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1 Time Use Research Andrew S. Harvey and Wendy E. Pentland

INTRODUCTION Time use methodology can provide a window on actual lifestyles, thereby permitting a rich, objective, and replicable basis on which to make empirical judgments. By providing contextual information about what people do (nature of tasks performed, social and physical environmental context, level of stress experienced, perceived satisfaction), the methodology can generate invaluable information for understanding human behavior problems and be used to guide planning and policy development. This chapter introduces the concept of time use studies and presents a brief overview of their historical development and application.

WHAT IS TIME USE RESEARCH? Time use studies show how people use their time. Minimally, they show what activities people do week to week or day to day. Maximally, they show what people are doing, where they are, who they are with, and how they feel minute to minute.

Andrew S. Harvey • Department of Economics, St. Mary's University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada B3H 3C3.

Wendy E. Pentland • Division of Occupational Therapy, School of Rehabilitation Therapy, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada K7L 3N6.

Time Use Research in the Social Sciences, edited by Wendy E. Pentland, Andrew S. Harvey, M. Powell Lawton, and Mary Ann McColl. Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, New York, 1999.

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Time use studies employ a wide variety of methodologies. Qualitative methods, including ethnography, can provide rich time use data, but are costly and can suffer from lack of scientific validity. Direct observation is arguably the most accurate; however, it is extremely expensive, and subjects' behavior may be altered by an observer's intrusion. Similarly, this method can be prone to a high, nonrandom refusal rate by subjects not comfortable with being observed.

Activity frequency and duration surveys, which are often stylized lists of activities for which subjects provide frequency and duration of participation information, provide another measurement approach. These include labor force surveys, shopping studies, travel studies, readership surveys, and studies of general leisure time use and particular facets of it such as television viewing habits. In general, these studies require the respondent to complete a checklist showing the extent of participation in defined activities. In order to be accurate and consistently interpreted by all subjects, the activities must be very narrowly defined. This results in long lists of activities, and there is danger of poor subject compliance due to the resulting tedium. Other information concerning the activity may also be sought, such as satisfaction and preferences. Alternatively, a respondent may be asked to keep a log of specific activities such as shopping, television viewing, or travel. In this case, it is possible to get information on duration, sequence, and various other dimensions for the activity being logged. Activity data can be collected from the supply side as well.

On the supply side, data from which activity participation and time use can be inferred are collected on the use of various facilities such as libraries, museums and theaters. Another approach to collecting time use or activity data uses a beeper. Respondents carry a beeper and a protocol to be completed each time the beeper sounds. The protocol can collect a wide range of objective and subjective data. While each of the foregoing can provide some insights into how people use their time, the reports are episodic and typically taken out of context.

The time diary provides a more comprehensive means of collecting time use data. In contrast to the previous methods outlined. the time diary places activities in context. It "is a log or diary of the sequence and duration of activities engaged in by an individual over a specified period— most typically a 24-hour day" (Converse, 1968). All activities during the specified period are recorded, including time of start and completion of each activity. A broad range of subjective and contextual data can be collected at the same time (where, who with, perceived satisfaction, control, stress, etc.). An advantage of time diaries is that subjects can use their own terminology., which can later be coded according to classification criteria. The focus of this volume is on diary-based time use studies.

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Chapters 2 and 3 provide considerable insight into the method, content, and analysis of time use studies. The remaining chapters illustrate vividly what can be learned from time diary studies.

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF TIME USE STUDIES How Working Men Spend Their Time (Bevans, 1913) and Round about a Pound a Week (Pember-Reeves, 1913) both published in 1913, the former in the United States and the latter in the United Kingdom, appear to be the earliest published accounts of time use. During the second decade of this century, time use research emerged in Europe in conjunction with early studies of living conditions of the working class in response to pressures generated by the rise of industrialization. In the United States, household time-allocation studies date from 1915 in the U.S. (Bailey, 1915). The various time use studies examined shares of activities such as paid work, housework, personal care, leisure, and so on, in the daily, weekly, or yearly time budget of the population. They also examined how the time use varied among population groups such as workers, students, and housewives, and in the use of leisure time. Most often, respondents were asked, through stylized questions, to estimate how much time they allocated to various activities.

The bulk of pre–World War II diaries originated in the Soviet Union, Great Britain, and the United States, with a number of others in France and Germany. The earliest sophisticated study was that of S. G. Strumlin in the Soviet Union in 1924. The study was undertaken for use in governmental and corrununal planning. A student of his, G. A. Prudensky redid Strumlin's study 35 years later on a similar sample. In 1923, the Osaka City office carried out the first time-budget study in Japan, "The Study of Leisure Life" (Tanaka, 1978). In the United States, home economists started using time use studies in the mid- to late 1920s to study farm and rural women (Avery, Bryant, Douthitt, & McCullough, 1996; Kneeland, 1929). Work began at Cornel1 during the 1920s on a program to study household output in terms of time use (Walker & Woods, 1976). Since that time, there has been extensive work focusing on household time use in the United States.

In the early 1930s, a Westchester County survey launched a whole new era of studies of leisure (Lundberg & Komarovsky, 1934). Later in the 1930s, Sorokin and Berger (1939), in their Time Budgets of Human Behavior, provided some fascinating insights into psychological and sociological motivations through an analysis of time-diary data. A number of small studies were carried out through the 1930s and 1940s in the United Kingdom, and in 1938, the audience research department of the BBC conducted the first of

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several surveys providing time use information (Gershuny, 1983a). In the United Kingdom, some small-scale time use studies were carried out by Moser in 1948 (Gershuny, 1983b). In the decade following 1957, a large number of time budget surveys were conducted in Russia, approximately 100, between 1958 in 1968, with three institutions playing the leading role in time budget research (Zuzanek, 1980). Since the 1950s, extensive time use research in Japan has explored the long working time of paid workers, houseworkers, media, and other leisure time use, as well as other issues.

The most ambitious time use study was the Multinational Time Use Study in the mid-1960s directed by Alexander Szalai. That study, which still stands as a landmark in cross-national survey research, was unquestionably the most significant time-diary undertaking. The study arose out of ideas generated in a conference held at Yale in 1963," The Use of Quantitative Political, Social and Cultural Data in Cross-National Comparisons" (Rokkan, 1966). Under the aegis of the study, data were collected in 13 countries and 16 different survey sites. Unfortunately, data for one of the sites, Cuba, was never analyzed. That study has had a profound and lasting effect on the collection of time use data ever since. First, the coding scheme used in that study helped shape most all national time study range of subsequent venues (Elliott, Harvey, & Procos, 1976; Gonzalez & Gomez, 1985; Yano, 1995). Third, the report on that study, The Use of Time, presented a wide range of analyses using the time use data, thus broadening the scope of data collectors and data analysts.

Canadian time use studies date at least from the mid-1960s and early 1970s. In 1965, Meissner undertook a study of industrial workers in Port Albernie, British Columbia (Meissner, 1971). The first general population survey, following the methodology of the Multinational Time Use Study was undertaken in Halifax, Nova Scotia, in 1970–1971. The Halifax study was, in fact, a time-space study that captured not only what people were doing but also where they were, coded to a one-tenth kilometer grid (Elliott et al., 1976). The first nationwide time use study in Canada was conducted in 1981 (Kinsley & O' Donnell, 1983). As a part of that study, over 450 respondents to the 1971 Halifax study completed diaries, thus providing a 10-year panel of time use (Harvey & Elliott, 1983). Statistics Canada, as part of its General Social Survey program, collected diaries for approximately 9,000 Canadians in 1986,1992, and 1998 (Frederick, 1995; Harvey, Marshall, & Frederick, 1991).

The United States has never conducted an official national time use study. However, the Bureau of Labor Statistics piloted a study in 1997. The major national studies in the United States have been undertaken by the Institute of Social Research (ISR) at the University of Michigan (Juster, 1985) and by the Survey Research Center at the University of Maryland (Robinson & Godbey, 1997).

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Table 1.1. Regular Data Collection Regimens Country

Sponsor

Canada Holland Japan

Statistics Canada Social Cultural Planning Bureau NHK

Japan Korea Norway

Prime Ministers Office KBS Statistics Norway

Comparable Years 1986, 1992, 1998 1975, 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995 1960, 1965, 1970, 1975, 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995 1976, 1981, 1986, 1991, 1996 1983, 1985, 1987, 1990, 1995 1970, 1980, 1990

Since the early 1960s, time-diary studies have flourished. National time use studies have been conducted in virtually all Eastern and Western European countries. Many countries including Japan, The Netherlands, Canada, Korea, Finland, and Norway, conduct recurring studies every 5 to 10 years (see Table 1.1).

Of particular note are the time use studies of the Nippon Hoso Kyokai (NHK) in Japan, which have been carried out every five years since 1960. In the last decade, national time use studies have been carried out, or are being planned, by central statistical agencies in many countries including Austria, Australia, Canada, the Dominican Republic, Finland, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Korea, New Zealand, Norway, South Africa, and Sweden.

Recently, a renewed multinational effort, the Eurostat Time Use Project, has started to take shape. This project emanated from a meeting of the Eurostat Working Party on Social Indicators in March 1992, which approved work toward a European time use survey. Subsequent meetings were held in 1992 and 1993, giving form to the project. That work formed the basis for subsequent development and piloting. In 1996 and 1997,18 countries participated in pilot time use studies undertaken under the auspices of EUROSTAT. The EUROSTAT project can potentially provide research opportunities similar to those provided by the Multinational Time Use Study.

Other opportunities are provided by archival data from many countries.

The Multinational Time Budget Data Archive, developed by Jonathan Gershuny at Essex University, contains comparably organized and formatted person-level data for over 30 countries. Andrew Harvey has developed a similar but less extensive archive of episodal time use data at Saint Mary’s University in Halifax, Canada. Given the high costs associated with time-diary data collection, these archives offer exciting opportunities for secondary analysis.

Time use methodology has come a long way since its early applica-

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tions. In the last decade, there have been significant advances in the field, including innovative applications to nontraditional topics of inquiry, new and more sophisticated data collection methods, a variety of analysis strategies, and increasing interdisciplinary collaboration. There is an International Association for Time Use Research (IATUR), with an annual scientific conference. Time use methodology is now used around the world for research by a broad range of disciplines. The literature on time use has been remarkable in reflecting the interests of many different fields, including economics (Juster & Stafford, 1991; Goldschmidt-Clermont, 1987), business administration (Das, 1991; Grossin, 1993a, 1993b; McGrath & Rotchford, 1983), gerontology (Harvey & Singleton, 1989, Moss & Lawton, 1982), urban planning (Chapin, 1974; Gutenschwager, 1973), political science and occupational therapy (Larson, 1990; McKinnon, 1992; Pentland, Harvey & Walker, 1998; Stanley 1995), nursing and medicine (Frankenberg, 1992), recreation and physical and health education (Rosenthal & Howe, 1984; Ujimoto, 1985), sociology/anthropology (Andorka, 1987; Elchardus & Glorieux, 1993,1994; Garhammer, 1995) and psychology (Block, 1990; Lawton, Moss, & Fulcomer, 1987). In turn, scholars, policymakers, professionals, and students have become sensitized to the power inherent in this approach to examining and understanding human behavior.

Time use methodologies are recognized as capable of providing critical information for a variety of purposes ranging from practical social planning concerns (electrical power consumption patterns, traffic flow) to complex theoretical problems (understanding behavior or social structure within a given society). Time use methodology provides hard, replicable data that are the behavioral output of decisions, preferences, attitudes, and environmental factors. It can be used to examine, describe, and compare role performance (Hasselkus, 1989; Ross, 1990); cultures and lifestyles (Chapin, 1974; Nakanishi & Suzuki, 1986); demands for goods and services (Juster & Stafford, 1985); poverty (Douthitt, 1993); needs of special groups such as the elderly, working mothers, and persons with disabilities (Baltes, Wahl & Schmidt-Furstoss, 1990; Leccardi & Rampazi, 1993); household and community economies (Knights & Odih, 1995); and more recently elusive social indicators such as quality of life and well-being (Japan, Ministry of Economic Planning, 1975).

APPLICATIONS OF TIME USE DATA There is virtually no avenue of human endeavor that is immune to some dimension of temporality. How long? When? Before or after? How often? At least one of these questions is likely to be relevant to any given

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endeavor, issue, or policy. Consequently, time use data are highly relevant across a virtually unlimited array of concerns, an array far too broad to exhaust. It is useful, however, to identify some of the applications of time use data to provide general insight into their use. Many of the chapters in this volume provide more specific insight into particular issues and applications. Some general areas where time use data have been fruitful are shown here.

Economic Accounts National economic accounts are under heavy criticism for their failure to include nonmarket production. Traditional economic variables inaccurately measure total productive activity (Goldschmidt-Clermont, 1987; Juster & Stafford, 1991). A corollary of this is concern over the lack of knowledge of the structure of unmeasured productive activity, often denoted as informal economy (Urdaneta-Ferran, 1986). Failure to fully understand both the size and structure of an economy's total productive activity leads to the conception and implementation of, at best, many useless policies, and at worst, harmful policies (Berio, 1986). The measurement of time allocation provides a major data source for upgrading the accounts (Harvey & MacDonald, 1976). Productive work includes, in addition to paid work, the only component included in the current national accounts, domestic activity, child care, time allocated to shopping and services, and education as a student. All of these activities are fundamental to the provision of goods and services. Paid work time, when placed in this perspective, although the largest single component of total productive work time, is less than half of all productive activity. Clearly, the exclusion of the other components yields a faulty view of total production in the economy. The Beijing Women's Conference, in 1995, called on nations to measure and document nonmarket production and to collect time use data to support such measurement. This proclamation has generated the greatest pressure yet for universal collection of time use data.

Labor Force Analysis Current labor force statistics are weak on two counts. First, they appear not to measure well that which they purport to measure. It has been shown that the typical labor hours data collected do not truly reflect the reality of hours contributed to paid work (Niemi, 1983; Robinson & Godbey, 1997; Stafford & Duncan, 1976). A study based on Finnish data found that the direct interview question generated a weekly hours worked figure about 1 hour longer than that generated by the time diary (Niemi,

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1990). There were differences among groups of workers, with self-employed and salaried occupations appearing to generate the greatest divergence.

Second, focusing only on paid work activity, they fail to account for all productive activity and for constraints and opportunities related to the use of time. Time allocation studies give a far more complete picture of the nation's use of labor resources by focusing on all time use rather than simply employment time. It is insufficient to characterize persons as employed, unemployed, or not in the labor force. It is equally necessary to be concerned with the use of time not identified as market production. What is the relationship between market and nonmarket production? Does this change with economic conditions? Does the relationship play an important part in the ability of the economy to adjust to change? How can individuals best be prepared to fulfill their roles in the two sectors? In the case of shortages of labor, what is the potential labor pool available in terms of expanded work time by current and potential labor-force participants? How can production and working conditions be organized to optimize the flexibility required to permit desired involvement in both sectors? In times of surplus of labor in the economy, to what ends are the surplus hours directed? Are these fully utilized, or can they be made more productive? What are the effects of nonstandard work times, flexible work hours, work sites, or other work arrangements? All of these questions can be more adequately addressed with appropriate time use data.

Social Change Time use data can be useful to government and business in implementing and evaluating change in such areas as working hours and patterns, shopping time, communications, and advertising. How much, where, and when do people work? Increasingly, work is less tied to specific places and times. Analysis carried out based on the Canadian 1981 Pilot Study provided insight into work patterns at that time. It showed that male workers dominated those working a traditional workday, that is, morning and afternoon hours only. Working morning, afternoon, and evening hours was about equally shared by men and women, and female workers dominated all other work patterns (Harvey, Elliott, & MacDonald, 1984). Traditional data on work hours fail to accurately reflect changes in the extent and pattern of work time. These are fully captured in time use data. Time use data help provide information on both the constraints and opportunities attendant with various work patterns and thus can be used to evaluate the impacts of alternative schemes. When and where do people work? How do individuals allocate their time with respect to the media?

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How much, when, and where do they watch television, read papers, or listen to the radio? Such information is captured by time use data.

As governments develop policies to discourage people from spending time in certain activities (smoking) or to encourage them to participate in others (physical fitness programs), it is necessary to have evaluative measures. Statistics Canada pointed out as early as 1974 that the idea of a time use survey is to develop a single survey vehicle from which a number of measurements can be obtained on the effectiveness of government programs (Statistics Canada, 1974).

Women's Concerns Many general and specific concerns of women are directly addressable with time use data. In general terms, the issue of mismeasurement of economic activity is particularly relevant to women, since women's activities overwhelmingly dominate the nonmarket and informal sector in both the more developed and developing countries (United Nations International Research and Training Institute for Women [INSTRAW], 1995).

Specific concerns in developed countries include domestic work (Eichler, 1983; Vanek, 1974; Walker & Woods, 1976), child care (Michelson & Ziegler, 1982; Stone, 1972), the sexual division of labor (Gershuny, & Robinson, 1988; Harvey & Clark, 1976; Meissner, Humphreys, Meis, & Scheu, 1975); time and technology (Stafford & Duncan, 1985), shopping behavior (Hawes, Gronmo & Arndt, 1978; Wilson & Holman, 1984), travel (Jannelle & Goodchild, 1988, Pas & Harvey, 1997), and children's use of time (Medrich, Milos, Reizen, & Rubin, 1978; Timmer, Eccles, & O’Brien, 1985).

In developing countries, specific concerns include unpaid work (INSTRAW, 1995), the sexual division of labor (Dixon-Mueller, 1985), household production (Quizon, 1978; INSTRAW, 1996), nutrition (Berio, 1986), measurement of living standards (Acharya, 1982; Chernichovsky, Lucas, & Mueller, 1985), impact of technology (Carr & Sandhu, 1987), and the economic value of children (Cain, 1980; Minge-Kalman, 1977). Knowledge of how time is allocated is indispensable in attempts to understand all the foregoing issues.

Quality of Life Growing concern with the quality of life has led to a search for valid, reliable, and economical quality measures or social indicators. Time use data provide the opportunity to develop a large number of indicators covering many life domains, such areas as health, education, working time, social interaction, leisure, and use of physical environment. Time use

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studies have proven extremely useful in studying the impact of transitions toward a market economy being experienced in Eastern Europe (Artemov, Rostovtsev, & Artemova, 1997). Minimally, they provide indicators of involvement in a broad or complete range of activities engaged in by members of subject groups. Thus, for example, indicators of involvement in market-oriented economic activity, housework and child care, education, and free time can be developed (Aas, 1982; Harvey, 1995). The collection of location of individuals, and who they were with, facilitates many more indicators. Diary data can also provide opportunities to develop indicators of mobility, infrastructure use, and sociability, among others. Thus, many different indicators, defined in terms of various life domains and for significant target groups, can be developed.

Behavioral indicators can be combined with subjective indicators to identify possible connections and or explanations (Zuzanek, 1998). For example, social interaction data from the time use module, in conjunction with a subjective measure of happiness collected concurrently in the 1986 Canadian General Social Survey, show a clear relation between time spent alone and the degree of happiness of respondents, particularly for the elderly. Elderly persons, indicating they were Very happy, averaged slightly over 5 hours per day alone. Those who were Very unhappy averaged nearly 9 hours alone. In contrast, for the youngest age group, the Very happy and the Very unhappy recorded about equal amounts of time alone (Harvey, n.d.)

Leisure The measurement of leisure has long been a fertile area of study addressed by time use research (Lundberg & Komarovsky, 1934; Robinson & Godbey, 1997; Zuzanek, 1980). Works based on the Multinational Time Use Study highlighted the utility of the time-diary approach for studying leisure (Ferge, 1972; Skorzynski, 1972), The work of Young and Willmott (1973) and Shaw (1986) shows both the utility and necessity of a time-diary approach. Their work raises some questions about previous analyses of leisure based on time-diary data but indicates the need for time use data to measure and analyze it. They have shown that, contrary to the generally accepted approach of defining leisure in terms of selected " leisure-like" activities, virtually any activity may be perceived as a leisure activity for some specific person or group, or for a given individual under some conditions, but not under others. In short, subjectively, the concept of what leisure is varies from person to person and from time to time. Thus, it is inappropriate to limit the study of leisure to a circumscribed set of activities. It is incumbent upon the researcher to capture all activity and analyze it in a manner that appropriately reflects the leisure reality.

Time use information juxtaposes leisure, work, and personal time in a

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manner that provides considerably more information than do traditional pencil measures. They enable researchers to fit leisure into the life pattern both quantitatively and qualitatively. Similarly, they make it possible to fit the components of leisure time into aggregate leisure patterns. Based on the General Social Survey time use module in 1986, Canadian men had slightly more leisure (339 minutes a day)—measured in terms of residual nonwork, nonpersonal activities—than Canadian women (318 minutes).

The additional time appeared to accrue primarily from greater time allocated to viewing television—155 minutes for men and 126 minutes for women (Harvey n.d.). In other respects, there was relatively little difference between men and women in leisure time allocation. The only exception being a tendency for women to allocate relatively more time to organizational activities (Harvey, n.d.).

The value of the time allocation data for leisure analysis was further found in a simple analysis of time allocated to media using the 1986 time use data. A variety of variables (demographic, temporal, and activity) were used to segment time allocated to the media. It was found that all three types of variables were automatically introduced into the analysis in very early stages. Work status (demographic) provided the first break variable. Employed persons (1) and students (3) were grouped together automatically by the grouping algorithm, as were persons looking for work and others, and persons keeping house, and persons not stating a main activity. Retired persons stood alone, averaging the greatest amount of leisure time, 331 minutes a day to media-related activity (Harvey, n.d.).

In contrast, employed persons and students averaged only 146 minutes of media time per day. At the second level, both time and activity variables were introduced. Paid-work time was the most significant explanatory variable for the worker-student grouping. There was a strong inverse relationship between paid-work time and media time. This suggests a tendency for work time to crowd out media time. For the group keeping house and not stated, an activity variable, number of trips, showed a similar strong inverse relationship. Persons looking for work and others, with fewer constraints on leisure time, exhibited a trade-off between entertainment time and media time. The point here is not to carry out an elaborate analysis of time allocated to media. The purpose is to show the complexity of the phenomena and the flexibility for analysis offered by the time use data for capturing behavior and change.

Travel Behavior Research Time use data provide a valuable input into the study of travel behavior. In the mid-l970s, some travel behavior researchers recognized the need to develop an enriched understanding of day-to-day travel behavior.

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This gave rise to the study of the " activity systems" approach, which strives to develop both a theoretical and empirical base for modeling daily behavior (Chapin, 1974; Jones, Dix, Clarke, & Heggie, 1983). The approach bridged the gap between the time-space approach of Hagerstrand (1970) and the more familiar travel survey approach. The major difference between the activity-based approach and the trip-based approach is in the treatment of time (Pas & Harvey, 1997). The activity-based approach incorporates the fullness of the time dimension, calling for a full accounting of time use. Travel researchers need to understand the interplay between what is done, where, and with whom. The information needed can be readily gleaned from time use studies (Harvey et al., 1997).

SUMMARY Time use research has been used throughout this century to examine both objective and subjective aspects of human behavior in a wide variety of fields and purposes. In recent years, the methodology has become increasingly sophisticated, both in terms of collection and analysis. The intent of this volume is both to illustrate applications of the time use method and to provide guidelines for those wishing to incorporate it into their research.

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Ferge, S. (1972). Social differentiation in leisure activity choices: An unfinished experiment. In A. Szalai (Ed.), The use of time: Daily activities of urban and suburban populations in twelve countries (pp. 213–227). The Hague: Mouton.

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Grossin, W. (1993b). Technology evolution, working time and remuneration. Time and Society, 2,157–167.

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