Autonomous Acceleration (Dissertation) by Chris Trundle

Introduction

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford? Chris Trundle 08123312

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

In order to undertake this research I received guidance from a number of parties, but most crucially the instrumental assistance of Dr Leandro Minuchin as a course leader and personal supervisor.

Fifth year MArch, Dissertation Author: Chris Trundle Supervisor: Dr. Leandro Minuchin Manchester School of Architecture University of Manchester Manchester Metropolitan University

Abstract

Abstract Deregulation has been a prevalent underlying mechanism throughout the discourse of urban regeneration. The hegemonic neoliberal dogma that has been established throughout the late 20th Century has elevated the utilisation of private impetus within models of urban development. Subsequently the implementation of deregulatory procedures has taken on a critical role in accelerating urban areas, as a tool to raise competiveness and incentivise private investment. It is important to understand how processes, which may not directly relate to the local built environment, have influenced the spatial arrangement of our cities. Salford Quays has been under continuous regeneration since its post-industrial decline, and provides a perfect framework in which to analyse the manifestation of these evolving deregulatory practices. The aim of this study is to describe and analyse the processes of deregulation that have been key throughout the acceleration of the economy and urban fabric through models of urban renewal. Towards an understanding of how deregulatory processes and manifestations form the architecture of acceleration.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Contents

Introduction

Literature Review Defining the Terminology

Urban Policy of Deregulation

Deregulation Towards Globalisation and Autonomy

The Affects of Deregulation within the Urban Fabric

Methodology

Empirical Chapters The Life and Death of Salford Quays

Masterplanning

Typologies Infrastructure

Spectacle

Homogeneity

Conclusion

Bibliography

Images

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Introduction The transformation of urban landscapes throughout the United Kingdom and around the world, is becoming more prevalent and of increasing interest and importance. The growing processes of globalisation have resulted in widespread decline throughout Britain, with sites of manufacture and production suffering under the global sourcing of labour (Sassen, 2001, p.25). Regeneration has become a ubiquitous aspiration for these sites of decline, epitomised by the underused industrial waterfronts, which have suffered significant economic and social recession. Intervention was key to the revival of this spiralling decay. Post-industrial urban renewal was pursued with the provision of a series of deregulatory policies and interventions that aimed to accelerate the processes of urbanisation and regeneration. Objectives aimed to heal the symptomatic socio-spatial division of uneven geographical development of capitalism and to revive the failing local and national economy. Privatisation and deregulation played a significant role in certain methods of redevelopment. This is evidenced most clearly through its implementation in the United Kingdom by Thatcherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Conservative government, with a neoliberal position of economic development and with a clear stance that deregulatory policy and denationalisation would form the base for an economic recovery and further growth. Deregulation opened up Britain, and its cities, to a multitude of global factors; factors that would have a significant impact on the further development of the country and its built environment. A balance between private and public initiative and investment has always been key to urban development, but through deregulation, private capital became more powerful, in terms of decision-making, regarding future developments. The global nature of flexible capital, provided by the progresses of globalisation, brought more power to previous national and regional elites, which now have significant global power and influence. The mobility of globalisation has formed the subject of competition between places in an attempt to incentivise private development and regeneration. Both the attempt to market places to a global network of actors and the consequences of global appropriation have significant influences on the spatial formation and arrangement of our cities. Using Salford Quays as a case study, which has been subject to intense programmes of regeneration and development, this essay will discuss the spatial implications it has undergone as a result of these processes of deregulation on a local, national and global level. Initially I will look at clarifying and discussing the definitions of the terms and processes involved in deregulation. I will then continue to discuss the national policy and implementation of deregulatory practices that have been put in place during Britainâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s post-industrial age, with a focus on specific urban policies that have a clear spatial implication within the urban fabric. Consequently, examining the developments of globalisation, which have been reliant on deregulation throughout nations and states, it can be understood how it has affected the dynamics of urban planning and renewal. While also discussing the objectives for the resultant spatial arrangements of the principal actors, whom through a neoliberal approach to development, have

Introduction

been elevated to what could be described as the global elite. Having considered the initial actions in establishing measures of deregulation and the consequential implications on the manner of urbanisation, I will consider discussions and theory of the result of these processes within the built environment. Research will focus on Maria Kaika’s framework of autistic architecture, which looks to question the global implications and desires of the built form within local place and context: “The emergence of autistic architecture across the world, I argue, has profound effects on the production and use of urban space” (Kaika, 2011, p.970). Combined with a focus on the texts of David Harvey, the methods of capital accumulation through processes of urbanisation and development will be considered, and how these are materialised within the built environment through various forms and typologies. The combination of literature within architecture, sociology and legislation will aim to provide a bridged narrative of the implementation and consequences of deregulation. Theorists often look to discuss and claim that these processes have a significant impact on the spatial development of our built environment, “An integral part of the globalizing processes is progressive spatial segregation, separation and exclusion” (Bauman, 1998, p.3). However, this is rarely formalised in examples of spatial and architectural form that define the symptomatic spatial tactics and methods. A case study of Salford, focusing on its former docklands, Salford Quays, will be used to investigate the spatial implications and consequences that evolving polices and processes of deregulation have had on its realised form. This study will utilise masterplans and an analysis of the resultant built environment to form a base of research with which to analyse the approaches of the revival of Salford Quays and the surrounding area. I will discuss the resultant forms that have been produced throughout the landscape of renewal, discussing typologies that been predominant throughout acceleration and renewal and their connection to deregulatory procedures. It is the intention to evaluate how specific policies and processes, centred on deregulation, have manifested themselves as built form; the architecture of acceleration of Salford Quays.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Defining the Terminology Deregulation and privatisation are often discussed in conjunction with each other, as complimentary processes, processes that afford the acceleration of growth and further development. These concepts were intrinsic to the policies widely used throughout the 1980s, especially under Reagan and Thatcher, in the United States and United Kingdom respectively, to boost economic growth that was showing signs of stagnation and plateauing (Harvey, 2006). Privatisation denationalises previously public institutions and industries, placing them under the control of the private sector in an attempt to further strengthen and develop them through the competition of a free market. The objectives are to maximise economic activity with the hope of sufficient benefits to consumers. Deregulation is a much broader term than privatisation, with a wider range of processes that could be defined under its terminology. It can be seen more as the loosening and freezing of governmental regulations and control over industries and the private sector, which often comes as a product of privatisation. Swyngedouw et al, discuss the various methods of deregulation within the implementation of large scale urban development projects, the role of many of these mechanisms in urban renewal will be analysed further throughout an evaluation of policy and following empirical studies. “In other cases, they were initiated by means of “exceptionality” measures, such as the freezing of conventional planning tools, bypassing statutory regulations and institutional bodies, the creation of project agencies with special or exceptional powers of intervention and decision-making, and/or a change in national or regional regulations.” (Swyngedouw, Moulaert and Rodriguez, 2002, p.543)

Both, deregulation and privatisation have been key in the formation of a hegemonic, neoliberal ideology that has asserted itself on the modern world. Neoliberalism covers a vast majority of social, political and economic grounds at different scales to form a succinct encompassing definition. Although, David Harvey provides a clear description of the term, during a discussion of urban renewal and regeneration. “The neo-liberal-state looks to further the cause of and to facilitate and stimulate (by tax breaks and other concessions as well as infrastructural provision at the state expense if necessary) all business interests, arguing that this will foster growth and innovation and that this is the only way to eradicate poverty and to deliver, in the long run, higher living standards to the mass of the population.” (Harvey, 2006, p.25)

This definition summarises the processes of market led regeneration that have taken place throughout post-industrial Europe. Explaining the common, almost default, economic approach to the symptoms of social deprivation and physical decay that will form the framework of this study.

Literature Review

Research and literature is vast regarding the principles of neoliberalism that have formed modern capitalism and its consequences on space and society. Many provide a critique of the system, with socio-economic and polarisation at the centre of their arguments (Harvey, 2012; Saad-Filho and Johnston, 2005). Whereas support regularly focuses on the economic benefits of the provision of a more competitive market, its affordance of cheaper rates and better service for consumers, and most importantly its role in serving the assumed requirement for a continuously growing economy (Kagami and Tsuji, 2000). Simply, the processes of deregulation, in a wider subject of neoliberalism, afford the elevation of the position of private investment. Resulting in corporations and development agencies having significant authority over public decisions, which directly affect the urban fabric of towns and cities. The allowance of autonomy within this approach clearly removes a degree of power from the public. Reliance on their representation through unelected bodies can create a significant level of disengagement and independence. Examining the balance (or imbalance) of private initiatives and incentives within urban planning and realisation will form an element of discussion through theoretical and empirical analysis.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Urban Policy of Deregulation Within a discussion of urban regeneration and acceleration urban policy is critical, as the most crucial mechanism in attaining these ambitions. The appropriation of neoliberal ideals within national policy has been ubiquitous since its original implementation. However, the models have evolved and altered over time and governmental rule. I will review the establishment and evolution of deregulatory urban policy towards an understanding of its spatial and physical consequences within Britain’s post-industrial urban fabric. Deregulation of Thatcher’s Conservative Government The most significant implementation of neoliberal ideologies took place under the governments of Reagan and Thatcher, throughout the 1980s. The market-led principles that were beginning to be implemented within their preceding governments were adopted as the guiding principles of their governance. Although some arguments state that the desire behind this was to further accelerate the income of the wealthiest and to reinforce the diminishing social hierarchy modelled through capitalism (Harvey, 2006, p.13). The model of facilitating market-led development and remodelling came with the justification and hope that this would provide a trickle down effect, benefitting the nation as a whole. Britain’s ailing industry and economy had deeper consequences on the welfare of many, with the socio-economic polarisation that had developed throughout the country isolating many people and fuelling cases of deprivation. Acceleration and intervention was required to offer an alternative to the failing existing models. This neoliberal approach was presented as a tool to remedy and revive the numerous areas of growing deprivation across Britain (Tallon, 2001, p.43). In order to achieve this, Thatcher’s government looked to modernise Britain’s economy, opening up the country’s businesses, industries and cities to the global market and competition, with the aim of reinforcing a rejuvenated and more efficient approach to the traditional methods and processes of Britain’s historic manufacturing heritage. To make businesses more flexible and competitive at a global scale, as well as national and regional was the driving principle behind privatisation and deregulation. Privatisation will always be seen as one of the most significant tactics of Thatcher’s Conservative government, however the implementation and transformation of urban policy was also prolific and decisive throughout this time. Figure 2.1 consolidates the establishment of urban policy throughout the latter stages of the 20th Century, visualising the density of policy that was brought in during the 1980s under a Conservative government. The dramatic shift of a liberal economic approach had clear consequences on the policy of urban planning, and subsequently on the urban form and its spatial arrangement across the country. Initiatives such as: Business in the Community and Free Ports were founded on the principles of a more liberal economic state, however none would match the establishment of Urban Development Corporations and enterprise zones for the most decisive policy implementation towards deregulation.

Literature Review

Fig. 2.1 Recent major urban policy initiatives in the UK; the prolific establishment of urban policy throughout the Conservative Government is clear

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

“The principal mechanisms for achieving this transformation centred on tax cuts and deficit spending, deregulation and privatization, all of which had geographically uneven impacts. At the urban level these three macro-economic strategies are combined most strikingly in the concept of the enterprise zone.” (Pacione, 2005, p.29)

As Pacione states, the establishment of enterprise zones and Urban Development Corporations within the Local Government, Planning and Land Act of 1980 (Central Government, 1980), embodied these principles of an accelerating market led economy through urban policy. Enterprise zones sought to carve-out a site of deregulation and autonomy within an area of decline with the objective of privately funded development radically regenerating the area through economic activity. Often this was in correspondence with an Urban Development Corporation (UDC), bodies of private actors armed with the power of acquiring land and planning control. The two strategies epitomised the deregulatory nature of market led regeneration that would dictate urban planning and form. “…by bringing land and buildings into effective use, encouraging the development of existing and new industry and commerce, creating an attractive environment and ensuring that housing and social facilities are available to encourage people to live and work in the area.” (Central Government, 1980, p.120)

Enterprise zones offered significant deregulation within a specific geographic boundary for a period of ten years. With the hope of inviting private investment, deregulation was implemented through complete tax breaks for business and industry, and the relaxing of planning policy within the enterprise zone. The allowance of these areas of autonomous acceleration spurred a rapid rise in urbanisation within these dictated zones, this was most clear in the heavily developed London docklands. The docklands prospered under the deregulation of financial markets in 1980, dubbed the “Big Bang”, was another key point of deregulatory action under Thatcher’s government. To prevent Britain’s financial institutions falling behind the emerging international markets, deregulation was seen as the necessary measure to consolidate and progress its position. This added to the accelerating nature of economic activity and, in turn, urbanisation throughout Britain, manifested in London docklands’ Canary Wharf (Edwards, 1992). The objectives of the Urban Development Corporations (UDC) clearly set out the priority towards economic imperatives within tactics of regeneration. Through their formation UDCs looked to provide “an amalgam of free-enterprise, deregulated decision making, and streamlined bureaucracy” (Imrie and Thomas, 1993, p.4). Through appointing bodies of private actors in a decisive role within urban policy in the form of UDCs, a coalition of central government and private finance was founded. It presented as an effective model in proficiently refining urban development strategies under the efficient and effective conditions of private markets.

Literature Review

However, the effectiveness of both initiatives has often come under scrutiny. The objective of developing local and regional entrepreneurialism was often suppressed by relocated established businesses capitalising on the available taxation leniency. This offsetting of economic activity and employment failed to improve issues at a national scale. The most critical factor of this approach to restructuring was the centralised relationship between central government and private finance, the exclusion of local authorities’ power in shaping local development. The ability of UDCs to circumvent local authority, through national policy, restricted and regulated the power of those elected to represent local society and communities. Consequently the promoted aspirations of market growth, coupled with the affordance of autonomy, were key in socio-economic division and could be said to have fostered the deprivation it claimed to tackle. Tactics of centralisation were prominent within Thatcher’s government; formed to crush insubordination of local authorities due to cross-party politics. Policy became further centralised and understandings of place and context were dismissed, amplifying the polarising socio-economic landscape of Britain and public unrest and contestation. Deregulation of New Labour Blair’s New Labour government looked to realign this division, putting places and people at the centre of its urban strategy, launching new initiatives in an attempt to address social exclusion that had become so prevalent under a liberal economic strategy. The established Urban Task Force, searched for renewal and an “Urban Renaissance” (Urban Task Force, 1999) to revive the areas of seemingly failed regeneration through the preceding period of New Right’s urban policy. By the 1990s, enterprise policies had been largely discredited (Imrie and Thomas, 1993, p.30), however, private investment was still viewed as crucial to successful development. This meant the revision of private–public models to promote a more balanced approach through partnership and regulation within urban policy. Flexibility of taxation was still seen as a key mechanism to incentivise private investment but to be utilised within the framework of the conceived “publicprivate long term investment funds” (Urban Task Force, 1999, p.517). This was to resist the short- term nature of private investment, which had been a result of previous urban policy that was intrinsic in property-led regeneration. The relationship between public and private was maintained. Established bodies such as Regional Development Agencies, Local Enterprise Partnerships and a multitude of Non-departmental public bodies are indisputable evidence of this, however the decentralisation of power created regional and local coalitions and relationships. Resultantly, public accountability was reestablished within the discourse of urban development, which aimed to promote more engaged practices and decisions. The hegemonic properties of the neo-liberal dogma means that, despite authority and governance being localised, similar principles and tactics are aspired to. This is evident in the current National Planning Policy Framework (The Department for Communities and Local Government, 2012) introduced as the revised concise urban policy for Britain in 2012. The most important introduc-

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

tion being the Local Development Plan, to allow local authorities more autonomy and control. However, within the pursuit of “sustainable development” it is clear that economic growth is still promoted as the most important factor. “To help achieve economic growth, local planning authorities should plan proactively to meet the development needs of business and support an economy fit for the 21st century.” (The Department for Communities and Local Government, 2012, p.6)

Through this, local authorities have the power to implement deregulatory policies and exceptions in order to accelerate economic growth. The autonomy of local governance towards approaches of policy freezing and exceptionality means that considerations of local consequences can be prioritised. Swyngedouw et al, state that vehicles for regeneration are more commonly materialising as large-scale urban development projects throughout Europe (Swyngedouw, Moulaert and Rodriguez, 2002). Mechanisms for their implementation are discussed and offer a variety of deregulatory tactics that represent local exercises of more contextually considered deregulation. Deregulation has been ubiquitous within the discourse of urban policy and urban regeneration and acceleration. However, the mechanisms for deregulation have changed significantly. From the point of enterprise zones, and the acceptance of centralised deregulation, to the place specific exceptionality of policy and regulation, which summarise the tactics of acceleration of recent urban development projects.

Literature Review

Deregulation Towards Globalisation and Autonomy Deregulatory urban policy, as discussed, promotes a level of autonomy within private finance and actions, but furthermore the processes of globalisation that have been afforded by this neo-liberal dogma present an intensified state of autonomy. By discussing the connections to global networks I look to examine the consequences on processes of urban development. The formation of free markets, open to international competition and growth through processes of deregulation, have been key in accelerating the palpable processes of globalisation. As commented by Saad-Filho and Johnston, globalisation is simply the realisation of neoliberalism on a universal scale. “Globalisation is generally presented as an inescapable, inexorable and benevolent process leading to greater competition, welfare improvements and the spread of democracy around the world. In reality, however, the so-called process of globalisation is merely the international face of neoliberalism.” (Saad-Filho and Johnston, 2005, p.2)

One of the most significant results of this drive towards neoliberalism, through deregulating markets and globalisation, is the formation of a global elite that have prospered under these sought conditions. This has formed a “Transnational Capitalist Class”, (Sklair, 1997) who demand for complete flexibility and transparency of borders and barriers (Sassen, 2001) to fully maximise and develop networks of industry and capital. Maximising globalisation, and further deregulation, is seen as the evident route to further maximise the growth and acceleration of these markets. In a similar manner to the global sourcing of production and services, the sourcing of investment opportunities within urban development schemes has become common practice. Consequently, “competitive” has become a vital property of potential sites of renewal. How places can market themselves successfully to incentivise global investment has become crucial in urban development and regeneration. A more independent approach of local development means that decisive competition between places occurs on regional, national and global scale. Further specific deregulation is often used as a predominant mechanism to entice global investment from an economic perspective. Another clear approach in increasing the competiveness and attraction of space is through rebranding, often through the use of iconic flagship developments and infrastructural development, which will be examined in the following chapter. The deregulation of physical and geographic borders is intrinsic to the aspirations of the global elite’s flexibility and aversion to constriction to a specific geographical place. The paradox between mobility and the requirement for industrial and commercial operations to be grounded within an urban context can result in a contradictory sense of development, one that is often discussed with the sociological consequences of global investment within a local context.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

“The new global elite, operating in cities like New York, London, Chicago, avoids the urban political realm. It wants to operate in the city but not rule it; it composes a regime of power without responsibility.” (Sennett, 2001)

Autonomy, within the formation of the built environment, has been the subject of much discussion and criticism. Autonomy is used as the basis for Till’s critique of the discipline within Architecture Depends (Till, 2009). He frames the battle between the autonomy of desired architectural form and contingency, often placed as social consequences; an issue he claims is historically embedded in the core of the manner of practice. Although contesting the use of terminology, Turner’s Housing by People (1976) takes a similar position examining the lack of engagement and coherency of urban development. He provides a more critical look at the hierarchy of power in place within process of development and urbanisation, focussing on examples within the global south. Evaluating the formalisation of areas of high informal development highlights the faults and shortcomings of heteronomous approaches and calls for people to be able to be in control of their own environment. “The elites have chosen isolation and pay for it lavishly and willingly. The rest of the population finds itself cut off and forced to pay the heavy cultural, psychological and political price of their new isolation.” (Bauman, 1998, p.21)

The issue of disengagement and autonomy postulated by both Till and Turner is summarised within Bauman’s sociological commentary of globalisation. Where Till and Turner refrain from a cynical approach to this studied autonomy, Bauman critiques this as not a simple, inevitable symptom of globalisation, but states that it is a condition desired for and attained by the elite. With a focus on the way it is intensifying and amplifying the inequality and polarisation, already prevalent in many sites of global practices, Bauman addresses the issue of top-down development through foreign investment as “extraterritoriality and absentee landlordship” (Bauman, 1998). Positioned as actors with funds and possibilities to implement radical transformations yet have ensured themselves ultimate autonomy and minimal responsibility and accountability, resulting in minimal interest in the local context and its potential consequences. He continues to frame the growing division between the top and bottom of society through these polarising actions, a position taken by many throughout geographical and sociological literature (Hall, 2001, Harvey, 2012, Pacione, 2005), and summarised by Kim Dovey: “While global capital brings increased wealth it also brings new extremes of inequality. Mega-projects produce highly uneven urban development and polarized landscapes wherein islands of luxury and privilege are juxtaposed with a broader decay, disuse and dereliction.” (Dovey, 1999, p.159)

Literature Review

The critique of autonomy represented through the use of private finance questions the current discourse of urban development, and postulates that it amplifies the segregation and deprivation witnessed within these sites. Does the desire for mobility and unaccountability of the Transnational Capitalist Class manifest itself in the built form of their urban realisations?

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

The Affects of Deregulation within the Urban Fabric As discussed, the principles and policies of a liberal economic framework have consequences on the urban fabric, whether these occur through direct urban policy or indirectly through progressive global factors. I will discuss the various physical realisations of these processes, expressed within theory and instances, to form an understanding of the manifestation of deregulation within the built environment. This will form the framework in which to discuss the empirical case study of Salford Quays and its architectural and spatial form. Autonomous Acceleration Accelerated and rapid production raises concerns over quality, against processes of consideration and craft. The commoditisation of architecture and construction, under market and property led regeneration, intends to deliver swift capital returns. This desire for rapid construction and turnover of urban developments will often affect the realisation of physical forms and the nature of the urban fabric. “Under Thatcher’s watch, the quality of cities, of their design and the lives lived within them became more irrelevant than ever. Buildings, especially houses, were now investments, not pieces of a shared and coherent urban landscape.” (Hatherley, 2013)

The transformation of London docklands embodies the deregulatory results of free market urban design. The unprecedented growth of the docklands, epitomised by its central figure of Canary Wharf, regenerated the decaying waterfront through the establishment of an enterprise zone and the formation of the London Dockland Development Corporation (LDDC). The rate of urbanisation was unparalleled, producing a “tidal wave of buildings” (Edwards, 1992, p.41), however this rate of acceleration had significant consequences on the development itself. Most noticeably in the unaligned development of buildings and infrastructure, which resulted in significant inaccessibility of the site. The provision of sufficient infrastructure ultimately followed a decade of inadequate urban planning, which had restricted the success of the development, due to the incoherency of private and pubic actions. Alongside the organisational and spatial contestations, the emergent architectural forms also presented the results of acceleration. Despite the visible independence within its context of London, presented in its contrasting form of London’s skyline, autonomy and the lack of cohesion within the enterprise zone can also be questioned. The LDDC utilised a flexible urban design framework, in favour of an implemented masterplan, which was viewed as prescriptive and bureaucratic. As a result this amplified the disengaged relationships of individual forms within the development, and to its immediate, existing context. “Within the enterprise zone the lack of a unifying grid of streets or civic spaces has resulted in an urbanism where the disparate elements are no longer legible and do not contribute to wards a satisfactory urban whole.” (Edwards, 1992, p.143)

Literature Review

Fig. 2.2 Canary Wharf, the autonomy and individuality of the enterprise zone is architecturally materialised in Londonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s skyline.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

With the focus of corporations to create an identity through architectural materialisation, coupled with the leniency of planning law of the enterprise zone, the docklands was intended to represent individual goals of capital and commerce. This is visible through the architectural pluralism that exists within the site and its apparent fetish for high-rise buildings, which visually characterises this island of autonomy. The social and civic responsibility that seems to have been denigrated through free market restructuring has been transcribed within the urban planning and resultant form of the docklands. With the position of trade and finance elevated above that of urban and architectural forms, the subsequent spatial arrangements failed to successfully engage with existing systems and ignored any provision of public space and social responsibility. The Standardisation of the Built Environment The promotion of private finance to fund urbanisation and regeneration relies on a system of speculative investment, of both private and public costs. Mechanisms that can provide decreased levels of risk will always be sought after and utilised, this same approach can be seen within the components of urban form. Within Rebel Cities, David Harvey (2012) provides a critique of these models built on speculative investment, and discusses the consequences within the built environment. Taking his firm left position, he criticises the speculative nature of fictitious capital in the urbanisation process and its prominent role as a tool to facilitate the gain and accumulation of capital for the global elite. The economic consequences are described and encapsulated by the predatory sub-prime mortgages that were central to the recent economic crash and global recession. Harvey also positions these tactics in relation to their societal effects, with the capital gain often being at the expense of the majority of the population, especially the vulnerable and deprived, thus amplifying the division and segregation dominant in these points of global capital. “Territorial sovereignty has lost almost all substance and a good deal of its former attraction; if every spot can be reached and abandoned instantaneously, a permanent hold over a territory with the usual accompaniment of long-tem duties and commitments turns from an asset into a liability and becomes a burden rather than a resource in a power struggle.” (Bauman, 2001b, p.4)

The paradox between desired flexibility and the inevitable materialisation within the built environment, emphasised by Bauman, explains the tactics used within urban form to combat the “burden” and “liability” of long-term commitment. These central methods focus on pursuing homogeneity and standardisation (Gough and Olofsson, 1999, p.41). As described by Richard Sennett “the second expression of the new capitalism is the standardisation of the environment” (2001).

Literature Review

In an attempt to allow maximum flexibility of capital invested in physical form, much of the architecture of corporations is designed to be neutral and adaptable. To be easily reappropriated within the marketplace of property. Office and residential space then takes on a significant role within this system of borderless transfer of global capital, standardised forms provide the framework and system for capital to be mobilised across geographical boundaries. Yet, this has a substantial impact on the spatial arrangement and form of the built environment, especially one in a period of significant transition. The typologies of office and residential allow the unrestricted turnover of global capital and mobility of the transnational elite. Consequently, the current models of regeneration result in an urban fabric of homogeneity and indifference. The Materialisation of Global Marketing and Place Creation The result of a market-led focus on development within the built environment has formed strategic patterns within the redevelopment of places. Competition is a crucial factor of neo-liberal economic policy and has been translated in the way spaces look to prosper within a global framework. The common use of high profile flagship developments, as a tool to raise attraction and competitiveness, epitomises the principles of speculative development. “The Manhattan skyline, Westminster, the Eiffel Tower and Sydney Opera House set the standards of urban iconography. Like corporations without logos, cities without icons are not in the market.” (Dovey, 1999, p.159)

This approach produces one of the clearest typologies of regeneration, which appear in the form of avant-garde structures, used as ambitious catalysts towards transformation. These envisioned iconic developments of renewal are used as statements of intent, transforming the cityscape to create a dramatic and visual representation of change. These icons of regeneration often come in the form of cultural projects, with key examples of these throughout Europe and the United Kingdom, with the intention of reviving the area through the creation of a “city of spectacle” (Tallon, 2000, p.222). “After seeing what the new Guggenheim did for the industrial wasteland of Bilbao, many cities hope that they will be next. Guggenheim is not just an art gallery. It is a brand that can be drawn up and transplanted around the globe, for an immediate buzz” (Williams, 2003)

Bilbao’s post-industrial renewal, with Frank Gehry’s Guggenheim at the forefront, is lauded as a successful model for regeneration through cultural methods, one that continues to be appropriated across the world. Similar tactics have been key to the methods and realisation of Salford’s

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Fig. 2.3 The Gherkin, the public queue from the earlier hours to visit the private Swiss Re building in London on their one opportunity a year.

Literature review

revival. However, despite these often being framed as intrinsic to creating identity within many schemes of redevelopment, Maria Kaika (2011) paints these desired icons as autonomous outsiders within the landscape. To distance herself from classical definitions and opposing perceptions of autonomy, Kaika presents these physical forms of autonomy as autistic, quoting its definition from social sciences: “A pathological self-absorption and preoccupation with the self to the exclusion of the outside world” (Kaika, 2011, p.976)

From an isolated definition it may be difficult to fully understand the significant factors that differentiate the term autistic to the autonomous principles of modern architecture, set out within Architecture Depends (Till, 2009). Kaika continues to position autistic architecture as serial objects prone to repetition and reproduction through global actors, especially architects. However, this fails to provide an original perspective at varies from a modernist approach to design and to the critiques of an autonomous international style that has been prevalent for over half a century. The most successful distinguisher used to define autistic is developed within its examination of the hidden connections and relationships established, a characteristic rarely analysed and discussed under stylistic debate. This is especially significant in the role that these structures play within the networks of global capital and development. Making the connection between these forms, which sit as focal points within masterplans of renewal, demonstrates the extraverted vision of these interventions; adopted to globalise these spaces and provide attraction and incentive for investment. Dovey (1999) and Kaika (2010, 2011) both portray their primary function as a marketing tool, with a distinguished form and aesthetic, developed and designed under the same principles of marketing and public relations. An attempt to advertise the area on a global level is often the intent of the radical imaginary synonymous with these catalytic forms. This examination of the use of icons within urban development is exemplified by Foster and Partners’ Swiss-Re tower, or by its adopted nickname; the Gherkin. Despite its unquestioned iconic status within London’s skyline, the property was sold on by Swiss-Re within three years of its completion (Kaika, 2011, p.467). What seems to be a fundamental form of London’s identity has been used as a mechanism for capital accumulation in real estate and as a form of marketing for the company itself. Whilst at the same time, it fails to engage with local context and society; its gated threshold prevents any possible perception of public ownership and connection (Fig. 2.3). These prevalent forms embody the paradoxical relationship between the fluid global and fixed local, positioned earlier within a discussion of autonomy. However, the spatial tactics utilised by such a distinct typological form are not thoroughly examined, a position that will be taken within the empirical study.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Conclusion of the Literature Review It is clear through the course of literature, theory and policy studied, that deregulation has been used as a tool to accelerate economic activity. It was supported with the anticipation that market-led renewal and growth would have subsequent benefits throughout wider issues, most predominately socio-economic deprivation. The pursuit of free markets, and the deregulation implemented to achieve this have played a significant role in the acceleration of globalisation. The elevated global elite has acquired an amplified position power and autonomy in the process of becoming deterritorialised. In a position of unprecedented mobility and flexibility, further deregulation is perceived as instrumental to ensure private investment and activity to catalyse urban development. The manifestation of these various processes within the urban fabric is discussed through architectural and sociological perspectives. Formalising specific results that have been conceived through the evolving deregulatory practices outlined. The contrasting results of a built form of pluralism and individuality (Edwards, 1992) against the evolving utilisation of what Kaika describes as serial objects (Kaika, 2001), offers a conversation of the evolving architectural results of deregulation through the dramatic shifts in policy examined. However, the failure to transcribe these spatial consequences, defined throughout the literature, within a resultant built environment restrains the theory of spatial tactics from being further explored. The empirical study of Salford Quays, will explore the principles presented and aim to justify and develop them.

Empirical Study

Methodology Building on the theoretical understandings of deregulation, positioned within the literature review, I will use Salford Quays as an empirical case study to explore the effects of evolving deregulation within a specific built environment. Methods of research within the empirical study will comprise of the use of archival research of masterplans in conjunction with primary analysis and studies of the built environment. The use of planning legislation and policy will also be examined with the intention of understanding how deregulatory practice has affected the planning and execution of urban development. Empirical Study With the intense periods of regeneration that have been undertaken throughout the post-industrial landscape of Salford Quays, as an empirical case study it is able to provide evident results through the most significant progressions of deregulatory policy within Britain. The case study will be introduced with a brief history of Salford Quays from its conception in association with the Manchester Ship Canal. Explaining the reasons leading to the decline of the area and the subsequent closure of the docks. Masterplans through various periods of regeneration will be examined as study to how this embodiment of urban planning was related to the policy and ideologies of deregulation and acceleration. Correlating the revisions of deregulatory approaches with evolving models of masterplanning and its instrumental mechanisms. These mechanisms will be categorised into concise typologies. These typologies will consist of: Infrastructure, Cultural and Homogeneity. This taxonomy will allow further detailed examination and evaluation of the implementation of these typologies and their connection to deregulatory methods. This empirical study aims to describe and analyse the processes of deregulation that have been key throughout these models of acceleration. The study will focus on the shift in deregulatory policy and the subsequent changes within urban development techniques and the resultant physical form.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

The Life and Death of Salford Quays As Manchester flourished under the industrial revolution, Salford experienced growth through the thriving textile industry along with the North West as a whole. However, it did not assert itself as a central point of industry at the time, this changed with the conception of the Manchester Ship Canal, completed in 1894. The ship canal placed a hub of industrial activity at the heart of the area through a group of docks and prosperous ports at its centre. The prosperous docks were quickly established as the third biggest port in the country, as they bypassed the docks of Liverpool and allowed the flow of trade from Manchesterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mills and factories to the rest of the world.

Fig. 4.1 Aerial view of Salford Docks, 1922

The industrial infrastructure of Salford Quays and Trafford Park was key in the production of war material and products during the Second World War, with a focus on munitions and aircraft components. Its central role resulted in it being targeted and the area underwent extensive bombing, especially in the Manchester Blitz of December 1940, which devastated many sites across the North West and Manchester City Centre. The post-war future of the docklands was directed within the 1945 Manchester and District Regional Planning Proposals (Fig. 4.3). The plan looked to further emphasise the area as an industrial site situated within the Salford docks and Trafford Park area, despite a large portion of this still being classified as undeveloped land, the hope of continual growth and acceleration of industry was at the heart of the future plans of the area. The prescribed industrial area was subject to continual growth and acceleration throughout the century (Fig. 4.4 and 4.5). Growing to its peak of a workforce of 75,000 employees, which would service over 16 million tonnes of cargo and the 5000 ships that traversed the ship canal each year (Salford City Council, 2008). Several factors lead to the decline of the area; the introduction of containerisation, and the growing size of ships that could no longer negotiate the ship canal in conjunction with the global sourcing of manufacturing were the most significant. As the era of post industrialism took hold within Britain these sites suffered a decline, Salford suffered dramatically, with the focus on

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Fig. 4.2 Central Manchester and Salford Road Proposals, 1962

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Fig. 4.3 Proposed land uses throughout Manchester, 1945

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industry and the lack of mixed use programmes within the area, described by Jane Jacobs as a lack of diversity, the whole area suffered and essentially became an island of dereliction within Greater Manchester Through the infrastructural planning of the area summarised through the 1962 S.E.L.N.E.C. Highway Plan (Fig. 4.2), the ideology of a strong link between infrastructure and industry essentially formed a barrier disconnecting the area of the docks with Salford. This also created a network that could easily bypass the docks and the city of Salford to reach the centre of Manchester. The infrastructure, designed to service and accelerate industrial activity, restricted the possibility of future growth as a result of its isolation. Industry and activity continued to decline within the docklands, and led to the inevitable closure of the docks in 1982. This extensive demise had significant implications within Salford, employment and social deprivation continued to dramatically rise. The subsequent proposals of regeneration aimed to heal the socio-spatial division, often through economy led models. The mechanisms and results of these actions will form the following analysis of Salford Quayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s renewal.

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Masterplanning This section will study how masterplans have been used as a mechanism for development, and the tactics adopted within them, throughout Salfordâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s post-industrial history. By distinguishing the key instruments utilised within masterplans over this period, it will form a basis to visualise the evolving forms of deregulatory policy and processes within models of renewal. Masterplanning exercises have been common practice in the development of urban form for centuries, often with the intent of radical transformation. It is clear that regional planning encouraged urban plans as a principle mechanism towards change through their use in the development of regional strategies (Manchester and District Regional Planning Committee, 1945, South-East Lancashire and North-East Cheshire Highway Engineering Committee, 1962) and also at a smaller scale in an urban context (City and County Borough of Manchester, 1967). Development Plans have been intrinsic to the progress of Salford Quays throughout its postindustrial regeneration. Urban Development within the Enterprise Zone The earliest initiatives in the revival of Salford Quays came with the national policy of enterprise zones, implemented within the area in 1981, with the aim of revalorising the fading industrial landscape. The strict geographic boundaries that comprise the enterprise zone form a clear spatial division and borders that would be materialised in the eventual built form of the area. In the pursuit of accelerating industrial and commercial activity within the site, the enterprise zone could be seen as successful. As represented by the plans of 1980 and 1990 (Fig. 4.6), the rate of urbanisation and activity within the area was vast in the decade of its establishment. However, the overall success of the policy, in respect to economic and social measures at a national scale, have been examined on numerous occasions and commonly denounced as a positive and effective initiative (Tallon, 2001, p.62). The promotion of deregulation within this site of entrepreneurship and industry resulted in the lack of a formal masterplan to steer development towards a coherent urban form. In a similar manner to that of London docklands, this aimed to protect the autonomy of private finance and business. The ideology of a free market through deregulation placed economic and industrial activity above all else, including the urban development of our cities. The loosening of town planning law and the lack of an implemented urban strategy resulted in clear consequences within Salfordâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s spatial arrangement. This is clear through the resultant form within the enterprise zone, despite the infrastructural scars that carve up the array of various built environment, there is little or no organisation of space, no underlying principles to adhere to that could form a more comprehensible built environment. The buildings show no apparent sense of understandable scale and relationship to one another; each form seems as independent as the next. It is almost impossible to understand the spatial working of the area through the figure ground plan (Fig. 4.7). The disorganised nature of the built form provides an evident differentiation of urban environment between the enterprise zone and its less exceptional context, manifesting the distinct boundaries of the enterprise zone within the urban fabric.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

The clear disparity of physical form of deregulation and acceleration compared to the conventional growth of its context represents the criticised consequences of neoliberalism: socio-spatial segregation and polarisation. The spatial tactics utilised within the development offer no engagement with the context of Salford. The forms consolidate and strengthen the division formed by the barrier of infrastructure, creating an island of autonomy that is able to sit independent and ignorant of Salford’s requirements and responsibilities. Development Following the Enterprise Zone In 1983 Salford City Council acquired the land around the docks using a derelict land grant, an initiative also introduced within the 1980 Local Government, Planning and Land Act, with the aim of reviving this area that had been omitted from the enterprise zone. One of its earliest actions was in renaming the site, a simple yet effective tactic that aimed to immediately transform the perceptions of what was to be known as Salford Quays. Following the autonomous period of design and urbanisation that followed the introduction of the enterprise zone, it was clear a more strategic process needed to be taken to allow the provision of a successful development. The implementation of a masterplan was vital to ensure a more coherent development took place. The focus was on mixed-use space, which would offer public attraction through housing, leisure, recreation and industry. The Development Plan aimed to offer an alternative to the existing typical forms of market-led regeneration; “Major shop and office development in competition with existing centres would not be favoured” (The City of Salford, 1985, p.7). “Developers will need to seek planning permission in the usual way unless their site is in the Enterprise Zone where special procedures apply. This Development Plan should be the framework against which applications are considered. In order for permission to be granted, proposals should conform to the principles of the Plan.” (The City of Salford, 1985, p.27)

Many of the early objectives of the Development Plan centred on remediation of the docks and the provision of infrastructure at various scales, but pedestrian access and public space around the quays was seen as pivotal in the revival of the area, and represented the clear aim to promote this post-industrial island to one of commons. The revision of the Development Plan in 1992, delivered the inspiration and interest absent from the original. Residential and leisure facilities, presented as water sports in the remediated docks, struggled to capture excitement and enthusiasm for the development. The Lowry’s commission suggested a strong identity and purpose for the area, through this conception of a cultural icon. The aspiration of an ambitious scheme with an iconic attraction at its centre provided a more prominent attraction, which was able to transform public perception and act as a significant catalyst in the post-industrial development of Salford Quays.

Empirical Study

Fig. 4.7 Salford Quays: 1980 Ordinance Survey Map Figure ground plan of resultant built form

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

This period was key for Manchester and Salford towards their revival, both utilised dramatic methods of development to alter their decaying post-industrial perceptions. Although both were unsuccessful, Manchester’s bids for the 1996 and 2000 Olympic Games elevated the aspirations of the area, insistent on promoting the area not just as one of rich heritage of industries past, but of modern culture, significance and excitement. As accentuated by, then Prime Minister, John Major in his speech to launch Manchester’s 2000 Olympic Bid: “It is a vision that the citizens of Manchester have for the City’s future and for their region” (Major, 1993). The Development Plan of Salford Quays looked to capitalise on this period of ambitious transition and reinvent itself through urban and architectural design. The catalytic force of the Lowry’s proposal and wider masterplan lead to further cultural developments within the site. The Imperial War Museum North soon followed, attracting significant national and global interest, and was completed in 2002. The addition of the museum reinforced the identity of the Quays as a site of culture and spectacle. This transformed landscape provided the backdrop for events of the 2002 Commonwealth Games, epitomising the area’s rise as a national and international attraction. The consequences of the policy of enterprise zones, allowed an unparalleled scale of independence and autonomy afforded to private industry. This individuality has been transcribed within the spatial planning of the area. No hierarchical urban plan was implemented that would contradict the self-governance of private investment. Consequently, these properties of independence were manifested within the built environment of the enterprise zone. The use of a masterplan within the Development Plan of Salford Quays represents a critique of centralised deregulation and the manifestation of evolving policy. Through restoring local authority, processes of renewal aspire for more than short-term economic revival, and look to achieve this through the promotion of place in consideration of both economic and social factors. As a result the consequences within the urban fabric of revised models utilise contrasting spatial tactics. The realignment of private and local aspirations within urban planning looks to provide a more balanced development, as a result the spatial consequences of deregulation are not as obvious as the resultant form of the enterprise zone. More specific mechanisms of deregulation are implemented within this revised approach, and create considered points of deregulation, to form a balance between autonomy and heteronomy.

Empirical Study

Fig. 4.8 The Development Plan for Salfod Docks, 1985

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

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1 Examples of Spectacle 2 Examples of Homogeneity Fig. 4.9 Figure ground plan of categorised typological developments throighout Salford Quays

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Typologies The forces of acceleration through deregulation and globalisation have had a significant effect on the physical form of Salfordâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s urban landscape. Discussing positions in literature and researching the urban planning strategies utilised within Salford Quays, has formalised a series of typologies implemented within these urban renewal strategies. These typologies of Infrastructure, Spectacle and Homogeneity, as positioned within the analysis of masterplanning processes, allow the implementation of considered points of deregulation. These points of deregulation will be examined in their role within Salford Quays and how they have been formed through deregulatory processes and policies.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

1 MediaCity 2 MediaCity Metrolink Stop Fig. 4.10 Figure ground plan of infrastructural developments within Salford Quays

Empirical Study

Infrastructure It was the initial speculative investment of infrastructure that propelled the development of Salford Quays and its surrounding context, and has continued to be a crucial element within planning and development methods. The existing industrial infrastructure of the Quays meant that the provision of expansive infrastructure did not need to take place during the period of the enterprise zone. However, it was a principal concern within the emerging Development Plans, the provision of infrastructure played a significant role in the renewal following the enterprise zone. This provision comprised its inclusion in the developing tram network and abundant pedestrian routes and bridges. Such development, coupled with the transformed perception of the area, set a framework in which private investment could appropriate space without the potential economic risks and responsibilities within its context. The success in providing an attractive site for investment is most prominent in the large-scale development of MediaCity. The assemblage of media, office and residential accommodation, is now home to many of the BBC’s departments, and sits at the heart of the Quays, beside the Lowry and Imperial War Museum. As described within the following quote, the scheme continued the ambitions of global status and significance. “Our vision is for MediaCityUK to become a global hub for innovation and content creation” (Partners in Salford, 2009). The spatial masterplan of MediaCity (Fig. 4.11) also promotes the use of public space that is embedded in the Development Plan of Salford Quays. This alternative model of acceleration, to that of the preceding enterprise zone, encourages forms of public integration and attraction. These spatial properties raise attraction and competitiveness, with the ultimate ambition of creating a site of public consumption and capitalisation. Following the vast construction of MediaCity, the provision for further infrastructure was put in place to service the media hub. The Metrolink line extended to Salford Quays in 1999, was to gain an additional stop that would sit in the public space of MediaCity, as presented in its figure ground plan (Fig. 4.10). Usually such provisions would be subsidised through Section 106 planning obligations (The Homes and Communities Agency, 1990) following extensive private development. However, using the autonomy of a more local, and place focused planning guidelines, Salford City Council decided to waive the conventional planning obligation (Salford Star, 2012). The return of autonomy within local authorities led to a proliferation of non-departmental public bodies (NDPB) that could act as mediators between public and private bodies. One such NDPB that played a crucial role in the development within Salford Quays, and especially MediaCity, was the North West Development Agency (NWDA). As a NDPB the NWDA provided the majority of funding with Salford Council, for much of the public space and infrastructure (Salford Star, 2012) that have been key in placing MediaCity in a prestigious and advantageous position. Following the initial description of neoliberalism by Harvey, used to introduce and define the position within the Literature Review:

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

â&#x20AC;&#x153;The neo-liberal-state looks to further the cause of and to facilitate and stimulate (by tax breaks and other concessions as well as infrastructural provision at the state expense if necessary) all business interests (Harvey, 2006, p.25)

Public provision of infrastructure is seen as a typical mechanism in the stimulation of private investment and economic activity. This same tactics have been clearly utilised within the context of Salford Quays, infrastructure has continually played a prominent role in growth and its revival. The organisations, such as the NWDA, that have been established to mediate towards economic growth. Although, as a public funded body it is imperative that they are impartial and look to also serve public interests. The concessions afforded to Peel Holdings during these developments, are brought into question following examination of the members of the NWDA, and its chairman appointed in 2007: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Robert Hough was previously Deputy Chairman of Peel Holdings and an Executive Director for over 13 yearsâ&#x20AC;? (Northwest Regional Development Agency, 2009). With a significant interest in such a high profile private body, there could clearly be a conflict of interest of a chairman of a NDPB. The private sector has managed to obtain a certain level control, through these arms-length public bodies, which sit below a clear view of public awareness. In conclusion infrastructure has been used within Salford Quays as a typical position of neoliberal ideology, to stimulate and facilitate business interest. In doing so, it presents the contemporary forms of deregulation through quasi-public bodies, and implementation of exceptionality. The concessions of conventional legislation, which aim to facilitate successful urban development, have been the predominant mechanism of this. Deregulation of exceptionality provides a more veiled implementation of deregulatory instruments. The issues of self-governance of private actors, which looked to be restricted by reinstating the autonomy of local authorities in coalition with quasi-public bodies, are still prevalent. With the impartiality of NDPBs a critical factor, bias towards specific private actors can elevate them to an unelected position of authority within public planning, as was apparent between the NWDA and Peel Holdings. The power of public decisions overruling private objectives can still be overturned within this current model of deregulatory practice, and be radically be implemented in planning of the built environment.

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Fig. 4.11 Sketched plan of MediaCityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s spatial arrangement

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Spectacle In a similar approach, of urban boosterism within the arising context of global competition between cities, the use of architectural iconic forms, especially cultural programmes have been prolific within the regeneration of Salford and its quayside. The flagship forms of the Lowry and Imperial War Museum North were essential in the process of post-industrial renewal. As Kaika (2011) explains, one of the most important roles of autistic architecture is the imaginary it is able to present. Its ultimate form and physical presence may not be as valuable as the statement of its proposal and intent can provide. The Lowry set the stage for a radial imaginary for the quayside of Salford, a perception that shifted from its point of conception, and inclusion within James Sterling’s revision of the Development Plan in 1992. It created a new world of excitement and opportunity from the homogenous industrial park that preceded it. The Lowry signified the aspiring purpose and identity of the site and catalysed its future development. The addition of the Imperial War Museum North solidified the Quays presence as a centre of culture in the region. An addition that would likely not have occurred if not for the catalytic effects that the Lowry’s inception had on the site and the perceptions of its potential and opportunity. The desire for the iconic status of these interventions has a significant impact on their process of materialisation and consequential physical form. Most noticeably in their avant-garde post-modern approaches and design, a factor that is used in denoting the properties of autistic architecture. “this new type of autistic architecture cities function not as a place for embeddedness but rather as stages for the proud display of architectural style and experimentation.” (Kaika, 2011, p.977)

A sense of regional and local heritage was an objective for the Lowry’s conceptual development, most clearly represented in its title. In doing so it attempted to signify itself as an instrument to engage and benefit the social context beyond the docklands. Like the most meaningful aspect of any of L.S. Lowry’s work, the people. However, the spatial qualities of the existing site provided the area with an almost unprecedented level of independence and disengagement with city of Salford and its neighbouring towns. The layering of infrastructure, accelerated industrial activity and authority boundaries formed the docks into a pocket of complete isolation and independence. Deyan Sudjic’s review for the Guardian at the time that describes the location as “as plausible as the middle of the Sahara desert” (Guardian, 2001), and may see it as an opportunist decision of availability. However, within the sociological positions of Bauman and others discussed within the Literature Review, the site offers affordances that are so desirable for global actors of finance. A perfect site of autonomy, allowing maximum capital accumulation and revalorisation of the site with almost no sense of responsibility and accountability towards local society and context.

Empirical Study

Fig. 4.12 The iconic nature of the Imperial War Museum North has used as a flagship and landmark of the area

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Fig. 4.13 The unwelcoming entrance of the Imperial War Museum North facing Trafford

Empirical Study

The spatial tactics utilised within the design and development of the Imperial War Museum North could also be examined in a similar manner. While questioning the self-governance of the entire site, the museum appears to distance itself with its own immediate autonomous context (Fig. 4.14). The geographic location and manner it sits on the site embodies the principals of the autistic architecture. Despite the form being a development, which clearly plays a significant role within the masterplan of Salford Quays, it is situated within the Local Authority of Trafford. It rests between the two local authorities, facing Salford and sitting within Trafford, while truly belonging to neither. The concept of the Imperial War Museum is one that revolves around the global issues of war and quite literally reflects this in its form of a fragmented globe. However, the more subtle spatial tactics of its design also denounce it from a local context. Within its site boundaries, enforced by a 6 foot steel fence, is the negative space of its deconstructivist footprint, a desolate space that incentivises little human interaction and engagement. This is epitomised by the unwelcoming threshold of this space that faces the context of its local authority, Trafford (Fig. 4.13). Although, the objectives of icons are primarily representational, the provision of a distinctive landmark to objectified, a unique form in the cityscape. This symbolic use is placed of a greater importance than its experiential qualities at a human scale. In this respect the Imperial War Museum could be seen as success, it is often used as an iconic reference to the area and region (Fig. 4.12). The symbolic image of the museum that is widely utilised now works on the same principle as its imaginary, the materialisation of its space and programme is almost irrelevant to its primary objective, its prominent role is of a visual icon. Understanding its use as a symbolic object, places more emphasis on its architectural qualities, and their need for a distinguishing and distinctive aesthetic. The appointment of Daniel Libeskind could be seen as a response to the desire of spectacle. Libeskind’s deconstructivist approach offers an international brand and stylised design, yet at the same time a rare and almost unique response, the result of Libeskind’s considerate approach to commissions and their proliferation. Libeskind provides a common architectural star name and style without the criticism of a portfolio of serialised forms of an architect such as Frank Gehry (Kaika, 2011). Consequently this offers a perfect combination of properties from a marketing perspective. Mechanisms that are able to maximise global interest and significance in the building and the area, and in turn continue to push perception and attraction. The connection between commerce and culture is confirmed when examining the funding of the Imperial War Museum North. Peel Holdings, the property developer responsible for MediaCity and residential projects with the Salford Quays masterplan, contributed £12.5m towards the project. Peel Holding’s ownership of significant land around Salford Quays was the predominant reason for such subsidisation. The use of a global, cultural icon at the heart of Salford Quays had the possibility of revalorising potential land without development on the land itself. Peel Holding’s investment accentuates the role these forms play in the acceleration of urbanisation and in turn the appropriation of urban development for capital gain and accumulation.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

1 The Imperial War Museum North 2 The Lowry 3 MediaCity Fig. 4.14 Figure ground plan of Imperial War Museum North and other forms of spectacle within Salford Quays

Empirical Study

Cultural typologies offered a counter to the discourse of acceleration that had occurred throughout the 1980s, materialised within the Broadway Estate of the site (Fig. 4.7). This typology type acts as a mechanism that seeks similar forms of acceleration and growth, but through contrasting tactics to preceding models. Through the property of spectacle, private speculation can provide the prospect of capital acceleration and also the perception of public provisions. This distinct typology of the generation of spectacle and attraction has been fuelled by the consequences of deregulation that have promoted the processes of globalisation. The typology responds to the need of competiveness, in order to prosper within a global network of sourcing and opportunities. These tactics through their nature become the central catalysts that form the identity of sites of development. Subsequently, the forms of spectacle of the Lowry and the Imperial War Museum North, could be said to be the most visible results of deregulation within the urban fabric of Salford Quays.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Homogeneity The use of standardisation in capitalist practices is discussed within the Literature Review, as a mechanism for the facilitating the mobility and accumulation of global capital. In the aspirations to form a site of global interest and activity, has this same approach been implemented within Salford Quays? With processes of acceleration that are essential in place creation and marketing focusing on capital growth and accumulation, as discussed throughout, it produces a distinct homogenous typology of retail developments. Retail opportunities often compliment these spaces of spectacle, to provide instruments of consumption and capital gain. This has been no different in the redevelopment of Salford Quays. The generated radical imaginary imposed on the site by the Lowryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s iconic status looks to incentivise further investment within the area. The position to fuel private investment means mechanisms need to be put in place to allow the mobility and flexibility of capital and responsibility that is desired by global financial actors. As Richard Sennett (2001) stated, standardising the environment is one of the tools that is most commonly used to facilitate capitalism and consumption. At the pivotal moment of renewal that centred on the proposal of Lowry, a significant retail development was to be planned alongside it. The proposal of the Lowry Outlet Centre provides a standardised framework of this in the Development Plan of Salford Quays. Utilising the iconic point of the Lowry as an attraction to raise its profile and potential. The Lowry attempts to be contextually grounded and an expression of local, cultural identity. However, standardised typologies orbit the attraction with a built form of homogeneity used to facilitate and incentivise and attract the fleet footedness of global actors.

1 The Lowry 2 The Lowry Outlet Centre Fig. 4.15 Figure ground plan of the Lowry and the Lowry Outlet Centre

As defined in the diagram of Figure 4.15, the Lowry Outlet Centre dwarfs the Lowry in footprint and in turn questions the hierarchy between the two. The relationship between generated-culture and consumption that is prevalent in cultural regeneration schemes is clearly represented by the proximity and relationship of the two forms. The physical forms do not rely on pure proximity to define a clear connection. in a desired link the use of public space has been key in defining a visual connection between the two. The creation of public space is implemented as an important

Empirical Study

Fig. 4.16 The homogenous space of the Lowry Outlet Centre

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

tool to connect these two programmes. The tenants of the Lowry Outlet centre demonstrates the success of the attempt to globalise and market the site on a much larger scale than local and regional levels. Despite the Lowry’s aspirations as a local and regional landmark that can strengthen identity, its immediate context is a site of global consumption with no indications of context. Familiar global actors of retail appropriate these homogenous allotments, local identity and heritage are absent and neglected (Fig. 4.16). Another prevalent homogenous typology instrumental in the planning of the area has been the utilisation of residential development. The proliferation of residential epitomises property-led regeneration, and offers the most opportunistic form of speculative investment within the urban fabric. Under the same principles of homogeneity instilled in speculative investment, the architectural form of these developments often visually presents this standardisation (Fig. 4.17 and 4.18). The aesthetic of housing is rarely as significant as the social implications and forces it carries, this is most appropriate in a landscape of deprivation, such as Salford. From this surface analysis, the construction of flats would suggest a specific targeted demographic. Although, further research into a residential development, of 378 apartments, within the MediaCity would only confirm this. Deregulation, has been implemented through the freezing of conventional legislation to further the standardisation of the urban fabric. “the council shall require developers to provide a minimum of 20% of affordable homes on all new build sites above 1 hectare or 25 dwellings.” (Salford Housing Partnership, 2006, p.67)

As stated within Salford Council’s Affordable Housing Strategy, the typical requirement for a residential development such as this, would be for the provision of affordable housing. However, exceptional deregulation has been implemented to afford further homogeneity and capital opportunity at the cost of improving existing, local social deprivation. “given the large amount of investment and the level of public realm and infrastructure that would be provided within the site, the applicants are not required to provide affordable housing in this instance” (Salford Planning Officer via Salford Star, 2012)

The decision of Salford Planning office to allow this concession embodies the public-private relationship within urban development. The ideal of a balanced association between the two is undermined by the mobility of private capital against the fixed position of place. Private capital is seen as at advantage of a simple model of supply and demand, and expects incentives through deregulation to ensure its financial activity.

Empirical Study

Fig. 4.17 The visible manifestation of standardisation within the architecure of Salford Quays

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

As a result the desire to provide a point of spectacle that distinguishes places is overwhelmed by the compulsion to capitalise on it. This is apparent in the homogenous manifestations of the built environment within Salford Quays. Sennettâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s criticism of capitalism within A City Full of Strangers encapsulates this: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Cities cease to offer the strange, the unexpected or the arousingâ&#x20AC;? (2001). Many of the models that seek standardising practices are the result of an intrinsic process of standardisation within capitalism and Fordism; however, this has been amplified within the framework of globalisation. The initial deregulatory principles that promoted extensive private onus within urban development, have led to the use of further tactics of deregulation in an attempt to attract private investment. These processes have been implemented within the urban strategy of Salford Quays to ensure that significant urban development occurs. Providing a clear example of the broad tactics that are utilised to provide deregulation and concession for private activity, and their subsequent manifestation of architectural and physical form.

Empirical Study

1 1 1

1 NV Building, Apartment Blocks Fig. 4.18 The visible manifestation of standardisation within the architecure of Salford Quays

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

Conclusion Deregulatory practices, despite their denouncement and evolution (Tallon, 2001), have been sustained throughout urban policy and models of urban regeneration and renewal. It is appears apparent that the accepted discourse of private-public coalition within large-scale urban developments will continue to be recognised as an essential provision towards their conception and implementation. With this elevation and aspiration of private investment and activity, tactics of incentive will continue to be ubiquitous in order to achieve this objective. These tactics are often implemented as processes of deregulation, the provision of legislative allowances towards private investment and action. The principles of radical deregulation and restructuring of free markets, undertaken throughout the 1980s, drove the acceleration of globalisation. The instigation of a transnational global elite intensified the issue of competitive space, as opportunities for investment in urban development were now readily accessible across the globe. Resultantly, the use of deregulation as a tool to attract investment becomes further proliferated within urban renewal strategies. Positioning deregulation as an ever-present phenomenon, it becomes more critical to recognise the role it plays in the manifestation of the built environment. What are the architectural and spatial results of deregulatory techniques within the urban fabric? The empirical study of Salford Quays, by analysing the planning mechanisms and resultant built urban fabric, provided an understanding of how deregulation is embedded within practice. The study of urban planning approaches provided evidence that the criticism of central deregulation, within urban policy, were realised through the tactics of masterplanning, which were manifested within the Salford Quays Development Plan. This demonstrated the instruments that were critical to the masterplan, and allowed the categorisation of architectural and spatial results of deregulation to be formed. These physical results could be described under the typologies of: Infrastructure, Spectacle and Homogeneity. All of these typologies have a significant connection to deregulatory policy and work under the principles of incentive. The critical denouncement of the deregulation, put in place within Urban Development Corporations and enterprise zones of central deregulation, lead to the significant shift of deregulatory policy. Through a more place-oriented vision, local authorities were reinstated authority and autonomy of their urban planning strategies. The restructuring of public-private relationships resulted in a proliferation of Non-Departmental Public Bodies to act as mediatory agencies between the two. The activity of the North West Development Agency, within urban development of Salford Quays, represents the potential veiled inbalance of private-public relations within a system of supposed autonomy of the local authority. Despite this change in policy to provide an inclusive design process that can achieve a more heteronomous approach, the autonomy of local government can still be overturned and overridden to focus on facilitating the objectives of private corporations. Despite the activity of NDPBs, the provision of further autonomy within the local authority, and ability for considered tactics of deregulation, ensure responsibility and accountability are in place. The question of the success of regeneration within the area as a whole would be to question how benefits produced by the Salford Quays development have fed back into Salford

Conclusion

as a city. Further research into wider economic, social and environmental benefits and consequences, could provide a more nuanced response to the autonomy of Salford Quays and its methods of urban renewal. Salford Quays offered a site perfect for revalorisation, an isolated island that had little existing engagement with the local social constructs. It therefore offered a significant amount of autonomy for the actors involved with development; an autonomy that was amplified through deregulatory policy and practice. The results of deregulation are visible throughout the urban form of Salford Quays, and can be clearly categorised through taxonomy of the built environment. The questions of social justice posed as neoliberal ideologies, may demand further heteronomy within urban development and the ability to affect our own built environment. However, the hegemonic desire for large-scale urban developments will undoubtedly overrule this utopian ideal. As these large-scale urban developments continue to proliferate, the typologies of Infrastructure, Spectacle and Homogeneity will continue to be implemented as mechanisms of urban planning centred on deregulation.

Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

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Autonomous Acceleration: How have processes of deregulation affected the urban fabric of post-industrial Salford?

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