Chicago History | Fall 1995

CHICAGO HISTORY The Magazine of the Chicago Historical Society

Chicago Historical Society OFFICERS Sharon Gist Gilliam, Treasurer Philip W. Hummer, Chair Richard M. Jaffee, Vice Chair R. Eden Martin, Secretary Charles T. Brumback, Vice Chair Phi lip D. Block III, Immediate Past Chair Douglas Greenberg, President and Director Lerone BennettJr. Philip D. Block III Laurence Booth Ch arles T. Brumback Rob ert . Burt Michelle L. Collins Mrs. Gary C. Comer J ohn W. Croghan Stewart S. Dixon Michael H. Ebner

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CHICAGO HISTORY The Magazine of the Chicago Historical Society

Fall 1995

EDITOR R OSEMARY

K. ADAMS

Volum e XXN, Number 3

ASSISTANT EDITOR LESLEY

A.

M ARTI N

DESIGNER JE NN IFER MI N DEL

CONTENTS

PHOTOGRAPHY J O HN ALDERSO N J AY CRAWFORD

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Copyright 1995 by th e Chicago Historica l Society Clark Street at Nor th Avenue Chicago, IL 606 14-6099 ISSN 0272-85-10 Art icles appea rin g in thi journa l are abstracted and ind exed in / hstoricalAbstract, and Ameriw: I fisto,y and Life.

Footnoted manuscripts of th e articles appear ing in this issue are available from lhe Chicago Historical Society's Publications Office .

Front co,·er: Howard Street,

CHS, ICHi-23599.

The ChicagoDefenderand the Realignment of Black Chicago WALLACE B EST

22

A Temple of Practical Christianity P AULA L UPKIN

42

Rogers Park/West Ridge EMILY CLARK

52

Yesterday's City

65 Index to Volume XXIV

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Top: Stationeryfrorn the Chicago Defender, which called itself the"World's Greatest Weekly,"and assertedthat''Arnericanraceprejudice must be destroyed."Above: Robert Abbott,founder and publisher of the Defender, the nation's most widely readAfrican American newspaper,used the power of the jJressto protest racial discriminationand to give voice to the African American experience.

4

The Chicago Defender and the Realignment of Black Chicago Under Ro bert Abbott's leadership, the Chicago Defen d er encouraged African Americans to uphold tradition by voting R epu blican, the ''party of Lincoln. " Only after his retirement did the newspaper shift its support to the Democratic party.

Wallace Best When Frederick Douglass stepped to the podium at the New Orleans convention of Negro workers in April 1872, he spoke the sen timent of millions of black Americans when he said , "the Repub lican party is the deck, all else is the sea ." The Repub lican party, as the party of emancipation under Abraham Lincoln, secured the steadfast devot ion of black Ameri cans, who expected its post-Civil War stance of racia l liberal ity to realize their hopes of greater social equa lity and civil rights. By 1932 , however, blac k Americans had largely abandoned their loyalty to the Republican party to embrace Franklin D. Rooseve lt's New Deal.

Chicagoans were the exception . Although hardest hit by the Great Depress ion , black Americans in Chicago were last to convert to the Democratic coalition of recovery and relief , remaining firm ly aligned to the Republ ican party despite the fact that the depression had rendered it ineffectual on both the local and national levels. The po litical realignment was not complete in Ch icago until 1940 , a full eight years after blacks in most urban areas had long been described as overwhelming ly Democratic.

Robert Sengstacke Abbott's Chicago Defender, the most important black newspaper in America during the 1930s and the most widely read among black Chicagoans, p layed a key role in sustaining black Chicago 's loyalty to the Republican party.

By defining "race consciousne ss" as a commitment to the unequivocal social equa lity of black Americans and embedd ing in it an ideological connection to the party of Lincoln, the Wallace Best is a graduate student iu American history at Northwestern University.

ChicagoDefender estab lished the format for po litical discussion as a debate between Lincoln 's legacy and the Democrat ic party 's prom ise of material benefits . So effect ive was Robert Abbott's use of a "rac ial po litics of memory" that by 1940 black Ch icago's rea lign ment rep resented not a shift from the ideo logical appea l of Linco ln and the Rep ublican party to th e ma ter ial appea l of jobs and re lief, but rather a transfer of that same ideo log ical loyalty to the Democratic party.

The Defender oft en evoked the image of Abraharn Lincoln as the"Great Emancipator" to encourage readers to remain loyal to the Republican party. Lithograph,c. 1863.

5

ChicagoHistory, Fall 1995 The black press has historically functioned as a direct and intimate medium of communication as well as a vehicle for the sophisticated political expression of African Americans. No one understood the pervasive power of the black press like Robert Abbott, and no black newspaper uncloaked the voices, experiences, and perspectives of black Americans like the ChicagoDefender. Though not alone in its historical concern for racial equality and civil rights, the Defenderwas the most e!Tective, politically sensitive, and race-conscious American newspaper of the first four decades of the twentieth century.

The first issue of the Defender appeared on May 5, 1905, as a handbill made up of four sixcolumn pages. Robert Abbott, a migrant from Savannah, Georgia, who came to Chicago in 1899 to practice law, founded the newspaper in response to his conviction that a good newspaper was "one of the strongest weapons ever to be used in defense of a race." His three goals for the newspaper were to influence the actions of African Americans, to reOect their ideals, and to protest disoimination. The paper rose to overwhelming success, and by the time it became an eight-page weekly in 1920, i1 had its own plant and a circulation of about 230,000.

Abbott, in fact, raised the price of the newspaper in 1921 from five to ten cents to curb

Abo1•e:The young Robert Abboll.Abbottsought the full inclusion of African Americans on all levels of societyand establishedthe Defender in 1905 to help pursue that goal. Right: This remodeledsynagogue in the heart of Chicago's Bronzeville becamethe home of the Defender in 1921.

6

The ChicagoDefender demand. It had received national acclaim from black Americans, roused the suspicion of the federal government, and made Robert Abbott one of Chicago's first black millionaires. When Swedish economist Gunner Myrdal predicted in 1944 that the newspaper was "destined to revolutionize egro journalism," it had already clone so. In vivid headlines, the Defender had raised the plight of black Americans in bold relief. It had become, in the words of onetime Defenderjournalist Langston Hughes, the "voice of a voiceless people," rivaling the Bible in popularity among blacks in Chicago and beyond.

But if the ChicagoDefender had become the voice of a voiceless people, it had also become the voice of Robert Abbott, a man of deep loyalties and conviction. Contending that there should be no segregation in any sense, he sought full inclusion for black Americans on all levels of society. He was known to advocate "unreserved freedom, unrestricted political and economic participation, and unpre cribed social limits." In this way, the Defenderwas a concrete expression of Robert Abbott's personal philosophy. The newspaper's motto was his own: "American race prejudice must be destroyed."

Robert Abbott's convictions about social equality prompted him to use the Defender not only Lo reflect the public opinion of black Americans, but also to attempt to shape opinion and influence patterns of behavior.

Early in his career be demonstrated his ability to do just that during the Great Migration.

Using the popularity and wide reach of his newspaper, Abbott helped encourage one of the o-reatest mass social movements in American history. A large distribution in the South allowed Abbott, dubbed the "Blackjoshua," to use the Defender pages to expose injustices in southern states, which he contrasted with images of social and economic freedom in the North. He suggested departure dates, formed migration "clubs, " printed job offers , and posted news of happy migrants who had made the trek. For Abbott, what he called "the Great orthern Drive " was a push for black social equality and self-reliance. ln the same way that Robert Abbott used the Defender Lo tir the migration from the South, he also used it to set a framework for political discussion where race functioned at the core, holding primacy over concerns for class and economic standing. According to this framework, a race con ciou political culture was committed to the social equality of black with

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Above: The guiding principle of Robert Abbott and the

Defender. white Americans, and race was the starting point for any political debate. As race consciousness was not simply a matter of legal civil rights but a moral imperative, Abbott made clear his expectation that the Republican party, the party of Abraham Lincoln, would champion the cause of black advancement and combat racial discrimination. The Republican party, after all, had made the historic attempt to vouchsafe to black Americans the ba ic principles of the American government. Abbott never wavered in this belief.

Although Abbott claimed that the Defender was "independent of politics," he extended his political sympathies to his newspaper, spelling out a direct connection between the ocial equality of black Americans and the Republican party. For Abbott, to be u-uly race conscious was to be Republican. And with the important exception of the campaign of 1928, the Defender backed every Republican presidential candidate from 1910 (the time it first reported on national politics) to 1936. Moreover, under Abbott 's careful editorial direction, the Defend er, the "World's Greatest Weekly," acted as a voice for the national Republican party throughout the 1930s.

7

The Defender was widely read in the South, and Abbott encouragedsouthern blackslo migrateto the North by printing storiesand imagesdepictingthe opportunities awaiting them. These Chicagoansworkedin Chicago's Nile Queen CosmeticsCompany,an African Arnerican-ownedfinn, c. 1917.

ChicagoHisto,y, Fall 199 5

Theodore Roosevelt al Chicago'sUnion Station, 1913 . The Defender calll!dthe Republican Rooseveltlhe"greatest friend the Negro has in public life."

That unflinching support for the Republican party began with Theodore Roosevelt, whom the Defender named "the greatest friend the Negro has in public life." It continued with William H. Taft, who won high praise from the newspaper for inviting to the White House, "for the first time in the hi tory of presidents," a committee of black leaders to discuss mob rule and lynching. Taft's actions and rhetoric met Abbott's standards for race consciousness, and the Defender enthusiastically endorsed him throughout his administration. By contrast, one year into Democrat Woodrow Wilson's administration , the Defender spoke of him in terms of "what the race lost," calling it the most disastrous year to the political fortunes of blacks since Reconstruction. Particularly disturbing had been Wilson's dismissal of black federal employees for white ones, and the introduction of six bills to the legislature that called for the repeal of the Fifteenth Amendment. Abbott 10

concluded that Wilson had "clone nothing for us [blacks], but a great deal to us."

With the nomination of Warren Harding and the return of a Republican majority in 1920, however, the Defender predicted that the "suffering may end" and expre sec! renewed hope.

Harding received 95 percent of the black vote in Chicago. The Defender was equally effusive about Calvin Coolidge when he won the presidential nomination in 1924. For his strong statements against lynching and for black equal rights in a speech entitled "T he Negro-An American Citizen," the Defender pledged "im plicit confidence and support." In that year's election, black Chicagoans gave him 91 percent of their vote. By 1924, the Defender, under Abbott's tenacious editorial leadership, had made its political sympathies perfectly clear: tl1e Republican party remained the deck.

The 1928 presidential campaign between Republican Herbert Hoover and Democrat

The ChicagoDefender Alfred Smith, however, produced a more complex discussion of political matters in the Defender, challenging for the first time black allegiance to the GOP. The discussion , however, stayed within the framework of race consciousness Robert Abbott had established, demonstrating not only the pow er of Lincoln 's legacy, but also Abbott's influence on the political terrain. Rather than openly supporting the Democratic candidate, for example, the Defender took a moderate tone toward Alfred Smith even though he had made explicit appeals to Northern blacks despite pressure from racist Democrats in both the North and the South. Herbert Hoover, in contrast , bowed to Southern racist Republicans and accepted support from the Ku Klux Klan, which had offered LO support both candidates. Smith refused. Hoover's actions convinced some blacks that they were no longer welcome in the ranks, and the last article in a Defenderseries entitiled "Some Plain Facts on the Political Question," finally lamented the historical alliance between black Americans and Republicans. The writer asserted that "the Republican party to which we have given our whole-hearted support

since it came into being more than half a century ago has deserted us. " The Defender's readers were even more forthright. "L incoln was a Republican, " wrote Joshua T. Montgomery, "He labored and fought for the freedom of the Negroes. After Lincoln came .. . [Theodore] Roosevelt, and since the passing of Roosevelt the egro owes the Republican party nothing. " William Jenkins admonished, "I shall cast my vote this year in favor of Governor Alfred E. Smith, Democrat. Bear in mind this-quit voting for Lincoln. He was all right while he lived, but he can't help us now!"

Hoover won the election of 1928, and despite some opposition from African Americans, his victory was largely due to a great percentage of the black vote. In Chicago, for example, he received 75 percent of the black vote. Four days after the election, the Defender released a statement that expressed good faith that the people "have chosen wisely" as well as "the hope that, in spite of the things which have stood out so glaringly against Mr. Hoover, he will prove to be above them." Chicago's blacks voted overwhelmingly for Hoover, and "when the Great Democratic realignment took

Undat('{/plwlograph of William H. Tafl. Tafl eamed the Defender's ent/wsiaslicsupj1ortwhen he invited a groujJof black leadersto the vl'Hite House to diswss the issues of mob nilP and ly11chi11g.1.

rlft"icanAmericansstrongly supported Calvin Coolidge (shown above in 1927) in the 1924 election.

II

Chicago History, Fall 1995

Campaign flyer from the 1928 race between H erbert Hoo ver a11dAlfr ed Smith. Hoove r's accefJlance of support Ji"oin the Ku Klux Klan convi nced some blacks that they were no long er welcome in the R epublican /Jarty .

place, black voters were the only electoral bloc in the city that remained aboard the ill-fated Republican ship" when the storm of political change swept it under. The most significant feature of the campaign of 1928, however, was the way in which it exhibited the debate regarding allegiance to the legacy of Lincoln and the Republican party. Contestation of the Lincoln legacy affirmed that readers and editorial commentators understood the parameters of the debate set by Robert Abbott, and during the volatile times of Democratic ascendancy in Chicago during the 1930s , Abbott's concept of race consciousness and the Lincoln legacy continued as the matrix for political di cussion.

By 1932, the Great Depre sion was reason enough for black Americans to question the Hoover presidency and the prospect of another four years. As the economic crisis worsened, blacks were disproportionately affiicted. In Chicago, blacks accounted for only 4 percent of the population, but they accounted for some 16 percent of those out of work and 25 percent of those on relief. In addition, Hoover 's record and policy on race issues, deemed one of indifference and disrespect for black Americans, compelled some blacks to recognize a funda12

mental difference between Hoover and the sacred Lincoln. Black Republican leader , who were held off on the fringes of the national party , complained that Hoover had no racial policy and that he took no steps toward eradicating mob rule , lynching , and di franchisement. Moreover, he had nominated John J. Parker to the Supreme Court, a man most blacks considered a perverse racist. Yet, while the debate raged between those who saw these actions as "temporary departure[s] from traditional Republican policy, " and those who maligned Hoover 's lily whitism and his "lack of sympathy for and little patience with the colored man," the percentage of black votes Hoover received went unchanged. Although the Democratic party emerged successful in 1932 , black Chicagoans sent the same message they had in 1928, voting in vast numbers for Herbert Hoover and the Republican party.

Clearly , Franklin Roosevelt himself was a significant reason why blacks were reluctant to embrace him over Hoover. Nothing about him offered blacks any inducement to break traditional ties. He was of obvious patrician heritage and displayed no particular sensitivity to the issues of racial equality and social justice. His

The ChicagoDefender political record did not indicate a concern for racial equality. As assistant secretary of the Navy during the administration of Woodrow Wilson, he had taken initiative to install segregated toilets in the State, War, and Navy department buildings and had adamantly supported the occupation of Haiti in 1915, an act black Americans deemed racially motivated.

Although only a week before, the Defender had called him "the weakest possible candi date," Roosevelt did exhibit some understanding of his need to symbolically address the concerns of the black community and granted the Defender his only private interview in Chicago. Speaking to Edgar G. Brown , director of the Ten-Year Progress Plan and Program for Race Citizens, Roosevelt defended his record on racial issues as governor of ew York, and appealed to the history of the Democratic party as one of equal rights. In response to a proposal for an equal rights plank,

which the Defenderinitiated earlier in the year, Roosevelt said: Your effective presentation of the matter before the resolution committee won many friends [to] the colored people and you can tell the ChicagoDefender I stand 100 per cent for the whole Democratic platform, including the first declaration of principles laid down by Thomas Jefferson , the author of the Constitution, and the final and continuing paragraph of the 1932 platform of the Democratic convention, guaranteeing equal rights to all, pecial privileges to none, and further pledging me as the nominee of the national Democratic convention to do everything in my power to secure justice for all our citizens regardless of race or creed.

The Defender, however, made no official response to Roosevelt 's interview and did not support him despite his apparent raceconscious language. His victory in November

In addition lo speaking out in his newspaperagainst the devastating effectsof the depre ion on African Americans, Abbottsought to provide practical relief as well. In this 1931 photograph,Abbottand his employeesprepare to distribute food lo needyfamilies al Thanksgiving.

13

ChicagoHistory, Fall 1995

Eleanor and Franklin Roosevelt, J 932. Although during the 19 32 ca111paign African Americans began questioning the Re/JublicanjJarty'ssuPfJortfor racial issues,black Chicagoansnonethelessvoted overwhelminglyfor Hoover. Roosevelt eme1gedvictorious.

14

The ChicagoDefender earned a second-tier headline to the story of cafe owner who had been reported missing. In an article entitled "Anti-Hoover vote wrecks Republican Party, " a columnist outlined the reasons [or the defeat. He insisted that black Americans did not vote for Roosevelt, they voted against Hoover. The columnist concluded that the real tragedy was that Hoover's "hard-headed policy " carried a number of notable Republicans, who were "fa ir on the race question ," down with him.

As in the previous presidential campaign, the campaign of 1932 uncovered a diversity of opinion about how blacks should vote and again threw open the question of black allegiance to the Republican party. Yet when the votes were counted, it became clear that there had been no massive movement of black Chicago's voters away from the Republican fold. The presidential election of 1936, however, brought more of black America into the Roosevelt coalition, and even the Republican stronghold in black Chicago began to breakdown. The "alphabet programs " initiated under Roosevelt's administration had diminished, for some, any doubt about his efforts to ameliorate the problems that most affected black America. Roosevelt's ability to offer material relief to the economic devastation of the depression became more important than his past political affiliation and his poor race record. In turn, some blacks on relief conceded, "possibly it's not everything it could be, but it has kept me from starving." Robert Abbott, however, was among those who remained critical of a program of relief that contained no clear policy on discrimination. He could see no way to condone a system of government th2t failed to work explicitly for equal rights and social equality. In 1936, the Defender waged the most anti-Democratic party campaign in its histOiy. In light of Democratic success, the 1936 Republican platform with regard to blacks consisted essentially of two drives. They argued for traditional loyalty based on historical ties and attacked the ew Deal. Party leaders called upon blacks to remember Lincoln and the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments.

"The history of the Republican party and that of our colored citizens," they avowed, "are so interwoven that it is impos ible to think of freedom and the remarkable progress of colored Americans without recalling the origin of our party." Invoking tl1eir seventy-year history of "maintaining equal opportunity and rights for our egro Citizens," they affirmed that the

GOP had stood historically, not only for the betterment of blacks , but also for their personal liberty. Furthermore , Republicans emphatically denounced the New Deal, arguing that its policies assumed a permanent reserve of unemployed blacks. From this re erve of black unemployed , none would rise to full employment, but would remain on relief rolls as "wards of the federal government."

Largely following the strategy set by the national Republican party, the Defender argued even more forcefully for traditional Republican ties , debunking the New Deal as "benevolent tyranny." Anti-Roosevelt and pro-Alfred M. Landon comments filled the editorial columns. Some commentators insisted that "the forgotten man" was still forgotten, while one reader poignantly asked, "why should we [blacks] change?"noting that the Republican party deserved "at least 90 per cent of the credit" the legislation benefiting black citizens. Political commentaries by Robert Abbott and his star journalist, Roscoe Conklin Simmons, revealed their disappointment not only with Roosevelt's race record over the past four years, but also at the New Deal's inability to meet the needs of black Americans. The ameliorative programs of recove1-y, they concluded, failed to reach those most devastated by the depression. Moreover , the racism perpetrated within those programs further hindered any real progress for African Americans. Fueled by the nationwide effort to revive the floundering Republican party, Abbottjoined several "recovery" committees while Simmons utilized the legacy of Lincoln to remind Defender readers that their liberty stemmed from their association with the Republican party.

In August of 1936, Republican National Committee chairman John Hamilton announced that the "1936 campaign among race Republicans will be more intensive than ever before in the party's entire hist01-y."The extent of the 1932 defeat caused many black Republicans to consider with more severity the situation of the upcoming election. Hamilton wanted the 1936 campaign "conducted in harmony with modern race thought." To accomplish this aim, he established a western division of the Republican ational Committee and appointed Abbott chairman of public relations and the press. As a part of its anti-Democratic campaign, the Defender ran a front-page photograph of ilie committee, including Abbott, with the caption, "they'll help Republicans win."

15

ChicagoHistory, Fall 1995

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Abbott was the obvious choice for this position not only because of his reputation as a "staunch Republican " and the overwhelming influence of his newspaper, but also for his strong stand against Roosevelt and the ew Deal. Abbott had taken stock of the last four years of the Democratic ascendancy and pronounced it of "no real service to colored America. " Two articles he wrote during this period revealed deep-seated political convictions against what he considered the racist , poverty -producing measures emanating from Roosevelt 's White House. In the first article, entitled "Roosevelt's job program reveals horror stories when facts are exposed," Abbott acknowledged a few more appointive jobs under 16

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The Democraticparty rhetoricpromised materialbenefitsfor Afri.canAmericans, in contrastto what it characterizedas the emjJty promisesof the Republican party.

the Roosevelt initiatives, but asked, do "the additional appointments compensate for the treatment of the masses of colored workers on relief rolls?" He claimed tl1at Public Works Administration (PWA) and Works Progress Administration (WPA) programs exhibited "gr oss injustices " to blacks . Moreover , Abbott contested the constitutionality of federally funded racial segregation on government job sites . He renounced "the tragic picture of officials of the Federal government, sworn to uphold the Constitution, teaching white citizens that our people are unfit to live in any but segregated communities." In his concluding statements, Abbott dismissed the New Deal as "foolishness and double dealings."

The ChiragoDefender One month later, Abbott continued his tirade in the article "Roosevelt in Role of Jekyll and Hyde with Rich and Poor: A Survey on the Actions of Democrats," which he began by declaring that "Mr. Roosevelt is an expert at playing a two-way game." Roosevelt, who sought to buttress his image as the president for the forgotten man, regularly attacked big businesses while "at the same time accepting funds from them." In this political commentary, Abbott cited further wage discrepancies in the WPA, but as before, focused on the issues that most directly revealed overt examples of race discrimination practiced by the Democratic party. Lynching had been a long-standing concern of Abbott's, and the repeated failure of the Democratic party to pass a federal antilynching bill convinced him of the "Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde role of the present occupant of the White House." He informed his readers that the Costigan-Wagner antilynching bill had been presented before the Seventy-forth Congress, but was "filibusted to death." For Abbott, ew Deal legislators as well as the White House

seemed genuinely preoccupied wilh garnering the black vote, but failed miserably in any altempt to enact st1bstantial legislation to hall mob violence or racial discrimination.

On Sunday October 25, 1936, Roscoe Simmons, Abbott's personal friend and nephew of his mentor, Booker T. Washington, gave a speech over Chicago's radio slation WE R. The following Saturday edition of lhe Defender printed the whole speech . Simmons, a "spell binding orator" was not only the Defender's"star personality," but the best-paid blackjournalist of his day. Above all, he was a committed Republican spokesman. He chose as the topic for his speech, "The Issues of the Campaign as they affect the American Negro ... Lincoln, Landon and Liberty." In the speech he exposed the "caprice" of Roosevelt's New Deal, recounted the "rich history" between blacks and the GOP and finally appealed to the legacy of Lincoln as a historical force not to be forsaken.

Continuing Abbott's drive against the New Deal, Simmons seemed to press further by making balder statements against the "infamy

¡Does SheReallyLoveUs, Or Is SheJust AfterOurPocketbooks?

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This cartoonfrom the October10, 1936, editionof the Defender questionedthe Democraticparty's intentionsin courting blackvoters.

17

Chicago History, Fall 1995

practiced in the name of American mercy.

Simmons blasted the ew Deal, not for the distribution of material benefits, but because the New Deal programs were allowed to coexist with overt racial discrimination and disfranchisement of southern blacks, who remained political outcasts. "The bread [of the New Deal]," he insisted "has been leavened with the stone of contempt. Only the party that believes in equality of men will practice equality of mercy." Although blacks had been told that Roosevelt fed them, Simmons contended that "justice, not bread, is the prayer of l O million American Negroes. " Simmons demonstrated the extent of his oratory skills in his romantic account of the birth of the GOP and its historical connection to black Americans. Depicting first the desperate and pitiful experience of the African slave, he recounted how the Republican party brought blacks into the government as citizens. "Suddenly a mysterious power shook human hearts and from the outraged soul of American womanhood emerged resolute men. They called themselves Republicans ."

Simmons objected to Roosevelt's apparent call for black Americans to forsake this "mysterious power" through which they had received "every position of dignity." For Simmons, such a move would be tantamount to a "crusade against the Constitution."

In the final thrust of the speech Simmons called Lincoln "the grandest friend man ever had, " and repudiated the Democratic party for utilizing the imagery of Lincoln as a part of their campaign strategy, comparing Roosevelt to the Great Emancipator. Such a tactic, he argued, poisoned Lincoln's memory with the "deadly kiss of praise." It was Lincoln, he insisted, who had stepped forth and spoken for the freedom of those who suffered most. It was Lincoln who amended the Constitution, "e nding the barbarism of slavery." It was Lincoln to whom the Republican party called to establish a universal platform dedicated to support the freedom and the dignity of black people. Finally, Simmons made some comparisons of his own: Just as Lincoln went into Kansas following John Brown, Alfred M. Landon, Roosevelt's Republican opponent in 1936, comes out of Kansas "true to the American instinct of justice, earnest in the patient understanding which makes Lincoln the greatest figure of all the centuries passed and yet to be. " Landon, like Lincoln, "is a republican ." A vote for Landon, therefore , would be 18

a vote for Lincoln and all that he stood for.

Landon, for his part, had knelt to pray at the foot of Lincoln's statue in Springfield, Illinois , earlier that year, much to the delight of black America and the Defender.

The Defender'scampaign against the Democratic party ended with Simmons's speech. He and Abbott had put the full force of the newspaper toward exposing Roosevelt's race record and the shortcomings of the ew Deal. And although election day delivered a staggering victory for the Democratic party with Roosevelt polling the largest popular plurality in history, Chicago voters again demonstrated that their sympathies were not easily abandoned. Despite a substantial increase in the number of Chicago blacks who voted for Roosevelt , the percentage still lagged behind those in other cities.

In the late 1930s , ill health forced Abbott to retire and relinquish editorial control of the newspaper to his nephew and heir, John Sengstacke. Although Sengstacke led the Defender deeper into the Democratic fold, he adopted Abbott' concept of race consciousness and stayed with the framework for political discussion that Abbott had established. In 1940, for example, he urged the Defender readers to support Roosevelt 's third term in light of the ensuing war by invoking the legacy of Abraham Lincoln. In that election, Chicago's blacks voterd Democratic by the largest percentage in the city's history. The political realignment had finally reached Chicago. The way in which Seng tacke shaped the political discourse, however, shows that this realignment did not represent a shift from the ideological appeal of Lincoln, but rather a transference of that appeal to the Democratic party .

Becau e Sengstacke shared Abbott's convictions about black political culture, in the first six months under his lea dership there was no recognizable difference in the race-conscious focus of the Defender's political commentaries.

A commentary by Sengstacke, for example, entitled "Which way our Vote?" released in February 1940 exhibited Abbott' same concern for black American democracy. On that terrain , he also displayed Abbott's mistrust of Roosevelt and the New Deal. Stating first that "unlike other political years, 1940 places a tremendous responsibility upon our shoulders," Sengstacke affirmed that the "many inju tices, disparities with which the race is confronted should be among the basic issues of the presidential campaign." He called for stricter, more effective measures of relief re-

The ChicagoDefender

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Roosevelt rampaign /Joster, 1940. By the 1940 election,the Defender had declaredits supportfor Roo evelt's third term.

19

ChicagoHistory, Fall 1995 garding jobs, housing, and civil liberties "if the processes of constitutional democracy are to remain in our civilization." The article went on to castigate the ineffectual rhetoric of both parties and said, "neither party, from past experience, has made any genuine effort to guarantee us the rights and privileges provided under the Constitution."

As the winds of war stirred in Europe, however, the winds of change began to sweep through the Defender. Starting in September of I 940 John Sengstacke began to write a series of columns called "Today and Tomorrow" in which he increasingly drew attention to the war in Europe and in which his opinion on the war evolved. For Sengstacke, the war posed a great threat to the already tentative state of black democracy in America, so he made an official announcement of the Defender's position against American involvement in the war. In an article one week later , however, he insisted that a strong national defense was necessary to insure the economic welfare of black citizens.

Yet he also recognized that a national defense campaign waged with grave civil inequalities could not justifiably be ignored in the common fight for democracy . Stating his view this way, Sengstacke had taken the first step in altering the political sentiments not only of the Defender, but also those of Chicago's black community at large. In the interest of black democracy and national defense, Sengstacke shifted the Defender's lukewarm stance toward Roosevelt to full and enthusiastic support of the president.

One month later, John Sengstacke made an official announcement declaring that he would not only support Roosevelt in the foreign policy crisis, but also in his third term as president of the United States. The inevitability of the war caused Sengstacke to realize that Roosevelt , the statesman, was far better equipped to lead America through the war crisis than his Republican opponent, Wendell Wilkie. Sengstacke, therefore, appealed to the Defender's readers to set aside personal biases and political partisanship in order not to hamper the defense program, attributing support for Roosevelt to "race unity." The article concluded by insisting that the Constitutional rights and civil liberties of black Americans would be better ensured under Roosevelt.

As election day drew closer, the Defender's pro-Roosevelt political commentaries became sharper and more explicit in focus. Sengstacke

20

and other commentators, who had previously been critical of Roosevelt 's policies, became enthusiastic New Dealers, recasting Roosevelt's race record as one of extreme advocacy and tolerance. Despite earlier assessments, Roosevelt, they claimed, was singularly free of deep-rooted racial bias . The president's humanitarian acts, one writer concluded, inexorably changed the condition of depression.

Roosevelt had restored hope and reestablished faith in the government. Bread lines gave way to relief and jobs , and "the people began singing, 'Happy days are here again."' No administration in American history , one commentator insisted, had done more than the New Deal to achieve economic and social democrac.-y. And not since Reconstruction, the writer continued, had the federal government done one thing to uphold to the Fourteenth Amendment: "U ntil the ew Deal came, this amendment was for all practical purposes, ancient, dead history ."

Three days before the election, in a final thrust to encourage black support for Roosevelt, the Defender invoked the legacy of Lincoln by drawing parallels between Lincoln and Roosevelt. In one commentary, African

By 1940, the Defender, with Abbott'snephewjohn

Sengstackeat the helm, supported Rooseveltas the candidate who could best lead the country through the impending war crisis.

The ChicagoDefender Methodist Episcopal Bishop and former Republican R. R. Wright asserted that: There has been no president in America since Lincoln who has stood for justice for all, freedom for all-"The forgotten man," like PresidenL Franklin Delano Roosevelt. So I say give us Roosevelt . . ..

We want no other , and on Tuesday, ov. 5 we will go to the polls and vote for Roosevelt. Am I not right? God be with you .

Sengstacke, in an editorial column entitled, "The Way of All Things," made his final plea to Defenderreaders. He reminded readers of Roosevelt's part in reclaiming economic security during the depression, and of his special attention to the forgotten man. Roosevelt's measures, he argued, revitalized both urban and rural areas. As for those measures aimed at America's urban areas, no one had reaped the benefits like black Americans. Roosevelt's actions over the past eight years, Sengstacke insisted, were not political gestures, but were the acts of a great humanitarian, a champion of the common people. He concluded: "These are the reasons why we, as egroes, should vote en masse for the re-election of the greatest President we have had since Lincoln's timeFranklin Delano Roosevelt."

The Defender considered Roosevelt's victory over Republican force in the controversial third term campaign of 1940 "smashing." The victory was significant for the country as a whole, but for Chicago in particular. Roosevelt received nearly 60 percent of the black vote in Chicago. One week after the election, a Defender commentary entitled "The Man of the Hour" recounted the events of the campaign and stated in confident terms that Roosevelt had won because of his record on racial matters and the ew Deal. The article also affirmed that the Defenderhad played a major role in the final determination of the election and the "determination of the people." Their counsel had been heeded, and for the first time in history some of the more staunchly Republican Chicago wards voted ovenvhelmingly Democratic. "These traditional Republican strongholds," the article concluded, "accepted the Defender's dictum and voted for the re-election of Franklin D. Roosevelt, the second Lincoln."

Perhaps in a most curious way, John Sengstacke fulfilled Abbott' hope that he would complete "my unfinished task." Robert Abbott,

the "dean of egro journalism," however, did not live to see the transferal of black Chicago's political loyalties to the Democratic party. He had died in his sleep in February 1940.

For Further Reading To learn more about Abbott, see Roi Ottley's The Lonely Warrior:The Life and Times of Robert S. Abbott (Chicago: H. Regnery Co., 1955).

James R. Grossman's Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners,and the GreatMigration (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989) chronicles the experience of African Americans and of Chicago during the Great Migration . Mary Elizabeth Stovall's "The Chicago Defender in the Progressive Era" in the Illinois Historicaljournal (Illinois State Historical Society, Autumn 1990) provides a valuab le discussion of the Defender.Roland Wolseley, in The Black Press, USA (Ames: Iowa State Un iversity Press, 1971), discusses the Defender'scontributions to black journalism, as do St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton in a chapter on Chicago's black newspapers in Black Metropolis ( 1945; reprint, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993 ).

Jllustrations

4 top, Barnett Papers, CHS Archives and Manuscripts Collection; 4 bottom, CHS library; 5, CHS Prints and Photographs Collection; 6 top, CHS Library, 6 bottom, from The Lonely Warrior (1955), CHS Library; 7, CHS Library; 8-9, CHS, ICHi-20057; 10, CHS, DN 60, 7709; 11 left, CHS Prints and Photographs Collection, DN; 11 right, CHS, ICHi-25586; 12, CHS, ICHi-25583; 13, CHS Library; 14, CHS, DN, 101,759; 16, Barnett Papers, CHS Archives and Manuscripts Collection; 17, CHS Library; 19, CHS, ICHi -25584; 20, CHS Library.

21

ChicagoHistory, Fall 1995

A Temple of Practical Christianity The ChicagoYMCA's1894 skyscraperat 19 South LaSalle Streetembodiedthe organization'ssuccessfulcombinationof commercialand religiousvalues.

Paula Lupkin In 1893, the office building at 19 South LaSalle Street, now altered beyond recognition, was a prominent feature of Chicago's urban landscape: it housed the central headquarters of the Chicago Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA). The fourteen-story skyscraper, located in the heart of the central business district, loomed over its surroundings, easily distinguished by its Romanesque tower. Designed by William Le Baron Jenney with the latest steel-frame construction, it served a dual function-it contained more than forty thousand square feet of modern office space as well as the Y's recreational facilities. This unusual combination of business and leisure functions typifies YMCA buildings of the period, but the skyscraper form of the Chicago building took this combination beyond precedent, embodying the YMCA' successful fusion of commercial and religious values in the modern city.

The construction of this building redefined the organization's role in the community, both locally and nationally. In The Book of Young Men's ChristianAssociationBuildings, I. E. Brown suggested that, "This imposing building, which is so far the crowning glory of the building movement of our associations, stands as a monument to the interest which the work of the association has justly created in the minds of business men. " Once a voluntary evangelical association, the YMCA had , through this building, become the means by which the business community legitimized its values and socialized its new members. In Paula Lupkin is a doctoralcandidatein art historyat the Universityof Pennsylvania.

22

stone and steel, the Y presented Chicago with a model for urban culture, a balance of business and pleasure governed by traditional Protestant ideals.

The association's building, with its elaborate facilities and office tower, was the logical and pragmatic extension of the YMCA 's initial environmental response to the rise of a

A Temple of PracticalChristianity

Still a distinctive building, theformer Central YMCA headquartersal 19 South LaSalle Street (above) no longer do111inates the block, having lost its tower and the ''sky craper"status it boastedupon cornpletionin 189-1(ojJpoJile ).

23

Chicago Hi tory, Fall 199 5

new urban culture dominated by saloons rather than churches. Founded, supervised, and funded by the local and national business community in the 1850s, the YMCA attempted to maintain the moral innuence of organized religion in the modern cityscape by offering a wholesome alternative to the saloon. Historian Bessie Louise Pierce assessed the problem that religious forces faced in Chicago:

THE

STRANGER.

The city seemed to confront the churches at certain points with massive indifference, with well-organized competition, and with moral problems so complex that the old standards of diagnosis faltered befo,-e them.

Confronted by commercial enterprise on all sides, the church had to compete for the population's leisure time. Especially threatening was the saloon, which offered a warm, accepting social environment to any man who could pay for a drink. On every corner, the saloon functioned as a social center, an employment bureau, a bank, a meeting place, and an inn. Protestant churches, dominated by elite and middle-class groups and riven by

24

This John McCutcheon cartoon, drawn for a YMCA fundraising campaign in 1908, dejJictsthe organization 's work in providing for newcomers a friendly and welcoming alternative to the well-established charms of the saloon (lojJ).

A Temple of Practical Christianity denominational debates, were not nearly as welcoming to the stranger, nor did they provide comparable services. Church leaders and employers feared that the influence of the saloon environment would undermine the sobriety, responsibility, and industriousness of middle-class urban residents.

Many strategies, including missions, Sunday schools, and tract distribution, emerged to deal with the diminished role of religion in urban culture. The YMCA, with its business orientation, proved to be the most successful religious response to urbanization , notable for its flexibility and attention to the needs and interests of its "clients." It acknowledged the inadequacy of existing religious institutions, which simply failed to attract the very people the Church wished to reach. The transient, the newcomer, the young man free of home ties would be better served in an institution similar to the saloon: a Christian clubhouse. In its homey and welcoming rooms, the Y offered its members a retreat from the precincts of mammon, a space to find Christian fellowship, and wholesome amusement. This alternative environment would bridge the religious and commercial worlds of the city.

First organized in 1853 , the Chicago YMCA modeled itself on recently established groups in Boston, ew York, and London.

The need for such an institution was especially great in this fledgling city on Lake Michigan. Unlike eastern cities, Chicago was not an established community; it lacked stable institutional and associational ties. Between 1840 and 1870, the population skyrocketed from less than five thousand to more than three hundred thousand. Many of these new residents were transient , drawn to the city from New England or the Middle Atlantic to supply themselves for the journey west, or to take advantage of the booming real estate market. The town itself , built mostly of wood, seemed unfinished and temporary. Moreover, between 1850 and 1860 , over half of the men in Chicago were between the ages of fifteen and thirty-nine , most of them free of the social restrai ms of home and church.

The YMCA's mission was directed specifically to this population. The Chicago Y's first annual report in 1859 stated that:

The Chicago YMCA rented space in the First Methodist Church block from 1859 lo 1867 for a library, lecture hall, and meeting space.

It i made the general duty of all members of the Association, to seek out young men taking up their residence in Chicago . . . and endeavor to bring them under moral and religious influences, by aiding them in the selection of suitable boardinoplaces and employment; by introducing them to the" members and privileges of the Association; by securing their attendance at some place of public worship on the Sabbath, and by every means in their power, surrounding them with Christian influence.

From the beginning the Y used a congenial environment as the primary means to influence members. At first Y members met in rented rooms on Randolph Street, then found space in the First Methodist Church block at Washington and Clark Streets. Here young men could read the newspapers, listen to informative lectures, or attend a prayer meeting. The leaders soon realized the inadequacies of these makeshift facilities, however, which could not compete with the attractions of the saloons. In an innovative and nationally influential move, they decided to construct a building devoted specifically to YMCA work.

This decision had a two-fold purpose. Improved and permanent facilities solidified the Y's environmental approach to moral education. From this point on, a building became a 25

ChicagoHistory, Fall 199 5

When completedin 1867, Fmwe/1Hall was thefirst YMCA building of its kind. fl included a large auditorimn lo accommodaterevival meetings, ojien led by Dwight Moody, who serned as unpaid "Librarianand CityMissiona,y"for the Chicago YMCA in its early years.

necessary tool for the inculcation of religious values. Equally important, however, was the public relations value of a prominently located, handsomely designed building. In an atmosphere suffused with civic boosterism and real estate speculation, businessmen happily supported an institution designed to increa e the respectability and stature of the community. Citing the biblical phra e , "By their fruits ye shall known them," Y leaders linked the city's moral character with its material commitment to God. Farwell Hall was erected in Chicago in 1867. Without precedents to guide them, the building committee, which included business leaders such as John Fan-veil, George Armour, and Turlington Avery, conce ived of a new building type that fused existing commercial and religious models. They envisioned a Christian center in the heart of the city, a visible religious presence distinct from a church

26

Rebuilding the central YMCA building at the 148-50 !Vest Madison site after it burned in I 868 de/Jleted the Y'sfunds. When the building burned again in 1871, the association built this considerably icaled-down third b11ildi11 g.

in appearance and funclion. Located on a Madison Street site donaled by Farwell , the new building was the first YMCA of its kind in the world. It looked like a large office building of the period, five slories tall , with a row of shops on street level. Faced in marble, it tood out from its wood and brick neighbors. Inside, the building was dominated by a large auditorium, to be used as a revival hall, and contained a library, reading room, YMCA office, and additional rental offices. The inclusion of income-producing space was a means of financing construction; the YMCA offered shares on the future earnings of the building. Neither church nor clubhouse, this

A Temple of PracticalChristianity was the first architectural adaptation of religion to the social and economic realities of the modern city.

This experiment, though influential in the East, was fated to lose its original prominence and function. Fire destroyed the building in 1868, only four months after its completion, and the Great Fire of 1871 gutted its replacement. After paying the original stockholders, little money remained for reconstruction.

Debt forced the Y to scale back the third Farwell Hall, already out of dale when completed in 1874 . By the 1880s, when other cities were building elaborate Y facilities, the Chicago YMCA operated in shabby quarters.

The Great Fire depleted the organization's resources and reinforced a movement toward general relief and evangelical work, rather

than focusing on young men. Continuing the course set under the leadership of Dwight Moody, the building became a center of Christian and reform movements, housing the offices of groups such as the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. East Coast YMCAs were now catering specifically to the leisure needs of young men, replacing their revival halls with gymnasiums and providing game rooms and other attractions geared toward bringing a larger crowd under the influence of a "Christian atmosphere."

In the late l 870s and early 1880s, the Chicago YMCA leadership turned over as the first generation of pious businessmen retired.

They were replaced by a dynamic group dominated by Cyrus McCormick Jr., James Houghteling, and John Farwell Jr., all three

The Farwell Hall auditorium.

27

Chicago History, Fall 1995

A younger generation took chaige of the Chicago YMCA in the late 1870s and early 1880s. Cyrus McCormick Jr ., (top left) seen here as an olderman, was only twentytwo when electedlo the YMCA board i11188 1. Also elected that year werej ohn FmwellJ r. (top right) and James Houghteling (right). These three men would be a majorforce in modernizing the ChicagoYMCA.

elected in 1881. Urban employer on a scale undreamed of by their fathers' generation, they faced strikes , the Haymarket Riot, and a growing stream of farm boys and immigrants in search of work. They wanted to rededicate the YMCA to the service of young men, but found the existing facilities and programs , designed for religious instruction , inadequat e to the job of socialization they now assigned to the organization.

By 1884 , less than three thousand young men held memberships in the YMCA, a small fraction of the city's population. Of this number only three hundred used the building each day . The new board of managers attempted to adapt the building to the changing interests of young men , adding a gymnasium and baths in 1876 , and repainting and redecorating almost every year. With the introduction of educational classes in 1882

28

A Temple of Practical Christianity -I-----------Ft.ULES

C>F

-r

T:ECE

C. Y. M. C. A. GYMNASIUM. 1.

'fhc Gymn1H=l11m Is r~r the C'Xclludvc _nee

of mcmt)l'r,- or the Ai:,socl11tion In full sta~dmg, who 11111:-1t bo prepar1 d to sho w their tickets

11 ~)on~~,i'~~~~~borH nrc rNJnircd to provide them~ci~·c;iwith Slippers nnd lii::ht Vnc1N,.llirt. 'l'he ust: or heeled boots or !!ht-e11ls prohibited. ::i. 'fhc .\~!'loclutlon will not IJe rc11ponslble tor 11r1iclc11 lo:ot. Yulual>lcs mny be left wlt.b the Supt.

1. Uuring Clnoia Ilonrs, mcmbPrs not C'X· erdsing \'dt_h the cln!ifl nre not ullowod upon thl.! Jloor without perati~~ion or the Supt. ;,, All movable nppar;1tns muc;~ be returned

to 119 1iropcr place by members usmg the aamc. o. Profane or vulgar lnngungc,_ impr~pc r romluct 1111dthe use of tobNcco 18 stm.:tly

--

Weight_ .. __._ ... .

Neck ___.... __ .. ..

/_$_2£". ·~-.____ __ ?:'."r.._____ ._..__ .

Shoukl:ers.. _ . _____... ,Y./ _____ .. _

___ ••.

<?.!=: .f ,t::,___

Apex of Chest, Nat_ __..

Apex of Chest, Empty ____

J __ y__ Y~.

Apex of Chest, Inftated ....

Hase of Chest. Natural. ...

3 ..?..?.":.:..

0 .$..Zr..

.

o:5'._.7-':~_ . _ ,?-: f __f:.7-:_

Waist. .. ·--- -------Biceps Extended, R./ <f/j--L.

yJ!t-.

/f. ./"';.:.

YK. ..I. __

Biceps Flexed//.

Forearm Extende,i./.f? .•.

!; .:q .. . . 7,.

-··0.····-

Forearm (!l~nd) l' exed /.k~t.../J.(J

own rit<k.

-t----------

+

/_-?~#

Baseol Chest, EmptY----~--~L't: Bnse of Chest, l nflated ___

prohibited.

7. ,.\ny ) 1cmbc·r defncing wnlls, or ,vii fully hlJllr\11~ npparntu!-1, will be cha rged with the co.~t or rcpulrr or rcnc wnl. ~. All dl~pule1l queRtione mui::t ~e. referred t o lhC Supcrinknd.,;nl , whose deC!l!IOll !'hall be thrnl.

•1 All ft•nta or clnrin~ not approved by the nrc perrurmed at.the Member's 5 1; 1;1.•rinh!111kn1 IO. Buy~ will 1:ot be o.dmitted in to the Oymn:i~lum nflt•r 7 p. m • c-xctpt ou e:vcnlngs :,pcc\.ill~· i;('( npurt for llll'lll, 11 'l'hl' (lv11rnn,;.1nm!11open rrom 11 n. m. untli !t::Jd p. "m. Bdl wlll ring nt 9:15, when )I• inlwr"" Mc c::qH'ctcd to lea ve the lloor.

LighU ont lit !l:31J.

Nome_a:~~~-~--;~~~~ 1::·.·_·_-_·_-_:j_~--~p,;_;: ::::::

/4-'

/

A

-

L..

L._/._ .J?'.;,<.".

Calf.. ___ _./.:_ ·/ Thigh ... / -- --

Plea~e Report every Utreemonth8.

T3kcExercise in the ORDER Gl\"B~ on Rnuline

+

The gymnasium and bathsadded to Fart.vell Hall in 187 6 held a strong apjJealfor the young men that the YMCA hoped to attract.

ME~IBEHS'

PRIYILEUE:-:.

N

.A SIU:M

GY~

-----~

1•

CHICAGO Y. M. C. A. OH FIRST

FLOOR, 75 X 109 FEET

The GYMNASIUM has recently been enlarged and refitted, including Electric Lights, and is 111 first-class con• dit1on. We cordially 1nv1teyoung men to call and examine 1!. Open from 1000 a. m. to 9.30 p. m.

THE BATH ROOMS ARE IN CHARGE OF A PORTER ANO AR£ KEPT IN GOOD ORDER. THIS DEPARTMENT IS UNDER THE PERSONAL SUPERVISION OF PROF. OTTO MILLER. NO EXTRA FEE CHARGED MEMBERS

FOR USE OF GYMNASIUM AND BATHS.

29

--Chicago History, Fall 1995

and entertainments and games in 1886, the old facilities could not meet the demand for new activities. By the late 1880s, Chicago's Y building was a piece of outdated equipment.

In addition, its size and appearance embarrassed the business community of Chicago, which measured its achievements in brick and mortar. One member noted that: Visitors to the Building from different pans of the country constantly expressed their surprise that citizens of Chicago have not shown their substantial appreciation of the great work accomplished and the opportunity of extension of the Association ... by providing buildings worthy of the city and the Association . . .. The time has come for the philanthropic citizens of Chicago to give to the young men of this city a building second to none in the city.

It was clear that a new building was needed to effect the necessary changes in both the work and the image of the association.

In 1888, after a factional battle within the Y, Houghteling, Farwell Jr., and McCormick Jr. succeeded in replacing the existing gen30

A. T. Hemingway (left), general secretaiyto the Chicago YMCAfrom 1878 to 1888, clung to the evrmgelical outlook the organization arquired underjohn Farwell Sr. and Dwight Moody. Upon his retire111ent, the board replacedhim with the younger and moreforwardlooking Wilbur Messer (right).

era! secretary, A. T. Hemingway, who clung to the old ways, with a new man, L. Wilbur Messer. They hoped that Messer 's experience at the Cambridge, Massachusetts, YMCA would help bring the Chicago Y up to date.

Familiar with all the latest Y theories and practices, Messer laid plans to help the YMCA remain a relevant alternative to commercial leisure activities . He helped expand the athletic and educational programs and set up branches in neighborhoods around the city.

Most importantly, he insisted on the construction of a new building to attract more members and change the role of the Y within the community. To him, the building was not a piece of architecture, but a piece of evangelical equipment that had to be constantly upgraded and improved to stay competitive.

A Temple of PracticalChristianity

Beforecoming to Chicago,Wilbur Messerdirectedthe Cambridge,Massachusetts, YMCA (above),one of the progressive Y's to which the Chicagoboard of managers lookedfor inspiration.

The board of managers , composed of ambitious and competitive men , was also concerned with Chicago's national reputation.

The y immediately began to consider constructing a headquarters more appropriate to the ne eds of young men and to the new staLUre of Chicago as the nation 's second city.

In January 1889 , the y made their intentions public at the Y's annual dinner . In October 1889 , a fifty-thousand-dollar bequest by philanthropist John Crerar started the building fund. The building committee, composed of Farwell Jr., Houghteling, and McCormick Jr. , a~ well as five others, h ad a bold vi ion of the

new Central YMCA, a skyscraper that would proclaim the presence of God in the commercial heart of Chicago.

No doubt the board of managers were familiar with plans by the Masons, Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and Odd Fellows to construct new buildings in the Loop, and they were enchanted with the possibi lity of their experiment in practical Christianity taking a more prominent place in the heart of the commercial district. A clipping pasted in their scrapbook commented that with the man y new philanthropic and cultural institutions going up in Chicago, "it will be ac31

ChicagoH istory, Fall 19 95

The Woman's Temple, which J ohn Root designed for the Woman's Christian TemjJerance Union in 1892 , exemplified the successful combination of religi,ous and secular spaces that the YMCA also hoped to achieve.

32

A Temple of PracticalChristianity

Ill<

â&#x20AC;˘ ,I

TIIF

:-il0"

I.I \(;!

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11

Many YMCA leaders belongedto the Union League Club and hoped to create in the building at 19 South LaSalle a similarly welcoming, if less luxurious, spacefor YMCA members. Left: the Union League Club onJackson Boulevard. Top right: the club's receptionroom. Bottom right: the assembly room.

knowledged that Chicago 's wealth in brick and mortar is not solely devoted to the purposes of sordid gain." They planned the building to be completed in time for the opening of the World's Columbian Exposition, providing the Chicago Y with the unrivaled opportunity to boost its image in the eyes of the American people.

Determined that the new building be the largest, best-equipped, and most modern YMCA buildjng in the world, the building committee carefully studied earlier examples . For years, Y staff had kept a scrapbook with drawings and plans of new Y buildings erected around the counu-y, including Brooklyn, Providence, and Cincinnati. In addition , they collected information about other athletic facilities, such as Harvard's Hemenway Gymnasium, the Manhattan Athletic Club , and the planned Chicago Athletic Club. othing in the experience of the other citie , however , prepared them for the increasing co t and com-

plexity of the Chicago real estate market.

The first issue to be determined was the site. Would they rebuild in their existing location at 148-50 Madison Street? The Y owned the land, but it was not as prominently located as they would have liked. Both symbolically and practically, they needed a visible showcase. After considering many new locations, they exchanged their Madison Street frontage for a long narrow lot on LaSalle Street and Arcade Court, between Madison and Monroe Streets. Across the street from the new Woman's Temple and close to the Board of Trade, they hoped this location would attract young men, acting as a junior version of the nearby Union League Club to which a large percentage of the Y leaders belonged. This site, however, raised the projected cost of the building to almost one million dollars.

This rai ed difficulties with financing. The disastrous consequences of the stock plan, 33

Chicago History, Fall 1995

which left a crushing debt after the Great Fire, had removed it from consideration. In any case, the Farwell Hall model , with its street-level stores, was inadequate in the present real estate market. The board of managers , however , was not ready to abandon the concept that the YMCA should produce income through its facilities. In the past , the inconsistency of yearly fund drives had left the organization in a precarious financial position.

A few Ys around the country had begun to experiment with dormitories as an alternative to stores as a source of financing. The Chicago Y certainly knew of the Milwaukee YMCA's 1887 building , which included dormitories as a way to retain control of the valuable ground-level space and still maintain a source of income. Chicago chose another path, trusting in the advice of business experts. The building committee called in Owen Aldis, a real estate specialist , and bankers Byron Smith and John J . Mitchell , to advise the committee on how to make their new building pay. 1ot surprisingly , these advisors favored increased office space. The same site that would make the building convenient and attractive to young men would make it a good location for business. These professionals did not view the YMCA as a purely philanthropic venture, but as a business proposition that had to prove its worth to the communit y.

After some calculation, the board decided upon a fourteen-story "skyscraper. " This would provide both the necessary space and prestige for the Y's purposes and enough square footage to offset costs and secure an income for the organization.

The choice of a skyscraper for the new headquarters was visionary in a town of fivestory buildings, a reconception of the YMCA in the new physical terms of the changing city. The sheer height of the new headquarters would draw the attention of both the real estate community and the passerby. This decision was not only a bold aesthetic move, but a practical one. The YMCA viewed its building as a tool and was prepared to embrace the new building technology in order to improve efficiency . The placement of a YMCA in a skyscraper extended the commer34

cial implications of Farwell Hall to their logical conclusions. Like the First Methodist Church block, the Masonic Temple , the Woman's Temple , and the Chicago Methodist Temple of the 1920s, the YMCA Association Building on LaSalle Street was part of a business tradition that attempted to balance the commercial landscape with hybrid buildings that incorporated business , religious , and cultural functions in one structure.

Once the organizers determined the overall concept of the building , they turned their attention to the choice of an architect.

Expectations were high for this difficult and unusual job. The skyscraper was to be a clubhouse and an office building , a tool of reform and a status symbol. The architect had to reconcile these competing interests into a coherent whole , creating a headquarters that was also "home-like" and welcoming to young men. The long narrow site, which presented only a small facade to the street , created difficulties as well.

The board of managers first chose Francis Whitehouse, of Burling and Whitehouse ,

,.\ This early design f or the Central YMCA building, created by Francis Whitehouse, projJosed to put YMCA functions behind thefacade of a traditional officeblock.

A Temple of PracticalChristianity

Williarn LeBaron j enn ey's (above) distinctive design for the central YMCA building (right) in cluded an ornate entranc e and a tower.

probably suggested by John Farwell in 1890.

Existing drawings suggest that the firm prepared some preliminary exterior drawings and plans for fundraising purposes, but Whitehouse declined to take up the commission due to ill health. His conception is a rather unimaginative sketch of a typical Chicago office building, which illustrates the very practical nature of what the building committee was attempting, but fails to provide any architectural identity for the YMCA. Perhaps the contemporaneous design of the Woman's Temple offered the YMCA board an idea of what could be done , but their next choice , surprisingly , overlooked its architects, Burnham and Root.

Instead, WilJiam Le BaronJenney took over the commission in January 1892. Jenney belonged to the Union League Club , as did many YMCA leaders, and designed the club's 1882 building. In addition to these connections, his reputation for technological innovation helped him secure the job. Architect of the first steelframe skyscraper , the Horne Insurance Building, and numerous office blocks , Jenney, along with his designer William B. Mundie, had great experience in the construction of the mo t modern office buildings. In a letter to the committee Jenne y outlined his qualifications ,

"I am very familiar with buildings of this class, having built the Home Insurance, the Manhattan, the Fair, [and] the Leiter." J enney 's letter clearly indicates what he perceived to be the dominant priority of the building committee: to construct a modern skyscraper.

YMCA professionals, such as Wilbur Messer, sought to augment J enney's technical skills and experience in designing office buildings with an understanding of the YMCA's particular needs. Prior to producing any plans, Jenney accompanied Messer in January 1892 on a tour of the East Coast to study other YMCA buildings. They visited buildings in Boston, Cambridge , Providence, New Haven , Albany, Detroit, Cleveland, and Rochester. By July the plans and elevations had been approved, and they were presented to the public by September.

Jenny and Mundie , departing from the earlier design from Burling and Whitehouse, called for a distinctive roofline: a four-cornered Romanesque tower, or campanile, as Jenney called it. Historically an element of religious structures or elite residences, the Ro35

Chicago History, Fall 1995

manesque tower had been made popular by architect Henry Hobson Richardson and had recently been included in civic structures such as courthouses, town halls, and libraries. Its use here seems to draw upon all these associations in an attempt to set the building apart from the neighboring buildings devoted entirely to mercantile and secular interests. This design solution made the building easily recognizable and different from the surrounding flat-topped buildings, many erected in the 1870s and 1880s before the advent of the steel skyscraper. In its immediate vicinity, only the Woman's Temple, with its sinuous shape and irregular roofline, rivaled it in distinctive character. The deliberateness of this symbolic architectural gesture is clear when viewing the unembellished rear of the building, which is less noticeable to the public. The tower section serves it as a false facade, establishing the building's identity amidst its functional commercial neighbors.

The YMCA tower clearly but somewhat uncomfortably communicates the building 's dual role. In addition to its stylistic references , the campanile was an appropriate symbolic metaphor for the YMCA skyscraper. The medieval campanile, a separate structure from the church and often the tallest in the town, housed the bells that called the population to prayer and identified the location of the church. Despite these shared functional qualities, the translation of the historical prototype into a modern skyscraper was not entirely successful. One architectural historian, commenting on the Woman's and Masonic Temples has observed that: The shafts of both buildings seem to admit the function of providing a 'source of large 1-evenue.' ... In the final stages, a balance was struck between a business block pure and simple and a monument with the traditional emotional appeal belonging to columns and sculpted marble.

The YMCA was similar in design but more obvious in its compromise between commerce and culture. The first three floors, to be occupied by stores and the entrances, were marked by giant round arches and glazed brick, providing the illusion of a monumental 36

entrance. The office shaft, of unadorned masonry, with sets of Chicago windows between heavy piers, provides a striking contrast with the base and the upper tower stories, which are encrusted with medallions and colored brick and topped with the pointed roof. The effect is of a clubhouse mansion sliced in half , with practical office space inserted in the middle. Unlike the more integrated Masonic and Woman 's Temples, the association building displayed its split personality for the world to see. In the design of Lhe exterior, business and pleasure uneasily occupied the same space.

Inside, the office tenants and YMCA members occupied distinct areas served by different elevators and entrances. The spaces for young men occupied one floor in front and six in back. The best office space on the remaining thirteen stories in front and eight stories in the rear would be available for rental. The building contained all the athletic , educational, and recreational facilities of a standard Y and more: bowling alleys, a swimming pool , a reading room, offices, reading parlors, a recreation room, a wriLing room, a magazine room, a library, lockers , steam baths and showers, dressing rooms and a gymnasium, an indoor running track, a darkroom, classrooms, a restaurant, a barbershop, woodworking shops, handball and tennis courts, a small observatory, and an auditorium that seated more than one thousand people. In addition, the building contained every modern ameniLy for its office tenants, including elevators, abundant light, and a beautiful mosaic-floored lobby. Decorated with a restrained but elegant style, the building was a palace for young men, unlike anything thal had been seen before. The Chicago Y staff and leadership was ecstatic and justifiably proud. Unfortunately, construction delays and a financial depression delayed the official opening until New Year's Day 1894, after the world's fair closed. The delay, however , did not prevent the YMCA from showing off its new building.

In a lavish gala, Chicago society showed its alliance with the organization and its new building. Many of the most prominent women in the city, Mrs. Philip D. Armour, Mrs.

A Temple of Practical Christianity

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I '

I

Celebratingthe recent opening of the new building, the YMCA Bulletin ofJ anuary 1894 featured the swimming pool and the library

37

ChicagoHisto1y,Fall 1995 A very different affair from what would naturally be associated in the public mind with the opening of a Y.M.C.A. house ....

There were no tedious sermons or deep lectures. Out in LaSalle Street, carriages lined up as if for a great society event. ...

Off in the library, Lyon's orchestra played Two Little Girls in Blue and other popular airs. The Linden male quartet sang rollicking songs .... It was a very enjoyable and eminently proper occasion.

The YMCA building no longer merely bridged the religious and business worlds of the modern city: it repreI sented a fusion of the two. The YMCA, with its prominent skyscraper and attractive facilities, succeeded in making religion a living part of urban culture, no longer the guiding force, but an attribute of good business and good citizenship.

Outside of the YMCA, the building I was received positively. A writer for Harper's Weekly noted, "From whatever side we approach the magnificent edifice the [Chicago] Young Men's Christian Association has been rearing, we shall find it the most stately temple to the power and prowess of unsectarian Christianity erected in modern times." Architectural and engineering journals published its design in their pages, and tenants clamored to rent space in the convenient, modern building. E. W. Zander, the rental agent, described the building in a promotional pamphlet:

I

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{

\

A hist01yof the Chicago YMCA published by the association in 1898 /Jortrayed that year's board of managers, a group that included most of the men who had fathered the new central building at 19 South Ll1Salle,completed a few years earlier.

Emmons Blaine, Mrs. J. V. Farwell, and Mrs. Harlow N. Higinbotham, helped to receive the guests. The stylishness and frivolity of the opening indicated the change in the YMCA No longer solely an evangelical association, it was now a character-building institution devoted to the good name of Chicago as well as the welfare of young men. One reporter in attendance concluded that the opening was: 38

Its central location and convenience to all street-car lines, Depots, City Hall, Court House and Post Office, makes it especially desirable for Lawyers, Real Estate and Insurance Agents, and all other kinds of professional business .... No expense has been spared to make the appointment fully equal to any office building in the City.

Another observer noted that: The interior of the Association Building is as costly and beautiful as that of any building in Chicago.

A Temple of Practical ChrL~tianity The floor are mosaic, the wainscoting of white marble, the stairways of marble or iron, some of the ceilings of marble and molded bronze, and the woodwork of polished oak. Water, electric lights, and rapid elevators are everywhere.

An added attraction were the in-house athletic

facilities, to which tenants had access. And perhaps most compelling was the cachet of being located in a building devoted to a good cause.

Businesses concerned with their reputation as good Christians and good citizens found tenancy in the association building . In 1907, the YMCA Monthly Bulletin rejoiced in the longterm success of its office space. They had succeeded in attracting "a class of tenants who are willing to pay good prices. Every office in the building is rented." The success of YMCA activities initially matched this success on the business front. With the opening of the building came a surge in new membership and increased attendance at religious meetings.

But the board of managers encountered problems balancing the functions of business and religion as time went on. A series of clippings dating from 1895 in Wilbur Messer's scrapbook recount one difficulty in accommodating the needs of both tenants and YMCA members. Messer defended the signs posted in the lobby forbidding entrance to vagrants and loiterers, as they disturbed the office tenant .

Critics, mostly ministers, found this unfriendly attitude incompatible with the YMCA's mission.

In the tug-of-war between the two functions, business eventually won out, both spatially and ymbolically. By 1904, membership expectations had been exceeded by fifty percent, and the staff petitioned the board to take over several office floors to add a gymnasium annex, Business Men's Club, boy's department , more classrooms and clubrooms, and facilities for billiards. The board of managers refused to accept a decline in the rental value of the building. Instead , they sacrificed the distinctive tower in 1914 to add four stories that housed the new facilities. The loss of this identifying feature is a dramatic symbol of the commercial sy tem's ab orption and transformation of religiou culture. The bottom line won in the business community 's battle to maintain the presence of God in the modern city.

Like all YMCA buildings, the Chicago a ociation building's design both shaped and was shaped by the needs and trends of the time. As the years passed and the intere ts of young men changed, the building was required to keep up, hm ...sing events such as movies and co-ed dances. As the building grew older, the concept of an elaborate downtown facility for paying members became outdated. In 1907, the Central YMCA building suffered an enormous shrinkage in the use of the pool and gym as its membership fees rose and the city's South Park facilities opened, offering young men free privileges without the accompanying religious atmosphere. In the twenties when the YMCA policy shifted emphasis from a central downtown building to smaller, neighborhood buildings in the surrounding residential districts, the skyscraper became something of a relic, a sentimental center of the Y, but no longer a functional piece of equipment.

For the first time, the YMCA did not invest in a new piece of machinery to adapt to changing conditions. The urban landscape that had given rise to the YMCA had changed.

With Prohibition came the end of the saloon, and by this time young men had other respectable options for their leisure time. The building's use as a Christian clubhouse declined with the exodus of its original middleclass clientele to the suburbs. The Protestant church's environmental fight for the soul of the city was over. Urban commercial culture was no longer a threat, but an accepted fact.

In the 1920s and 1930s the building slowly changed in function to become the center of YMCA educational programs. From 1933 to 1945, it served as the YMCA College, offering night classes to both men and women. For the next several decades, it continued to house educational institutions connected with the Y, including a high school and a community college. YMCA offices remained there until 1980, when the Y sold the building to developers. Today, the association building has been painted white, stripped of its athletic facilities, and renovated as a luxury office building.

And so it is likely to remain, as the existing structure is as tall as modern zoning allows for the site. Most historical discussion of Chicago 39

ChicagoHistory, Fall 1995

During the postwarperiod, YMCA activity in the suburbs increasedas use of the central Y building declined. The Park Ridge YMCA depictedin this architecturalrendering has a Jar differentfeel from the urban skyscraperthat the Chicago YMCA createdin 1894.

architecture focuses on its leadership in the creation of a modern architectural vocabulary.

This building tells a different, but equally important, story of the role of architecture in Chicago's history. Architecture functioned not only as a pure aesthetic expression of commercial culture, but as a tool for shaping it. The YMCA Building at 19 South LaSalle Street, now out of scale amongst its neighbors , stands as a monument to the battle between business and religion for the soul of industrial Chicago.

For Further Reading Ernest Dedmon chronicles the first hundred years of the Chicago YMCA in Great Enter40

prises ( ew York: Rand McNally Company, 1957). For a general histo ry of the or ig ins and development of the YMCA in the United States and Canada, consult C. H oward Hopkins 's Historyof the YMCA in North America (New York: Association Press , 195 1). William LeBaronJ enney:a Pioneerof ModernArchitecture, (Ann Arbor: UM I Researc h Press, 1986) by Theodore Turak briefl y discusses the central YMCA building at 19 South LaSalle Street in relation to other works by the firm of Jenney and Mundie . Many papers and publications of the Chicago YMCA are now housed in the Chicago Historical Society.

A Temple of Practical Christianity

Illustrations 22, from Jn/,andArchitectand News Record, (August 1892), CHS Library; 23, John Alderson; 24 top, DN-003,264; 24 bottom, from "Add Years to Your Life and Life to Your Years" (c. 1913), CHS Library; 25, CHS, ICHi00294; 26 left, CHS, ICHi-25589; 26 right, CHS, ICHi-25588; 27, CHS, ICHi-25624; 28 top left, CHS, ICHi-25595; 28 top right, CHS, ICHi-25581; 28 bottom, CHS, ICHi-25582; 29 top, YMCA papers, CHS Archives and Manuscripts Collection; 29 bottom, from "Chicago Young Men's Christian Association Member's Privileges, 1885-86," CHS Library; 30 left, CHS, ICHi-25594; 30 right, from A HistoricalSketchof the Young Men's ChristianAssociationof Chicago... 1858-1898, (1898), CHS Library; 31, CHS, ICHi-25591; 32, CHS,

ICHi-01097; 33, from GraphicNews (June 12, 1886), CHS Library; 34, from New Central Building Souvenir (Chicago: YMCA), 1891, CHS Library; 35 left, CHS, ICHi-10864; 35 right, from Fifty-five Years:the Young Men's ChristianAssociationof Chicago, 185 8-1913, (1913), CHS Library; 37 top, CHS, ICHi25593; 37 bottom, CHS, ICHi-25592; 38, from A Historical Sketch of the Young Men's ChristianAssociationof Chicago. .. 1858-1898, (1898), CHS Library; 40-41, CHS, ICHi25590

41

Photographer Henry Delorval Green captured daily life in Rogers Park/West Ridge in the 1940s and 1950s.

EmilyClark

Teenagers dance to the music of Jump Meyers and his Solid Six at the Green Briar Park fieldhouse . ICHi-25609 .

In 1994, the Chicago Historical Society launched the Neighborhoods : Keepers of Culture project to forge partnerships with residents of four Chicago neighborhoods and document their histories.

Rogers Park/West Ridge, the second neighborhood highlighted, is bound roughly by Howard Street on the north, Lake Michigan on the east,

Emily Clark is associate librarian at the Chicago Historical Society.The exhibition Rogers Park/West Ridge: Rhythms of Diversity opens on December I 0, 1995, at the Historical Society.

42

Kedzie Avenue on the west , and Bryn Mawr, Peterson, and Devon Avenues on the south . In less than two hundred years, this area has evolved from a prairie landscape into one of the most economically and culturally diverse urban neighborhoods in the United States .

In one of the first stages in exploring the history of Rogers Park/West Ridge, staff searched the Chicago Historical Society's seven curatorial departments to find artifacts related to the neighborhood.

In researching the Prints and

Photographs Collection, we discovered photographs from the studio of Henry Delorval Green that depict everyday life on the city's northeast side during the 1940s and early 1950s.

These photographs document how residents of Rogers Park/West Ridge chose to spend their leisure time. Some residents relaxed by sunning themselves on the beach; others pursued more active hobbies, such as gardening . Many residents filled their leisure time with civic activities such as fundraising (especially during World War II); with entertainment such as dancing and listening to music; or by participating in a variety of sporting events.

Photographer Henry Delorval Green was born in Linwood, Nebraska, on November 24, 1896.

During the late 1920s, he moved to Chicago where he had a succession of studios. In his earlier days in Chicago, Green operated a studio in the Merchandise Mart, where he photographed products and store window displays. He also did contract work for local and national trade magazines. During the Great Depression he worked for the Federal Art Project, a division of the Works Progress Administration. Around 1940, he moved to the city's northeast side. During this time, the studio's most prolific period, he and his photographers took portraits in the studio, documented community events for newspapers such as the Lincoln-Belmont Booster and the Rogers Park News, took wedding pictures (especially during the World War II-era marriage boom), and photographed more informal events at local spots such as taverns and nightclubs.

Green's business was a family affair. His wife, Doris, kept the books, hand-colored photographs, and worked in the darkroom. Their son Thomas joined the studio as a photographer after serving in World War II. Several other former soldiers worked for Green, as did a retired photographer, who operated the darkroom. In later years, Green's studio worked almost exclu-

sively for the city of Chicago as a private contractor, doing photography for court cases and zoning disputes.

Henry Delorval Green closed his studio and retired in 1968. He died in Chicago on March 26, 1984.

Henry Delorval Green at work. Although he lost the use of his right arm at birth, Green achieved success as a photographer . Courtesy of Thomas Green .

43

Chicago History, Falt 1995

Larry Lester and his orchestra, with vocalist Kay Dare, perform at the Club Detour at 1511 West Howard Street. ICHi-25573.

44

RogersPark/WestRidge

Boyd Kelly and his band play at the Club Silhouette, 1555 West Howard Street. ICHi-25580.

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Chicago History, Fall 1995

Girls play croquet at the Congregational Church of Rogers Park day camp . ICHi-25618.

--.....,----.--,------

....

Boys ' softball team at the Rogers Park beach. ICHi-25615 .

46

Rogers Park/West Ridge

Neighborhood women at the Howard Theater war bonds booth . JCHi-25620.

Miller's Beauty Salon, 6310 North Western Avenue. ICH-25611 .

47

Chicago History, Fall 1995

Sullivan High School's ROTC unit. /CHi-25607 .

48

Rogers Park/West Ridge

Ice skaters from the Boone School Dance Club. ICHi-25579 .

49

Chicago History, Fall 1995

,,

.: I

fa Firefighters stationed at 1723 West Greenleaf created a miniature garden in the yard. ICHi-25621 .

50

Rogers Park/West Ridge

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A woman and her dog seek relief from the hot weather at the beach. Rogers Park's beaches have long been an attraction for the neighborhood . ICHi-22867.

51

Yesterday'sCity Gloryon the Gridiron Robert Pruter Football, with its violent clashes of bodies on the field, has always been the one sport in both high schools and colleges that ha elicited the greatest passion and enthusiasm from students.

For more than a century, schools have defined themselves in part by the success of their athletic teams, because triumph on the gridiron reflected glory on the school; and defeat, humiliation. To triumph over or to lose to one's closest rival raised the stakes even further.

The most famous football rivalry in late nineteenth-century America was between two universities: Harvard and Yale. The day after the Harvard-Yale game, newspapers across the country devoted multiple pages to the event.

Public interest in the Harvard-Yale game did not go unnoticed in the high schools. As high

Robert Pruter is a freelance writer and a member of the North American Societyfor Sport History.

52

school athletic programs evolved, football rivalries between neighboring schools began to emerge. Students dubbed these "Harvard-Yale games," and, as the rivalry between the Ivy League universities enthralled the country, these local contests captured the imagination of communities.

By the end of the 1890s, schools across Illinois maintained their own "Harvard-Yale" rivalries, and by far the most notable of these was between Hyde Park and Englewood High Schools. The two schools were located just south of Chicago and up to 1890, when their communities were incorporated into the city, they were suburban schools. Hyde Park resembled Harvard in the rivalry as it was considered one of the state's more elite schools and boasted a national reputation for both its academics and athletics. Englewood was located in a solidly middle-class community. Like Yale in its relationship to Harvard, Englewood was considered second-best in prestige but was the stronger athletic power.

During much of the 1890s and early 1900 , the two schools were often the two largest in the state. Whereas Hyde Park and Englewood could boast of enrollments of more than one thousand students each, the large schools elsewhere, both in the suburbs and downstate, rarely had more than five hundred students; most had enrollments of about two hundred to three hundred students. In Chicago, West Division and Lake View had comparable enrollments with Hyde Park and Englewood, but their graduation rates were usually lower . With regard to graduation numbers, a 1906 Chicago The Harvard-Yalefootball rivalry drew the allention of many Americans, including, accordingto thisJ ohn McCutcheoncartoon (c. I 9 IO), TheodoreRooseveltond William Taft.

Yesterday'sCity

In the 1890s, high schoolfootball becamepopular, and rim/ries betweencom/1elingteams drew attention from ,tudents and the co111111unily alike. The most notable rivahy in l//inois was betweenHyde Park (tojJ) and Englewood(bo/10111) High SchooL1.

53

ChicagoHistory, Fall 1995 R ecord-Herald report showed that Hyde Park had led the city in the number of graduates for seven consecutive years, and Eng lewood took second in the previous five. Thus with their greater enrollments, their higher graduation rates, and a large middle-class /upper-class student body that had leisure time to play football, Englewood and Hyde Park were both demographically favored to field the strongest teams in the state.

The Cook County League formed in the fall of 1889, the first year that the Blue and White of Hyde Park and the Purple and White of Englewood met in football. In the league 's inaugural season only four schools-Hyde Park, Englewood , Lake View, and Chicago Manualparticipated , although all Cook County schools were eligib le. The games were played in city parks, with the South Side schools usually playing at Washington Park. Other early playing areas were the Wanderer 's Cricket Grounds at 111irty-ninth and Wentworth Streets on the South Side, Lincoln Park on tbe orth Side, and Douglas Park on the West Side.

Englewood played football for the first time in 1889. The school credits zoology teacher Frank Holton, a Harvard graduate, with introducing the game to Englewood. This first year

he shared the job of coaching with the team 's captain, Bernard Jordan. In subsequent seasons, however , Englewood, like most Chicago schools during this era, relied mainly on either the team's captain or an a lumnu s to coach its team.

Hyde Park 's football history went back to 1885, when the sport was just beginning to be adopted in the high schoo ls, alth ough prior to 1889 the game was a haphazard, unorganized affair. The school's team, led by Captain Roger Sherman, swept through the four-team league undefeated and unscored upon. In the final game of the 1889 season, Hyde Park beat Englewood 26 to O at Washington Park.

During that first season, the newspapers barely noticed the league games, and for the next several years the Englewood-Hyde Park contest was not even reported in the citywide newspapers. But during this time a rivalry was growing. In 1890, when We t Division won the Cook County title, Hyde Park beat Englewood 10 to 6 to open the season on October 16. As usual in those days, the game ended in a wrangle. The Hyde Park yearbook reported that "after playing about thirty minutes, a dispute arose about some slugging, and the Englewoods refused to play any more, leaving the

The Hyd e Park and Englewood football teams met for the first time in 1889 , when the Cook County League formed .

League games were played in city parks including Dougla s Park (above), Washington Park , Lincoln Park, and Wanderer's Cricket Grounds. Photograph byJ.J.John son.

54

Yesterday'sCity

Although inexperienced, the 1893 Purple and While (above) triumphed in their annual conies/ against Hyde Park. Th e team's budding star, Clayton Teetzel, stands in the lo/J left corner.

game to the Hyde Parks." Later in the season, Hyde Park walloped Englewood 44 to 4.

In 1891, Englewood took the Cook County title with their first big star, Walter McCornack.

They defeated Hyde Park 22 to 12. After graduation in 1893, McCornack attended Dartmouth, where he became a football star. Later in the decade he served as one of the alumni coaches at Englewood and went on to coach at Dartmouth and then Northwestern. At Hyde Park, team captain William Bennett also coached the team. The yearbook lamented, "the team of this year was probabl)' composed of the best material the chool ever had, and if the y had been trained hard by a competent coach they would have had few equals in the country."

In 1892, Englewood, with McCornack as captain, beat Hyde Park 34 to 4. In a game against tbe niversity of Illinois (it was

common at the time for high schools to play colleges and universities), however, McCornack was injured. Thus with the school's star player unable to play in the key game against Lake View, Englewood lost. Lake View went on to win the title. In the 1893 season, Englewood had an inexperienced team, but Hyde Park was weak as well, and Englewood managed to win the annual contest 12 to 6 at Washington Park. A budding star on the Purple and White was freshman Clayton Teetzel. Lake View again took the Cook County title.

The fall of 1894 saw the emergence of Englewood's and Hyde Park's dominance of the league. During this season, the intensit) ' of the rivalry between Hyde Park and Englewood became manifest. The schools met twice during the year. In October, the Blue and White defeated the Purple and White 6 to O at Washington Park, but in late November, Englewood 55

ChicagoHist01y,Fall 199 5

THEYTAKETHEFLAG. .EBGLEWOOD RIGS: BOHOOL wms.A. FOOTBALL PE!B ilT, la

Ga••

a BaNI Karke4 '-Y 'Ooo4 .Play ••4 AbHDO. of \Ull'lfll\• Th•J' O.fi at Team t'rom the Laite VI w BJsll lcb-l bf 18 to 0-Ryd• Park Clal a to H••• BeoD Defr11ad aad to Pl•J' the aclewooda-otb•r lporllas •atleN.

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Above: On December9, I 894 , the Chicago Tribune announced that Englewood won the Cook Countyfootball jJennanl in a "hard game" against Lake View.

Below: The Englewood eleven practice their line-u.jJ formation ( 1894 ).

turned the tables, defeating Hyde Park 16 to 8 at Lincoln Park. The winner of the game won the right to meet Lake View for the Cook County champion hip. Hyde Park put in an unsuccessful claim to the championship, accusing the other team in the league of conducting a "secret meeting" where Hyde Park

56

was "defrauded" by awarding Englewood a disputed game. Englewood met Lake View at Washington Park and beat them 16 to 0.

Hyde Park won the Cook County title in 1895, and in its opening game on October 9 defeated Englewood 12 to O at Washington Park before two thousand spectators. Englewood was without the services of the previous season's star, Clayton Teetzel, who had transferred to Orchard Lake Military Academy in Michigan. Hyde Park won all the remaining games of the season and the Cook County championship. Ralph C. Hamill was the team's star; he went on to play at University of Chicago and earned all-American recognition in 1899. A.G. Spalding and Company donated to the league a silver cup, which was awarded to Hyde Park as league champion. If Hyde Park could win it for two more seasons, the school would gain permanent possession of the trophy.

In 1896, Teetzel returned to Englewood for his senior year and joined a splendid team captained and quar'terbacked by Will Talcott.

Tcetzel's presence made a difference, as Englewood won the Cook County conference with an undefeated record. The Engle-

Yesterday'sCity

Hyde Parh (left) dominated the 1895 football season, lro1mci11g Englewood 12 to 0 in the season openerand winning the A . G. Spalding and Company cham/Jionshi/J cup. Below: The 1895 Hyde Park High Schoolyearbook.

wood-Hyde Park rivalry was at its fiercest, and in the last game of the season, held at the University of Chicago's Marshall Field, both schools were undefeated, which made for season-ending fireworks. The Englewood school newspaper reported: "The final game of the season with Hyde Park ... was the greatest of all. To defeat our ancient rivals was the happiest ambition of the team. The defeat of '95 still rankles in the breasts of seven of the team, and they were determined to do or die.

'It was a glorious victory,' the score being 38 to 6, when time was called because of darkness with ten minutes yet to play."

Englewood held a victory celebration on the Monday following the Hyde Park game.

During the ceremony the Englewood team received the A.G. Spalding silver cup trophy, the removal of which from Hyde Park's trophy case must have truly rankled. Englewood tried to assuage the pain by expressing "sympathy and congratulat[ing] Hyde Park upon the splendid feeling that is mutual between the schools."

The school newspaper lauded Teetzel: "Clayton Teetzel, at Right Half Back, deserves considerably more space than we can allot to him. He is as good a player as Englewood High School has ever turned out, and is capable of playing on almo t any college team in the country. A swift runner, dodger and exceedingly dif1icult to tackle, he hits the line with almost irre istible force. All the praise and flat-

tery that he gets fails to make him conceited, which amounts to a virtue in his case. He probably has carried the oval more yards than any other high school player in the country this year." Teetzel went on to play with distinction

57

ChicagoHistory, Fall 1995 , · ,1. n

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HYDE PARK ISOUT.

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Refu es to Play Englewood Football Team Today.

"ILL QUITTHE LEAGUE. New Combination with High Schools of the tate Likely.

18

---.

Left: The December1896 Englewood High-School Journal celebratedthe Pwpl e and White's glory on the gridiron. Right: The December4, 1897, Chicago Tribune revealedthat Hyde Park refusedto play Englewoodafter two membersof the Hyde Park team had beendebarredfrom the league.

at Michigan and in the next decade worked as an assistant coach to Fielding Yost at Michigan.

As Hyde Park and Englewood represented two powerhouse football programs in the Midwest, so did the universities of Michigan and Chicago. These institutions thus looked to those two Chicago schools for football material, and, beginning in the mid-1890s, began recmiting from those schools athletes whose forebears had gone to Brown, Dartmouth, and other eastern schools. Following graduation, for example , Teetzel enrolled in Michigan along with other Englewood mainstays Will Talcott and James Henry . (Henry later transfe1Ted to Chicago and captained the team there.)

The 1897 season was probably the roughest in the history of the Englewood-Hyde Park series. The league circuit had grown to twelve teams, and to get through the season the teams

58

TREATED

UNJUSTLY.

had to play on both Wednesday and Saturday of each week. ILwas also the height of Lhe "reclmeat" era of fooLball, a time when Lhe game was at its meanest and roughesl. Players had a littl e padding sewn in their pant and jackets, buL helmets and oLher proLecLive gear were unknown. ear Lhe encl of the season Hyde Park inflicted on Englewood its firsL defeat, 14 Lo 8, at Marshall Field. OfficiaLing were the Un iversity of Chicago's Phil Allen as umpire and famed coach Amos Alonzo Stagg as referee.

The defeat of Englewood lefLa three-way Lie for first place between Englewood, Hyde Park, and Evanston, all with 10-1 records. Englewood ended up as the league champion, buL not because the school won a deciding game on the field. League politics dictated that EvansLon would face Hyde Park in a playoff to determine which chool would meet Englewood in Lhe tille game. Hyde Park defeated Evanston the following week, buL poliLics further intervened when the league barred two of Hyde Park's players from the upcoming Englewood game.

The Tribune, sounding not at all neutral on the issue, reported the league voted to: debar two of Hyde Park 's players who had played during the entire season without protest from other schoo ls and under the rules governing the league.

-Yesterday'sCity When it came to the deciding game the league passed a rule specifically to hit the two men and debarred them. It was called a case of ex post facto ruling at the meeting, but it 1Vaspassed nevertheless. Hyde Park has suffered similarly on other occasions, and refuses longer to accede to the demands of Englewood.

In a long, sarcastic letter to the newspaper several days later, an Englewood student gave the Englewood side of the story: The facts are these: Wednesday: Nov. 3. Hyde Park was beaten by Evanston 12 to 4. Englewood having previously beaten Evanston 12 to 0. Monday, Nov. 8, two young men named Marcuse and Calliger entered the Hyde Park High School. They became bona fide students. In the course of a few days it was discovered , quite by accident, that they could play football. One of them, who had previously some slight experience on the CM (Chicago Athletic Association) team, developed with marvelous rapidity into a star end; the other proved to be a valuable back, which was particularly fortunate, as the team had just lost its best half back. With the aid of these

men Hyde Park on 1o\'. 20 defeated [Englewood] by a score of 14 to 8.

The letter writer, while correcting the Tribune article, also tried to justify a bit of the jiggling of the rules by the league to get the players barred.

Hyde Park chose not to play Englewood and the title was awarded to Englewood by default. Hyde Park also announced that it was withdrawing from the league to form a new league with schools that supported first-class high school football, as the Tribune reported.

Despite this statement, Hyde Park rejoined the Cook County League for the 1898 season.

Hyde Park met Englewood twice during the season; each team claimed one victory.

In 1899, Englewood was at the peak of its athletic power. The team boasted superior players such as six-foot, five-inch Tommy Webster, Charles Kennedy, James Wishart, and Fred Indermile, and two future all-Americans, Robert Maxwell and Herbert Graver. Kennedy and Maxwell both went on to play at University of Chicago; Graver at Michigan. Hyde Park was

Englewood's 1897 clwm/1ionshi/1 team.

59

ChicagoHistory, Fall 1995

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60

developing some great new material, however , notably quarterback Walter Conner and future Hall of Farner Walter Eckersall (who wou ld play at Chicago) and future all-American Tom Hammond (who would play al Michigan). Eckersall, a freshman, weighed only 118 pounds and at this point in his career was only a substitute encl. Walter H. Lillard played halfback; he would go on to play and coach al Dartmouth.

Thus the two meet ings of the schools would involve four future all-Americans (two who would become Hall of Famers) and a future major university football coach. Few matches in the history of high school football could equal this exu·aorclinary collection of talent.

In the first meeting of the season on ovember 11, Hyde Park upset Englewood by a score of 6 to 5 before two thousand fans at the Wanderer's Cricket Grounds. The second game on December 2 al Marshall Field was reported as being for the league championship.

And what a spectacle the game had become.

Reported the Tribune:

Yesterday'sCity

This cartoonfro111 Englewood High School'sT he Purple Book celebratedthe tearn's1909 season.

61

Chicago History, Fall 1995 The natural rivalry which has existed between the two teams for years was the occasion for as much enthusiasm as even the University of Chicago shows in its games. Headed by a German band of four pieces and two drums, the Englewood crowd entered the field yelling for their team. Hyde Park came on with hundreds of girls armed with big cow bells. Fa1- up in the grand stand the high school boy had rigged up an immense fog horn to which they applied a pair of bellows and pumped it up until it screeched and brayed during the entire game.

The Englewood crowd was an uproarious one.

Alderman Badenoch of Englewood fame led the cheering of the crowd in the west bleacher, and when the enthusiasm died down he raised his cane and started yelling once more.

As far as the game itself, Englewood prevailed l O to 5, in a game that the Tribune deemed the best in years. Englewood thought they had won the league title for a fourth year in a row, but for once league politics went against them. The league required that Englewood meet a new power, English High and Manual Training, and the following week lost to them in a shocker.

After 1899, the annual contests between Hyde Park and Englewood began to lose their luster as new powers began to steal the limelight and the newspapers focused their attention on college games. The first EnglewoodHyde Park contest of the new century, on October 27, reflected some of the new realities.

The Tribune reported: "With the usual amount of wrangling, fumbling , and disputed decisions, Hyde Park and Englewood high schools dragged slowly through a tie game yesterday morning at Marshall Field, ending with a score of 6 to 6." Hyde Park featured some outstanding underclassmen, Walter Eckersall, Tom Hammond, and Sam Ransom, that showed the team had a promising future.

Over the next ninety years, the competition between Hyde Park and Englewood continued. Occasionally, the schools recaptured some of their glory. During the 1902 season, for example, Hyde Park, led by Walter Eckersall and Tom Hammond, swamped all opposition, including beating Englewood 57 to 0. In one of the most memorable intersectional games in high school football history,

62

the undefeated team capped the season by u-iumphing over Brooklyn Polytechnic 105 to 0 at Marshall Field.

The 1913 season, the first for the newly formed Chicago Public League, inaugurated ten years of domination by Hyde Park and Englewood in football. The two schools together took every league title, gathered the largest football crowds, got the largest headlines in the press, and reaped the bulk of the glory and prestige. In 1923, Lane Tech emerged as a football powerhouse, ending the EnglewoodHyde Park football monopoly. Eventually, new powers, notably Lindblom, Schurz, Tilden Tech, Fenger, and Austin High Schools became the principal protagonists in the league's football wars. Neither Englewood nor Hyde Park would ever again win the top title, although both would later win a second-division title. The 1937 sea on saw the inauguration of the famed Little Brown Shield, awarded Lo the winner of the annual Englewood-Hyde Park contest.

During the 1950s both Hyde Park and Englewood were relegated to the Blue Division , the lowest of the three divisions in the public league. But the intense rivalry continued with Coach Ellie Hasan at Hyde Park and with Coach Yosh Yamada at Englewood. In 1958 Englewood beat Hyde Park and won the very first Blue Division title offered by the league.

The following year, Hyde Park beat Englewood for the Blue Division title. Af'ter Englewood beat Hyde Park for the sixth consecutive time in 1965, the series was terminated because of scheduling conflicts. The annual contests were resumed in 1972, but lap ed again after the 1974 season. It was not until 1977 that the series resumed.

In the 1890 the students of both Hyde Park and of Englewood wrote about their football battles a though they were chronicling history for the ages. They never would have imagined that eventually knowledge of their rivalry would be forgotten. But sports throughout America have lost most of their local flavor. High school competition has been eclipsed by the national stage given to college and professional sports and their extended sea ons capped by long playoff series. Even local allegiance has fallen, as many Americans have become devoted fans of teams with homes far removed from their

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During the 1950s , Hyde Park and Englewood were relegated to the BLue Division, the Lowestof the three divisions in the public League, where they would each win their Lastfootball title. Top: Englewood's 19 58 Blu.e Division championship team. Bottom: Hyde Park's 1959 Blue Division championship learn.

63

Chicago History, Fall 1995

own. Still, it would be a shame to forget the glory days of Hyde Park and Englewood. To Lrulyappreciate the history of sports in Chicago, Lheir names deserve to resonale in the minds of today's football fans as do teams such as the Chicago Bears and the Green Bay Packers.

Ill ustralions 52, CHS, ICHi-25623; 53 top, from Libetlnian (Lhe Hyde Park High School yearbook, 1895), Chicago Public Library; 53 bollom, Chicago Public Library, EHS, 1.12; 54, CHS, ICHi25585; 55, from the Englewood High-School journal; 56 Lop, from the Chicago Tribune, (December 9, 1894), CHS Library; 56 bottom, Chicago Public Library, EHS 1.27; 57 top, author's collection; 57 bouom, from Libethrian (Hyde Park High School yearbook, 1895), Chicago Public Library; 58 left, Chicago Public Library; 58 righL, from the Chicago Tribune, (December 4, 1897); 59, Chicago Public Library, EHS 1.21; 60 top, from the Chicago Tribune, (December 3, 1899); 60 bottom, CHS, SDN-0 I 930; 61, from The Purple Book (Englewood High School, 1910), CHS Library; 63 top and bottom, author's collection.

64

Index

Index to Volume 24 This index includes author, title, and subject entries. Illustrations are indicated in italics.

If a subject is illustrated and discussed on the same page, the illustration is not separately indicated.

A Abbott , Robert: and support of Republican party , 3:4-21 .

See also ChicagoDefender Addams.Jane: h elp s found In sti tuti ona l Church and Social Settlement, I :28; and Arts and Crafts Movement, 2:5, 11-12 ; and Woman 's World's Fair, 2:66, 68, 71 Adoption, in Illinoi s. I :64, 70 African Americans: in Douglas /Grand Boulevard, I :23-39; and Provident Hospital, I :26, 27, and sett lement house movement, I :28; and Chicago jazz, I :29, and Great Migration , I :30; 3:7; and Illinoi s National Guard Eighth Regiment, I :31; and the Republican party, 3:4-21; and Democratic "Ne w Deal ," 3:10, 11-13, 15-16, 18, 20-21. Seen/so ChicagoDefender Aldis, Owen, 3:34 Allen, Charles, and Charles Yerkes , 2:.+9 Allen, Phil , 3:58 Altgeld, John Peter, lllin ois governor, 2:46 American Exposition Palace , site of Woman's World 's Fair, 2:62 Anheuser, E., Brewing Association, I :9 Anti-Saloon League. 2:16, 17 Appel, Susan K ..'.Chicago and the Rise of Brewery Architecture," article, I :4-19 Apprenticeship: and orphan;., I :.+2, 48-49; apprenticesh ip law , in Illinois. I :.+2. .+8, .+9 Architecture: of breweries, I :4-19. See also names of individual architects and buildings Armour , Gemge, and \'MC,\, 3:26 Armour, Mrs. Philip, and YI\ICA, 3:38 Armour , Philip D., estab lish es Armour Institute, I :25 Armour Institute of Technology, l :24, 25 Armstrong, Louis, I :29 The Art In stitute of Chicago: department of decorative design, 2:5; seal of, 2 :6; An and Crafts Exhibition.

2:6. 20 The rlrtjournal, 2 : I I Art J\letnlworkwith l11ex/m1sive Equi/nnmt, by Anhur Payne, 2:13 Ans and Crafts tl-lovement: in Chicago, 2:3; Art Institute Arts and Craft> Exhibition, 2:6. 20; ar1,d immigrants, 2: l I ; and design, 2: 13. SePal.10Kalo Shop. ,\:;hbee, Char les, Guild of Handicraft, 2:3. I 0-1 I Atla, Brewing Company. Chicago, I :18-19 Austin High School. football team, '.1:62 Ave1-y,Turlington, and YI\ICA, '.1:26

B Bartelme, ;\lary , judge of Chicago juvenile Court, 2:66 Barthel , Bernard. l: 14, 16 Bartholomae &: Roesing\ brewe1y. I :6 Bass, Eli1abeth , and Woman·s \\ 'oriel's Fair . 2:68 Bass , l\lrs. John T., 2:58 Baumann, Frederick , I :6-8 Beer. St'e Brewing industry Bell, Edward Price , and Charles Yerkes, 2:5,'i-57 Bennett, Bessie, 2:6 Benneu , Helen , 2:6/; ,md Woman's \\ 'oriel's Fai1·. 2:58, 60, al IVork, 2:58 62, 68-69, 71-72; 1Vome11 Bennett , William, 3:35 Berg , Peter, 2: / 6 Bergdoll Brewe1-y, Philadelphia, I: 17 Best, Wallace, "T he ChicagoDefenda and the Realignment of Black Chicago,·• article, 3:4--21 Best Brewing Company, Chicago, I: 15, 17 Bethel African Methodist Ep i ·copal Church, 1:28 Beye1·, Osca1·, I: 14, 15 " Black Metropolis,' ' See Douglas /Grand Bouleva1·d neighborhood Blaine, Mrs. Emmons, 3:38 Blatz, \'al , Brewing Company, Milwaukee, I: 11, I 7 Boone School , 3:49 Bowen, Louise de Koven, and Woman's \\'oriel's Fai1·, 2:58, 61, 62, 65, 67, 68, 70 Bower, Robert , and Kalo Shop, 2:6-7, I 0, 17 Brace, Charles Loring , and Ol·phans, l :69 Brennemann, Ono , poster; by, 2:2-./, 25 Brewing indusu-y: architecture of, I :4-19; and GermanAmericans, I :6, 9; technical advances in, I :9, 13; and refrigeration, I :8, 12, 13; and Prohibition , I: 14, 16-1 7; breweries adapted to new uses, I : 17-18 " Bronzeville," See Douglas /Grand Boulevard neighborhood Brooklyn Polytechnic, football team, 3 :62 Brown. Edgar G., 3: 13 Brnsh and Pencil, on Art In stitute School, 2:5 Burling and \111,itehouse, 3:35 Burnham , Daniel, and Mecca apartment building. I :35

C Cablecars, in Chicago, 2:42-43 Camp Douglas , I :20-21

The Careof the Destitute,Neglectedand DependentChildren, by Horner Folks , 1:63 Carey, Archibald, Sr.. I :28 Carpemer, Mal"), and orphanages. I :62 Century of Progre s Exposition, 19'.n, 2:72 Cl LA Set' Chicago I loming Authority Champlain Avenue, I :33 Charities. ee Fresh Air Fund; orphans and orphanages "Chicago and the Rise of B1·ewe1-yArchitecture," article, by Susan K. Appel. 1:4-19 Chicago City Council: and Charle;, Yerkes, 2:46, 47, --19, 54-55; and graft, 2:46, 47, 49, 54-55 Chicago City Railway Company. 2:42. 55

65

ChicagoH istory,Fall 199 5 Ch icago Colleg iate Bureau of Occupations, 2:58 Chicago Conso lidated Tract ion Company, 2:49 ChicagoDaily Ner.,•s:and crusade agai nst Charles Yerkes, 2:38-55; on Woman's World 's Fair, 2:64-65, 67, 70, 72 Chimgo Defender:and support of Repub lican party, 3:4-21; founded, 3:6; and Great Migration , 3:7; and Democratic party , 3: 10, 11- 13, 15-16, 18,20-2 1. Seealso Abbott, Robert; Seng tacke,John "The ChicagoDefenderand the Realignment of Black Chicago," an icle, by Wallace Best, 3:4-21 Chicago Electric Transit Company, 2:49 ChicagoEvening Post, on Woman's World's Fair, 2:69 Chicago Fire, 1871: I :48, 62; destroys YMCA Farwell Hall, 3:27 Chicago Fire Department, 3:48 Chicago Foundlin g Hosp ital, I :48, 56, 60 ChicagoHerald and Examiner, on Woman 's World 's Fair, 2:70 Chicago Home for the Friendless. I :55, 58, 59, 60 Chicago Housing Authority, I :38, 39 Chicagojoumal, on Woman's World's Fair , 2:69 Ch icago Manual High School , footba ll team , 3:54 Ch icago Methodist Temp le, 3:34 Ch icago Nursery and Half-Orphan Asylum , I :56, 57, 59-60, 61, 62 Ch icago Orphan Asylum , I :59 Chicago Public League (footba ll), 3:62 Chicago Rap id Trans it Company, posters for, 2:22-37 ChicagoRPCord , on Charle Yerkes, 2:-17, 54-56 Chicago Reform School. I :56, 58 Chicago Temple, 2:32 ChicagoTimes, on Soldiers· Orphan ' Home, 1:57 ChicagoTimes-Herald,and Char les Ye1·kes, 2:48 ChicagoTribune: on Charles Yerkes, 2:40, 41. 48; on Woman 's World's Fair , 2:68; on Englewood-Hyde Park football rivah-y, 3:56, 58-59, 60, 62 Chicago Univers ity. See Univers ity of Ch icago, Old Chicago West Division Railway, 2:42 Childr en's Aid Society of 1ew York, 1:69. 70 Cholera, epidem ics of, I :47, 59, 62 Chrysler, advertises at Woman's \\'oriel 's Fair, 2:70 Civil War, and Camp Douglas, I :20-2 1 Clark , Emily, "Rogers Park/West Ridge, " photo essay, 3:42-5 1 Club Detour, 3:4-/ Club ilhouette, 3:45 Coleman, M1·s.Joseph , 2:61, 62 Concrete. use in construction, l: I 3-14 Conference of Charit ie , I :63 Congregat iona l Churc h of Rogers Park clay camp, 3:46 Conner, Walter , 3:60 Cook County Hospital, 1:26 Cook County League (high school football) , 3:52-62 Cook Coun ty Poorhouse, 1:55 Coo lidge, Calvin: 3:11; and Woman's World 's Fair , 2:62; and African Americans, 3: I 0 Coo lidge, Grace , and Woman's World's Fair, 2:62 Corne ll, Katherine, 2:66 Costigan-Wagner antilynching bill, 3: 17 Crane, Richard, I :23 Crei-ar,John, bequeaths money to Chicago YMCA, 3:31

66

Crime, in public housing , I :39 Cudahy,John and Michael , I :23

D Dan Ryan Exp resswa)', I :36, 39 Dare, Kay, 3:44 Darrow, Clarence, I :28 Dartmouth College. footba ll team, 3:60 Dawes, Charles G., United States vice-president, and Chicago Woman's World 's Fair, 2:67, 70-71 De La Salle Institute, I :25 Dean, Mrs. George R., 2:61 Dearborn Street, I :38-39 Democratic parry, and African Americans, 3: I 0, 11- 13, 15- 16, 18, 20-21 Dennis, Char le·, 2:51, 54 Depression , of 1930s, and African Americans, 3: 12- 18. See a/.10Federal An Project , Public Works Aclminisu·ation, Wo1·ks Progress Administration Discrimination. See seg1·egatio n Disea e. See cholei-a, sma llpox Dolese, Rose and Minnie, 2:6 Doughty, Anne. 2:8, 12 Douglas, Steven A., I :21 Do11 glas/Gra11dBoulevard:The Past and !he Promise, exhibition , 1:20 Douglas/Grand Boulevard neighborhood , I :20-39 Douglas Park, 3:54 Douglass, Frederick, on Republican party , 3:5 Douglas Nationa l Bank, I :32 Dudley, Oscar. dir·ector of Illinois Humane Society, I :60, 62 Dunning, Illinois, site of poorhouse. I ::H DuSable Museum of African American l listory , I :23

E Eckersall, Walter, 3:60, 62 Education: of chi ldren in poorhouse , I :54; of orphans, I :62-63, 64 Eicher, ll einrich, 2:16 Eighteenth Amenclmen1. See Prohibition Eighth Regiment , Illinois Nat iona l Gua,-d, I :31 Elevated trains: ad\'ertising posters for, 2:26. 27, 30, 33, 34, 36; and Chades Yerkes, 2:46, 48, -19, 51. 52-53, 54, 57 Elms, \\'illanl F.. posters by, 2:34 Englewood High School. 3:53; football team , 3:52-6 4 Eng lewood Infant ur ery, I :62 Eng lish High and Manual Training School , footba ll team , 3:62 Erickson, orman, posters by, 2:25 Ethni c groups: and care of orphans, I :59 Evan , R. Tripp, "A Profitable Partnen,hip ," article, 2:4-21

Index

F Fairs. See Century of Progress; Sanitary Fai1·s;Woman 's World 's Fair; World 's Columbi an Exposition Famous Women 's Lunch , Woman 's World's Fair, 2:66-67, 68 Farwell.John Jr. , 3 :28; and Chicago YMCA, 3:27, 30, 31 Farwell.John Sr., 3:26 Farwell, Mrs.J. V., and YMCA, 3:38 Farwell Hall. 3:26, 27, 34 . See also YMCA, Chicago Faye, Cha rles, and Charles Yerke s, 2:40, 42-43, 49, 5 1. 54 Federal Art Project, 3:43 Fenger High School, football tea m, 3:62 Ferber , Edna, So Big, 2:69 Field, Eugen e, and Charles Yerkes , 2:42-43 Fifield, Mrs. E.R., 2:70 "Fighting Eighth ," See Eighth Reg iment, lllinois Nationa l Guard Fine Arts Building , as hub of Arts and Crafts Movement, 2:6, 7, 20 First Methodist Church block , as meeting place of Chicago YMCA, 3:25, 34 Fisher , Walter , 2:46 Flinn , Clara, 2:6 Folks, Home1·: on care of de stitute childr en, I :55, 64; The Core of Destitute, Neglected and De/mident Children, I :63 Football, high school, 3:52-64 The Fo1t Worth[fexos] Record Telegram, on Woman 's World 's Fair, 2:71 Forty-ninth Street , Chicago , I :33 Foss-Schneider Brewery, Cincinnati, I :8 Foster hom es, J :49-50, 64, 69. 70 Franch, John , "Opposite Sides of th e Ban-icade," article, 2:38-57 Fresh Air Fund , 2:49 Fresno Bt·ewing Company, Fresno. CA, l 15 "Friendless Foundlings and Homeless Half-Orphans," article, by Joan Gittens, 1:40-72 Furniture Mart. See American Exposition Palace

G Gary , Indi ana, 2:25 GentlemanPrefer Blondes, by Anita Loo , 2:69 German-Americans, and brewing industry , l :6, 9 German Building (restaurant), 2:37 Gittens , Joan , "Friendless Foundlings and Homeless HalfOrphans, ·• article , I :40-72; Poor Relations:The Children of the State in Illinois, 1818-1900, exce rpted , I :40-72 "Glory on the Gridiron" (Yesterday's City), by Robert Prut er. 3:52-64 Goodman , Benn y, I :29 Covemment Ir,•the Brewers?, by Adolph Keitel, I: 17 Grand Terr ,;ce Ballroom, 1:29 Graver, I ler bert , 3:59 Grea t ~ligr ation. Sre African Americans Green, Doris, 3:43 Green, 1lenry Delo1·val, 3:42--43 Gr ee n, Thomas , 3:43 Green Briar Pa1·k ficldhouse. 3:-12

Grie sser, Richard. I : 14, 16, 17 Griesser, Wilhelm , 1:10, 13, J-.1

H Hamill , Ralph, 3:56 Hamilton , Alice, 2:66 Hamilton,John , 3: 15 Hamm, Theo. , Brewing Company, I: 13, 14 Hammon, Tom , 3:60, 62 Hanek. Matthias , 2: 12, 20 H anna , Mark, 2:60 Han on, Oscar Rabe, posters by, 2 : rover, 26, 27, 33 Harding , WatTen, and African Americans, 3: I 0 Hmper's Weekly,on Chicago YMCA centra l building , 3:38 Harrell , Ritten house, & Cr ipp en brakes , 2:43 Harrison, Carter Henry Jr., Chicago mayor, and Charl es Yerkes , 2:49 , 51, 56 Harvard Un ivers ity, and football , 3:52 Hasan, Ellie, 3:62, 63 Hatch , Azel, 2:54 Henry .Jam es, 3:58 Higinbotham, Mrs. Har low, and YMCA, 3:38 Hines, Earl , I :29 Hinman , George Wheeler , 2:49 Holton , Ft-ank, 3:54 Hoover, Herbert , and African Americans , 3: 10- 12, 15 Horsecars , 2:42 , 44-45 Houghtc ling,James, 3:28; and Chicago YMCA, 3:27, 30, 31

House Beautijitl, 2: I I Howard Theater , 3:cover, 47 Hughes , Lang ston , on ChicagoDefender, 3:7 Hull-House , and Arts and Crafts Movement, 2:5, 11-12 Hyde Park High School, 3:53, football team , 3:52-6 4

I Ida B. Wells Homes, I :38 lllin ois Board of State Comm issioners of Public Chari tie , and orphans , I :42, 50, 51, 58. 63, 70 lllin ois Central Railroad , I :21 Illin ois Humane Society, I :60, 62 Illinois In stitute of Technology, I :25, 35, 36 lllinoisJuvenile Court Act of 1899, I :64, 69 Illinoi s legislatur e: and graft, 2:46, 49; and Charles Yerkes, 2:46 , 49 Illinois National Guard , Eighth Regiment, I :31 Illinois Republican Women's Clubs, and Woman's World's Fair, 2:60, 68 Illin ois Soldiers' Orphans ' Home. See Soldiers' Orphans ' Home Illinois State Board of Charities . See Illinois Board of State Commiss ioners of Public Charities Illinois Supreme Court, I :45 Immig1·,mts: and Kalo Shop , 2:6-7 ; and Art and Craft Movement, 2:7. See also nan1es of individual immi grant groups lnd erm ile, Fred , 3:59

67

ChicagoHistory, Fall 1995 Indi ana Dunes , 2:24, 28, bac/1cover Indu trial schools. l :62-63, 64 Infant Welfare Society, I :70-7 1 Institutional Church and Social Settlement, I :28 Inter Ocean:purchased by Charles Yerkes, 2:48; and attacks on \'ictor L1wson, 2:49, 51, 54 lnlemational Studio (magazine), 2: 11

J Jazz, in Douglas/G rand Boulevard neighborhood, I :29 Jenney, William LeBaron, designs Chicago YMCA centra l building , 3:22, 35, 36 Jensen. Georg, 2: 17 Johnson, Arthur A., posters by, 2:26, 37 J ordan, Bernard , 3:54 Julrnat, 2:20 Jungenfeld, Edmund, 1:8-10

K Kalo Shop : 2:4, 18-19; founded, 2:5-6; ex hibits at museums, 2:6, 17; moves to Park Ridge , 2:6, 10-11 ; and immi grants, 2:5, 6, 7, 11,17 , 20; and women, 2:6. 11.

12, 20; during World Wa1· I, 2: 16; Welles turns ove1· to employees, 2: I 7; goes out of business , 2:20 Keitel, Ado lph , Govemment by the Brewers?, l :17 Kelly, Boyd, 3:45 Kennedy, Char les, 3:59 Kichura. Walter , 2:19 Koehnemann, Rena1·d , 2 : 17 Kohlsaat, Herman, 2:41, 48 Krau ch, Theodore , 1:8 Ku Klux Klan , and p1·esidential election of 1928, 3 : 11

L Lake \'iew Hi gh choo l, footbal l team, 3:54, 55 Landon. Alfred M., and African Ame1·icans, 3: 15, 18 Lane Tech High School. 3:62 Lang, Gerhard, I : I I, 14-15 Larkin Chi ldr en's Home , 1:64-65 Lathrop , Juli a: 1:62, 63; and care of destitute childr en, 1:48, 50 Lawson, Victor: 2:39; and religion , 2:38-39; and Chicago Dail_)'News crusade against Char les Yerkes, 2:38-72 Leh le, Louis, I :9- 11, 13 Lester, Larry, and his orchestra, 3:44 Levinger, Moriz , I: 16 Lewis Un ivers ity, merges with Armour Institute, I :25 Lillard, Walter H., 3:60 Lincoln , Abraham, and African American support of Republican party , 3:5, 7. 11, 12, 15, 18 Lincoln-BebnontBooster, 3:43 Lincoln Gardens, l :29 Lincoln Park, 3:54 Lindblom High School, football team, 3:62 Linn , Mrs. Howard , 2 :61, 62

68

Little Brown Shie ld (footba ll award), 3:62 Lone Star Brewery, San Antonio, TX, I: 17 Loos, Anita, GentlemenPreferBlonJ1,s,2:69 Lupkin, Paula, "A Temp le of Practica l Christianity," article, 3:22--4 1 Lymon , William, alderman, 2:54 Lynch , J ames, 2:55 Lynching , ChicagoDefendercampaign against, 3: 17

M McCormick , Cyrus Jr. , 3:28, and Chicago YMCA, 3:27, 30, 31 McCormick, Mrs. Rockefeller, 2:61, 62 McCormi ck, Ruth Hanna. See Simms, Ruth l lanna McCormick McCornack , Walter , 3:55 McCutcheon , John, "The Stranger," YMCA cartoon, 3:24 l\,fcMaste1·. Hope, 2:6 Magner. J. L., heads Soldiers' Orphans' Home, I :58 Mahoney, O livia, "The Past and the Promise, " photo essay, I :20-39 Manhattan Brewery, Chicago, I :13 Maritzen ,A ugust, 1:10- 11, 13 Marshall Field (footba ll playing field), 3:58, 62 Marshall Field 's, exhibits at Woman's World 's Fair, 2:69 Masonic Temple, 3:34. 36 Master Plan of Residential Use, l :35 Matthews , Betty Turner, 2:62 Maxwell, Robert, 3:59 1ecca apartment building, I :35-37 Medill . Joseph , 2:40, 41, 48 Mercy Hospital, 1:36 Messe1·, L. Wilbur, and Chicago YMCA, 3:30, 35, 39 1etal miths. in Chicago, 2:4-21. See also names of individual smiths and studios Meyer , Jump and his Solid Six (band). 3:42 Michael Reese Ho pita! , l :25, 35, 36 Michigan , Uni\'ersity of. footba ll team 3:58, 59. 60 Michigan Avenue, I :22-23, 2:30 "Michigan Plan" fo1·orphans, I :6--1 Midway Gardens Ballroom , I :29 Mies van der Rohe , Ludwig , I :37 Mille1·, K1·istie, "Yeste1·day's City: Oft.he \\'omen , For 1he Women , and By the \Vomen ," 2:58-72 Miller's Beauty Salon, 3:47 Millet, Louis, desigm seal of Art Institute, 2:6 Mitchell, John J., 3:34 ~loehn Brewery, Burlington, I.A, 2: 16 Moody Bible Institute , and Woman 's World 's Fair, 2:62 Monon , Jelly Roll, I :29 Morton, Joy, 1:23 Mundie , William B., 3:35 Municipal Voters League, and opposition to Char les Yerkes , 2:49, 54 Myrdal , Gunnar, on ChicagoDefender,3:7 Myrhe , Arne, 2: 17

Index

N National Commercial Bank bui lding, 2:10 Navigato, Rocco D., posters by, 2:30, 31, 32, 36 Navy Pier , 2:26 Neighborhoods:Keepers of Culture, exh ibition series, 1:20; 3:42 "New Deal ," See Depression , of the 1930s; Federal Art Project; Public Works Administration; Roosevelt , Frank lin D.; Works Progress Adm inistration New York Found ling Hospital , 1:64 New York Juvenile Asylum, I :49 N icho ls, Maria, 2:6 ickson, Millicent , 2:19 ile Queen Cosmetics, 3 :8-9 North Chicago Street Railroad Company, 2:40, 42, 44-45, 50,55 North Shore Line, post ers for, 2:22, 23 Northwestern Elevated Railroad Company, 2:48; sues ChicagoDaily News for libel, 2:51, 54 Northwestern University, 2:27 Notre Dame , Unive1路sityof, and football team , 2:24

0 Oak Woods Cemetery, 1:21 "Of the Women , For the Women, and By the Women ," (Yesterday's City), by Kristie Miller, 2:58-72 Ogden Dunes , 2:24 Ohr , Mrs., heads Soldiers' Orphans' Homes , I :57 O liver, King, I :29 Olsson, Yngve, 2:/6, 17, 20 "O pposite Sides of the Ba1-ricade," article, by John Franch, 2:38-57 Origina l Creo le Orchestra, 1:29 Orphans and 01-phanages: in Illin ois, I :40-72 ; Orphan Train, I :49, 66-68, 69 Overton, Anthony, I :32 Overton Building , I :32-33 Overton Hygenic Company, I :32

p Palao , James, 1:29 Palmer, Bertha Honore , and World's Columbian Exposition, 2:60 Panic, of 1893, I :48 Park Brewery, Buffalo , NY, I: 11, 14- 15 Park Ridge, site of Kalo An Craft Community, 2: 10-11 Pa1路ker , .Johnj. , 3: 12 "T he Past and the Promi e," photo essay, by Olivia Mahoney , I :20-39 Payne , Arthur, Art Metalworkwith InexpensiveEqui/mwnt, 2:13 Pederson, Daniel , 2: 16-17, 20 Pfund, Anthony, I :9 Pierce, Bes;ie Louise, on religion in Chicago, 3:24 Poor laws, in Illinois: I :42, 45

Poor Relations: The Childrenof the State i11IllinoiJ, 1818-1900 , by Joan Gittens, excerpted. I :40-72 Poorhouses , in Tllinois, I :49-50, 55 Popel-Gi ller Brewery, Warsaw. Illinois. 2: l 6 Population growth, in Chicago: 1:46, 60 Power , Johnny (".Johnny da Pow"), aldennan, 2:55 Preston, .Jessie, 2:6 Price, William , 2: J I "A Profitable Partnership," article, by R. Tripp Evans.

2:4-21 Prohibition , and brewing industry , I: 14, 16, 17 Protestant Chicago Orphan Asylum , I :59 Provident Hospital , I :25, 26 Pruter, Robe rt, "Yester day' City: GIOI)' on the G1路idiron," 3:52-64 Public housing , I :38-39. See also Ch icago Housing Authority, Ida B. \Veils Homes ; Robert Tay lor Home ; Stateway Gardens Public transportat ion: promotiona l posters for, 2:22-37: and Char les Yerkes: 2 :38-57. See aL,ohorsecars, cablecars, elevated trnins Public Works Administration, and segregation, 3: 16

R Radio Broadcast Associat ion, at Woman 's World's Fa ir, 2:69 Ragan, Leslie , posters by, 2: backcover Randahl , Julius 0. , 2: 17 Randall Shop, 2:20 Ransom , Sam, 3:62 Ranson, Reverend and Mrs . Reverdy , I :28-29 Rautert , Fred, 1:7, 14, 15, 17 Raw on, Mrs. Freder ick, 2:61 Reade , Chr istia, 2:6 Refrigeration , in brewing industry , I :8, 12, 13 Regal Theater, J :29 Religion , and care of orphans, I :59- 60 Republican party , and support of African Amer icans, 3:4-21 Richardson, Henry Hobson, I : 11 Robert Taylor Homes, I :38-39 Robinson, Mrs. T. W., 2:61 Rogers Park News, 3:43 "Rogers Park/West Ridge ," photo essay, by Emily Clark, 3:42-51 RogersPark/West Ridge: Rhythms of Diversity,exhibition, 3:42 Roman Catho lic Orphan Asylum, l:59 "T he Romance of Transit," photo essay, 2:22-37 Rookwood Pottery , 2:6 Roosevelt, Eleanor, 3:14 Roosevelt , Franklin D.: 3:14, 19; and African Americans, 3: 12-1 3, 15-18 , 20-21 and ChicagoDefender,3: 13-15, 16-21 Roosevelt, Theodore, and African Ame1路icans, 3: I 0, I I Rose Valley, Pennsylvania (communa l sett lement), 2: 11 Ross. Nellie, Wyoming governor, 2:66, 68 Roth, Salo, alderma n, 2:46

69

Chicago H istory, Fall 1995

s Saloons, opp osition to, 3:24-25, 39 Sanitary fairs, 2 :58 Scandin avian immi grant s, and Ka lo Shop , 2:6-7 Schlit z, J oseph , br ewing compa ny. 1:9, 11, 13, 17 Segrega tio n: I :22-23, 30, 33, 39; in 1ew Dea l prog rams , 3: 16- 17 Seipp , Co nr ad, I :23 ellers, Kath ryn, ju dge, 2:67 Sengstacke, J ohn: beco mes edit or of ChicagoDefender, 3: 18; and p olitical affiliation, 3: 18, 20-2 I Sett le ment houses: I :63; and African Americans, I :28 She rm an , Roge 1·, 3 :54 Ship ma n, William , and Chicago Foun d ling Hospi tal, I :60 Shoe make r, Vaughn , cartoo ns by, 2 :67, 72 Silver smith s. See meta lsmith s Simm on , Roscoe Co nklin , 3 : 15, 17- 18 Simm s, Ruth Hann a McCormi ck: 2:6 1, 65; and Woman's World's Fair, 2 :60, 62, 7 1; a nd Byro n. Illinois, da iry, 2:66, a nd po litical oflice, 2:7 1-72 Sioux City (Iowa) Brewing Compa ny, I : 11 The Sioux City Iowa LivestockRecord. on Woma n 's World 's Fair , 2 :7 1 Sioux Fa ll (S.D.) Brewing Compa ny, I : 15, 16- 17 Skiing, 2:24 Skyscraper , and Chicago YMCA, 3:34-36 , 37-39 Small-pox e pid emic, 1:48 Smith , Alfred E., and African Ame ricans, 3 : 11, 12 Smith , Byro n, 3:34 So Big, by Edn a Ferb er, 2:69 Society for th e Preve ntion of Cru elt:y to Anim als, I :62 Softba ll, 3:46 Soldiers' Orph ans' H ome, I :56-58 , 62.

South Shore Line, poste rs for, 2:24-25 , 28- 29 Spald ing, A.G. & Co mpa ny, 3:57 Sports. See names of individ ua l spor ts SpringfieldRegister,on Sold iers' Or ph a ns' Home, 1:57 Stagg, Am o Alon LO,3:58 The Stamford[Connectiwt]Advocate,on Woman' \\' or iel's Fa ir, 2:71 Sta te Boa rd of Chariti es. See Illin ois Boa rd of State Co mmissione1·s of Public Char ities tateway Gard e ns, 1:38, 39 Stevens, Dor is, on women 's rights, 2:58 Stevens, Helena, cover illustrat ion for progra m of Woman's Wor ld's Fair. 2:59 Stickley, Gustav, 2:7 Stoll, Charles, 1:9 Stone, Melville: and ChicagoDaily News, 2 :39, 43; and Charles Yer kes, 2:40, 42, 5 1 Strawn, Mrs. Silas H. , 2:61 Stron g, H ele n, 2 :66 Sulliva n High School, 3 :48

T Taft, Preside nt William H .: 3:1 I , a nd African Ame ricans, 3: 10 Talco tt, Will, 3:56, 58

70

Ta nn er, J ohn , Illin ois gove rn or, 2:49 Tay lor , Willia m Watts, 2:6 T. C. Shop . 2:20 Teetze l, Clay1o n, 3:55-58, 66 "A Te mpl e o f Pract ica l Chri stianit y," article, by Paula Lupkin , 3 :22-4 1 T ilde n Tec hni ca l Schoo l, foo tba ll team , 3:62 T ivoli Brewery, De nver, I: 17 To d d, Emery W., 2:20 To lbert , Lillian , and To lbert ice p itche r, 2 :62, 63 T 1·e'O Shop, 2:6 T riggs, Oscar Love ll, on Charles Ashbee , 2: I I

u Union Elevated Ra ilroad Co mp any, 2:48 Union Leagu e Club, 3:33, 35 University of Chicago , 2:26 University of Chicago, O ld, I :2 1 Univers ity of Illin ois Medica l Schoo l, 2:27 Urba n re newal, 1:34-39

V Victo ry Life In surance Co mpa ny, I :32

w Wacker Drive, 2:3 1 Wa nderer's Cricket Grounds , 3:54, 60 War bond sale , 3 :47 Washin gton Par k, 2:36; 3:54 Watson, Mrs. Hath away, 2:71 Webster , To m my, 3:59 Welles, Clara Barck: foun ds Kalo 'hop , 2:5; e nro lls a1 Art ln stiLUte. 2:5; moves to Park Ridge, 2:6; and women, 2:6, 11, 12, 20; and immi grants , 2:6- 12; influe nce of Ashbee's Guild of Handi craft. 2: I 0- 11; re tires, 2: 17. \Vest Chicago Street Ra ilroa d Co m pa ny, 2:55 71u• We,lt•rn Brrn•l'I':advert isem ent, I: 7; Louis Le h le p lan for modern brewe ry, I :1O; on August Mariti 1.en , I : I I, I'.{; on use of concrete in brewe rie ·, I: 14 Whar ton, Edith , 2:69 \.\11ite house, Francis, and proposed des ign for Ch icago \' !CA cen tra l bu ilding, 3 :35 Wid mann , Frederick, I :9 Wilkie, Wende ll. and African America ns, 3:20 Williams, Dan iel Hale , I :27 Williams famil) , I :cover, 30 \\lilrn Shop , 2:6 Wilson, Woo d row, and African Am er icans, 3: I 0 Wines, Fred erick, on Soldie1·s' Orph ans' H ome, I :58 Wishart, J ames, 3 :59 \Volf, Frede rick, l :9, l 0, 12, 13, l 4 \ Vol[, O tto C., l: l 0 Wolf & Leh le, I : 13 \\' oman ' Christian Te m pera nce U nion, 3:3 1 See also Woman's Te mpl e

Index Woman's Temp le, 3:32, 33, 34, 35, 36, Woman's View/Jointmagazine , 2:66 Woman 's World 's Fair: 2:58-72; board of managers , 2:63, 64--65; financial aspect , 2:62 , 67, 68; exhibitors, 62, 66, 69-70; Famous Woman 's Lunch, 2:66-67; publicity, 2:68-70; international participation , 2 :69. See also Bennett , Helen; Bowen, Louise de Koven; Simms, Ruth Hanna McCormick Women: and Hull House , 2:11 ; and Kato Shop, 2:6, 11, 12, 20; and employment, 2:6, 11, 12, 20, 68--69 JV0111e11 al Work, by Helen Bennett, 2 :58 Wome n's Roosevelt Republican Club of Chicago, 2:68 Woodworth , Marge11', 2 :6 Works Progress Adminisu¡ation, 3:43; and segregat ion, 3 :16--17 World War 11,and African Americans, 3:20-21; and war bonds, 3:47 World's Co lumbi an Exposit ion or 1893, Woman's Building , 2:58, 60 World's Fairs. See Century of Progress ; World's Co lumbi an Exposition Wright, Frank Lloyd , and Arts and Crafts Movement , 2:5 Wright , Miss, and Kato Shop , 2: 12 \,V1¡ight,R. R., on Franklin Roosevelt , 3:21

y Yale University, footba ll team , 3:52 Yamada, Yosh , 3 :62, 63 Yerke , Char les Tyson: 2:38; as portrayed in ]h e Titan, 2:39, and pubiic transportation in Chicago, 2:39-57; and graft, 2:40, 46--49, 54, 55; leaves Chicago for London , 2:56--57 Yerkes , Mary Ade laide Moor e, 2:40, 49 Yesterday's City: "Of the Women, For the Women, and By the Women ," by Kristie Miller, 2:58-72; "G lo11'on the Gridiron," by Roben Pruter, 3 :52--64 YMCA, Cambridge, Mass., 3:30, 31 YMCA, Chicago: goa ls or, 3:22-28; cemra l bui lding, 3:22-41; YMCA Co llege, 3:39 YMCA, Milwaukee, 3:34 YMCA, Park Ridge, 3:40-41 Yost, Fieldin g, 3 :58

z Zander, E. W., on YMCA central building, 3:38

71

Neighborhoods: Keepers of Culture

N

A

! t oward

Full er/011

2. Rogers Park/West Ridge l,