderni7ing city. Finally, the school centralization controversy indicates IJiat ideological reformers of the "earnest, public-spirited class" similarly displayed both innuence and hegemonic desires. For all its strengths-and probably because of themHammack's study does raise some questions. Clearly, the issues he tackles were of major metropolitan concern and appropriate for his pioneering sLUdy. One wonders, howeve1~ whether the broad range of forces and the rough. implicit balance brought LO bear on mauers of wide interest were mobilized for the more frequent, focused, localized disputes. Would a narrower, selective mobilization on neighborhood issues result in a more skewed distribution of power? An examination of such lower level decisions might well sustain (or perhaps qualify) the apparently linear progression that has power in turn-of-the-cenLUry New York dispersed more widely than it was in 1850, though not quite so broadly as ii was to be in 1950. The role of the poor also remains troubling. Hammack asserts some degree of influence for the less afnuent, and while that need not imply even a coarse measure of parity, its discussion in the context of exercising "power" (defined as the ability of an individual or group "to realize their will in a communal action even against the resistance of others") seems dubious. The author is aware IJ1at the Chamber of Commerce (in conjunction with others) set New York's agenda and established the terms of public discussion. And he notes that the poor had "no voice" in the question of consolidation and "took no part" in the debate over school . Lacking the initiative, their direct participation limited, their access to power was seemingly provided, according to Hammack, by Tammany Hall and the Democratic party. Yet that formulation ignores the ambiguous nature of the relationship between pany leaders and the masses; and Ham mack's assertion that universal manhood suffrage and high voter turnouts served to place effective limits on the well-to-do casts the participation of the poor in wholly negative terms and still leaves IJ1eir interests unarticulated. Where the working class did take a firm position (again t school centralization), its wishes were easily dismissed. Finally, considerations of race do not intrude on the text. Perhaps blacks were Loo few, in the aulJlor's estimation, to merit separate consideration in a book that concentrate on the nineteenth century. But there were more than 60,000 blacks in 1ew York by 1900 and nearly 100,000 ten years later. Such developments must be taken into account in any calculation of IJ1e degree to which the political process engaged newcomer or any assessment of Tammany Hall's role. My quibbles here are not wilJi IJie direction of IJie shifts Hammack detects, only with IJieir degree and, perhaps, their implications. Fragmentation was obviously not IJie sole province of an expanding upper or middle class; IJiere were limits to IJie limits mat could be imposed upon IJiem. ARNOLD

R. HrRSCH

UNfVERSITY OF NEW ORLEANS