comm2411 Assessment task #3

Group Members: Feng Chen (s3237458), Jackson Rouses (s3281000), Luke Falkland-Brown (s3045608).

Artefact #1: mX Newspaper Stand

mX newspapers are provided for free on weekdays at tactfully positioned stands near major intersections and in city loop railway stations to reach their target readers of commuters. Along with its accessibility, the publication’s infotainment-emphasized content (which it calls ‘a daily mix of fun news, sport and entertainment’) and colourful print have earned it over 304,00 readers every day and its triumph against its direct rival, Melbourne Express, which ceased publication in 2001. It has notably been successful at attracting young, time-starved readers (where other newspapers have failed), which allows it to be involved in the shaping of youth culture (Bakker, P 2002). Thus, becoming an increasingly valuable asset for advertising in.

Picking up an mX newspaper is refreshing in an urban society where it seems like ‘nothing in life is free’; in return, mX gains the trust of its consumers. The brand works to maintain their altruistic image, its mission statement being ‘To provide the citizens of Melbourne, Sydney and Brisbane a source of entertainment other than an iPod on their journey’. It also works to uphold a friendly relationship with its consumers. As seen on its Facebook page (where it has access to its young demographic) it poses colloquial questions such as, ‘Hello everyone! How was your weekend? Shame it’s over though..’ to its followers.

The Facebook page also acts as a means of moderating negative feedback; it provides mX with the chance to apologise or remedy the cause of the complaint therefore upholding a good reputation with the public. mX newspapers act to sooth commuter’s anxieties through distraction. People tend to be more annoyed at train delays when their attention is unoccupied while waiting; time is perceived to pass at a slower pace.

The light content of the mX is especially helpful in easing anxiety (Kankainen, A, Oulasvirta, A, Tamminen, S, Toiskallio, K 2003). The newspapers can also be used to create personal spaces on crowded rush hour trains and platforms which is ironic because it is essentially an attempt to create privacy in a public space. Society tends to interpellate people (Dean, M 2005), discouraging them from interacting in public spaces, such as the train environment. People are packed closely, causing them to feel uncomfortable from lack of personal space and therefore causing them to feel antisocial. The mX is a means of regulating or discouraging social relations between people in places full of potential for interaction. However, the mX does provide a common subject of conversation between all of its readers, forming its own imagined community.

The mX appears to have a sound future, as ‘Australia’s brightest new medium’ (mX, 2010). ‘Across the globe, something like 25 million people read a free newspaper everyday’; free newspapers will become a greater influence on communication in urban life. Currently, the existence of mX is recognised only by Melbourne, Brisbane and Sydney’s urbanites. It could subsequently become a selling point of a city’s liveability.

References: Bakker, P 2002, ‘Free dailies - readers and markets’, Reinventing newspapers, May. Kankainen, A, Oulasvirta, A, Tamminen, S, Toiskallio, K 2003, ‘Understanding mobile contexts’, Personal and Ubiquitous Computing, vol. 8, no. 2, pp 135-143.

Dean, M 2005, ‘ Society’, New keywords: a revised vocabulary of culture and society, p 327. ‘mX’, Facebook pages, accessed 16 April 2010, from <http://www.facebook.com/pages/mX/54752266924?ref=search&sid=839650251.4097498835..1#!/pages/ mX/54752266924?ref=ts> mX, mxNet, accessed 21 May 2010, from http://www.mxnet.com.au

Artefact #2: Promotional Myki poster

This communication artefact is a promotional poster for the new Melbourne transport smart-card system “Myki”, found at Flinders Street Station. It’s an example of the State Governments’ long-running and extensive campaign to promote the new system, focusing on its supposed efficiency and simplicity. The poster pictured is both advertising the “Myki” system and serving as an informative public-service announcement – directing the public on how “Myki” is actually used by creating this somewhat condescending “three Ts” approach. Not only is the State Government trying to win over Melbournians with Myki, their broader P.R objective is to project to the rest of the world that Melbourne is progressing beyond the old Metcard system and keeping up with world cities such as Singapore and London which already successfully integrated smart-card technology into their metropolitan transport systems.

This communication artefact, apart from being simply an example of a P.R campaign, could also be viewed a communication of Melbourne’s desire for progress. Cities such as London, New York and Tokyo are often referred to as “world cities”, those that have earned this status with their advanced infrastructure and through their embracing of new technology. This drive for progress is explored in Philip T. Blythe’s “Improving public transport ticketing through smart cards” (2004). Although his article is largely technology-based rather than from a communications perspective, he nonetheless pushes this idea that cities must keep up (in this case, with the new technologies) in order to progress. The idea of progress is a potent factor that drives contemporary society, as how advanced a city is perceived to be greatly affects its touristic image, position in the “global market” and it’s overall “branding” (‘Branding the City’ in Tourism and the Branded Economy”, Donald and Gammack, 2007).

Myki’s promotional effort, however, has been somewhat of a P.R disaster. Myki’s (and subsequently the State Government’s) reputation has suffered immensely. This widely-held cynicism towards Myki is reflected in journalist Lynne Cazaly’s “Your quick guide to how myki spent that money” (Lynne Cazaly, The Age online, 4/1/10).

She details her on-tram encounter with several “myki people” who handed her informative “quick guide” brochures. Similarly to the “three Ts” poster, the brochure attempted to emphasis the simplicity and ease of the new ticketing system. Cazaly, however, found the opposite – criticizing the “quick guide” as simply “words, words, words”. Cazaly’s article is effective in analyzing this artifact, providing a voice for the target public of Myki’s P.R efforts. Here we see how communication strategies are often contradicted by the public’s strategies, which in this case has involved many criticizing the new system and stubbornly

sticking with Metcard.

The public’s adverse reaction to a promotional effort such as this is not surprising. Simple, laid out in large, easy-to-read lettering, coloured in bright blue and green and with the kindergarten-like “it’s as easy as remembering your three T’s” – the Myki poster comes across as a condescending and almost propagandist attempt to teach the people how to function. Whilst a communication our city’s desire for progress and an improved world reputation, this artifact can also be viewed as a communication of how citizens are constantly interpolated into certain roles by their city. In this case, as an automaton-like citizen needing excessively simplified instruction in order to function effectively.

References: “Your quick guide to how myki spent that money” (Lynne Cazaly, The Age online, 4/1/10) Link: <http:// www.theage.com.au/opinion/your-quick-guide-to-how-myki-spent-that-money-20100103-ln96.html”> “Improving public transport ticketing through smart cards” Philip T. Blythe (2004), University of Newcastle Upon Tyne Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers: Municipal Engineer 157 (1), pp. 47-54 Donald, S.H & Gammack J.G. (2007), ‘Branding the City’ in Tourism and the Branded Economy: Film and Identity on the Pacific Rim, Hampshire, Ashgate, pp.45-61.

Artefact #3 Melbourne Cricket Ground

While the Melbourne Cricket Ground is not the face of Melbourne it could be seen as its heart. A significant part of Melbourne’s sporting district, The G has been dubbed the home of football, Australia’s indigenous sport. The Melbourne Cricket Ground, also known as the MCG, lies on the site of the first Australian Rules football game played over 150 years ago. The MCG is a fixture of the Melbourne skyline and can be seen from various vantage points across the city.

This is significant as it keep’s Melbournians close to the G at all times and proves what an important part of the cities identity it is. To see it up close one marvels at its size and inside you are presented with a stadium that is as modern as any the world while still retaining its rich sporting history.

The MCG is a symbol that crosses the political, racial and financial barriers in society by bringing people together in their love of sport. In Grant Jarvie’s paper sport in changing times and places, he suggests that sport provides a common cultural currency between people. (Jarvie 2004, p 1). To a Melbournian, love of football and sport in general, is seen as a common language between all walks of life. The idea of a community identity is touched on in Robert C. Trumpbours book The New Cathedrals where he suggests that communities can struggle without an identity and that a stadium can be a way of creating a unique one (2007, p1). Melbournians are proud of their love of sport and the MCG is seen as a symbol of that pride.

Melbourne’s identity is closely associated with our love of sport and on a global scale, Australia is perceived as a sporting nation. On various occasions the MCG has been our national symbol of this sporting nation idea. It has featured as the main grounds for the 1956 Olympics, the 2006 Commonwealth games, a cricket world cup final, and both international soccer and rugby clashes.

The MCG is a key part of brand Melbourne and has also been used to communicate to the wider communities outside the sporting world. In his paper Understanding sports-related emotions in sponsorship, Charles Bal touches on this by stating “sport remains an indelible cement in modern society.” It comes back to the idea of using a common language and the MCG has been used by the AFL (Australian Football League) to communicate some important issues like indigenous awareness week, culminating in Dreamtime at the G. Women in AFL week, this year with the lady in pink cancer awareness at the MCG. As well as the Anzac Day clash that has become part of the tradition that celebrates the diggers that fought for Australia and New Zealand. These are good examples that show that the MCG is a tool that successfully communicates to various imagined communities. Its symbolic value cannot be denied and the fact that in can be interpolated in so many different ways shows how important it is to all Melbournians.

References: Jarvie, G 2004, ‘Sport in changing times and places’, The British Journal of sociology, vol. 55, no. 4, pp 579-586.

Trumpbour, R. C 2007, ‘The New Cathedrals: Politics and Media in the history of stadiums construction’, Syracuse University Press, New York.

Bal, C 2009, ‘Understanding sport- related emotions in sponsorship’, Admap Magazine. November 2009, pp 45-47.

MCG 2010, History, www.mcg.org.au