Are referendums the best way of determining important political and constitutional questions? Samuel Redfern

Are referendums the best way of determining important political and constitutional questions?

Samuel Redfern Upper Sixth

Nothing inspires more mania within Westminster politics than the menace of Theresa May’s dancing and the referendum. We live in ‘Brexit Britain’. With a majority of seventy four seats, the United Kingdom is the Conservative Party’s canvas: Boris Johnson is the paint, Dominic Cummings is the artist and the Civil Service is a wonky, crooked easel. Yet how did we arrive at this point? The European referendum of 2016, and indeed those referenda which preceded it, have fundamentally changed the nature of British politics in a way that pundits could never predict. The effectiveness of the referendum in effectuating that change is a matter of contention.

The referendum is now an established part of our constitution within UK politics, indeed, to the extent that it is unthinkable a government of the day would institute significant upheaval without appealing to the masses. Clement Atlee once conceived of the referendum as being “a tool of dictators and demagogues” - a contrivance that was alien to the stability engendered in politics by Burke’s ‘trustee model’ of representation. Yet this erstwhile peculiarity on the peripheries of mainstream discourse has been a tool utilised by successive governments twelve times since 1973. Adhering to Rousseau’s conception of the ‘general will’, referendums can resolve divisive a political party. In this sense, rather than issues through a form of direct democracy, being a tool of national political arbitration, providing a solution to volcanic political the referendum serves a disciplinary questions that transcend partisan lines. end in the context of Westminster party However, all governments are unpopular. institutional questions to an abstract Given the chance, people will inevitably proposition, contracting abundantly vote against what is perceived as a complex issues into a binary proposition: distant, egotistical establishment. Critics yes or no, in or out. The effectiveness of referendums thus focus upon its of referendums in answering political susceptibility to a vitriolic form of populism questions is determined by the nature of the in which the ‘general will’ is pitted against question being asked, therefore meaning a faceless establishment elite, whether this referendum ‘success’ is a matter of degrees. is the ‘unelected bureaucrats’ of Brussels politics. Referendums thus reduce complex or the self-serving ‘Old Referendums are Boys’ of Eton. It is thus conceivable that the wider electorate is likely [I]t is unthinkable a government of the the purest form of democratic decision-making to be driven by populist agitation, instigated by popular demagogues who lament the flaws of the day would institute significant upheaval without appealing within the UK, thus meaning the outcome of such questions present, whilst harking back to an often fallacious to the masses. are uncorrupted by the filter of conception of the past; a representative past in which the curviness of bananas was democracy. This demonstrates the out of the clutches of fastidious continental will of the people without the tainted bureaucrats, and in which the spectre of influence of MPs and vested interests. the one-size-fits-all ‘Euro Condom’ was Indeed, this reality is acknowledged by merely a delirious nightmare. It must also Downing Street’s ‘chief bruiser’, namely be considered that referendums can be used the infamous Dominic Cummings, who irresponsibly as a tool of party management (probably) conceptualised Britain as to placate a particularly disobedient wing of a urinal: the “people pissing in it are MPs” and the referendum functions as a disinfectant, trying to stop the smell. Aside from this crude conceptualisation, the purity of decision-making afforded to the body politics by referenda is the single greatest strength of this instrument in resolving constitutional questions. This was most pertinently exemplified by the 2014 ‘Scottish Independence Referendum’, whereby the Scottish electorate resolved to maintain the union with a 55.3% ‘No’ vote and a 44.7% ‘Yes’ vote with a turnout of 84.6%. Such a referendum stemmed from the SNP’s disaffection with Westminster politics and a sense of Scottish nationalism that had developed from the establishment of the Scottish Parliament at Holyrood in 1999. The significant turnout coupled with a decisive vote for unity exemplifies the extent to which a referendum was able to satisfy the political question of Scottish

independence (in the short-term) whilst also delivering on the will expressed by the people at the ballot; the 2014 ‘Scottish Independence Referendum’ was a success in this area.

Nevertheless, the inverse is also true. Referendums have the potential to create fractures within societal political thought, as is exemplified by the 2014 ‘Scottish Independence Referendum’, whereby the

The Scottish Parliament important institutional questions cannot be completely satisfied by the ‘will of the people’.

Referendums could also be used by governments to adhere to the liberal doctrine of ‘government by consent’, whereby any proposed fundamental change to the process of governance must be achieved by direct consent through a referendum, thus enhancing democracy as

institutional/governmental change through the doctrine of ‘government by consent’, thus determining important political/ constitutional questions. However, this conclusion can be countered by the fact that referendums have been used in an irresponsible manner as a tool of party management, as is most pertinently exemplified by David Cameron’s manifesto commitment to a referendum on the UK’s membership of the European Union (EU) so

perceived marginal nature of the result the electorate is legitimising the actions greatly impacted upon the politics of of a representative democracy. This can devolution. The Scottish National Party be exemplified by both the 1997 Scottish received a boost in support from those and Welsh devolution referendums, in disaffected by the result whilst power which the Labour government under the significantly shifted to Holyrood from leadership of Blair intended to enact the Parliament owing to concessions made by creation of a Welsh Assembly and Scottish the Conservative Party during the run-up Parliament as part of their manifesto to the referendum. This has culminated in commitment to a sweeping range of renewed calls for a second independence devolution legislation. Owing to the fact referendum amongst the SNP-led that devolution constituted a significant Scottish Parliament administration, change in regional governance, the Labour whilst enhancing government needed sentiments [R]eferendums popular consent to enact of Scottish nationalism; this was only have been used in an irresponsible such measures, and therefore they could be seen as acting responsibly accentuated by the manner as a tool of in using referendums Scottish electorate’s decision to remain party management. to gain such consent. Whilst the result for a in the EU after Welsh assembly was seen the 2016 referendum over the UK’s to be significantly marginal, with a ‘Yes’ membership of the body. The 2014 Scottish vote of just 50.3%, the Scottish electorate Independence Referendum is exemplative overwhelmingly voted in favour of of how referendums can potentially devolution from Westminster, with a ‘Yes’ enhance political divisions amongst the vote of 74.3%. This therefore exemplifies electorate. The potentially marginal nature how a responsible government can utilise of referendum results ultimately means that referendums to legitimise proposed as to diffuse issues on the backbenches and placate many within the party; the absence of regulatory laws with regards to the use of referendums only increases the potentiality of its misuse.

Significantly, referendums can ameliorate societal rifts, as is exemplified by the decisive result of the 1998 vote on the Belfast Agreement. With a turnout of 81.0% and a ‘Yes’ vote of 71.7%, the people of Northern Ireland conclusively chose to approve of the 1998 Good-Friday Agreement which was created out of multiparty talks. This presented a significant political milestone in the development of the Northern Ireland peace-process of the 1990s, thus bringing an end to the ‘Troubles’ which had plagued British politics since the dawn of the twentieth century. Such an agreement instituted a power-sharing executive between unionists and loyalists at the Northern Irish Assembly in Stormont. The referendum on such an agreement effectively meant that people endorsed the decision to protect the peace-process in Northern-Ireland whilst preventing discord between sectarian

communities, thus ameliorating the representatives are paralysed in their intractable conflict which had afflicted UK decision-making; this is arguably an effect politics for a number of decades. The 1998 of reducing an abundantly convoluted referendum on the Good-Friday Agreement question into an abstract proposition therefore exemplifies how such a tool can that is presented to the electorate at the be used to enhance political quietude and ballot. The Brexit process has exposed prevent significant societal disparities. the ideological disparities between representatives and the governed. This However, this could be countered is symptomatic of the flaws of liberal by alluding to the results of the 2016 democracy as a whole, which by design referendum on the UK’s membership of seeks to minimise popular participation the European Union (EU), which proved to in the pursuit of the maintenance of core polarise British politics and create paralysis liberal values. within Parliament. Owing to the close Significantly, bodies such as the Electoral results of the referendum, whereby 48.1% Commission which function to regulate of the electorate voted the campaigning for for the UK to stay in the EU whilst 51.9% chose to leave, many questioned This issue is only accentuated referendums were unable to negate the influence of falsified the legitimacy of by populist information and such a result in that the binary nature of the question meant demagogues who wish to increase the utilisation of emotional pleas to win over certain groups that the losing group political agitation within the electorate. would inevitably be marginalised. Arguably, this has resulted in the surrounding the self-serving This principally centred upon rumours pertaining to Turkey’s ‘tyranny of the majority’, liberal elite of the assent to the EU, in which the voters who opposed the result establishment. which would have inevitably resulted of the referendum are in a pronounced pitted against the ‘will of the people’, thus increase in immigration to the UK. This meaning the politically successful side is the point at which it should be noted can use their victory to force the minority how populist politics undermine the to accept change which is against their effectiveness of the referendum is solving own interests; there would be little room complex socio-political issues. Critics for minorities under this system. The of the referendum posit that the voting implication of this is the polarisation behaviour of the electorate is more likely of political thought, thus instigating to be driven by transient whims, rather significant disquietude which comprises than deliberative assessments. This issue is the effectiveness of the legislature, as only accentuated by populist demagogues who wish to increase political agitation surrounding the self-serving liberal elite of the establishment. Therefore, whilst referendums have the potential to ameliorate significant societal conflict, the polarisation that can arise as a result of such referendums has the potential to polarise politics and prevent the satisfaction of an important political/ constitutional question.

Referendums have proved to be a contentious phenomenon within British politics; it is a matter for debate, whether they are a positive or negative method of settling major issues. Whilst referendums are certainly flawed in their potential for political polarisation, such a tool has enabled various governments to legitimise institutional change through popular consent. The referendum is a tangible link between the governed and the government - a link which is often eschewed by liberal democracy, which by design seeks to minimise popular influences to protect core liberal values. Whilst other forms of referendums such as citizens ‘initiative’ (as used in the US and Switzerland) could potentially bypass governments irresponsibly utilising referendums, it remains firmly in the hands of the government of the day to determine which issues should be put before the electorate. However, the complex nature of the questions put forward by referendums and the artificial simplicity of the yes/no question hinders the referendum’s ability to effectively resolve important political/ constitutional questions; its effectiveness as a political tool is determined by the nature of the question proposed by the executive.

Fame or shame! Achilles’ choices in the Iliad

Gregor Breen Third Year

Ancient Greek polychromatic pottery painting (dating to c. 300 BC) of Achilles during the Trojan War

Throughout the Iliad so far Achilles has had four major crises in which he has made some very important decisions giving us a hint into his personality. his fate which only adds to the idea that he wants a reputation that will live longer then his life. Overall this decision will earn him kudos.

The first major decision he made was to The second crisis in the Iliad would be go to the war in the first place. This was when Agamemnon humiliated Achilles a major decision as it lead him to one of which made Achilles refuse to fight. This his two fates. His two decision had major fates were either to Although Achilles consequences as well, go to the war at Troy and die young but be a glorious hero and gained kudos he is still perceived one of which being that to the soldiers he seems childish and have his name live in many different bad tempered sending forever, the other being staying at home and living a happy life ways as he is seen as a hero to a bad message to all the Achaeans. Another would be that when but be forgotten. The the Greeks but he stopped fighting decision has three major consequences; one of which being his an unstoppable monster to the he asked his mother (Thetis) who was a sea nymph to ask Zeus if he fate and in his fate he Trojans. could give the Trojans will earn some serious a great victory, which kudos. Another would be that he shows he killed many Greeks. That consequence had is like his father Peleus: warlike, arrogant another problem. It also meant he betrayed and wanting a reputation. The third would his kin giving Achilles aidos (shame). be that he is not afraid to die and he knows Overall this decision gave Achilles aidos. The third crisis is the most upsetting one as it is when Achilles sends Patroclus to fight in his place. This decision has huge consequences and is when Patroclus dies by Hector’s hand but it also shows that no matter what happens Achilles steadfastly refuses to fight for Agamemnon. Despite the fact that Patroclus dies, this act gains Achilles kudos as it shows that his reputation and armour are enough to scare away the entire Trojan army and he also grants Patroclus a favour as he gives him the armour only after Patroclus asked for it. Overall this decision will gain Achilles kudos and lead straight to the fifth crisis.

The last crisis is when Achilles kills Hector, mutilates him and drags his body around Troy three times before returning to the palisade. The consequences of this decision change the siege of Troy entirely as he killed the leader of Troy’s army and then dragged it around Troy which mutilated it meaning consequence in the afterlife. He also avenged his best friend which will make him feel better and give him kudos. This is also a strategic move as when the Trojans saw Hector killed and mutilated, they would be demoralised which means they would never leave the safety of their walls again. Overall this will give him kudos and Hector aidos.

Overall Achilles will gain Kudos in three of these and aidos in two of them making Achilles gain more kudos than aidos, even though he let his best friend die, disobeyed the high king, refused free kudos and gave up gifts. Although Achilles gained kudos he is still perceived in many different ways as he is seen as a hero to the Greeks but an unstoppable monster to the Trojans so it came down to who won the war, as history is always written by the victors.

Nathan McBride

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