VOLUME 75 • ISSUE 3 • JULY 14, 2020
E H T G N I R E V O C
S E N I L T N O R F MULTIPLE JOU RNALISTS FILE LAWSUITS AGA PORTLAND PO INST LICE FOR USE OF FORCE, ARR ESTS NEWS The difference between online and remote courses
INTERNATIONAL Brazilian president contracts COVID-19
OPINION Students need relief beyond CARES
CONTENTS COVER BY SAM PERSON NEWS HILL TO HALL
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COVERING THE FRONT LINES
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THE $140 DIFFERENCE
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ARTS & CULTURE THE FEMINIST POLITICS OF AVATAR: THE LAST AIRBENDER
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INTERNATIONAL BRAZILIAN PRESIDENT CONTRACTS COVID-19
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OPINION STUDENTS NEED RELIEF: BEYOND THE CARES ACT
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STAFF
EDIT ORI A L EDITOR IN CHIEF Dylan Jefferies MANAGING EDITOR Justin Grinnell NEWS EDITORS Hanna Anderson Aidan Kennelley INTERNATIONAL EDITOR Isabel Rekow ARTS & CULTURE EDITOR Nick Townsend OPINION EDITOR AJ Earl ONLINE EDITOR Lily Hennings
COPY CHIEF Sophie Concannon CONTRIBUTORS Nick Gatlin Lily Lamadrid Karisa Yuasa PHO T O & MULTIMEDI A PHOTO EDITOR Annie Schutz PRODUC TION & DE SIGN CREATIVE DIRECTOR Sam Person DESIGNERS Farah Alkayed Shannon Steed
US SANCTIONS CHINESE OFFICIALS FOR ABUSES AGAINST MUSLIM MINORITIES
DIS T RIBU TION DISTRIBUTION MANAGER Dylan Jefferies
To contact Portland State Vanguard, email editor@psuvanguard.com
T ECHNOL OGY & W EB SIT E TECHNOLOGY ASSISTANTS Juliana Bigelow George Olson John Rojas
MIS SION S TAT EMEN T Vanguard ’s mission is to serve the Portland State community with timely, accurate, comprehensive and critical content while upholding high journalistic standards. In the process, we aim to enrich our staff with quality, hands-on journalism education and a number of skills highly valued in today’s job market.
A DV ISING & ACCOUN TING COORDINATOR OF STUDENT MEDIA Reaz Mahmood STUDENT MEDIA ACCOUNTANT Sheri Pitcher STUDENT MEDIA TECHNOLOGY ADVISOR Corrine Nightingale
A BOU T Vanguard, established in 1946, is published weekly as an independent student newspaper governed by the PSU Student Media Board. Views and editorial content expressed herein are those of the staff, contributors and readers and do not necessarily represent the PSU student body, faculty, staff or administration. Find us in print Tuesdays and online 24/7 at psuvanguard.com.
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NEWS
JULY 6–10 NICK GATLIN
JULY 6: INTERSTATE-5 ROSE QUARTER EXPANSION PROJECT ORDERED TO HALT BY CITY COUNCIL
The Portland City Council stated in a letter to the city’s bureau directors Monday the I-5 Rose Quarter Project was “no longer aligned with the city’s values,” ordering a halt to all operations by city staff in relation to the project, according to OPB. “This includes attending meetings, providing technical support or responding to project emails. Any resumption of City staff services will be at the direction of the Portland City Council,” the letter stated. The project, intended to expand the stretch of I-5 between interstates 84 and 405, lost the support of many local leaders in recent weeks, notably the Albina Vision Trust representing Portland’s largest Black neighborhood, according to Portland Tribune. City Commissioner Chloe Eudaly, who oversees transportation in Portland, stated, “ODOT did not seem to grasp the concept of restorative justice, and we were unlikely to achieve the outcomes we were seeking,” according to Willamette Week.
JULY 8: COURT OF APPEALS AFFIRMS EUGENE RESIDENT’S RIGHT TO NONBINARY GENDER MARKER
The Oregon Court of Appeals held on Wednesday that Eugene resident Jones Hollister had a right to apply for a legal change of sex to nonbinary, reversing a decision by a Lane County Circuit Court judge last year, according to AP News. Hollister said of the decision, “I’m thrilled for not just myself but for all nonbinary Oregonians. When I saw that the Court of Appeals had reversed the decision to refuse me a nonbinary marker, I honestly cried,” The Oregonian reported. The ruling requires all circuit court judges in Oregon to grant a nonbinary legal gender marker if a person has followed the legal process to make a that gender change, according to OPB.
JULY 9: PORTLAND RENTER RELOCATION LAW UPHELD BY OR EGON COURT OF APPEALS
AP News reported the Oregon Court of Appeals affirmed Thursday a Portland law requiring landlords to pay tenants’ relocation fees if they are evicted without cause or if their rent increases at least 10%. Presiding Judge Darleen Ortega affirmed the ordinance did not violate state law or the state constitution, and referred the case back to the lower court to issue a judgment in the city’s favor, according to The Oregonian. The circuit court had previously dismissed the lawsuit, brought by landlords Michael Feves and Phillip Owen, according to The Skanner.
JULY 10: HOMELAND SECURITY OFFICERS DEPLOYED TO PORT LAND AFTER TRUMP MONUMENT ORDER
After President Trump released an order to prevent what he called “violent mayhem” in cities across the country, the Department of Homeland Security deployed officers from more than a half-dozen federal law enforcement agencies to Portland, armed with tactical gear to prevent “violence and vandalism” during protests, AP News reported. According to Willamette Week, Deputy Chief Chris Davis of the Portland Police Bureau said in a Wednesday news conference, “That wasn’t something that we asked for. I don’t have authority to order federal officers to do things...we’re in charge of our assets, and they’re in charge of theirs.” He noted PPB does not coordinate with federal agencies.
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NEWS
COVERING THE
FRONT LINES
KARISA YUASA Black Lives Matter, police brutality and anti-racism protests have swept the nation, sparked by the death of George Floyd by police officers in May. In addition to covering what are now routine COVID-19 stories, journalists at every level are tasked with covering one of the largest movements in United States history. “I’ve been talking with other journalists who covered Occupy ICE and the November 10 rallies right after Donald Trump’s election,” said Cory Elia, a PSU student and managing editor for Village Portland. “This is probably the biggest movement they have ever seen.” As the protests grew and tensions rose, so did the use of tear gas, physical force and rubber bullets by police. Many journalists took precautions hoping to continue their work safely. “One of our professors, Lori Shontz, covered a lot of protests early in her career, so right when the first protest began in Eugene, she gave the newsroom a free lesson.” said Francis O’Leary, editor in chief of the University of Oregon’s Daily Emerald. “We had some tips early on about how to sort of interact with protesters and police.” O’Leary also ensured all reporters had press passes, and led backup trainings for new reporters informing them to “identify yourself early and often, because it may not stop you from being arrested or tear gassed, but if you can document it, it will give you a legal out if you get arrested.” Even with preparation, covering these events involved risks and safety concerns for the journalists on the front lines. “For some reason, it has been made clear to many police departments across the nation that the press and the media are
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INDEPENDENT JOURNALIST AND PSU STUDENT FILES LAWSUIT AGAINST PPB AFTER BEING ARRESTED VILLAGE PORTLAND CONTRIBUTOR IN FRONT OF MULTNOMAH COUNTY JUSTICE CENTER. COURTESY OF CORY ELIA
also the enemies of the officers,” Elia said. “I don’t feel that that’s fair because many of us that are out there, we’re not trying to cause harm. We’re not trying to cause damage. We’re observing and we’re reporting.” Incidents showing journalists being caught in unsafe situations have appeared across the country. The U.S. Press Freedom Tracker has reported over 480 press freedom incidents as of July 1. These incidents include arrests, tear gas usage and equipment damages from both police and protesters. While covering the Portland protests, Elia was arrested on June 30 and spent over ten hours in jail. “I just got manhandled by police after filming this one even while identifying myself as a journalist and showing my press pass,” Elia wrote on June 2 in a tweet. “They slammed me into a wall as I was choking on tear gas.” Following the arrest, Elia and Lesly McLam, an independent journalist who was also arrested on June 30, filed a lawsuit against the city of Portland, Multnomah County Sheriff’s Office and state police for violations of First, Fourth, Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment rights. The lawsuit also lists additional instances of violence Elia faced while covering the protests. These include multiple uses of tear gas and physical violence resulting in bruises, respiratory pain and two closed head injuries. “Here locally there are a couple of lawsuits pushing back against the treatment of the journalists that have been on the ground, especially the disregard for the press pass,” Elia said. “If those don’t go anywhere, it pretty much, I feel, represents the obliteration of the Fourth Estate.”
The treatment of journalists has raised concerns about what it means for the future of the career. “It’s very troubling because the moment they start going after the journalists, that’s the moment we don’t really know what’s going on,” Elia said. The worries are especially high for student journalists, many of whom are working towards a future career in the field. “Student newspapers are a place where students are preparing to become writers at other publications,” O’Leary said. “It’s important that we don’t just act as stenographers for those in power, and that we hear out these groups that are usually ignored. Hopefully, people from the Daily Emerald are going to go out and get these bigger jobs and bring this sort of core ethos.” With recent events in mind, some hope that positive changes will come out of the current climate. “I think there are going to be major guidelines put in place,” Elia said. “I also think there is probably going to be legislation put in place to try and protect journalists a little bit better.” “For a long time, the view from nowhere that we learned is to kind of take the side of the powerful, this idea that if it got declared a riot then they must be doing something bad,” O’Leary said. “What I hope is that the press will allow itself more freedom to scrutinize those sorts of orders and to not automatically take the side of the powerful.” “I really believe in the press. I believe in journalism and its ability to tell the stories of those who have been ignored, so I hope that the press grows from this experience.”
NEWS
THE $140 DIFFERENCE WHAT’S DIFFERENT BETWEEN ONLINE AND REMOTE COURSES—OTHER THAN THE COST LILY LAMADRID Both online and remote classes happen at the same place in cyberspace. The key is: one costs $140 more than the other. This fall, online and remote classes will both be held over D2L, Portland State’s online learning platform. However, online classes will continue to have a $140 course fee per fourcredit class, while remote classes will not. PSU’s new webpage, “Flexible Fall at PSU,” explains the university’s plans for their COVID-19 response in fall term. This plan draws the distinction between “online” and “remote” classes, stating: “Online courses are intentionally designed for complete digital interaction, at a distance...remote courses use a strategy of moving content designed for faceto-face instruction to a digital format.” Online classes cost $35 per credit, adding up to $140 for the standard four-credit class. According to the webpage, “The online fee at PSU is used to support the purposeful design of online programs.” “We have certain courses that were designed to be taught online. They have the curriculum that has been adopted for online delivery,” said Christina Williams, PSU director of Media and Relations. “And that’s a whole process that classes go through to become online courses.” Online courses necessitate the use of resources that may not be as heavily used in in-person classes—what the Fall Flex calls “the delivery of online student services including library, advising, learning center, and IT helpdesk.” Christopher Broderick, associate vice president of communications at PSU, agreed resources are used by both types of classes. “A portion of the fee does supplement funding for the [Office of Information Technology], [Academic & Career Services] and the Library to support the students in those fully online courses, and some pays licenses for software required to support those courses,” Broderick stated. “The [Office of Academic Innovation] staff was critical in helping the faculty make the conversion to remote instruction, and they continue to provide resources and support to all of the faculty,” he continued. Dr. Erin Shortlidge, assistant professor of biology, focuses her research on the way science is taught. According to her, online classes “should be very well thought out with well designed curricula just like we design for face to face curricula.” However, that may be difficult to do with the more improvisational development that often accompanies remote courses. For instance, “the biology department has very little experience developing online courses,” according to Shortlidge. The science departments at PSU also face some unique
challenges because of the necessity of labs in some courses. So far, they have been able to move to remote learning for spring and summer, and foresee some in-person classes this fall. Other academic departments face their own challenges in remote classes. “The challenge for music [and] theater is that performance based activities don’t work well remotely,” stated Bonnie Miksch, director of the School of Music and Theater. “We have a number of successful online offerings in music history and popular music.” Despite the success with a limited amount of online courses, Miksch stated the online fee “goes directly into the
PSU CAMPUS IN FALL OF 2019. COURTESY OF PSU. coffers of the Office of Academic Innovation and doesn’t help the academic unit.” OAI is vital to both types of class, and when things are offcampus the same resources are used, yet the fee schedule varies. There will still be a small number of in-person classes this fall, but the majority of learning at PSU—whether it’s a remote or online course—will be over our computers. “It’s not possible to predict what [COVID-19] conditions will be like three months from now,” Broderick stated. “The key to a successful fall term is ensuring the health and safety of everyone—students, faculty, staff and visitors—while providing the best possible educational experience for students.”
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INTERNATIONAL
ISABEL REKOW
BRAZILIAN PRESIDENT CONTRACTS COVID-19 JAIR BOLSONARO ENDORSES HYDROXYCHLOROQUINE, AN UNPROVEN TREATMENT
BRAZILIAN PRESIDENT JAIR BOLSONARO. COURTESY OF FLICKR CREATIVE COMMONS.
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro tested positive for COVID-19 on July 7, after months of dismissing the virus as a “little flu” while his country’s death toll of nearly 68,000 rose to become the second highest in the world. Bolsonaro is currently taking the anti-malaria drug hydroxychloroquine and promoting it on social media. Inspired by United States President Donald Trump, Bolsonaro began endorsing the drug in March. He ordered the Brazilian army to produce chloroquine—a “more toxic version of the drug,” according to AP News. The army manufactured over 2 million pills. Additionally, the White House donated 2 million hydroxychloroquine pills to Brazil. The health ministry has distributed the pills across Brazil, including in Indigenous land. Kretã Kaingang, an executive coordinator for the Indigenous organization APIB, said, “They’re trying to use the Indigenous people as guinea pigs to test chloroquine, use the Indigenous to advertise for chloroquine like Bolsonaro has done.” The World Health Organization and the National Institutes of Health have deemed hydroxychloroquine ineffective and halted studies of the treatment. In April, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration warned of the drug’s adverse side effects in COVID-19 patients. Undeterred, Bolsonaro posted a video of himself on Facebook smiling, swallowing a hydroxychloroquine pill and washing it down with a glass of water. “It’s working,” he said. Bolsonaro had previously responded to his country’s rising death toll in late April by saying, “So what? Sorry, but what do you want me to do?” The president fired his health minister, Luiz
Henrique Mandetta, in April. Bolsonaro replaced Mandetta with Nelson Teich, an oncologist who quit one month later rather than endorse hydroxychloroquine. The current interim health minister, Eduardo Pazuello, is an army general and has no medical experience. He is the only one of the three to join Bolsonaro in promoting hydroxychloroquine. According to Paulo Calmon, professor of political science at the University of Brasilia, “Chloroquine composes part of the denialist’s political strategy, with the objective of convincing voters that the pandemic’s effects can be easily controlled.” Bolsonaro showed symptoms two days after attending a Fourth of July lunch hosted by the American ambassador to Brazil. A photo of the gathering shows Bolsonaro and eight other men, none wearing a mask, sitting close together and hugging. Bolsonaro regularly goes without a mask and mingles with crowds, defying social distancing guidelines. On Tuesday, the Brazilian Press Association filed a lawsuit against him, saying he put journalists at risk during the press conference at which he announced his diagnosis. Brazil’s mayors have begun reopening the country despite the rise in cases. Over 1,000 Brazilians are dying every day from the coronavirus. Brazil’s outbreak is second only to the outbreak in the U.S. There are 1.6 million confirmed cases of COVID-19 in Brazil, but due to a lack of testing, the actual number could be as much as 12–16 times higher, according to CNN. Meanwhile, Bolsonaro continues to take and promote an unproven treatment. “I trust hydroxychloroquine,” he said, popping a pill. “Do you?”
US SANCTIONS CHINESE OFFICIALS FOR ABUSES AGAINST MUSLIM MINORITIES ISABEL REKOW The United States imposed sanctions against top Chinese officials on July 9, accusing them of violating the human rights of minority Muslims. The sanctions further increase tensions between China and the U.S. The two countries are already at odds over China’s handling of the coronavirus outbreak and its crackdown on pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong. For years, China has faced allegations of human rights abuses against Uighur and other predominantly Muslim minority groups. Approximately one million people have been detained in “re-education camps” in China’s far-western province of Xinjiang, often for crimes as minor as praying, wearing a headscarf, having too many children or visiting family abroad, according to BBC. The Chinese government stated the camps combat extremism and provide job training. Human Rights Watch said the camps are centers of mass detention, political indoctrination and torture. “The [U.S.] will not stand idly by as the [Chinese Communist Party] carries out human rights abuses targeting Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs and members of other minority groups in Xinjiang,” stated U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. President Trump said he delayed putting pressure on China in order to prioritize trade talks. According to former national security advisor John Bolton, Trump repeatedly told President Xi Jinping to continue building internment camps for Chinese Muslims, which “Trump thought was exactly the right thing to do,” Bolton stated. The U.S. imposed sanctions through the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, a law which allows the U.S. government to economically target individuals it deems violators of human rights. According to The New York Times, the sanctions are mostly symbolic
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since the officials’ assets are likely concentrated within China. The sanctioned officials included Chen Quanguo, party secretary of Xinjiang and one of the 25 members of China’s Politburo. Quanguo is the highest Chinese official to receive U.S. sanctions, according to the Trump administration. Quanguo was the former party chief of Tibet, which, similar to Xinjiang, is ostensibly an autonomous region within China. However, the ethnic and religious minority populations in these regions live under intense surveillance and policies of forced assimilation. “Chen Quanguo is truly one of the worst human rights abusers in the world today,” said Matteo Mecacci, president of the International Campaign for Tibet. “By developing a model of intense security and forced assimilation in the Tibet Autonomous Region, then implementing and expanding on that model in Xinjiang, Chen has inflicted untold suffering on millions of Tibetans, Uighurs and other non-Chinese ethnic groups,” Mecacci said. China is also forcing contraceptives and sterilization on minority women in Xinjiang, according to a report issued by Adrian Zenz, a German researcher. His analysis found an 84% drop in the population growth rate in the largest Uighur prefectures over a threeyear period. “To prevent people from having children is wrong,” said Gulnar Omirzakh, a Kazakh woman born in China who was forced to have an IUD inserted after she had her third child. “They want to destroy us as a people.” Uighur expert Joanne Smith Finley said forcing sterilization and birth control is “genocide, full stop,” according to AP News. “It’s not immediate, shocking, mass-killing on the spot type genocide, but it’s slow, painful, creeping genocide.”
CHEN QUANGUO, COMMUNIST PARTY SECRETARY OF CHINA'S XINJIANG UIGHUR AUTONOMOUS REGION. MARK SCHIEFELBEIN/AP PHOTO
ARTS & CULTURE
THE FEMINIST POLITICS OF
AVATAR: THE LAST AIRBENDER NICK GATLIN Avatar: The Last Airbender has had something of a resurgence lately. The show was added to Netflix’s catalogue in May, and it currently holds the number one spot on IMDB’s list of 2000s cartoons. For those who grew up in the early 2000s, the show can evoke strong emotions and fond memories of childhood. But how much, exactly, did the show shape our worldviews? Looking back at the series in 2020, it becomes obvious that the politics of the show were a bit more radical than its contemporaries. Its portrayal of its characters is distinctly feminist, and introduced an entire generation of children to strong women, vulnerable men and the pitfalls of toxic masculinity. The beauty of Avatar’s female characters isn’t that they’re feminine but strong; it’s that they’re feminine and strong. Katara, for example, is sweet, motherly and kind—but she can still kick someone’s ass if she wants. Toph is blind, 4’3”, and, like, 12 years old. She can also beat up the giant The Boulder in an earthbending match, she can see just as well (or better) than everyone else with her earthbending sense and she’s just an all-around badass. Suki and the other Kyoshi warriors wear their facepaint and combat uniforms—makeup and dresses—because they actually help them fight. They boost morale, and they’re the most battle-ready clothes they have. Their role model, Avatar Kyoshi, was as tough as an Avatar can be, and she wasn’t afraid to look feminine. The show asks the viewer: “Men wear face-paint and uniforms to fight. Why should it be different if it’s a woman?” Avatar also isn’t afraid to have a female villain (or three). Azula is arguably the most well-developed villain in the series, and
she and her associates, Ty Lee and Mai, are characterized with just as much depth as the heroes. Ozai, the big bad (voiced by Mark Hamill), is just irredeemably evil for basically no reason. Azula has motivation. We learn how she became who she is through her toxic relationship with her father and her perceived neglect from her mother. Avatar delves deep into abusive family relationships, most notably in Zuko’s story. In flashbacks to his early childhood, we see Zuko as a kind, compassionate child, influenced heavily by his mother. But the influence of his father soon clouds his judgement—Ozai is cold, hateful and vengeful, challenging his 13-year-old(!) son to a duel for speaking out of turn, leaving a massive scar on his face. Zuko is subsequently banished from the Fire Nation for refusing to fight, and becomes hardened and cruel. It is only through his development throughout the series, aided by his uncle Iroh and the friends he makes along the way, that he begins to chip away at the trauma that formed him and become someone even stronger. Avatar teaches us toxic masculinity is often a defense mechanism designed to hide deeper insecurities. That’s an incredibly important message for a kids show—and even more important for kids watching who may be in a similar situation. Speaking of male characters, let’s talk about how Avatar handles masculinity in a positive way. For starters, the main character is a pacifist vegetarian who loves to dance, wears flower crowns, makes jewelry for his friend and is more concerned with being kind than being tough. Aang is an important role model for young boys, showing them a softer, gentler kind of masculinity. Sokka is where Avatar’s critique of toxic masculinity really shines, though. Sokka starts the series as an outright sexist, who says to Katara in the first five minutes of the series, “Leave it to a girl to screw things up.” Of course, right after, Katara responds, “You are the most sexist, immature, nutbrained…” so the show is clear in its criticism. But how Sokka develops through the series is the real story. He starts as a narrow-minded bigot, and matures into an equal-minded adult who views women as his equals—and sometimes his better. He learns from the Kyoshi Warriors that being “feminine” is not a weakness—it’s a strength. By the end of the show, as the kids say, he takes a big chug of respect women juice. To leave with a final note: at the end of Book 2, Aang has to choose between leaving his worldly desires behind, or choosing to be with his crush Katara. He chooses the love of his life. Uncle Iroh tells him he made the right decision; to live with happiness and love is the wisest choice one can make. That’s what it means to be mature. That’s what it means to be a man. Love. And that’s the message millions of kids were raised on. I, for one, think that’s beautiful.
AANG, A CHARACTER FROM THE 2000S ANIMATED SERIES, AVATAR: THE LAST AIRBENDER.
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OPINION
STUDENTS NEED RELIEF: BEYOND THE CARES ACT AJ EARL Oregon must decide whether students are important by considering the major financial hurdles that COVID-19 presents. With the current pandemic suggesting no abatement in the offing, it is extremely likely that students will continue to face unprecedented educational and economic burden. Despite these obvious barriers to education, however, the federal government appears unlikely to move on assisting students, and it is therefore important for Oregon to step in. It has been three and a half months since the start of stringent measures to reduce COVID-19 infections, and about as long since businesses began to lay off workers, including many students. It has also been that long since classes have been moved online— or canceled altogether—while many residence halls have been emptied as a precaution. The costs incurred by students now range from moving from these residence halls, buying expensive technology to remain connected to their courses and more. Naturally, this pandemic was just as much a surprise to the state government as it has been to students, but unlike states with tax revenue, although sometimes in decline, students are almost always going to have limited incomes that make precarity a rule of life. After the CARES Act monies dried up, including the direct payments given to Americans, the flow of money into student pockets has largely dried up and they are forced to shoulder this burden all on their own. It should not be this way. Absent from a recent special session was any kind of financial relief for university students, universally. Instead of realizing that students are a financially burdened class, Oregon has to this point not acted. In fact, universities in Oregon are seeing tuition increases, including a tuition increase of 4.9% at Portland State for undergraduates paying in-state tuition. The result is the inevitability of a student exodus, exacerbating increasing shortfalls for schools such as PSU. Where there is clear impetus to act, the state has failed to do so. This should not be the case, but time and again the deprioritizing of universities has become the norm, an institutional value that elevates decline and eschews measures that could be working for residents of the state. How can this continue without widening achievement gaps that are borne out of the increasing
inaccessibility of higher education, particularly to marginalized communities? To that end, decisive action is not only important, it is necessary. There are many forms this action can take beyond simple and effective direct payment. For one, utilizing state resources to help universities raise endowments, especially those schools that have none to speak of and those whose fund is scant. Private, institutionalized support in the form of a fund dedicated and accountable to university students is an important step, supporting them is the next. At PSU, this would obviously include enhanced efforts at building the existing PSU endowment which stands at $77 million. Students also need debt forgiveness. Alumni and graduates often find themselves turning to crowdfunding to support their needs, but a better idea would be a sort of public, statewide crowdfund available to all students. Something like a tax, or, in other words, an actual tax. The skittishness of the voters is no excuse for inaction on this kind of measure and in fact the state should relish the challenge to justify such a progressive, humane measure. Challenging voter unease over assisting students and posing solid arguments in favor of an educated population at all levels, from K to 12, special and advanced, community college and university, trade school and even Massive Open Online Courses.
There is also the necessary and important consideration of costs beyond just school, including housing and healthcare. University students should all be enrolled automatically in the Oregon Health Plan unless they bring their own insurance. Students should also be offered rent forgiveness where practicable and practical, eviction protection for the duration of their education and expanded food assistance, whether that is in the form of a state welfare fund or an effort to boost and supplement school food pantries. Leaving students high and dry in this pandemic is unwise and unfair, especially when they themselves can catch the virus and suffer lifelong impairment. A state that can leverage connections, institutions and government power is one that has a duty to its residents. With COVID-19 bearing down on us, it would be a moral failing to not live up to this imperative.
SHANNON STEED
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