Jess Hallay, Katherine Westerman & Samantha Ackroyd's 'Design' artifacts in Melbourne.

KATHERINE WESTERMAN s3284531 & SAMANTHA ACKROYD s3236719

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MELBOURNE CENTRAL

Sanctioned Street Art

Sanctioned Street Art: Melbourne Central Shopping Centre Swanston Street entrance, Knox Place laneway.

Walking down the Knox Place entrance to Melbourne Central Shopping Centre off Swanston Street evokes feelings of familiarity and intrigue.

This manufactured representation is used to entice and enhance the presence of the intertwining laneways of the city. Moreover it is here that a wall covered in sanctioned street art stands, mimicking the creative artwork found within the enchanting laneways generally associated with Melbourne.

Constructed under legal provisions, the designs establish that whilst street art and graffiti are commonly seen as vandalism, the design allure is utilised in Melbourne to attract city-goers and tourists alike. Therefore this design is permitted by both the government and proprietors to create a distinct visual appeal, imitating the city’s renowned laneways with artistically daring and imaginative graffiti styles.

MELBOURNE CENTRAL

Sanctioned Street Art

As Lavado (2010) explains, sanctioned street art seizes the visual elements of street art but removes the meaningful essence “of the truth behind art”. Corporations and governments often exploit sanctioned street art solely for advertising and profitable purposes. Lavado emphasises the sacred, personal act of expression in street art, which loses its significance when sanctioned. In understanding the lack of significance and subsequent detriment to graffiti culture, one recognises how sanctioned street art is often perceived as a constructed facade. In the case of Melbourne Central’s designated design area, it can be perceived as an attraction for more youthful consumers to the CBD, as well as serving to slow down passers-by and increase business trade.

MELBOURNE CENTRAL

Sanctioned Street Art

Another form of Sanctioned Street Art on the exterior wall of a restaurant in Little Lonsdale Street

Another approach is to look at a cultural studies perspective to comprehend the level of control the government exerts over street art. Young’s (2010) article is critical in questioning the logic of strict regimentation and strategies to control urban spaces. It is important to concurrently contrast policy with cultural impacts on the city, and focus on the contradictory messages government bodies convey. Street art’s official categorisation within the ‘environment and waste’ field becomes a factor of concern when comparing it to its contribution to Melbourne’s urban culture. Therefore, an implementation of tactics which support negotiated consent, as opposed to zero-tolerance methods, become prevalent and are evident in the communication artefact of matter.

MELBOURNE CENTRAL

Sanctioned Street Art Fundamentally, such sanctioned art work is a means for those in command to emphasise their control of the city and the social dialogue of radical youths who wish to challenge this. Notions broadly related to Melbourne’s cultural rights, freedom of expression and sustaining communities can be applied to other urban landscapes and are necessary considerations. As Stewart (2009) ascertains, devoted subcultures of the city are represented in unauthorised art, which highlights the city dynamics by representing “a tension between those who live, work, govern and play within its precincts”. The representations evident in street art form commonalities between people in the city who can connect through imagined communities.

The presence of sanctioned street art as a component of Melbourne Central Shopping Centre reveals the contrasting interconnectivity of multiple communities as being apart of Melbourne’s culture.

Example of Street Art that evidently presents meaning and artistic creativity

Boatsheds on the Yarra River

In a similar vein, the historic boatsheds along the Yarra river, which were built at the beginning of the 19th century, play a fundamental role in the design of the city and subsequent relationships and identities that are formed within. Being an important part of Melbourne’s sporting and social history, the surrounding areas of the Yarra river banks have been revamped to allow families to socialise while absorbing the atmosphere of the CBD. Melbourne’s rowing culture, as depicted in the annual Henley-on-Yarra race, was a central part of Melbourne’s society in the early 1900s offering a competitive vibe and strong focus on ladies fashion, much like the Melbourne Cup today.

Figure 1: Boathouse Drive, Melbourne (Google Maps 2010)

Boatsheds on the Yarra River Hess, Symons and Hemphill’s entry into The Encyclopaedia of Melbourne (2008) details how the roots of Melbourne’s distinctive sporting culture can be traced back to the earliest days of European settlement. The article contextualises how the character-building nature of sporting pursuits, such as Head-of-the-river and the generous available space which boatshed design allows, were a critical part of developing sportsmanship and are key contributing factors to the sporting culture of Melbourne. In also outlining how Melbourne’s obsession with sport can be traced back to English public schools in the late 19th century, this article illustrates how the development of sports such as rowing, cricket and hockey in school systems were largely due to dedicated headmasters as well as students.

Figure 2: Rowing on the Melbourne Yarra (Will 2009)

Boatsheds on the Yarra River Additionally, Jacobson (2003) addresses the social psychology behind the creation of a sports fan identity and highlights the multiple theories which academics have used to explain the many reasons individuals unite in “sportsfanship” and sporting culture. Jacobson defines the manner in which “sportsfanship” unites individuals by fostering “feelings of belongingness and solidarity”. This “sense of community” gained by individuals when participating in sporting events is central to Melbourne’s design, as evidenced by the boatsheds, which aid the collectivisation of a disparate group of individuals evolving from the common allegiances and team loyalties sports fans possess from the outset.

Similarly, believing that sport “shapes relationships at every level: diplomatic, cultural, economic, organisational, community and interpersonal”, Jacquie L’Etang (2006) examines sport as being critical in the design of contemporary culture. Throughout her study, L’Etang demonstrates how sport strengthens the social fabric between youths and minorities, as well as its role in healing divisions between nations, communities and individuals.

Boatsheds on the Yarra River In regards to Melbourne’s boatsheds, such arguments exemplify the role played by the design of Melbourne’s sporting precincts in shaping imagined communities within Melbourne. As such, Harold Desbrowe-Annear’s city plan remains central to Melbourne’s generous space for recreational and sporting pursuits within the city.

Through rowing clubs, and the evolution of the Henley-on-Yarra regatta into the modern Melbourne’s Moomba festival, these historic boatsheds along the city’s iconic river continue to be an important part of Melbourne’s sporting and social history. Melbourne’s sporting profile, best summarised by Hess, Sumons and Helphill as “an especially vibrant cultural nexus of sports, games, recreation and leisure”, is a critical link to what the boatsheds represent. That is; an element of design which focuses on Melbourne’s dynamic, young community and the “sporting heart” of the nation.

Figure 3: The Yarra (Andrew 2008)

‘THE THREE BUSINESSMEN WHO BROUGHT THEIR OWN LUNCH: BATMAN, SWANSTON & HODDLE’

Also in central Melbourne (corner of Swanston & Bourke streets) are the lifesized ‘The Three Businessmen Who Brought Their Own Lunch’ statues, which stand amidst an ever-flowing stream of pedestrian traffic as their alien and frighteningly skeletal appearances attract considerable attention.

Each of the figures - created in 1993 by artists Alison Weaver and Paul Quinn for the Swanston Street Art Works Program - represents one of Melbourne’s founding fathers and were given to the City of Melbourne by the Republic of Narau for Melbourne’s 150th birthday. However, the statues are more than a mere token of good-will. Like sanctioned graffiti and the yarra boatsheds, these statues are prominently placed to communciate messages about Melbourne’s design culture and identity.

‘THE THREE BUSINESSMEN WHO BROUGHT THEIR OWN LUNCH: BATMAN, SWANSTON & HODDLE’

Will Nettleship (1989) has been comissioned to produced public artwork all over the world and believes the true measure of success for a piece of public art is not its aesthetic appeal but rather the extent to which it expresses community values.

When approaching ‘The Three Businessmen’ from this perspective, they appear somewhat successful.

Figure 4: Heald Monument. Founding fathers of American Independence: Robert Morris, George Washington & Haym Solomon.

Figure 5: ‘The Three Businessmen Who Brought Their Own Lunch: Batman, Swanston and Hoddle’

Artwork depicting prominent figures involved in the creation of a city, ordinarily, boast statements of pride in the city’s heritage. Conversely, however, ‘The Three Businessmen’ are aesthetically disturbing and bear no resemblance to Swanston, Batman and Hoddle. This unconventional approach can be interpreted as a declaration of irreverence toward Melbourne’s heritage and the overwhelming nature of “the perpetual motion of consumerism” (Weaver 2008). Such a message is arguably more inline with contemporary Melbournian values and concerns than stale notions of ancestral pride.

‘THE THREE BUSINESSMEN WHO BROUGHT THEIR OWN LUNCH: BATMAN, SWANSTON & HODDLE’

In addition to this, the sculptures also serve an important role of enabling people to scrutinise and escape the restrictions of everyday life as they become fixtures for manifestations of ‘play’ in the city. As Stevens (2004) argues, tactics of ‘play’ express a critique on life and empower citizens to reclaim public places through changing the percieved purpose of the space. Such ‘play’ tactics as inserting a cigarette into the mouth of Hoddle or putting a mask on Swanston demonstrate an existence of freedom within controlled city spaces.

Figure 7: Three Businessmen…mod

Figure 6: Smoking man

In contrast to the faux-rebellion of government sanctioned graffiti which attempts to appeal to a youth audience, ‘The Three Businessmen’ inspire an expression of genuine rebellion from many Melbournians as their frail physiques and business attire – codes for corporate control and social anxiety – make them particularly compelling objects to ‘play’ with.

‘THE THREE BUSINESSMEN WHO BROUGHT THEIR OWN LUNCH: BATMAN, SWANSTON & HODDLE’

But by no means is this to suggest that the statues are unanimously accepted by the public. In fact, one Melbourne blogger, Lucy Tartan (2006), has stated that she “despises” them and goes so far as to question the very merit of the artwork, arguing that it lacks any real contemplative meaning and describing Batman as a “drunken, syphilitic con artiste”.

Evidentally, the confrontational nature of the statues positioning, aesthetic and symbolism invite a full range of community engagement, from playful delight to dismissive criticism.

Such public involvement is a mark of achievement for ‘The Three Businessmen’, as communal participant is imperative to Melbourne’s thriving culture of design.

Figure 8: John Batman, alleged “syphilitic con artiste”.

As is demonstrated by the diversity between the Yarra boatsheds, ‘The Three Businessmen’ statues and a sanctioned wall of graffiti at Melbourne Central, however, communal participation is not the sole purpose of design in Melbourne.

Throughout the city design is utilised to develop identities, strengthen bonds, express community values and is often a method of control which, consequently, stimulates public rebellion. Evidently, Melbourne’s culture of design is comprised of many elements and serves a multitude functions.

references Andrew_1000, The Yarra [photo] available at < http://www.flickr.com/photos/apersonoutthere/2594538701/> [accessed 22 May 2010] Flett, J 1950, John Batman, painting, [painting] available at www.slv.vic.gov.au/pcards/0/0/2/doc/pc002797.shtml [accessed 27 May 2010] .

Google maps, Boathouse drive, Melbourne [map] available at <http://maps.google.com.au/> [accessed 22 May 2010].

H4NUM4N 2007, Smoking man, [photo] available at < http://flickr.com/photos/60444977@N00/1642430052 > [accessed 27 May 2010] .

Hess, R, Symons, C, Hemphill, D 2008, The City Past & Present: Sporting Culture, school of Historical Studies, The Encyclopedia of Melbourne, viewed 14 April 2010, <http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs /EM1413b.htm> Jacobson, B 2003, in Zillmann, D, Bryant J, Sapolsky, N 1989, ‘The Social Psychology of the Creation of a Sports Fan Identity: A theoretical Review of the Literature’, Athletic Inight, vol. 5, issue 2, pp. 1-9.

Lavado, L 2010, ‘How Sanctioned Street Art is Rethinking the Graffiti Scene’, The Trinity Tripod, 23 February, viewed 17 April 2010, <http://media.www.trinitytripod.com/media/storage/paper520/news/2010/02/23/Arts/HowSanctioned.Street.Art.Is.Rethinking.The.Graffiti.Scene-3877282.shtml>.

L’Etang, L 2006, ‘Public relations and sport in promotional culture’, Public Relations Review, vol. 32, no. 4, pp. 386-394.

Nettleship, W 1989, ‘Public sculpture as a collaboration with a community’, Leonardo, vol. 22, no. 2, pp. 171-174.

Pyjama, 2007, The Three Businessmen Who Brought Their Own Lunch: Batman, Swanston and Hoddle [photo] available at < http://flickr.com/photos/49719028@N00/405403010/ > [accessed 27 May 2010] .

Stevens, Q 2004, ‘Urban escapades: play in Melbourne’s public spaces’, in ed. Lees L The emancipatory city?: paradoxes and possibilities, 1st edn, Sage Publications Ltd, London, pp. 141-157.

Stewart, J 2009, ‘Graffiti Vandalism? Street Art and the City: Some Considerations’, The University of Melbourne Referred E-Journal, vol.1, no. 2, pp. 86. ≈ Tartan, L < sillsbend@gmail.com > 2006, ‘#22 Three businessmen who brought their own lunch (Batman, Swanston & Hoddle)’ blog, 19 February, Sorrow at Sills Bend, viewed 2 April 2010, < http://allordinary2.blogspot.com/2006/02/statuary-friday-22.html >.

Vernon, A 2007, Heald Monument, photo, viewed 27 May 2010 < ://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Heald_Monument_(2).JPG >.

Weaver, A 2008, Three Businessmen Who Brought Their Own Lunch: Batman, Swanston and Hoddle, The University of Melbourne, viewed 16 May 2010, < http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM02029b.htm >.

Wiki.will, Rowing on the Yarra River [photo] available at < http://www.flickr.com/photos/wikiwill/3589147314/> [accessed 22 May 2010] Young, A 2010, "Negotiated consent or zero tolerance? Responding to graffiti and street art in Melbourne", City: analysis of urban trends, culture, theory, policy, action, vol. 1 & 2, no. 3, pp. 99-114.

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