Reagan's Secret War, by Martin and Annelise Anderson - Excerpt

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REAGAN’S SECRET WAR

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REAGAN’S SECRET WAR The Untold Story of His Fight to Save the World from Nuclear Disaster

Martin Anderson and Annelise Anderson

Crown Publishers New York

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Copyright © 2009 by Martin Anderson and Annelise Anderson

All rights reserved.

Published in the United States by Crown Publishers, an imprint of the Crown Publishing Group, a division of Random House, Inc., New York. www.crownpublishing.com

CROWN and the Crown colophon are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc.

Grateful acknowledgment is made to the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation for permission to reprint handwritten excerpts from Ronald Reagan’s diary.

All photographs in this book are courtesy of the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Anderson, Martin, 1936– Reagan’s secret war / Martin Anderson and Annelise Anderson. p. cm.

1. United States—Foreign relations—Soviet Union. 2. Soviet Union—Foreign relations—United States. 3. United States—Foreign relations—1981–1989.

4. Reagan, Ronald. 5. Cold War. 6. Nuclear arms control.

I. Anderson, Annelise Graebner. II. Title.

E876.A556 2008 327.73047—dc22

2008050918

ISBN 978-0-307-23861-0

Printed in the United States of America

Design by Leonard Henderson

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

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For Nancy Reagan and George Shultz Nancy, who was at Ronald Reagan’s side for more than fifty years, helping him as he shaped our country—and then the world And George, who as secretary of state was with Reagan at every step he took on the path to defeat the Soviet Union

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contents

Foreword

ix

Introduction

1

1. Reagan the Man

9

2. The Awesome Power of a President

17

3. Juggling Priorities: 1981

27

4. Near Death from an Assassin

43

5. The Beginning of the End of the Cold War

49

6. Going for Zero

59

7. The Bond with Pope John Paul II

73

8. The Nuclear Abolitionist: 1982

93

9. “Star Wars”

111

10. Close to Nuclear War: 1983

133

11. Reagan Wins Reelection: 1984

153

12. Reagan’s Negotiating Strategy

177

13. The Ascent of Gorbachev: 1985

205

14. “Star Wars” in Moscow

219

15. The Geneva “Fireside” Summit

229

16. The Priority of Human Rights

247

17. Gorbachev’s Gambit

265

18. Soviet Strategy at Reykjavik: 1986

287

19. The Iran- Contra Controversy

317

20. Gorbachev Caves First: 1987

335

21. Treaty Signing in Washington

343

22. The Cold War Ends: 1988

367

Glossary of Acronyms

397

Notes

399

Acknowledgments

433

Index

437

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By George P. Shultz

H

ow do you judge a presidency and a president?

Accomplishments are one yardstick. In the case of Ronald Reagan, you can point to ample successes, both during his presidency and throughout his life. He was successful as a negotiator when he was head of the Screen Actors Guild. He was successful as an actor, mastering the art of inhabiting a character or role. As a two-term governor of California, he left the state in much better shape than he found it and was even more popular when he left office than when he entered.

During the Reagan presidency, I had the privilege of close association with Ronald Reagan as he changed our country for the better. Rather than looking for political glory, he always seemed motivated by his view of what was best for America. His was a nonpartisan way of thinking.

I saw Reagan inherit an economy in shambles with inflation in the teens and the prime rate at 20 percent. I watched as he worked closely with Paul Volcker, chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, to fight inflation and put us back on the right track. (Reagan was fond of telling what were, in some respects, old chestnuts. I remember him saying, when people warned that a serious effort to get rid of inflation might well lead to a recession, “If not us, who?

If not now, when?�)

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In the areas of national security and foreign policy, there was a dramatic change for the better between the beginning and end of Reagan’s presidency. When Reagan entered office, the Cold War was as cold as it could get, and when he left, it was all over but the shouting. Sometimes you hear doubters argue that whatever happens just happens—that Reagan’s policies of strength, realism, and diplomacy (let alone his skill in negotiations) had nothing to do with it. But looking at his long list of accomplishments, most people feel that he must have had something special to offer.

A president’s real legacy is ultimately about more than accomplishments, though—no matter how impressive they may be. Most actions of consequence are, in the end, based on ideas. If the ideas are good, they have staying power.

Ronald Reagan was very much a man of ideas, and one of his key convictions was that nuclear weapons are so destructive they should not be in the hands of mankind. He recognized the arguments for deterrence through mutual assured destruction. But he thought this strategy was immoral. I heard him ask on many occasions, “What’s so good about a peace kept by the threat of destroying each other?”

Close as I was to Reagan, I learned a lot about the depth and long history of his thinking on the nuclear threat from reading Martin and Annelise Anderson’s thorough and illuminating analysis of the record—much of it hidden until now in secret files.

Thanks to the Andersons’ truly vast accumulation of essays, stories, and letters in the president’s own handwriting, we learn that Reagan committed his thoughts to paper almost continuously. This is significant because the act of writing is fundamentally an act of thinking. Reagan was a thinker as well as a doer.

Reagan made no secret of his view that we should abolish nuclear weapons. But most people did not take this idea seriously— until Reykjavik. I had the privilege of sitting beside Ronald Reagan in that tiny room in Hofdi House as we talked for two days with

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Mikhail Gorbachev and Eduard Shevardnadze. There it emerged that the leaders of the two countries that jointly controlled more than 90 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons were calling for the abolition of those weapons.

I remember vividly the reaction when we returned to Washington. Almost immediately, Margaret Thatcher summoned me to the British ambassador’s residence. There I learned the meaning of a British verb that derives from Thatcher’s characteristically carrying a stiff handbag, for I was “handbagged.”

“How could you let the president agree to abolish nuclear weapons?” she accused.

“But Margaret, he’s the president.”

“Yes, but you’re supposed to be the one who has his feet on the ground.”

“Margaret, I agreed with him.”

I emerged from the ambassador’s residence bloodied. And over the next few days, as I heard similar reactions from others, I came to realize that this idea of abolishing all nuclear weapons was one whose time had not yet come. But I still believed in the concept, and more important, so did Ronald Reagan.

Today, Reykjavik can be seen as a watershed meeting. Maybe it was the beginning of the end of the Cold War. Clearly, the number of nuclear weapons in the hands of the United States and Russia has been sharply reduced since that time (although huge numbers still remain and the possibility of proliferation is all too apparent).

The contrast between the resistance to nuclear abolition among the political intelligentsia during Reagan’s presidency and the current growing acceptance that this might just be possible was brought home to me in 2006, when my colleague Sid Drell, a physicist, and I decided to hold a conference marking the twentieth anniversary of the Reykjavik meeting with the objective of exploring its implications. Many outstanding individuals joined us and another of our colleagues, Bill Perry, at this conference, and in other ways we in-

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cluded our friends Henry Kissinger and Sam Nunn in the effort.

Among the results was an essay in the Wall Street Journal published on January 4, 2007, calling for a world free of nuclear weapons.

Of course, the essay caused some to speak out in opposition, but the overwhelming response globally was positive. In the United States, some two-thirds of the former secretaries of state and defense, as well as national security advisers, have publicly expressed support for this effort.

Many people have commented on how refreshing it is to have something advanced on a bipartisan basis. Those leading the initiative all reply that this effort isn’t bipartisan; it’s nonpartisan. That was always the spirit of Ronald Reagan, who asked himself what was good for the country and, in the case of nuclear weapons, what was good for mankind.

Ultimately, the true test of a man and his presidency is whether his ideas have staying power. And as Martin and Annelise Anderson incisively argue in these pages, Reagan’s idea of abolishing nuclear weapons once and for all was of immense importance. The public was hesitant to embrace it. Advisers Reagan trusted and who were experts in this arena didn’t support it. But none of that diminished Reagan’s conviction, and now we see that his idea lives on and is attracting support in the United States and around the world.

This book will make an immense contribution to the thinking on this subject because the authors have defied assumptions about what Reagan thought and said and conducted painstaking research to get at the truth of what he really planned and executed.

All of us who are gripped by the transcendent importance of the nuclear threat will learn, and be inspired by, this account.

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REAGAN’S SECRET WAR

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One eyewitness is worth more than ten who tell you what they have heard. —Plautus, Roman playwright, c. 190 b.c.

R

onald Reagan accomplished so much with such apparent ease that the casual observer often assumes he had nothing to do with it, nothing to do with the resurgence of the economy or the reduction in nuclear arsenals or the end of the Cold War. Perhaps he had advisers whose lines he read with such skill.

Perhaps it was Gorbachev or Thatcher or the Pope. Or maybe it was just plain luck.

We think not.

The evidence for this conclusion comes primarily from Reagan himself—what he wrote and what he said, his own words, written in his own hand or spoken extemporaneously. This evidence shows that throughout his presidency, Reagan carried out goals he had long held, carefully plotted the strategy that brought about the ends he achieved, and made all the major decisions of his administration. He did not always reveal to friends, family, the press, or his closest advisers how he intended to accomplish his objectives or the purpose of his actions. Yet with the benefit of hindsight, we see intent, planning, and timing. And as we look back we begin to understand the origins of the ambitious goals he brought to his presidency.

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Especially important to this understanding is a new block of evidence declassified for use in this book: the minutes of the National Security Council (NSC), documents previously classified as Top Secret or Secret, unavailable to researchers or the public until now.

The NSC is the group that advises the president on the most difficult decisions he must make—those about national security. In the Reagan White House, the meetings of the NSC were not taperecorded, but a scribe usually took careful notes on what each of the participants said, including the president. In quoting Reagan, these minutes reveal his decisions and directions to his staff on national defense, arms control negotiations, and U.S. strategy with respect to the Soviet Union, the Middle East, and Latin America.

Reagan chaired 355 meetings of the NSC or its smaller and more secretive component, the National Security Planning Group (NSPG). Minutes were found for 192 of them, and of these more than 80 have been declassified for use in this book—those most revealing of Reagan’s thinking and decision making on national defense, arms control, and dealing with the Soviets.

Martin Anderson was given access to these minutes (and to other classified documents) in a rare confluence of events: he had the necessary clearances, and both the office of President Reagan (where Nancy Reagan was making the final decisions) and the current president had to agree. So did the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Council, the National Security Agency, and the departments of State and Defense. Each wrote a letter granting access and giving conditions.

To access the documents, Martin went into the vault at the Reagan Library through four locked and secured steel doors and was given a small desk in the archivists’ workroom at which he could take notes—notes that were immediately classified and could not be taken out of the library. He had to leave his cell phone behind, and was always accompanied by one of the few archivists at the Reagan Library authorized to handle classified documents, an additional burden on these hardworking people. Security became even

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touchier a short time after Martin began his work, when President Clinton’s former national security adviser, Samuel “Sandy” Berger, was caught extracting documents from the Clinton Presidential Library by concealing them in his clothing, even hiding them in his socks. Henceforth Martin’s library visits involved pulling up his pant legs to demonstrate that there were no precious papers concealed in his socks.

The NSC minutes are critical to knowing who Reagan was and how he accomplished his goals, and they are the final block of evidence necessary to understanding Ronald Wilson Reagan. Only in these records do we find out what Reagan decided, how he handled controversy among advisers, and what instructions he gave on negotiating with the most formidable foe of the United States during the Cold War, the Soviet Union. They are the ultimate evidence of Reagan’s own role in dealing with the threat of nuclear catastrophe and ultimately ending the Cold War. They will not come as a surprise to his closest staff and advisers, who, after all, were there and have always said that he made all the decisions, but they will astonish many others, even those who already admire Reagan as a communicator, a politician, and a man with firm convictions.

Martin Anderson had access to other classified documents in the Reagan Library, including memorandums of conversations, known as “memcons” for short, prepared as a record when the president met foreign leaders or talked to them on the phone.

One of the documents declassified for this book is a memcon of Reagan’s December 15, 1981, meeting with the representative of Pope John Paul II, Vatican Secretary of State Agostino Cardinal Casaroli.

Of special interest are the transcripts of the four historic U.S.Soviet summit meetings where Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev debated and negotiated. The transcripts record not only the plenary sessions, attended by staff and advisers, but also the private sessions between the two men, where only translators and note takers

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were present. Many Soviets and Americans worked on the negotiations, but the man-to-man negotiations between the two leaders were of key importance. We have excerpted many of these transcripts to give the reader a feel for what happened at these summits and why.

Also of great interest and importance are the dozens of letters that went back and forth between Reagan and the four men who led the Soviet Union while he was president—Leonid Brezhnev, Yuri Andropov, Konstantin Chernenko, and finally Mikhail Gorbachev. Reagan took up his own pen to write some of these letters.

Now declassified, they give us a strong understanding of Reagan’s approach to the Soviets and how much was accomplished before Gorbachev ever took office.

Other evidence abounds, but much of it did not begin to become available until long after Reagan had left the presidency. As this information became available, even Reagan’s own staff was surprised at the extent to which he had been developing his own policy views and crafting his own speeches over the years. They did not know that Reagan was, in truth, a writer. Whatever else he was doing—as student, sportscaster, Hollywood actor, representative for General Electric, governor, private citizen, president—Ronald Reagan wrote. He wrote short stories, articles, radio commentaries, speeches, letters, two autobiographies, and, during his years in the White House, a personal diary.

Even we, the co-authors of this book, did not know how much Reagan had written over the years until we began researching him.

And we were intimately acquainted with Reagan’s political life. We had worked in Reagan’s presidential campaigns of 1976 and 1980, the 1980 transition to the new administration, and the Reagan White House. Martin Anderson joined Reagan’s 1976 campaign in October 1975, taking a leave of absence from Columbia’s Graduate School of Business. Martin was in charge of policy development and traveled with Reagan, travels that ended at the 1976 convention when Reagan lost his challenge to sitting president

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Gerald R. Ford for the Republican nomination. Annelise Anderson joined the Reagan campaign in the summer of 1976 when her teaching responsibilities at California State University, Hayward, were over for the school year, and staffed a policy research center at the 1976 convention.

In 1979 Martin, again on leave, was back on the campaign trail, often traveling with Reagan. Both of us were heavily involved with the Republican Party platform at the convention. During the fall 1980 campaign, Martin traveled with Reagan, and Annelise was selected to travel with vice presidential candidate George H. W. Bush as his policy adviser and a link to the Reagan campaign. In the transition following Reagan’s November 4, 1980, victory, Annelise was the lead person in developing recommendations for presidential appointments in the departments of Treasury, Commerce, and Transportation. When the administration took office, Martin became assistant to the president for policy development, and Annelise became an associate director of the Office of Management and Budget with responsibility for overseeing the budgets of five cabinet departments and forty agencies with $80 billion in discretionary spending.

Despite our years working with Reagan, neither of us knew that he had written—in his own hand, usually on yellow tablets— 685 essays on domestic and foreign policy for his five-days-a-week radio commentary program, which was on the air every weekday from 1975 through 1979 except when he was a declared candidate for the presidency. The handwritten commentaries were discovered in Reagan’s personal pre-presidential papers in the Reagan Presidential Library. Some were in dated folders, but more than sixty had been unceremoniously dumped in one cardboard box, and the task was to figure out which handwritten drafts went with which typed broadcasts—found in the Ronald Reagan Subject Collection in the Hoover Institution Archives—so that we knew what Reagan had himself written. At the same time we were finding handwritten drafts of speeches on foreign policy, national

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defense, agriculture, and much more. Suddenly it was obvious that Reagan himself had written most of the lines he was delivering.

(Many of the commentaries and some handwritten speeches were published in the book Reagan, In His Own Hand.)

But we found much more than radio commentaries. Another treasure trove was Reagan’s correspondence—handwritten letters or drafts of letters on yellow pads to be typed up for signature, and sometimes letters dictated on tape. Our search went far beyond the Reagan Library, and we collected copies of handwritten letters from other archives and from people who had collections of letters because they had corresponded with Reagan frequently. Reagan wrote hundreds of letters a year while governor of California (1967–75) and hundreds a year while president. (We selected more than a thousand of these letters for publication in Reagan: A Life in Letters, but this amounts to only about 10 percent of his total handwritten or dictated correspondence.) In many of these letters, Reagan wrote about policy and politics, often with ideas and viewpoints that had not yet made their way into public speeches.

The final treasure trove of Reagan’s own words is the personal diary he kept as president. He used—from the very beginning— blank books: leather-bound volumes with 81⁄2-by-11-inch pages.

He could not add or replace a page. By the end of his presidency there were five volumes, all filled with his own script. He was concise and to the point, and he wrote about everything—events, policy decisions, working with the Congress, impressions of foreign leaders, personality conflicts in his administration, family, friends, horseback riding, the weather, and social engagements. For years no one—except Nancy—knew he was keeping a diary. The diary is invaluable as a contemporaneous account and as a record of the consistency of his policies and the persistence of his efforts to make those policies reality on issues such as taxes, the budget, and national defense. Many of the diary entries become clear only in the context of events.

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Another major resource mined by the authors are the transcripts of Reagan’s frequent meetings with members of the press.

Reagan gave a number of formal news conferences during his presidency, five or six a year, but he also met with various members of the press or particular groups—foreign correspondents, radio correspondents, regional groups, editorial boards of newspapers—on many occasions. He also did question-and-answer sessions with students and other citizen groups where the press was present. Including his formal news conferences, he met more than eighty times a year with one or more members of the press—a total of 678 meetings during the eight years. The transcripts of these interactions alone are massive, over three thousand pages. All are included in the official public papers of Ronald Reagan, but they are difficult to search either in printed form or online. Yet they are important, as Reagan often revealed his positions on issues and objectives in these less formal meetings before he made official statements. We have made a special collection of these transcripts and created our own index.

Reagan’s speeches and Saturday radio addresses are also important, not only because they embody his skills in communicating with the public but also because he wrote so many of them himself, even though he had superb speechwriters. Reagan had always drafted many of his own speeches, and he continued to write a considerable number of them when he was president. In addition, he held meetings with his speechwriters to give them direction. Several specific instructions survive in his own hand, as well as his own editing on speeches drafted by others. The Presidential Handwriting File of Speeches at the Reagan Presidential Library includes 2,639 speeches—almost one a day for the 2,922 days of his presidency—that his hand touched in one way or another. Of these, sixty-four have significant sections (sometimes the entire speech) drafted in his own hand, and almost half include his own edits and rewriting.

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A final resource for us has been the White House Daily Diary, not to be confused with Reagan’s personal diary. The daily diary is actually a by-the-minute log of the president’s comings and goings, his phone contacts, and his meetings, listing all participants— including those attending meetings of the NSC and the NSPG. The log is maintained by representatives of the National Archives stationed in the White House. The entire log is some eighteen thousand pages. A classified electronic copy is maintained by the Ronald Reagan Library. The declassified log, which excludes some family matters and private information such as Social Security numbers of White House guests, was copied, and Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory agreed to use its best scanning technology to create a searchable electronic copy, so we could check the times and attendance of meetings, phone conversations, travel, and so forth. It has proved invaluable for us in such tasks as determining how often he met with given members of Congress, where he was when he recorded his weekly radio broadcasts, and with whom he met in the press.

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Chapter 1

reagan the man Ronnie became a loner. . . .

He doesn’t let anybody get too close.

There’s a wall around him.

—Nancy Reagan, 1989

T

he best clue to understanding Ronald Reagan is Nancy Reagan. She is a graduate of Smith College in Massachusetts, a highly intelligent woman, an actress who met Ronald Reagan in Hollywood and married him in 1952. They were happily in love for more than fifty years. Nancy was also his closest friend, perhaps his only real friend, and she knew far more about him than anyone else in the world.

In 1989, just after they had left office, Nancy wrote a book about her life in which she told us more about Ronald Reagan than anyone. She knew the key to his self-assurance—he was a loner. Here is how she explained Reagan in her book: It’s hard to make close friends or to put down roots when you’re always moving, and I think this—plus the fact that everybody knew his father was an alcoholic—explained why Ronnie became a loner. Although he loves people, he often seems remote, and he doesn’t let anybody get too close.

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There’s a wall around him. He lets me come closer than anyone else, but there are times when even I feel that barrier.

Ronnie’s closest friends and advisers have often been disappointed that he keeps this distance. . . .

Ronnie is an affable and gregarious man who enjoys other people, but unlike most of us, he doesn’t need them for companionship or approval.

As he himself has told me, he seems to need only one other person—me.1 Despite all appearances, then, Reagan was a very private man.

His pollster, Richard Wirthlin, met with him one day in March 1983, to give him the latest results. It was good news; the national polls were showing that Reagan’s policies were widely supported.

While he was reporting the polls, Reagan interrupted in midsentence and said: You know what I really want to be remembered for?

I want to be remembered as the President of the United States who brought a sense and reality of peace and security. I want to eliminate that awful fear that each of us feels sometimes when we get up in the morning knowing that the world could be destroyed through a nuclear holocaust.2

As far as we know he only said that once, in private. His usual answer about his legacy was a response about restoring the American economy.

Another foundation for Reagan’s actions, perhaps, was his high intelligence—and his ability to hide it. He was an extraordinarily bright pupil who even taught himself how to read a newspaper when he was five years old.3 But as time went on, he seemed to quickly learn something that most highly intelligent people learn as they grow older: a child who seems to know all the answers soon

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has few friends. So he spent more time playing ball and being a regular student.

Unlike many intelligent people, Reagan’s self-confidence was also great enough that he never felt he had to demonstrate his knowledge or his quickness. Indeed, on the front of his desk in the White House was a small sign that carried the words “There’s no limit to what a man can do or where he can go if he doesn’t mind who gets the credit.”

One of Reagan’s key tactics while deep in long and arduous negotiations was to accept what his opponent had offered. He never crowed over what he was given; he just said thanks. As he explained it one day in Fortune magazine: I’ve never understood people who want me to hang in there for a hundred percent or nothing. Why not take seventy percent or eighty percent, and then come back another day for the other twenty or thirty percent.4

One of the few people who seemed to understand how Reagan managed the White House was Washington Post editor Meg Greenfield. In 1984 she wrote an essay for Newsweek titled “How Does Reagan Decide?” As a liberal Democrat, she observed something that even many of Reagan’s closest conservative supporters failed to understand—that he made decisions like a labor negotiator for a workers’ union. She summed up part of his decision-making style like this: The long waiting out of the adversary, the immobility meanwhile, the refusal to give anything until the last moment, the willingness—nonetheless—finally to yield to superior pressure or force or particular circumstance on almost everything, but only with something to show in return, and only if the final deal can be interpreted as furthering the original Reagan objective.5

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Reagan was also an unusual boss. Those who worked for him liked him. They did not necessarily agree with all of his policies, but they still found him pleasant and friendly. He didn’t criticize his advisers in front of others. He didn’t chew people out. He didn’t reprimand them, he didn’t complain to them face-to-face— and he never yelled at them. Sometimes he might look a little disappointed when things went wrong, but you rarely felt a sense of failure or humiliation.

When people first met Reagan, they often thought he was too easygoing and friendly to be tough. The impression was like a soft down pillow. What people failed to see was the two-inch-thick rod of steel right down the inside of the pillow.

Perhaps the most important key to Reagan’s success was the quality of his advisers and staff. Individually the men and women in his staff were very different, and they all had skills that matched the jobs they held. But the one thing they all shared was that they were all smart and sensible. Some presidents have felt uncomfortable with brilliant men and women; Reagan thrived on them.

Even his political opponents noted that the group of advisers and staff was unusual. Robert Strauss, perhaps the most savvy Democrat around when Reagan was elected, called Reagan’s staff “simply spectacular. It’s the best White House staff I’ve ever seen.”6 President Reagan’s management philosophy was best summed up when a reporter asked: “Your friend Roger Smith, chairman of General Motors, says that you’ve done a great job of focusing on the big picture without getting bogged down in detail. How do you decide which problems to address personally, and which to leave to subordinates?” Reagan replied: You surround yourself with the best people you can find, delegate authority, and don’t interfere as long as the overall policy that you’ve decided upon is being carried out.

In the Cabinet meetings—and some members of the Cabinet who have been members of other Cabinets told me there

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have never been such meetings—I use a system in which I want to hear what everybody wants to say honestly. I want the decisions made on what is right or wrong, what is good or bad for the people of this country. I encourage all the input I can get. . . .

And when I’ve heard all that I need to make a decision, I don’t take a vote.

I make the decision.

Then I expect every one of them, whether their views have carried the day or not, to go forward together in carrying out the policy.7

All this does not mean that Reagan was some kind of superhuman who could not be riled or upset. In fact, one of the most unappreciated facets of Reagan’s character was his temper; it flared rarely, but was memorable when it did. If Reagan was crossed— crossed badly—he exploded into what could be called a black Irish rage. His face darkened, his jaw muscles clenched and bulged, and his lips got thin and tight. In public he might show sporadic flashes of displeasure, but never real anger. It wasn’t that he did not get angry, but rather that he usually covered it up.

During his presidential campaign, on one of those rare occasions of real fury—a well-justified one, we might add—we watched him lean back a bit, reach up and grab the right side of his eyeglasses, rip the glasses off, and fling them across the room into the wall closest to him. After he smashed his glasses into the wall, he calmed down quickly and carried on. No one who was there can remember what happened to the eyeglasses. That kind of outburst didn’t happen often—but it did happen.

Once during the campaign in 1976 Reagan was holding an impromptu press conference outside a building with a narrow alley.

Some of the reporters were asking questions that had an insulting tone. After Reagan finished answering the last question, he turned and headed through the alley into the building, with the Secret

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Service clearing the way. When he was about halfway down the alley, one of the reporters, a particularly provocative one, yelled: “What’s the matter? Are you afraid to answer the question?”

Reagan stopped, his face turning red. Abruptly he turned and headed back out through the alley. His eyes were blazing, focused on the heckler waiting outside. As he moved through the alley, one of the advisers was standing in the way. Reagan, with one swift thrust of his arm, shoved him aside, slamming him against the wall. Outside he angrily answered the reporter’s question, then turned back and went into the building. (The fellow he “moved” was fine.)

Another rare example of what could make Reagan upset was a rewritten draft of one of his speeches. One day, Peter Hannaford, one of his oldest and most valued speechwriters, handed him a new redraft of a major speech for him to read on the plane. Reagan smiled, slipped on his reading glasses, and started to read.

After two or three pages, his eyebrows narrowed and his jaw tightened. Then, after reading the next page, he lifted it, raised it high in the air, and slammed it down hard onto the small pile he had just read. He continued to read, slamming each succeeding page down harder and harder. It was clear he didn’t like the redraft of the speech.8 After Reagan had been in office for nearly six months, very few people understood his foreign policy. It especially bothered some of the reporters writing about him. They feared that he was on a course that could be dangerous, even leading the United States to a nuclear war. It was true that Reagan had never spelled out a detailed picture of what he wished to do in foreign policy, but it did not seem to bother him. A letter he dictated to a friend, John O. Koehler, on July 9, 1981, explains his reluctance to do so—and serves as a perfect example of his quietly self-confident approach: I know I’m being criticized for not having made a great speech outlining what would be the Reagan foreign policy. I have a foreign policy; I’m working on it.

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reagan the man

I just don’t happen to think that it’s wise to always stand up and put in quotation marks in front of the world what your foreign policy is. I’m a believer in quiet diplomacy and so far we’ve had several quite triumphant experiences by using that method.

The problem is, you can’t talk about it afterward or then you can’t do it again.9

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Able Archer exercise, 141–143 ABM treaty (see Anti-Ballistic Missile [ABM] Treaty [1972]) Abramowitz, Morton, 148 Adelman, Kenneth, 148, 287–288, 300–301, 327 Afghanistan, 37, 44, 53, 133, 160, 206, 226, 402n24 Airborne Warning and Control Systems (AWACS), 341 Allen, Richard V., 45, 50, 62–63, 67, 113, 250, 339 Al Shiraa newspaper, 318, 319 American Life, An (Reagan), 332–333 Amnesty International, 358 Anderson, Annelise, x, xii, 4–6 Anderson, Martin, x, xii, 2–6, 31, 112–114, 416n21 Andrew, Christopher, 135–136 Andropov, Yuri, 122, 129, 143, 149, 153, 160, 164, 210, 290 death of, 155, 156 Gorbachev and, 190, 207 health of, 137, 141 letter to Reagan (August 4, 1983), 137 letter to Reagan (August 27, 1983), 139–140 personality of, 135 Reagan and, 4, 135–141, 145, 147 Reagan’s letter to (July 11, 1983), 137–139 Reagan’s letter to (August 24, 1983), 139 Reagan’s letter to (December 23, 1983), 147 RYAN and, 136, 141, 210, 289 succeeds Brezhnev, 109 Angola, 35, 37 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) system, in Soviet Union, 212, 217, 218, 219, 272–273, 325 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty (1972), 129, 217, 218, 293, 295, 296, 298–304, 306, 308, 309, 314, 325 interpretations of, 238–239, 280, 283, 290–296, 298, 300–304, 306, 314, 325

NSPG discussion of, 280, 325 Reagan’s views on, 129 Soviet violations of, 218, 274, 289, 291, 293, 295, 298, 303, 308–309, 311, 325 at summit meetings, 238–239, 290–296, 298–304, 306, 308 Anti-satellite (ASAT) interceptor, 182, 184 Anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons, 273, 289, 301, 309 Arab oil embargo, 340 Arbatov, Georgy, 215 “Are Liberals Really Liberal?” (Reagan), 339 Arms buildup, 17–18, 28, 38–39, 82, 95, 102–103, 130, 133, 135, 143, 169, 180, 205, 279, 289–290, 309–310 Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, 158, 288, 300 B-1 bomber, 38, 39 B-52 bomber, 38, 39 Backis, Audrys, 77 Baker, Howard H., 354, 361, 389 Baker, James A., III (Jim), 45, 77, 116, 120, 145, 206, 215, 319 Baltimore Sun, 173 Barton, Sir Andrew, 43 Baruch plan, 108 Bay of Pigs fiasco, 36 Bendetsen, Karl, 114 Berger, Samuel (Sandy), 3 Berlin Wall, 249, 250, 345–347, 357–358, 360, 375, 385, 392 Bessmertnykh, Aleksandr A., 389 Brady, James, 46 Brezhnev, Leonid, 4, 33, 61, 79, 153, 156, 158, 160, 164, 166, 179, 225, 290 death of, 109 on détente, 184, 186–187 health of, 61, 136 on human rights 225, 248 letter to Reagan (March 6, 1981), 43–45, 49, 135 Reagan’s letter to (April 18, 1981), 49–55, 71, 135, 248

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Brezhnev, Leonid (cont’d) Reagan’s letter to (December 23, 1981), 87–88, 89 SALT agreements and, 103 Brokaw, Tom, 359 Bukovsky, Vladimir, 250, 251 Burns, Arthur, 31 Burns, Robert, 265 Bush, George H. W., 5, 77, 83, 84, 116, 145, 156, 204, 319, 394 on human rights, 215–216 Cadell, Patrick, 318 California State University, Hayward, 5 Camp David, 123–124, 192–193, 219, 220, 353 Captive Nations Committee, 358 Carlucci, Frank C., 83, 324–326, 353, 354, 389 Carter, Jimmy, 23, 25, 28, 36, 38, 39, 103, 402n24 Casaroli, Agostino (Cardinal), 3, 73, 77–82, 91 Casey, William, 35, 64, 67, 83, 146, 181, 183, 215, 222–223, 319, 340, 408n23 infighting and, 179, 207 Iran-Contra and, 322–324, 333 health of, 322–323 Reagan and, 207 Caterpillar, 83 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 2, 50, 94, 127, Château Fleur d’Eau, Geneva, 230 Chernenko, Konstantin, 4, 163, 164, 186 address to Twenty-seventh Congress of Communist Party (February 23, 1985), 199–200 death of, 203–204 health of, 156–157, 160, 176, 181, 196 letter to Reagan (December 20,1984), 191–192, 195–196 letter to Reagan (February 23, 1984), 158 letter to Reagan (November 8, 1984, 178 letter to Reagan (November 17,1984), 179–181 Reagan and, 156–158, 160, 177–181, 184–185 Reagan’s letter to (February 14, 1984), 157 Reagan’s letter to (December 7, 1984), 185 SDI and, 195–196, 210 Chernobyl nuclear power plant explosion, 277–280, 290, 310, 372, 390–391

Chernyaev, Anatoly S., 313–315, 389 Church, George J., 205 Churchill, Winston, 40 CIA (see Central Intelligence Agency [CIA]) Clark, William P., 83, 101, 114, 116, 124, 127, 408 Clifford, Clark, 25 Clinton Presidential Library, 3 Cohn, Harry, 119 Cold War, x, 3, 60, 135, 140–142, 154 Brezhnev letter and end of, 55 end of, xi, 1, 5, 165, 201, 339, 342, 367, 394–395 Moscow summit and end of, 369–377, 387–389 Thatcher statement on end of, 367 Columbia University Graduate School of Business, 4 Commerce, U.S. Department of, 5 Confessions of a Nazi Spy (movie), 85 Congress, U.S., 6, 8, 30–34, 38, 55–58, 95, 115, 149–150, 201, 228, 255, 263, 279, 284, 299, 314 composition of, 25, 30, 317–319 House of Representatives and, 24–25 Iran Contra and, 219, 319, 321, 322, 337 Reagan fighting and, 33, 325, 341, 337, 356–357 Reagan meeting with, 30–31, 56, 369–370 Reagan’s need for support of, 49, 55, 201, 226, 255–257, 262, 314, 326, 353, 367 visit to Soviet Union and, 258–259 Congressional elections of 1986, 317 Consumer price index, 28 Contras, 319, 320, 322, 331–333, 335, 341 Cooke, Terrance (Cardinal) 75 Coors, Joseph, 114 Corwin, Norman, 97–98 Council of Economic Advisers, 31 Cronkite, Walter, 33–34 Cruise missile, 38, 44, 82 Cuba, 34–35 Cuban missile crisis, 35, 38, 173, 369 Daniloff, Nicholas, 284, 285 Davis, Edith, 354–355 Deadly Gambits: The Reagan Administration and the Stalemate in Nuclear Arms Control (Talbott), 153 Deaver, Michael, 93, 120, 145, 206 Declaration of Independence, 84, 383

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Defense, U.S. Department of, 2, 113, 120, 121, 125, 127, 141, 217, 218, 219 Defense spending, 32–33, 38, 146, 279 Delanty, Thomas, 46 Demosthenes, 369 Détente, 60, 388 Brezhnev on, 184, 186–187 Devroy, Ann, 197–198 D5 missile, 39 Dobrynin, Anatoly F., 168, 169, 202, 215, 256, 278, 338, 361, 389, 425n10 Dr. Zhivago (Pasternak), 385 Domestic policy, 5, 172 Donaldson, Sam, 60 Dostoyevski, Fyodor, 385 Drell, Sidney, xi Dubinin, Yuri V., 338, 389 Eagleburger, Larry, 127 Economic Club of Detroit, 171 Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, 57 Economy Reagan and, ix, 24–25, 27–33, 55–58, 115, 367, 392 of Soviet Union, 133, 163, 196, 204, 223, 224, 279, 290, 339–342, 344 Egypt, 37 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 23, 42, 79, 82, 116, 151, 403n32 nuclear weapons and, 106, 107, 145, 159 El Salvador, 35, 36, 319 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 364 Ethiopia, 37 Eureka College, Illinois, 93, 95, 100, 106–107, 252 “Evil Empire” speech (March 8, 1983), 121–124, 125 Farewell address (January 11, 1989), 395 Farewell Dossier, 63–64, 339 Federal regulations, 28, 29 Federal spending, 28, 30, 32, 57 Figaro, Le, 146 Ford, Gerald R., 5, 23, 100, 220 Fortune magazine, 11 Freeman, Y. Frank, 119 Friedman, Milton, 31 Fronin, Andrei, 387 Fuller, Thomas, 49 Future Farmers of America, 99 GALOSH interceptors, 218 Gates, Robert, 50, 148, 215, 324

439

Geneva, arms control negotiations in, 78, 91, 137, 144–145, 147, 153, 202, 204 Geneva summit (November 1985), 209-210, 213, 217, 223–247, 255–264, 276, 308, 314, 341, 376–378, 388 first Reagan/Gorbachev meeting, 231–236 human rights at, 247–264 Reagan’s memorandum on, 223–227 Reagan’s negotiation strategy at, 234–245, 257–261 second Reagan/Gorbachev meeting, 236–244 third Reagan/Gorbachev meeting, 255–262 Genscher, Hans-Dietrich, 66 George, Doug, 181–182 Georg Ots (ship), 289 Gershwin, Larry, 181 GLCMs (see Ground-launched cruise missiles [GLCMs]) Glitman, Maynard, 202, 336, 337 Gold Medal for Courageous Leadership in Government, Civil, and Human Affairs, 93 Goldwater, Barry, 339 Gorbachev, Mikhail, 1, 3–4, 157, 163 Andropov and, 190, 207 arms control proposal of (January 15, 1986), 266–270, 273 assumes leadership of Politburo, 204 attempted coup and (1991), 268 Chernobyl accident and, 278–280, 310, 390–391 human rights and, 212, 235, 255–262, 268, 357–358, 359, 361–362, 365, 368–369 letter to Reagan (June 10, 1985), 211–212 letter to Reagan (June 22, 1985), 212–213 letter to Reagan (September 12, 1985), 214 letter to Reagan (April 2, 1986), 275–276 letter to Reagan (May 30, 1986), 278–279 letter to Reagan (September 15, 1986), 283–284, 288 New Year’s message (January 1, 1988), 368–369 nuclear war, impossibility of winning and, 378

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Gorbachev, Mikhail (cont’d) nuclear weapons, elimination of, xi, 214, 240–241, 266–267, 301–304, 307, 314, 364 nuclear weapons, reduction of, 245, 266–267, 296, 298, 301–304, 307, 314, 368 Reagan, negotiations with (see Geneva summit; Moscow summit; Reykjavik summit; Washington summit) Reagan’s letter to (March 11, 1985), 208–209 Reagan’s letter to (April 30, 1985), 210–211 Reagan’s letter to (February 16, 1986), 272–273 Reagan’s letter to (February 22, 1986), 273–274 Reagan’s letter to (April 11, 1986), 276 Reagan’s letter to (May 23, 1986), 278 Reagan’s letter to (July 1, 1986), 282–283 Reagan and, 207, 211–212, 216, 223–224, 233, 239, 245–246, 261–265, 269, 307, 310, 313, 315, 342, 344–345, 361–362, 365, 376–380, 385, 388, 390, 394 resignation of, 268, 301 rise of, 190 SDI, opposition to, 191, 193–195, 210, 213–215, 217, 224, 237, 238, 240–243, 245, 263–264, 281, 288, 289, 292, 295, 297–298, 300–303, 305–314, 336 space ban and, 212, 214, 237, 240–242, 263, 267, 272, 284, 306, 308, 338 statement on INF (February 28, 1987), 335–336 sudden agreement with Reagan’s demands, reasons for, 338–339, 342 Thatcher and, 191, 193 U.S. grain shipments and, 299–300, 341 visit to London (December 17, 1984), 190–191 zero-zero and, 294–295 Gorbachev, Raisa, 193, 365 Gordievsky, Oleg, 134 Graham, Daniel, 114 Grain shipments, to Soviet Union, 299–300, 341 Greenfield, Meg, 11 Greenspan, Alan, 31

Gromyko, Andrei A., 157, 160, 180, 186, 196, 205, 210, 252, 389 human rights and, 252 meeting with Reagan (September 28, 1984), 164–171 speech at United Nations (1962), 210–211 speech at United Nations (September 27, 1984), 163 Ground-launched cruise missiles (GLCMs), 44, 65, 71, 271 GRU, 136 Haig, Alexander, 36, 44–45, 49–50, 52, 77, 103, 106, 252 NSC meeting on Poland and, 83, 85–86 Reagan and, 50, 52, 108 resignation of, 108–109 zero-zero initiative and, 65–70 Hannaford, Peter, 14 Helsinki agreement, 84, 89, 211, 215, 253, 360, 374–375 Helsinki Watch, 358 Hezbollah, 318 “High frontier” concept, 114 Hill, James, 112 Hinckley, John, 45, 47 Hiroshima, 97, 180 Hitler, Adolf, 40, 63, 194 Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences and Professions, 97 Hoover Institution Archives, Ronald Reagan Subject Collection, 5 House of Representatives (see Congress, U.S.) “How Does Reagan Decide?” (Greenfield), 11 Howe, Sir Geoffrey, 190 Human rights, 205, 215, 225, 247–248, 250–263, 268, 291, 297, 313, 347, 357–362, 365, 368, 373–375, 378 Geneva summit and, 247–264 Gorbachev’s views on, 212, 235, 258–261, 268, 291, 359, 362, 368, 374–375 Moscow summit and, 381–387 NSC minutes on, 35–36, 84 Reagan’s radio commentaries on, 74, 250–251 Reagan’s speeches on, 75, 248–249, 324, 345–347, 357–359, 373–375, 381–387

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Reagan’s views on, 53–55, 84, 87–89, 168, 211–215, 225, 248–262, 268, 360–365, 368 Reykjavik summit and, 290–291, 297 Washington summit and, 360, 362, 364, 365 ICBMs (see intercontinental ballistic missiles [ICBMs]) Ikle, Fred, 215 Inflation, ix, 28–31 INF Treaty, 361, 363–365, 367, 368, 371–373, 376, 377, 386–389, 391 negotiations and, 117, 271, 336–338, 347–353, 355–357, 361, 372 Intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), 18, 103, 112, 135, 182, 217, 245, 276, 290, 293, 294, 392, 394 Interest rates, 28 Intermediate-range nuclear force (INF), 106, 123–125, 159, 182, 187, 189, 238, 271, 283, 290, 335–338, 347–349, 355–357, 363–365 International Harvester, 83 Iran-Contra scandal, 318–323, 330–333, 335, 339, 342 Iranian hostage crisis, 37 Iranian revolution of 1979, 340 Iran-Iraq War, 340 Israel, 37, 318–319, 341 Jackson-Vanik Amendment (1973), 225 James, Penn, 74 Jefferson, Thomas, 247, 281, 370 Jennings, Peter, 359 Jews, in Soviet Union, 205, 225, 256, 258–259, 362 John Paul II, Pope, 1, 3 (see also Vatican) assassination attempt, 75 communism and, 74–75 human rights and, 75 information channel for, 82, 90, 408n23 nuclear war and, 76, 79–82, 90–91, 108 Reagan and, 74–75, 76, 90–91, 108, 408n23 representatives’ secret meeting with Reagan (December 15, 1981), 77–82 Soviet Union and, 79, 82 visit to Poland (1979), 74, 77 Wilson meeting with, 73–74 Johnson, Lyndon B., 23 Joint Chiefs of Staff, 115–116, 119, 128 Jones, David, 35

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Kalb, Marvin, 174 Kampelman, Max, 202, 336, 337 Kandinski, Wassily, 385 Kennedy, Edward M., 111 Kennedy, John F., 23, 35, 36, 173 Kennedy, Robert F., 249 Keyworth, George (Jay), 113, 114 KGB, 46, 63–64, 109, 135, 136, 284, 340, 354 Directorate T and, 62–65, 225, 339–340 Line X and, 64 Khrushchev, Nikita, 346 Kings Row (movie), 237 Kirkpatrick, Jeane, 83 Kissinger, Henry, xii, 93, 173 Koehler, John O., 14 Korean Airlines incident (September 1, 1983), 140, 141 Krasnoyarsk Radar Station, Siberia, 274, 276, 289, 294, 303, 309–310 Krol, John (Cardinal), 75, 408n23 Kuhn, Jim, 230–231 Laghi, Pio, 77, 408n23 Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, 8 League of Finnish-American Societies, 375 Lehman, Ron, 336, 337 Lenin, V. I., 299, 380 Letters of Ronald Reagan to Andropov (August 24, 1983), 139 to Andropov (December 23, 1983), 147 to Andropov (July 11, 1983), 137, 138 to Brezhnev (April 18, 1981), 49–55, 135, 248 to Brezhnev (December 23, 1981), 87–88, 89 to Chernenko (December 7, 1984), 184–185 to Chernenko (February 14, 1984), 157 to Col. Barney Oldfield (March 17, 1986), 274 to Gorbachev (March 11, 1985), 208–209 to Gorbachev (April 30, 1985), 210–211 to Gorbachev (February 16, 1986), 272–273 to Gorbachev (February 22, 1986), 273–274 to Gorbachev (April 11, 1986), 276 to Gorbachev (May 23, 1986), 278 to Gorbachev (July 1, 1986), 282–283 to John O. Koehler (July 9, 1981), 14, 15 to John Tringali (January 6, 1988), 369 to Pope John Paul II, 90–91 to Virginia Adams (April 21, 1982), 106

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Lettow, Paul, 59 Liberation theology, 74 Lincoln, Abraham, 155 Lomonosov, Mikhail, 382 Longfellow, H. W., 335 Machiavelli, Niccolò, 17 MAD (see Mutual Assured Destruction [MAD] policy) Magazine Publishers Association, 207 Marshall Plan, 83, 84 Marx, Karl, 299 Matlock, Jack F., 215, 338, 380, 389, 394 McCarthy, Timothy, 46 McClelland, Woodford, 252 McFarlane, Robert C. (Bud), 120, 145, 146, 187, 202, 215, 231, 318, 322, 323 Meese, Edwin, III (Ed), 45, 67, 83, 93, 113, 114, 116, 120, 145, 146, 148, 206, 215, 318, 320, 321 Mein Kampf (Hitler), 63 Midgetman missile, 301 Military, U.S. importance of economic recovery to strength of, 24, 28–29, 54, 57–58, 176, 367, 370 morale and, 23–24, 367 peace without surrender and, 39, 142, 206, 290, 342, 347 Reagan’s statements on, 165, 347, 370 spending and, 32, 38 strength of, 24, 32–33, 39, 54, 163, 290 Minuteman missile, 38, 112 Missile defense, 111–116, 119–121, 128–131, 136, 144, 174–175 (see also Strategic Defense Initiative [SDI]) Mitrokhin, Vasili, 135–136 Mitterand, François, 63–64, 157, 192 Mondale, Walter, 158, 160, 172–175 Moscow State University, Reagan’s speech at (May 31, 1987), 380–387 Moscow summit (May 1988), 344, 371–372, 375–391 Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction (MBFR) talks, 147–149 Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) policy, x, 22, 125, 129, 166, 192, 282, 369 MX multiple-warhead missile, 38, 39, 120, 301 Nagasaki, 97 Nathan, Richard, 24 National Archives, 8

National Association of Evangelicals, 121–122 National Conference of Christians and Jews, 93 National Conference on Soviet Jewry, 358 National Intelligence Estimate (1982), 217 National Press Club, Reagan speech to (November 18,1981), 70–71 National Security Agency, 2 National Security Council (NSC) meetings, 2, 3, 8, 34–37, 101–102, 413n21 on arms control strategy, 61, 65–66, 68–70, 102–106, 119, 148, 276–277 chaired by Reagan, 19–21, 34–36, 61, 63, 65–66, 89, 144, 201, 276 first Reagan meeting of (February 6, 1981), 19–21, 34–36 on human rights, 35–36, 83–86, 90, 215–216, 252 on Latin America, 34–36 on Middle East, 36–37 on Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction (MBFR) talks (January 13, 1984), 147–149 on negotiating strategy, 61, 65–66, 68–70, 103, 147–148 on Poland (December 1981), 83–86, 89–90 Reagan as decision maker at, 19–21, 108 on SDI, 144, 216 on Soviet Union, 34–36, 62–63, 66, 69, 83–86, 89–90, 101–102, 144, 147, 215–216 on START (April 21, 1982), 102–106 on U.S.-Soviet negotiations (March 4, 1985), 201 on U.S.-Soviet negotiations (September 20, 1985), 215–216 on zero-zero initiative, 67–68 National Security Decision Directive 86 (March 28, 1983), 124–125 National Security Decision Directive 192 (October 11, 1985), 325–326 National Security Planning Group (NSPG) meetings, 2, 8, 34, 413n21 on arms control strategy, 39, 117–119, 143, 181–182, 187–188, 220, 270–271, 280, 326–330, 348–351, 371–372 chaired by Reagan, 19–21, 34, 145, 208, 218, 270, 275, 279, 324, 371 on Gorbachev’s proposal (February 3, 1986), 270–271

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on Iran-Contra scandal (November 25, 1986), 319–320 on Latin America, 319–320 on Moscow summit (February 9, 1988), 371–373 on NATO summit (February 26, 1988), 372–373 on negotiating strategy, 118, 183–189, 220, 270–271, 280, 326–230, 371–372 on Pershing II missile deployment (January 13, 1983), 143 review of Reagan’s arms control positions (September 8, 1987), 348–352 on SDI, 184, 187–189, 270–271, 280–281, 324–330, 348–351 on Soviet noncompliance with arms control agreements (March 25 and April 16, 1986), 275–277 on Soviet plans for protracted nuclear war (December 9, 1983), 145–146 on Soviet strategic defenses (October 7, 1985), 218 on Soviet Union, 183–188, 218, 273, 275, 279–280, 325–326 on status of arms control negotiations (March 19, 1984), 158–160 on U.S.-Soviet negotiations (June/July 1986), 279–281 on U.S.-Soviet negotiations (November/December 1984), 181–183, 185–189 on zero-zero initiative (January 13, 1983), 117–119 NATO (see North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]) Navoi, Alisher, 385 Neuman, Johanna, 197–198 Newsweek magazine, 11, 201 New York Post, 93–94 New York Times, 111–112, 249, 312 Nicaragua, 35, 37, 319, 331–333 Nitze, Paul H., 118, 119, 159, 338, 389 Nixon, Richard M., 23, 53, 216 1972 summit, 225 Reagan and, 220–221 resignation of, 321 Safeguard ABM program and, 111 SALT agreements and, 103 North, Oliver, 320, 322, 333 North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), 65, 112, 114

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North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), 37, 38, 65, 86, 187, 267 summit (March 1988), 372–373 Notre Dame University, Reagan’s commencement address at (March 9, 1988), 75, 95–96 NSC meetings (see National Security Council [NSC] meetings) NSPG meetings (see National Security Planning Group [NSPG] meetings) Nuclear weapons Able Archer exercise, 141–143 ABM (Anti-Ballistic Missile) Treaty (1972), 217, 238, 274, 280, 283, 289, 293, 295, 296, 298–304, 306, 308, 309, 314, 325 Eisenhower and, 106, 107, 145, 159 Hiroshima and Nagasaki, 97 intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), 18, 103, 112, 135, 182, 217, 245, 276, 290, 293, 294, 392, 394 intermediate-range nuclear force (INF), 106, 123–125, 159, 182, 187, 189, 238, 271, 283, 290, 335–338, 347–349, 355–357, 363–365 Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction (MBFR) talks, 147–149 Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) policy, x, 22, 78, 125, 129, 166, 192, 282, 369 nuclear attack warning (September 25, 1983), 140, 141 reduction and abolition aims of Reagan, 59–62, 65, 78–79, 94, 95, 101, 106–109, 115–117, 123–131, 134, 142, 146, 150–151, 161–162, 169–171, 186, 188–189, 191–192, 196, 198 Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT I and II), 103, 159, 165, 182, 226, 274–277, 294 Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (START), 102–106, 159, 187, 338, 348, 365 zero-zero initiative, 65–71, 117–119, 124–126, 137, 150, 189, 294–295, 297, 310, 317, 336, 352, 353, 357, 363 (see also Geneva summit; Missile defense; Moscow summit; Reykjavik summit; Washington summit) (see also Strategic Defense Initiative [SDI])

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Nuclear arsenals of U.S., 17–18, 38, 65–66, 101, 135, 165, 180, 206, 279, 290, 363, 392–394 Nuclear arsenals of USSR, 17–18, 38, 65–66, 101, 135, 165, 180, 182, 205–206, 279, 289–290, 310, 363, 392–394 Nuclear freeze movement, 119, 357 Nuclear war impossibility of winning, 19, 79, 131, 142, 209, 214, 387–389 joint statement at Geneva summit on, 264 threat of (1983), 21, 22, 136–143 Nuclear winter, 188 Nunn, Sam, xii Oberdorfer, Don, 142, 376 Office of Management and Budget, 5, 31, 37 Oil prices, 28–29, 299–300, 340, 341 Oldfield, Barney, 274 Olympic games, 156 Omnibus Budget and Reconciliation Act of 1981, 57 O’Neill, Thomas (Tip), 24, 25, 55, 56, 210 Open sky proposal, 159 Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), 340 Ottawa economic summit meeting (1981), 63 Pakistan, 37 Parr, Jerry, 46 Pasternak, Boris, 385 Peaceful coexistence, 387–388 Perry, Bill, xi Pershing II missile, 44, 65, 71, 82, 117, 136, 143–145, 271, 294, 363 Petrov, Stanislav, 140 Pipes, Richard, 45, 50, 83, 404n3 Plautus, 1 Poindexter, John, 200, 269, 320, 322, 324, 333 Poland, 34, 36, 133, 254 John Paul II’s visit to (1979), 74, 77 martial law in, 76, 77, 82, 89 NSC meetings on (December 1981), 83–86, 89–90 sanctions against, 82, 85, 86 Solidarity movement in, 76, 77, 82, 85, 86 Polybius, 153 Pontifical Academy of Science, 76, 91 Powell, Colin L., 324, 361, 371, 372, 389 Pravda, 199

Presidential elections 1964, 339 1976, 4–5, 13–14, 100 1980, 4, 5, 23, 24, 27, 28, 30, 40–42, 113 1984, 153–155, 158, 160, 161, 172–176 President’s Economic Policy Advisory Board (PEPAB), 31 Price and allocation controls, 28, 29 Providence St. Mel High School, Chicago, 107 Qadhafi, Muammar, 187, 239 Rancho del Cielo, California, 155, 160, 213, 338 Rather, Dan, 359 Reagan: A Life in Letters (ed. Skinner, Anderson, and Anderson), 6 Reagan, In His Own Hand (ed. Skinner, Anderson, and Anderson), 6, 66 Reagan, Maureen, 154 Reagan, Nancy, 2, 6, 93, 106, 153–154, 170, 192, 236 death of mother, 354–355 influence of, 197–198 in Moscow, 376, 378–379, 391–393 on Ronald, 9–10, 47, 197–198, 355, 376, 378–379, 391 Reagan, Ron (son), 378 Reagan, Ronald advisers and staff, 12, 50, 52, 183, 269, 282, 323, 390 Andropov and, 4, 109, 135–141, 145, 147 Andropov’s letter to (August 4, 1983), 137 Andropov’s letter to (August 27, 1983), 139–140 approach to negotiating, 11, 33, 119, 157, 162, 202, 223–227 as decision maker, 1–3, 11–12, 19–20, 67, 84, 105–106, 123, 140, 147–148, 159–160, 164–169, 178–179, 197–198, 208, 245, 388, 394 assassination attempt, 45–48, 58, 75, 155 autobiography of, 332–333 Brezhnev and, 4, 71, 49–55, 87–88, 89, 135, 248 Brezhnev’s letter to (March 6, 1981), 43–45 at California ranch, 155, 160, 213, 338 at Camp David, 123–124, 192–193, 219, 220, 353

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challenges of, 23–24, 73 character and personality of, 9–14, 20, 119 Chernenko and, 4, 156–158, 160, 177–181, 184–185, 195–196 Chernenko’s letter to (February 23, 1984), 158 Chernenko’s letter to (November 8, 1984), 178 Chernenko’s letter to (November 14, 1984), 179–180 Chernenko’s letter to (December 20, 1984), 191–192 communism and, 22, 60, 87, 150, 235, 254, 299, 382 conditions in U.S. on taking office, 20–24, 37, 340, 392 Congress, meetings with, 8, 30, 263–264,320 death of mother-in-law of, 354–355 defense philosophy of, 39–42, 102, 206 as Democrat, 96 on détente, 60 diary entries of, 6, 31–32, 39, 47–48, 50, 52, 56, 57, 74–76, 86, 87, 101, 108–109, 119–121, 129–130, 133, 143, 145–146, 149, 150, 154, 156, 157, 161, 172–173, 179, 181, 183, 185, 186, 189, 201–204, 218, 220–221, 223, 230, 262, 263, 269, 271–272, 275, 284–285, 289, 311, 318–319, 330, 337, 353–357, 379, 380, 391, 392 early life and, 10–11, 95–96 economic condition on taking office, ix, 23–24, 28, 38 economic policies of, ix, 24–25, 27–33, 37, 39, 57, 115, 367, 392 economic recovery program, passage of, 49, 55–58 favorite poem of, 43 finances of, 97 first welcome to Washington, 24–25 “focus of evil” statement by, 55, 122, 206, 379 Gold Medal for Courageous Leadership in Government, Civil, and Human Affairs awarded to, 93 Gorbachev, negotiations with (see Geneva summit; Moscow summit; Reykjavik summit; Washington summit) Gorbachev’s letter to (March 24, 1985), 209

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Gorbachev’s letter to (June 10, 1985), 211–212 Gorbachev’s letter to (June 22, 1985), 212–213 Gorbachev’s letter to (September 12, 1985), 214 Gorbachev’s letter to (April 2, 1986), 275–276 Gorbachev’s letter to (May 30, 1986), 278–279 Gorbachev’s letter to (September 15, 1986), 283–284, 288 Gorbachev’s proposal (January 15, 1986) and, 266, 269, 273 Gorbachev’s statement on INF (February 28, 1987) and, 335–337 as governor of California, ix, 6, 24, 25, 40, 53, 100 Gromyko and, 160–162, 164–172 Haig resignation and, 108–109 health of, 203, 213 Hollywood and, 85, 96–99, 119, 237 human rights and, 35–36, 53–55, 75, 84, 87–89, 168, 211, 215, 225, 247–264, 268, 290–291, 313, 324, 345–347, 357–362, 364–365, 368, 373–375, 378, 381–387 humor, use of, 37, 46–47, 86, 89, 99–100, 118, 173–174, 185, 207 intelligence of, 10–11 Iran-Contra scandal and, 318–323, 330–333, 335, 339, 342 John Paul II and, 74–75, 76, 90–91, 108 on leadership, 12–13, 20, 78, 202, 208, 332 on legacy, 10, 111 legacy of, x, xii, 370, 390–391, 395 letters of (see Letters of Ronald Reagan) on MAD policy, x, 22 meeting with representatives of John Paul II (December 15, 1981), 77–82 meetings with the press, 13–14, 59–61, 71, 90, 130, 145–146, 150, 162, 171, 192, 201, 207–208, 213, 228, 287, 312, 331–332 , 356 memorandum on negotiations with Gorbachev, 223–227 military buildup of, 33–39 missile defense and, 22, 111–116, 119–121, 128–131, 136, 144, 174–175 Nancy and, 9–10, 47, 197–198

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Reagan, Ronald (cont’d) negotiating strategy of, 11, 34, 57, 59, 61, 68–70, 85, 117, 123,148,154, 159, 178, 181, 183–185, 188, 201, 215–216, 220–228, 270–271, 282–283 news conferences of, 7, 59–62, 196–197, 319–322, 343–344 New York Post interview with (March 1982), 93–94 Nixon and, 220–221 NSC and NSPG meetings and (see National Security Council (NSC) meetings nuclear responsibility, 17–19, 90–91, 112–113, 137, 152, 192, 391 nuclear war, impossibility of winning and, 131, 134, 142, 145, 150–151, 161, 164, 171, 195, 264, 349, 368 on nuclear weapons, 97–98, 101, 112, 303 on nuclear weapons, elimination of, x–xii, 10, 22, 59, 69, 91, 106–107, 111, 114–115, 117, 120, 123, 125, 128–131, 146, 150, 162, 166, 169–172, 181, 186, 193, 195, 199–203, 208–209, 213–214, 228, 245, 269, 273–274, 304–305, 310, 324, 347, 349, 352, 357, 363–364, 370–371 on nuclear weapons, elimination of and SDI, 144, 175, 183–185, 188, 196–198, 216–217, 222, 280–281, 283, 309, 313, 327 on nuclear weapons, first public record on elimination of, 93–95, 101 on nuclear weapons, reduction of, 33, 59, 62, 71, 78–79, 103, 109, 116, 128, 139, 153, 156, 158, 161–162, 166, 169–172, 183, 245, 263, 275, 283, 293–294, 299, 304, 324, 336, 344, 347, 357–358, 363–365, 369, 386 on nuclear weapons and international control, 79, 82, 98, 107–108 (see also SDI and international control) at Ottawa economic summit meeting (1981), 63 as pacifist, 93, 95–98 on peace without surrender, 29, 33–34, 39–42, 58, 79, 121, 142–143, 150–152, 156, 184, 202, 208, 367, 370, 373 political background of, 25, 96, 100, 339

Polish situation and, 76, 77, 82–90 presidential election of 1976, 4–5, 13–14, 100–101 presidential election of 1980, 4, 5, 23, 24, 27, 28, 30, 40–42, 75, 113 presidential election of 1984, 153–155, 158, 160, 161, 172–176 presidential powers of, 17–20, 23, 112, 198, 200–201, 332, 367 priorities of, 1, 27–29, 48, 60, 95, 97, 111–117, 134, 150, 153, 155, 175, 186, 202, 248, 323, 344–348, 359–360, 370–371 public approval of, 32, 47, 56, 222 quiet diplomacy and, 15, 135, 168–169, 215–216, 226–227, 231, 236–237, 247, 252, 255–257, 285, 361–362 radio broadcasts by, 5, 7, 40–41, 74, 155–156, 249–251, 353–354 religious views of, 47–48, 88, 98–99, 122–123, 154–155, 202, 230, 249, 355, 374 Screen Actors Guild and, ix, 227, 384 SDI and (see Strategic Defense Initiative [SDI]) Shultz and, 109, 115, 178–179, 181, 206 Soviets and, 41–42, 55, 60, 63, 83, 94, 102, 122–123, 133, 143–144, 149–151, 171, 173, 183–186, 189, 200, 222–223, 249, 252–254, 274, 346, 373–374, 379 Soviet economy and, 339–342 Soviets and trust, 66–67, 233–235, 240–241, 245, 263, 313, 337, 344, 347–348, 356, 369, 372, 384–386 space ban and, 283, 306 speeches of (see Speeches of Ronald Reagan) Thatcher and, 193–195 in West Berlin, 345–346, 358, 360 World War II and, 96–97 as writer, x, 1, 14, 30–31, 41, 88, 98–99, 121–129, 164–169, 198, 223–227, 230, 244, 310–311, 332–333, 339, 394 (see also speeches of Ronald Reagan, letters of Ronald Reagan, diary entries of) on zero-zero, 65–71, 106, 117–119, 123–126, 150, 271, 295, 310, 336, 353, 357, 363 Reagan Presidential Library, 2–3, 5–8 handwriting file at, 7 Reed, Tom, 101

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Reeves, Richard, 249 Regan, Donald T., 31, 85, 202, 215, 230–231, 319 Religion, in Soviet Union, 77, 223, 362, 378 Republican National Convention 1976, 100 1984, 161 Reykjavik summit (October 1986), x–xi, 285–315, 317–318, 324, 338, 341, 376, 388 first Reagan/Gorbachev meeting, 290–291 second Reagan/Gorbachev meeting, 292–293 third Reagan/Gorbachev meeting, 293–297 fourth Reagan/Gorbachev meeting, 297–300 fifth Reagan/Gorbachev meeting, 300–303 sixth Reagan/Gorbachev meeting, 304–309 Gorbachev’s thoughts on, 312–315 reaction to, xi, 312–315, 317–318 Reagan’s thoughts on, 310–311 Ridgway, Rozanne L., 338, 389 Rogue-state argument, 114, 280, 296 Ronald Reagan and His Quest to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (Lettow), 59 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 84–85, 96, 99, 222 Rostow, Eugene, 69, 103 Rowny, Edward L., 103, 159, 389 Russia (see Soviet Union) RYAN Raketno-Yadernoye Napadenie (“Nuclear Missile Attack”), 136, 141 Safeguard ABM program, 111–112 Sakharov, Andrei, 375 SALT (see Strategic Arms Limitation Talks/Agreements [SALT I and II]) SALT and Soviet violations of, 276–277 Saudi Arabia and airborne warning and control system (AWACS), 340–341 Savimbi, Jonas, 35 Screen Actors Guild, ix, 227, 384 Scriabin, Aleksandr, 385 SDI (see Strategic Defense Initiative [SDI]) Sea-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), 18, 392 Second Inaugural Address (January 21, 1985), 198 Senate, U.S. (see Congress, U.S.)

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Seneca, 174 “Set Your Clock at U-235” (Corwin), 97–98 Shakespeare, William, 219 Shamir, Yitzhak, 37 Shcharansky, Anatoly, 252 Shcherbitsky, Vladimir, 202 Shevardnadze, Eduard A., xi, 210, 231, 283, 285, 291–292, 337, 338, 343, 355, 356, 361, 389 Shultz, George P., 31, 140, 143, 160, 177–178, 180, 185, 202, 209, 218, 222, 269, 319, 361, 371 becomes secretary of state, 109 Daniloff release and, 285 foreword by, ix–xii Geneva summit (November 1985) and, 196, 204, 206, 231, 262 Gromyko meeting with Reagan (September 28, 1984) and, 164, 169 human rights and, 337–338 INF Treaty and, 365, 389 Iran-Contra scandal and, 322–323 NSC and NSPG meetings and, 144, 148, 159, 188, 215, 279–280, 319, 324 on nuclear weapons, elimination of, xii, 305 Reagan and, 109, 115, 127, 143, 160, 164, 178–179, 181, 206, 289, 310, 323, 338, 344, 356, 365 Reykjavik summit (October 1986) and, x–xi, 291–292, 295, 305, 310 visits to Moscow (April/September 1987), 337–338, 343, 348, 353, 354 Weinberger and, 179 on zero-zero, 117 Shultz, Helena O’Brien (Obie), 390 Sinai Peninsula, 37 Single Integrated Operational Plan (SIOP), 142 SLBMs (see Sea-launched ballistic missiles [SLBMs]) Smith, Roger, 12 Socialism, 235, 299, 369 Solidarity labor union movement, 76, 77, 82, 85, 86 South Korea, nuclear weapons in, 295 “Soviet Ballistic Missile Defense” (Central Intelligence Agency), 217 Soviet Military Power (1983 edition), 121 Soviet Union Able Archer exercise and, 141–143 Afghanistan and, 37, 160, 206, 226 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) system of, 212, 217, 218, 219, 272–273, 325

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Soviet Union (cont’d) Chernobyl explosion and, 277–280, 290, 310, 372, 390–391 collapse of, 83, 339, 392 Cuba and, 34–36 disarmament proposals, 220, 266–271, 273, 276, 292, 298, 301, 335–337 economy of, 62–63, 83, 94, 102, 133, 163, 176, 182, 196, 204, 223, 224, 279–280, 290, 339–342, 344, 374 espionage by, 66–65, 134, 284, 339–340 expansion of, 101–102, 206, 212 expansion in Latin America, 34–37, 133, 205, 226, 250 glasnost and perestroika, 262, 338, 346, 359–360, 374, 385–387 grain agreements, 54, 168, 215, 256–257, 299–300, 341 human rights and, 205, 225, 247–248, 250–263, 268, 291, 297, 313, 323, 357–359, 361–362, 374–375, 378, 384 Jews in, 205, 225, 256, 258–259, 362 Korean Airlines incident (September 1, 1983), 140, 141 Krasnoyarsk radar station and, 274, 276, 289, 294, 303, 309–310 military buildup of, 33, 37–38, 77, 94, 101, 106, 117, 131, 133–135, 146, 188, 205, 244, 344 missile defense, 115, 182, 183, 194, 210–212, 217–220, 242, 268, 272–273, 293, 297, 300–304, 325, 412n10 Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction (MBFR) talks and, 147–148 “new” thinking in, 196, 199, 272 noncompliance with arms control agreements, 275–277, 289, 294, 295 nuclear attack warning (September 25, 1983), 140, 141 nuclear strength of, 18, 38, 41, 180, 182, 205, 279, 289–290, 310 nuclear weapons and (see Nuclear weapons) Pentecostals, 168, 250–252, 256–257 Poland and, 76, 77, 82–89 religion in, 77, 223, 362, 378 SDI, opposition to, 136, 191, 193–196, 210, 213–215, 217, 224, 237, 238, 240–243, 245, 263–264, 266–268, 270, 273–274, 281, 288, 289, 292, 295, 297–298, 300–303, 305–314, 326, 336, 354

statements on eliminating nuclear weapons, 163, 170–171, 178, 180, 186, 196, 199 suspension of talks in Geneva by, 144–145, 147, 153 technology, theft of (see KGB; Farewell Dossier) trans-Siberian oil pipeline and, 62–65 (see also Andropov, Yuri; Brezhnev, Leonid; Chernenko, Konstantin; Gorbachev, Mikhail; Gromyko, Andrei) Speakes, Larry, 93–94 Speeches of Ronald Reagan addresses to Congress, 31–32, 55–56, 58 address to nation (February 5, 1981), 30–31 address to nation (December 23, 1981), 87, 88–89 address to nation (October 12, 1985), 219–220 address to nation (November 14, 1985), 228 address to nation (October 13, 1986), 313 address to nation (December 2, 1986), 321–322 address to nation (March 4, 1987), 330–332 address to nation (August 12, 1987), 347–348 Berlin Wall speech (June 12, 1987), 345–347 to British Parliament on human rights (June 8, 1982), 253 commencement address at Eureka College (May 9, 1982), 106–107 commencement address at Notre Dame (March 9, 1988), 75, 95–96 commencement address at William Woods College (June 2, 1952), 248–249 to Economic Club of Detroit (October 1, 1984), 171–172 at Eureka College (September 28, 1967), 100 at Eureka College (May 19, 1982), 252–253 farewell address (January 11, 1989), 395 First Inaugural Address (January 20, 1981), 28–29 to Future Farmers of America (1986), 99–100

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on Helsinki agreement on human rights, Finland (May 27, 1988), 375 on human rights and the Soviet Union, Chicago (May 4, 1988), 373–375 to human rights supporters (December 3, 1987), 358–359 at Moscow State University (May 31, 1988), 380–387 to National Association of Evangelicals (March 8, 1983) (“Evil Empire” speech), 121–124 to National Press Club (November 18, 1981), 70–71 New Year’s message (January 1, 1988), 367–368 radio broadcasts, 5, 7, 40–41, 155–156, 249–251, 353–354 at Republican National Convention (1976), 100–101 at Republican National Convention (1984), 161 Second Inaugural Address (January 21, 1985), 198 “Star Wars” speech (March 23, 1983), 125, 127–130 State of the Union address (January 25, 1984), 150–151, 155 State of the Union address (February 6, 1985), 198–199 State of the Union address (January 25, 1988), 369–370, 371 at United Nations (June 17, 1982), 107–108 at United Nations (September 24, 1984), 162 at United Nations (September 21, 1987), 352–353 on U.S.-Soviet relations (January 16, 1984), 149–150 on Voice of America (November 9, 1985), 221–222 on Voice of America (January 1, 1987), 323–324 on Voice of America and Worldnet television (November 4, 1987), 357–358 SS-4 missile, 65, 71, 357 SS-5 missile, 65, 71 SS-12 missile, 357 SS-20 missile, 37, 65–66, 68–69, 71, 119, 125, 271, 357, 363, 372 SS-23 missile, 357 SS-24 missile, 301 SS-25 missile, 301

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SS-X-24 missile, 187 Stagflation, 28 Stalin, Joseph, 156 START (see Strategic Arms Reduction Talks [START]) Star Wars (see Strategic Defense Initiative [SDI]) “Star Wars” speech (March 23, 1983), 125, 127–130 State, U.S. Department of, 2, 44–45, 50, 52, 55, 74, 113, 127, 218, 219, 282 State of the Union address January 25, 1984, 150–151, 155 February 6, 1985, 198–199 January 25, 1988, 369–370, 371 Stealth (ATB—advanced technology) bomber, 39, 221, 397 Stockman, David, 31, 33, 37 Stoessel, Walter, 50 Strategic Arms Limitation Talks/Agreements (SALT I and II), 103, 159, 165, 182, 226, 274–277, 294 Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (START), 78, 91, 102–106, 159, 187, 338, 348, 365 START Treaty, 372, 392 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), 120, 174–175, 192, 197, 200, 215, 266, 282, 283, 335–336, 349, 353, 354, 367 elimination of nuclear weapons, 144, 175, 183–185, 188, 196–198, 216–217, 222, 280–281, 283, 309, 313, 327 international control of, 187–188, 197, 216–217, 222, 270–272, 288–289, 293–298, 302, 326–330, 349, 367 issue at Geneva summit, 187–189, 237, 238, 240–243, 245, 263–264 issue at Reykjavik summit, 288, 289, 292, 293, 295, 297–298, 300–303, 305–314 NSC and NSPG meetings on, 144, 216–217, 270–271, 280, 281, 324–330 Soviet efforts, 182, 268 Soviet opposition to, 136, 193–194, 196, 210–214, 218, 224, 237–245, 266–268, 270, 273–274, 281–282, 288, 293–298, 300–314, 326, 354 Thatcher and, 193–195 Strategic nuclear delivery vehicles (SNDVs), 182 Strauss, Robert, 12

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Summit meetings (see also Geneva summit; Moscow summit; Reykjavik summit; Washington summit), 3–4, 33, 209, 225 Sunday Times of London, 161–162 Sun Tzu, 229 Sword and the Shield, The (Andrew and Mitrokhin), 135–136 Talbott, Strobe, 11, 153 Tarasenko, Serge, 246 TASS (Soviet news agency), 122, 170, 171, 375 Tax policy, 28, 30, 32, 57 Teller, Edward, 114 Tennyson, Alfred, 177 Thatcher, Margaret, xi, 1, 192, 367 Gorbachev and, 191, 193–194, 207 Reagan and, 193–196 on SDI, 194–195 Threshold Test Ban Treaty, 338 Time magazine, 56, 205, 312 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 352 Tower, John, 202 Tower board, 330–331, 333, 335 Transportation, U.S. Department of, 5 Trans-Siberian oil pipeline, 62–65 Treasury, U.S. Department of, 5, 29, 31, 85, 206 Trewhitt, Henry, 173–174 Trident II missile, 38 Tringali, John, 369 Truman, Harry S., 96 Turn, The (Oberdorfer), 142 Unemployment, 28, 31 United Nations, Reagan’s speeches to June 17, 1982, 107–108 September 24, 1984, 162 September 21, 1987, 352–353 United States Information Agency, 357 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 211, 254, 374 USA Today, 197–198 USSR (see Soviet Union) Vasyanin, Mikhail, 387 Vatican, 77, 82–83 papal delegation on nuclear war, 76–78, 91 U.S. Envoy to, 73–74, 80–81

Vessey, John, 115–116, 148 Vetrov, Vladimir I., 63–64 Vietnam War, 23, 24 Voice of America, 221–222, 323–324, 357–358 Volcker, Paul, ix, 29 Walesa, Lech, 86 Wall Street Journal, xii Warner Brothers, 85, 97, 98 Warsaw Pact, 38 Washington Post, 11, 28, 312, 318, 376 Washington summit (December 1987), 244, 278, 343, 365, 368, 376, 386, 388 Watergate scandal, 23 Weidenbaum, Murray, 31 Weinberger, Caspar (Cap), 116, 120, 121, 145, 202, 218, 222, 323 defense readiness and, 33, 39, 46, 206 NSC and NSPG meetings and, 65–67, 69, 70, 116, 144, 146, 148, 159, 188, 216, 275, 281, 319, 324, 327, 330 on nuclear testing, 281 Reagan and, 206–207, 216, 323 on SDI, 327, 330 Shultz and, 179, 323 zero-zero initiative and, 65–67, 69, 70 Weiss, Gus, 64, 65 Weiss, Seymour, 50 West Berlin, 345–346, 358, 360 West Germany (Federal Republic of Germany), 66 White House Daily Diary, 8 Wickman, John, 215 William Woods College, Missouri, 248–249 Wilson, William A., 73–74, 77, 114 Wirthlin, Richard, 10, 32, 222 Worldnet television, 357 World War II, 96–97 Yakovlev, Aleksandr N., 361, 389 Yazov, Dimitri T., 389 Zero-zero initiative, 65–71, 117–119, 124–126, 137, 150, 189, 263, 294–295, 297, 310, 336, 337, 352, 353, 357

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