Haffenden family history prior to 1500AD

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HAFFENDEN FAMILY HISTORY UNTIL 1500

by Dr. Ian G. Haffenden JP The Early History of the Haffenden name as Family and Place.

Background and Family Origins In AD 449 Vortigen the leader of the Britons in the Kingdom of Kent sought the help of the Jutish leaders Hengist and Horsa to maintain control. They arrived, via Thanet, very much as mercenaries, and were soon to take control of the Kingdom pushing westwards, though later to return and stabilize in Kent. The Jutes called Kent Cantware from the Roman Canttii making their capital at Canterbury. As they were invited it may be misleading to say `Jute invasion`, but during the following centuries the Jutes came to populate and control Kent, settling mainly in the north on the high downland ground with some settling in the south around the Isle of Oxney.

Although Bedes history of Briton, in AD 731, claimed that the Jutes came from Jutland subsequent archaeological evidence has shown that they (as a mercenary force) came from a wider area across northern France and Germany. With the arrival of St Augustine in AD 595 they established a link with Rome and there followed the introduction of the first written records of law.

The Jutish Kingdom was administered through the creation of lathes. These were areas of land divided into royal estates and the outland holdings of the free creoles.

The creoles / freeman had no lord except for the king and attended lathe courts to whom they looked for justice. In return for their relative independence they paid dues and services for the maintenance of the king’s household and as retainers in the case of war. Within lathes there were hundred courts and manor courts where the lay lordships interposed between the king and freemen forming the feudal pyramid.

Each lathe had access to defined common woodland areas in the Weald. Through each of the lathe commons ran a group of droves where the swine were driven each year for the purpose of pannage; the oldest droves were based on established routes

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through the Wealden forest such as the prehistoric iron work tracks and those paths left by the Romans.

As stated by Witney (1976:56): Many of the outland tenants who used the commons came in time to frequent their own chosen areas, a form of seasonal occupation which was recognized by custom, if not legally acknowledged. These, in effect, were the first dens; long predating those which - under later dispensation - were conveyed to the manors.

Further (Witney 1976: 69), The early dens were not created by royal grants but through regular and undisputed occupation by free creoles who made use of the commons, in which they were mere lodgements.

Further, those dens `owned by the warrior class of the creoles` came to be `reflected in surviving place-names` (Witney 1990: 22).

One such family were the Efred family or Efred-folk the Efredings (ding meaning folk). By AD 863, the Efredings were sufficiently established in the Lathe of Wye for the woodland clearing they used to be named after them as Efredingdenn (as referenced in Cartularium Saxonicum, (Witney 1976). As Efredingdenn is a den situated at the northerly end of a drove based on an established ancient prehistoric iron track it would appear that the Efredings were amongst the earlier families to gain some prominence in that area.

Out of the dens grew small hamlets and scattered farms with the land held by the head of the family being distributed relatively evenly to their kin (including proportions to wives and daughters) through the law of Gravelkind. This continued until the twelfth century along with relative freedom for individuals to buy and sell the land they held. However, many dens were to remain in the same ownership for centuries and well into the post Norman conquest era.

At this point it should be noted that the Lathe of Wye was the only Kent lathe with droves that extended beyond the Lathe into the Weald of Sussex. Moreover, the drove on which Efredingdenn is found extends and links with those into the Tenterden, Rolvenden and Hawkhurst areas - the latter of which had Wye dens.

Thus, over the centuries following the establishment of a hamlet at Efredingdenn, the Efredings had easy access to the areas of Kent on it’s south west coast; an area

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in which they would come to hold both land and some influence following the Norman invasion.

Haffenden Name as Place and Family Between the first record of the family in the form of a patronymic in AD 863 and the Norman conquest, there is (to date) only one further land reference to Efredingdenn in the Saxon chronicles. In the charter of AD 940, one of nine dens referenced is called Hereferpeslea which Furley identifies as what probably became known as Haffenden. This would seem likely as a development of Hefredingdenn, with the H often added to the front of Saxon names beginning with a vowel. However the established spelling of Haffenden, both as a place and family, would not be settled until the fifteenth century. Between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries the name, as we shall see, evolved through a number of stages.

Haffenden as a Place Name.

Following the Norman invasion of 1066 the Doomsday book - The Book of Winchester - was written in 1086. In this work many of the woodland areas and clearings were not specifically named or mentioned and this holds true for Hefredingdenn. It does, however, appear in St Augustine’s twelfth century Black Book as Herwertinge/ Heuerthinge/ Hereuertinge/ Hereuerthing/ Herewarthing/ Herferthinge/ Herferthyng/ Halfardinge in the High Halden parish of Kennington, where Witney (Witney 1976) states `...Halfardinge (Furley), now Haffenden Farm

by Oldhouse, the home of the Haffenden family.` Nevertheless, during the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries the place is identified with more familiar spellings than those used in the Black Book. In the Kent Feet of Fines the place is identified as Hethindenn and Heffinden (High Halden in 1221) and Hethindenn (1236), while in the Charters of Robertsbridge Abbey it becomes Hechinden (1190)/ Hethinden (1194)/ Hethynden (1230), and in Honor & Knights Fees Volume 3 it appears (for the same time span) as Hethindenne/ Hethindenn/ Hethinden/ Hechinden/ Hethendenn/ Hethingden, with the latter, Hethingden appearing to cover a relatively large area, as `Hendon in Woodchurch` is referred to as `Woodchurch [Hethingden]`. As we shall see later, by the mid-late 1400s the broad area known as Hethenden becomes a King’s Park for game & deer and by the end of the century it has taken on the familiar spelling: Haffenden.

[In should be noted that the above variations of the spelling do follow the recognized (Witney 1976) contractions of the times with : `ing` becoming `in` and then `en` and `dd` becoming `ct` then `tt` or `th`.]

Haffenden as a Family Name.

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As a family name Haffenden is less easier to chart than as the place name. This is due to the earliest recorded family members holding control of land in both the place that became known as Haffenden - land that by this time had poor access economically - and more accessible, economically rich land to the south west of the county. Places in both these areas were at the time spelt similarly and appear to have been used/ influenced the origins of what becomes the surname Haffenden.

To trace out the derivation of the surname only those individuals recorded at the times give reference. The following takes in chronological order those referenced in the literature and attempts were possible to indicate relationships either where they have been recorded or where land ownership indicates. The numbers relate to specific generations, from those first recorded individuals: 1(a). Ranulf (son of Matilda) de: Hettchdenne (1185), Hetchinden (1190) [these two references are sealed with Ranulfi de Hetinden], Hethindenne (1194), Hetchindenn (1200) [both with seal Randulf: de Hethinden], Hetinden (1198), Hetchindenn, Hethindenne, Hecthindenne, Hethend, Hatchindenne (1200), Hethindenn, Heffinden (1221).

[Whilst Randulf sees himself from Hethinden his lands and travels in the south west of the county appear to influence his designation at different times. Note, for example, that Hechindenn in 1251 is the area later known as Acdene in Hexden the location of the tributary of the River Rother and that Hexden at this time was known as Hechendenne.]

1(b). Everard (possibly a brother of Ranulf) de: Hethendenn (1200).

[Everard is known to be in the area of Rolvenden at this time.]

1(c). James (possibly a brother of Randulf) de: Hethindenne.

[James leaves land in Hethindenn] 2(a). William (son of Randulf) de: Hethyndenne, Hethindenne, Hethindun, Langham (1230), Etheringden (1237), Hethinndenn (1242), Hechindenn (1251), Hacchesden (~1260).

[NB. The manor at Etchden - note the farm to similar name to the east of Haffenden Quarter - was known as Hecchisdenne/ Hacchesdene and is reported to have been in William’s possession at one stage. Langham on the other hand is an area in Rolvenden].

2(b) Edith (daughter of James, cousin to William and Eilword?) de: Hethindenne (1236). [Edith lives in Hexden and has land in Hethindenn] 2(c). Eilword (possibly brother of William) de: Hethindenn.

3(a) Sara (daughter of Eilword) de: Hethindenn (1266).

3(b) James le Taylur de: Hechendenne (1271).

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[James holds lands in the Hexden area.]

4. Hubert (possibly a grandson of William or Eilword) de: Herindenne (1290) and Hethyndenne (1308).

[Hubert holds lands along the coast in the marshes of Meyhamme and Gatesdenne between Smallyde and Meyhamme. Note he also uses the same spelling in 1308 as William was using in 1230.]

5. Thomas (son of Hubert) de: Hethyndenne (1308).

The following become more difficult to locate in relation to each other and the above. However, they all lived in or around areas in which the for going were known to hold lands.

William & Philip de: Herindenne (1345) - Tenterden.

[NB. The spelling here is as used in 1290 by Hubert.]

William de Husyndenne (1345) - Calehill, Wye. Thomas & John de Heryndenne (1345) - Cranbrook, Wye. [Heryndenne would appear just an alternative spelling to Herindenne as `i` was often interchanged with `y`.]

John & Johannan Hethindenne (1350 and 1376) .

Henry Hethyndenne (1402).

Philip Heffynden alias Hethynden (b 1375, ref.1409) - Tenterden.

Lawrence Haffenden (1483) alias Hethynden (1454) - Barclay, Wye. [Lawrence appears to own lands broadly in the same Rolvenden, Newenden and Haffenden areas as those owned by Randulf and William above.]

To conclude, as a family name Efreding came to define the place Efredingdenn and subsequently the people from that place as de Hethinden. Following a number of different forms and derivations, over a period of six hundred years, it finally came to name both the family and place (they still owned much of) as Haffenden.

The Early Socio Economic History of the Haffenden Family until the 1500s.

Introduction.

It is clear from the above that the Jute Efred family had become established in the Wye Lathe of Kent by the 8th century AD. The main focus of the economy at that time was swine herds and the location of Efredingdenn was appropriate to the drives of the times. Situated on one of the old prehistoric iron tracks its position suggests that the den and thus the associated family must have been amongst the earlier

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inhabitants of the Wye lathe swine drove developments, possibly dating back considerably further. As the droves developed they were to penetrate deeper and deeper into the wealden forest with the herdsman often meeting at the cross over points and at other places that were nodal to the droves. The drove from Efredingdenn connected up across the north to Cranbrook and on to Hawkhurst, whilst to the south through High Halden to the nodal point of several droves at Rolvenden.

During the years up until and following the Norman conquest however the main means of reliable transport of goods and food, as well as continental trade, became linked more specifically to the rivers of Kent. With this the land in the vicinity of the main rivers gained greater economic potential. Thus, with Efredingdenn not well connected to the river systems it might be expected that the family located and settled here, if able, would seek to purchase, or through marriage, obtain lands in the more prosperous areas of the lathe: those connected with the River Rother and its tributaries. Thus, although the details of the lives of the families holding the land in the Efredingdenn area is not known prior to the mid 1100s, it is not surprising to find that by this time they had established a significant stake and influence in these more prosperous areas of the lathe. Further, by the end of the 12th century the family had become of sufficient importance to be named in the written records, to hold seals depicting them as knights and, as we shall see, to have travelled to fight for the King on the third Crusade.

The Early Family History.

Following the Norman conquest the structure of land ownership and control was changed. The land, and with it the local economy, became divided up under new landowners - often the church - new landlords - families favored by King William and subsequent kings - and landholders or users - usually those families and people who had been in control of the land prior to the conquest. The Haffendens may have originally fallen into the third of these categories. However, for a time they appear to have gained access to what might be considered the lower end of the second category.

The first member of the family on record, in 1185, is Matilda the mother of Randulf de Hethinndene. The reference (see below) suggests that she is widowed by this date and that her principle son Randulf as an unmarried adult is probably in his late teens. This would suggest an age for Matilda in at least her mid thirties, having thus been born around or before 1150.

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Randulf, at this relatively young age, (born in around the mid-late 1160s) clearly owns control of substantial lands, presumably left to him by his father in Hethinden and to the south west of the county. By his seal he is a knight and it would appear able to exact fees and services from those to whom he, and the family before, have granted permission to use their lands. Knights fees were obtained by granting of land on condition that the recipient and their heirs should supply a stipulated number of knights or meet a stipulated proportion of the cost of equipping and maintaining a knight for service as required by the king. Feudal custom had it that a knight be required to give 40 days service per year. The knights fees of Randulf it would appear are linked to the Count of Arundel until 1193 before passing over to the Count of Eu. The main records that exist for Randulf are in relation to the charters of the Abbey of Robertsbridge. The Abbey was founded in 1176 by Alured de St Martin. Alured had married Alice, daughter of the Earl of Arundel and widow of John Earl of Eu, in 1170. She subsequently became a benefactress to Robertsbridge Abbey (Archaeologia 1880:428).

The Abbey, as part of the overall institution of the Church at that time, would have been seen as a powerful organization (support for the building of churches was at its peak during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries). Whether the Abbey approached Randulf, or his father had been involved at an earlier stage, is unknown. The first reference, or charter of Randulf reads: [c. 1185] Randulf de Hettchdenne to the Monks Confirmation of the grant made them by William fitzBass and his sons of the marsh held by said William, in the parish of Stane Moxenell {Stone in Oxney}, of his fee of Hectin; the same to be held of said William and his heirs, quit of all service to Randulf.

Matilida, his mother, assents to and approves of this deed.

The seal of Randulf depicted at the close of this entry is of an armed knight on horse riding to the dexter, and holding a penon charged with a saltire.

The grant by William fitzBass is of his land and the knight’s fee of Hectin belonging to Randulf de Hettchdenne to the monks; a grant supported by Randulf and Randulf’s mother. From this it seems that Randulf receives knights fees for lands in Hectin (Hethinden). It also seems he holds sufficient land to let land out for the purpose of knight fees.

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The next reference is not until five years later and following the launch by Richard I of the third Crusade. As is clear from the entry Randulf `sells` land in the form of a grant to raise money for his passage to Jerusalem in support of the King. [c. 1190] Ranulf de Hetchinden to the Monks.

Sale for 100s., {for his itinerary} on his journey to Jerusalem, of all his right in the tenement of Cnocke, in Oxenell, and of Wokele, and all the tenement of Fugelesbroc, and whatever interest he had in his tenement of Idenne, and the tenement of Gilbert Cinerarius of Hecthinden, which is rated as 8 acres of arable, and 4 acres of meadow, and which widow Leuiva held; subject to yearly payment of 6d. for all service save the King’s, viz: 10s. 73/4d. in every 20s. scutage {payment en lieu of military service}, and 7s. 1d. for marriage when it happens. The consideration is the discharge of a debt of £40 to the Jews. {Calendar of Kent Feet of Fines to the end of Hentry III informs that, at Canterbury on 19th September 1194, it was recognized that the Abbot was given one dunna at Enocke and Wokele; ½ dunna at Idenne; ¼ dunna at Fugelesbroc and 4 acres of meadow, 19th September 1194} The reference to paying the `Jews`, which is a considerable debt for the time, is interesting. Whether he felt some guilt in going to Jerusalem on the Crusade whilst owing such a sum to the Jews or whether he had acquired the debt in order to afford the journey - as was the case of many of the Crusaders is unclear (Macfarlane, Thomson & Archer p311). It may have on the other hand been a show of support to the King who was not pleased with the Jewish massacres of that year in Lynn, Norwich, Stamford, St. Edmundsbury, Lincoln, and York. The York massacre was thought to be a means by which the nobles debts to the Jews could be relinquished.

The duration Randulf is away on crusade is unknown, but he has returned to England by 1192, as the records of Robertsbridge Abbey indicate he returns to the continent that year, with others, on rumour that the King has been captured by Leopold of Austria on his return journey from Jerusalem. Randulf is back in England by 1194.

In the above quote it is also interesting to note that Randulf is still single in 1190.

Further, the tenement in Fugelesbroc (fugeles ~ relates to a bird i.e. wing; broc ~ Kentish for marshland meadow) is the first specific reference to a piece of land

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owned in the Hecthinden area from which his designate (in seal) appears to have been taken. He seals his documents as Randulf de Hethindene.

In 1194 the above charters of Randulf to the Abbey of Robertsbridge are confirmed

by Roger de St: Martin and the monks: [c. 1194] ... the agreements made between the monks and Randulf de Ethenden as contained in a cyrograph entered into the King’s Court, and testified by Randulf’s charter.

The next reference to Randulf is in relation to King Richard’s King’s Royal Charter confirming the lands, tenures, men, services and rents given to the Abbey of Robertsbridge in 1198. Here, the order in which the names appear in the Royal Charter suggest the order in which the land was acquired. Randulf appears last on the list behind Henry Earl of Eu. The Charter is dated 11th November 1198 and reads: [c. 1198] King Richard to the Abbey Royal Charter confirming to the monks .....; and the land they hold of the fee of Randulf de Hetinden; Intrestingly, the following year, other lands held by Randulf on knights fees to John de Eu are also confirmed to the abbey. [c. 1199] King Richard in 1199 and John de Eu son of John Count of Eu in 1200-05 confirmed to the monks of Roberts Bridge land held by Randulf de Hethindenne belonging to the fee of Maiham.

(Honor & Knights Fees, Vol.3:158) It appears that whilst Randulf receives knight’s fees on land he owns linked to Hethinden he also pays both knights fees for lands he holds in the fee of Maiham and scutage (money en lieu of military service) at the Court of Maiham, which was under the control of the Count of Arundel until 1193. However, in 1193, the Count of Arundel conveys, as dowry to his daughter on her marriage to Count de Eu, half of Bilsington manor (Wintey 1976:270). With this came the knights fees at Herbertindenne (Vine Hall, Bethersden, and Woodchurch), Maiham (in Rolvenden) and Beindene (Beneden village). Much later (during the reign of Edward III) Lowden (previously Lovedam or Orlovingden) is also held with Maiham. [This is worth noting as Randulf’s widow files for dower from here in 1221.] After his

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marriage John Count de Eu also grants lands to the Abbot of Robertsbridge both in Sussex and Kent. For example, in Sussex the Count held half a hide in the Forest of Dallington and, In the early 13th century the count granted Robertsbridge Abbey general rights of pasture and dead wood in that area, but later these were defined more closely. The right to take wood was relinquished by the monks and the number of cattle and horses to be grazed on the common was limited.

The count granted similar rights to Hastings Prior: ...

(Gardiner 1996:127) [Wood by this time holds significant worth thus the controls.]

In Kent, he gives up land in Snargate Marsh belonging to the lordships of Bilsington and in Maplesden (Rolvenden).

From the charters and other records, it appears Randulf is in national terms what might be termed a minor noble with greater significance and influence locally, in the mid to south west Weald of Kent, as landowner and landholder. Moreover, it is noted here, whilst the date of Randulf’s marriage to Clarice is unknown, from the later activities of their son it would seem quite possible that it took place around this date.

The following year, Randulf confirms the earlier agreements and goes on to grant more land to the Monks: [c. 1200] Randulf de Hethindenne to the Monks Confirmation of all the tenements rents, and services they held of him under charters of his first seal and grant out of his demesne of 12 acres of meadow, called Fuggesbroc mead, and lying in Hethinden; subject to the yearly payment of 6d. for all service save the King’s scrutage, viz: 7s. 1d. in the mark, of which scutage they are to acquit him at the Court of Maiham.

For the innovation of the present seal, and for his charter, the monks give him 10s. {This document and those that follow all have a different seal than the initial two.

Why Randulf uses a new seal and what significance can be drawn from it can only be speculated on. It is possible that he wished to clearly distinguish between charters or times. Maybe his second seal was seen more as a counter signing seal.

The answer may never be known.}

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From this it is clear Randulf’s demesne - land held round a manor or house retained for the owner’s use - is in Hethinden.

During the year 1200, Randulf makes three further charters with the Abbey of Robertsbridge. In two he grants in frankalmoign lands previously given on condition. [Frankalmoign is a form of tenure by which religious bodies hold lands especially on the condition of praying for the soul of the donor.] [c. 1200] Randulf de Hetchinden to the Monks Grant in frankalmoign, out of his demesne, of 12 acres of meadow, called Fuggesbroc mead, to hold in their demesne, or dispose of, as they like. [c. 1200] Randulf de Hecthindenne to the Monks Grant in frankalmoign of all his tenemennt of Cnocke in Oxenell, with the brook, and all things thereto appertaining.

The third charter is interesting in so far as Randulf instructs the monks to pay the annual rent due to him for the tenements they hold of the fee of Hethinden to be paid instead to Alan de Maiham. [c. 1200] Randulf de Hecthindenne to the Monks Authority to pay on his behalf Alan, son of Henry de Lond., and his heirs at Maiham an annual rent of sixpence for the tenements which they hold of the fee of Hethinden, viz: Cnocke, Wokele, Fuggesboc, Idenne, the lands of Gilbert Cinerarius and Levivia, and the meadow of Fuggesboc.

It is interesting that the above includes both pieces of land that he has, apparently, given over to the monks to `dispose of, as they like.` Thus, whilst Randulf has sufficient personal wealth to afford to give up these lands to the Abbey, he appears shrewd enough to have include them in the above charter as still subject to rent!

The relationship between Randulf and Alan de Maiham is unknown. Yet, interestingly Hugh de Maiham was a witness to three of the charters of 1200, including the last. Some explanation, however, can be drawn from the following reference to a charter relating to this period quoted in the Calendar of Charters and Documents relating to Robertsbridge Abbey (p53): [c ~ 12--]

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Charter of Orabilia, daughter of Ralph de Maiham, and widow of Alan son of Henry, mayor of London, confirming to Robertsbridge Abbey for her soul and the soul of her husband Alan de Maiham, the lands which they hold of the tenement of Randulf de Hecthindene.

This suggests that Alan dies before Randulf (1221). It also tells that Alan was a landholder of lands owned by Randulf.

In addition to the setting out charters with Robertsbridge Abbey, Randulf also acts as a witness to other’s transactions. In particular, he is witness to charters relating to the Fuggelesbroch area belonging to Roger de Fuggelesbroch. On one of these documents Randulf signs witness as Randulf de Hatchindenne. This form of the name may have been influenced by the gate-penny law introduced during the reign of King John (1199-1216). It gave the right, on paying the fee, to complete enclosures, and dens, by hanging a gate. [The word `hatches` relating to the gap in the hedge through which swine would pass.]

There are no further charters made by Randulf after 1200. Only following his death in 1221 are there further charters with the Abbey when the original ones (as we shall see below) are renewed by William, his son and heir.

Before moving onto this time, the following reference in relation to the family should be considered: [c. 1200]

In 1200 Aumauri de Landry demanded payment from Everard de Hethendenn and four others for intrusion onto land in Rolvenden.

(Hon.&Kt. Fees, V.3:158)

It might be speculated that Everard is one of Randulf’s younger brothers or kinsmen.

The name and date suggest they are, to an extent, contemporaries with the same family name and living in the same area of south west Kent. It is interesting to note that Everard is the only person actually named, possibly implying some family significance(?). In addition to Everard it would appear that Randulf probably had at least one further brother, James de Hethindenne. The following is recorded in relation to him: [c. 1236] Hexden (in Rolvenden) at Canterbury. Q. (pet.) Edith de Hethindenne daughter of James D. (ten.) Samuel de Tilthe, 4 acres of meadow in Hethindenn. Q. acknowledged the right of D. to hold D and his heirs of Q.

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and her heirs rendering yearly 12 of sterling silver at St John the Baptist and at Christmas doing service to the chief of the lords. D. gave one mark.

(K.F.F. 27th April 1236).

It should be noted that this is recorded in Hexden which is adjacent to Forsham, known to be held by Randulf and then William his son (see later). Moreover, the 4 acres of land are not in Hexden but Hethindenn. Thus, James daughter Edith (James has presumably died?) appears to live in Hexden area and hold some lands in Hethindenn - as does Randulf. Further, if James has died by 1236, he could have been a younger brother to Randulf. This would make Edith Randulf’s niece?

Following Randulf de Hethinden’s death in (or around) 1221, his wife, Clarice, becomes involved in land transactions both with tenants of lands owned by her late husband and the monks of Robertsbridge. As recorded in the Kent Feet of Fines: [c. 1222] Orlovingden [in Rolvenden]*. Same date. Q. (pet.) Clarice late w. of Ranulf de Hethindenn. D. (ten.). Jocelin Puignaut; one third of 8s of rent in Horlauindenn which Q. claimed as her reasonable dower of the free tenement which was of Ranulf her husband in the same vill. Q. quit claimed all her right in the name of dower to D. and his heirs. D. gave 12s.

(K.F.F. p74: 27th Jan 1221/2) {The footnoted item reads: * cf Hasted III, 87; according to Ekwell the name may remain in Lowden in Rolvenden - F.W.H. As indicated above Lowden is correct and still exists as a farm name between Rolvenden Layne and Maytham Wharf} The above suggests that Randulf’s widowed wife Clarice is living in the Rolvenden area and was keen to receive her widow’s dues. She must have been a strong women, however, as it was unprecedented in those times, as recorded in the Calendar of Kent Feet of Fines to the end of Henry III, for a women to have gone to court to seek moneys from an Abbott for lands given up by her late husband in 1194.

As is clear from the following she was also successful in her claim: [c. 1222] Enock; Ockley; Siseley* [both in Hawkhurst}; Hugebroc; Haffenden [in Tenterden or High Halden]. Three weeks from Trinity (19th June) Q. (pet.)

Clarice late w. of Ranulf de Hethinden. D. (ten) Nicholas, Abbort of Robertsbridge by John de Colecestr’ his monk; one third of three parts of a

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Knights fee in Enock, Wockel, Sessele, Hugebroc and Heffinden which third Q. claimed as her reasonable dower of the tenement of Ranulf her husband in the same vill. Q. quit claimed all her right in the name of dower to D. and his successors. And for this D. granted that he and his successors will give yearly to Q. for her life three ells of white cloth for one tunic at the feast of St Luke and 2 pairs of shoes, one pair at Easter and one pair at Michaelmas, and more over Q. shall have every day during her life of the said house of Roberts bridge one loaf of demesne bread (dominicus panis) of the monks and 2 gallons of demesne beer (dominicus cervisia) of the monks and other food as would a brother of the same house. [95.11.74] (K.F.F. p76: 13th May 1221/2) {* It is worth noting that Siseley, like Hefredindenn, is a patronymic} [The large daily consumption of beer was not extraordinary for the time as clean water was difficult to acquire and as Witney notes, in 1286, wood was used for heating and cooking which included: making malt for the ale that was drunk in great quantities (Witney 1990:31)] There are a number of points to be made here. Firstly, there are lands referred to above (Siseley) not previously included in the charters of Randulf. This suggests that Randulf held more land than indicated before. Secondly, it is interesting to note that some of the property originally granted to the monks for rent, then given to them for their own use (but still charged rent on), appear in the above. Thus, Clarice receives dower money on some lands that are clearly in the possession of the monks, who have now, apparently, been charged twice for them!

The Abbot does not seem to have been very pleased with this result as it is footnoted in the Calendar of Kent Feet of Fines: In Michaelmas Term 5-6 year of the reign of Henry III, D. (ten) Nicholas, Abbort of Robertsbridge failed to appear and the third part of the land was ordered to be taken into the King’s land. D. levied to appear in Hilary and the fine levied in Trinity. (K.F.F. p.cxviii) How the remainder of Randulf’s estate was divided is not known. Whether Clarice took control of it until her death is possible since no further references to the family appear until 1230 - possibly the date of Clarice’s death? What is clear is that Randulf and Clarice had at least one (and possibly two) son(s) who inherited.

Randulf’s heir was William, and the other possible son was Eilword, who is of the same generation. He could however be a cousin ( Everard’s son?). The former

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seems more likely. We shall consider the detail of these references in chronological order.

Firstly, for William de Hethynden there are four references in AD 1230. By this date he is married to Cecily and they have at least two daughters and possibly a son. He appears to have taken overall control of the family wealth and influence. He appears from the references to have been as important a minor noble as his father and a knight. His references in the literature of his day suggest his area of influence is similar to that of his father, but possibly over a broader area of mid to south west Kent. It should be noted that when in 1204 King John lost control of Normandy to the French the defensive significance of the land areas held now by William increased. He appears first in the Close Rolls of 1230. The location is given as Hedindon, Woodchurch and the reference is to William de Langham and Cecilian his wife. It goes on to confirm he holds lands in Rolvenden, Hethingden et Oxendal. Presumably these are the lands that were held by his father. His reference to Langham, is Langham in Rolvenden, within the manor of Forsham (Witney 1976:270). This area was to hold knights fees by the reign of the Black Prince, and is situated beside Lowden (c.f. his mother).

The same year William makes a charter with the Abbey of Robertsbridge. The timing of this suggests that his mother Clarice has now died and he has taken on all the lands previously held by his father and willed to him. [c.1230] Charter of William de Hethyndenne, son of Randulf de Hethyndenne, confirming to the Abbey of Robertsbridge the tenements which they held by gift of his father, sc, Choke in Oxenell, and two acres of meadow in Hethynden; and further granting them the tenements of Wokely, ...Idenne, and Fuggesbroc, and the land which was Gilbert Cinerarius in Hethynden: saving the King’s scutage, seven shillings and a penny to the mark, whereof the monks shall acquit him and his heirs at the court of Maiham. {The seal to this is of William de Hethindenne and is a double cross}.

While this charter just confirms previous arrangements made by Randulf with the monks it is interesting that these lands are those that have been apparently sold twice to the monks before but still remain in some capacity in the lordship of William (?) This is made clear by the following charter of the same year: [c. 1230]

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Acquittance by William de Hethindenne to the Abbey of Robertsbridge of all demands which Nicholas de Potune and Orable his wife have made for the tenements which the Abbey holds of him in Cnocke, Wokele, Fuggesbroc and Idenne; and the land which Gilbert Cinerarius held, and of four acres of meadow which Leviva the widow held.

What is clear here is that these lands are still seen by the Abbey as William’s and that they `hold of him`. The final reference to William in the charters of Robertsbridge Abbey reads: [c. 1230] Quitclaim by William de Hethindun to the Abbey of Robertsbridge of the penny of aid for the marriage of his eldest daughter.

His eldest daughter has presumably married. The next reference to William is from the Kent Feet of Fines, seven years later. [c. 1237] Freezingham (Frensham) - {near Rolvenden} 17th May 1237 Q.(pet) William de Cassingham, D (imp) William de Etheringden and wife Cecily; a forth part of a yoke of land in Freezingham. Plea of Warranty of charter. D. acknowledged the land to be the right of Q. of gift of D. To hold to Q. and his heirs of D. and the heirs of Cecily, paying yearly 12d at Michaelmas for all services except foreign service. Warranty by D. and heirs of Cecily. Q. gave 20s. (K.F.F. p146 17th May 1237) It is possible that this land was a `gift` to William de Cassingham on his (possible?) marriage to William’s eldest daughter referred to above, though this is pure speculation. Frezingham Farm today is adjacent to Lowden Farm, both south of Rolvenden. What is apparent is, in 1237 William holds lands in the same marsh areas as his father had along the coast in the River Rother estuary and it’s Hexden tributary. Much of this land was on the northern shore of the tributary. The land is still however held under knight’s fees to the Count de Eu, and in `Hendon in Woodchurch [Hethingden]` in 1242-3 William de Hethindenn is recorded as paying rent to the Eu family for land he holds in Rolvenden and Hethindenn (H&KF:158).

It would seem that William and Cecily remained resident in or around the Rolvenden area as, in 1251, William appears again this time in the Inquisition Post mortuum of 10th August 1251 (as reported in Arch. Cant. V2:306). The inquisition on a man for

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felony in Benindenn, was taken by William de Hechinden, who it was reported was a Juror of Benenden, where the hearing was taken.

Considering the position of the lands held by William it is important to note that in 1252, twenty-four lawful men of Romney Marsh were chosen and sworn in to keep the walls and dykes in good repair having the right to levy a scot, or tax on every landowner in the marsh to do so. The importance of maintaining sea walls in the marsh areas had become vital both for the purpose of transport of cattle, wood and wool, and of defending the claimed pasture areas and low lying manors. [N.B. The price of wood trebled between 1260 and 1348, (Witney 1976) and that during this period the soaring value of these woods led some landlords to buy up the best plots from their freehold tenants so as: to lease out for much higher returns than the previous custom-bound rents (Witney 1990:34)].

The final reference we have to William is that during the reign of Henry III (121672) `One William de Hacchesden had some claim to the possession of`... the manor of Hecchisdenne or Etchden, north east of Bethersden (Arch. Cant. V16:66). When during this period this was is unclear. However records for the manor suggest this is the case. As, up till at least 1187, the land of Etchden was owned by Gervase de Cornhill and son Reginald (Honor & Knight Fees p162), whilst by 1286 Henry Bray delivered to Matilda wife of Stephen de Bokton lands for a dowery including 60 acres of land, 40 acres of heath and 8 acres of wood in the manor of Hachesden (Arch. Cant. V16:66). And, in 1307 Stephen de Burgheressh and his heirs were granted the lands of Hacchesdene (and others) in the Calendar of Close Rolls of that year (3rd November 1307).

How long William lived is unknown, that he was alive in 1251 and possibly of about 51 years of age makes him towards the end of his life expectancy for the day. What is known is that in `Holders of Knights’ Fees in Kent at the Knighting of the King’s Son` (Anno38 Hen. III.,xii) in 1272, no fees were held by Hethindens. Moreover, it is reported in Honour and Knights Fees (Vol 3: 159) that: `In 1275 the Abbot of Roberts Bridge held three fourths of the fee of Hethinden [Hechinden] by the feoffment of Ralph [Rad] de Hethenden 40 years before.

This suggests that the earlier importance of the family as both land owners and holders has perhaps declined or that they no longer hold substantial pieces of land directly under payment of Knights’ Fees. It is also clear that where both Randulf and William appear to have been knights their subsequent heirs are not.

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Before moving on, it is useful to consider whether William had brothers who may also have inherited land from Randulf. There is reference to one such person and that is Eilword. The following and last reference to the family in the Charters of Robertsbridge Abbey gives: [c. 1266] 1266, Dec. 3 - Release by Sara daughter of Eilword de Hethindenn to Geoffrey son of Peter de Leketun of the parish of Wiuelsberghe of her right in a tenement in the vill of Pedinges, which her father acquired of William Fullo son of Adam de la Breghe.

(The seal given is Sara F. Eilw and is of a flower) This suggests that Eilword has died by 1266, making him contemporary with William. He also acquired lands that were inherited by his daughter Sara. The fact that this record is made in the Charters of the Abbey of Robertsbridge qualifies the family linkage to Randulf. It would seem likely then that Randulf had at least two sons: William and Eilword. Each inherited some lands from their father, with William, as heir, taking the major share.

The records following this period are less complete. Without a clear knowledge of the ages and date of the deaths of William and Eilword it is difficult to track exactly the male line in the following generations. There is one reference to a possible relative in 1271 Kent Feet of Fines, a James le Taylur de Hechendenne and his wife Gunnora. However, his lands appear only in the Hechendenne {or Hexden} area and there is nothing to link him with Hethindenn. The next clear relative to William (or possibly Eilword) is Hugh de Herindenne. The reason why we can be sure of the linkage is that of land holdings. The latter, as we shall see, holds lands in an area that includes Lowden and Freezingham. From the dates and land holdings it is quite probable that Hugh or Hubert was the son of William (or, though less likely, grandson). The references are from the Calendar of Patent Roles 1289-1348 and relate to the securing of sea walls and defenses. It should noted that in 1284 the great storm had changed the course of the River Rother leaving Romney Haven high and dry. The effect of flooding on the marsh areas could be severe with up to three years of rain required to cleanse the soil of brine before it could be reused. [c. 1290] `Commission de walliis et fossatis to Henry de Appeltrfeld and Bernard de Trancre on complaint by William Barry that John Malemeyns refuses to repair and maintain the walls, ditches, gutters, bridges and sewers which

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he is bound to do by reason of his lands in the marsh of Westbrok in Rolvindenne by the sea-shore between Mayhamme and Newendenne, whereby the lands of the said William and his tenants suffer by inundation of the sea.` (Repeated 1291) (and) `The like on complaint by Osbert de Forshamme, John de Scovinton, Hugh de Herindenne and Eustace de Kasinghamme touching Ralph de Eselinge and Mabel his wife in respect of their lands in Newendenne and Selbrittenden along the sea-coast.` (13th Oct 1290, as quoted in Arch Cant. Vol. 103:107) Where above it is Hugh (and Osbert de Forshamme) who is part of the group complaining, some eighteen years later it would appear that his (and Osbert’s) son are less diligent in this respect. [c. 1308] Common to Waresins de Valeynes, John Mahemeyns and Henry de Woglope on complaint by William Barry of Rolvyndenne and Stephen de Gatesdenne that Ralph de Thordenne, Scotland de Forshamme, Thomas son of Hubert de Hethyndenne and Walter de Martleshamme who hold land in the marshes of Mayhamme and Gatesdenne between Smallyde and Mayhamme by the sea-coast, for which they ought to keep the banks in repair have neglected to do so, whereby the complainants have suffered heavy losses.

(28th Oct. 1308; Cal. of Pat. Rolls 1307-13:168; also referenced in Honor & Knight Fees Vol. 3:160).

Thus, Thomas, son of Hubert de Hethyndenne, holds lands in the marshes between Mayhamme and Smallyde. Both Freezingham and Lowden held by Randulf and William lay in this gap.

This brings to a close the continuous linkage within the family from the mid-1100s to the early 1300s, relating to land ownership in the Rolvenden and Hethinden areas.

It is not possible to pick this up again till the mid-1400s as records for the 1300s are intermittent. There is no translated and indexed Kent Feet of Fines, for example. So for the next hundred years (1300s) it become difficult to follow family members and trace their relationships with any clarity. As in the period of pre-Norman conquest however, it is possible to consider the social and economic trends that would have affected the individuals that are identified and some tentative suggestions can be made.

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While the early years of the 1300s were for Kent agriculturally prosperous it was soon hit by bad weather. Storms, drought, pestilence and flooding hit the county.

Between 1315-16 there was the great famine, in 1323 wool and corn prices fell sharply, then in 1348-49 there was the Black Death which reduced the population by about one third, wiping out some small communities. The manorial system that was at its height between the end of the 13th and start of the 14th centuries never recovered from these disasters. However, with the price of wood still increasing and with the introduction of the Flemish cloth industry in Smarden (1323) and Tenterden some areas began to prosper again. Tenterden, in particular, did well due to it’s rich grazing land, the growth in the cloth trade, it’s location to the sea, it’s Cinque port status, and the River Rother’s improvements making navigation possible for seagoing vessels up to Mayham, Newenden, and Bodium (Witney 1976).

From the above it is likely that land ownership in Hethinden, especially that near to Tenterden, became more prosperous along with that land on the nearby coast. The move of family members nearer to the larger and more prosperous centers is thus likely during this period. Moreover the centre of their activity, as we shall see, moves eastwards from west of Tenterden towards the town.

The next record that relates to family members is the lay subsidy records of Kent for 1334/5. Whilst a complete search of these records has not been undertaken the following were noted in the given areas: [c. 1334/5[ Calehill Tenterden Cranbrook -

Lay Subsidy (as given each Hundred): Wm de Husyndenne Wm de Herindenne Phil de Herindenne Thm de Heryndenne Jn de Heryndenne

4s 1s 6d 2s 6d 2s 2s

The range of spellings given here may be misleading, but the names suggest that parts of the family, some 15 years prior to the Black Death of 1348, were still quite well established in the area. What land or other property they may have held at this time is as yet not known. What is clear, however, is the family continue to remain and work in this area of Kent and have some local importance. It should be noted that the subsidy of this time was: largely confined to householders of some prosperity (PRO: Information 28). It is probable the individuals above are all related in some way and quite possibly to Hubert de Herindenne of the late 1200s.

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In fact, Thomas de Heryndenne in Cranbrook above could well be Hubert’s son referred to in 1308 (?) - the dates and location would hold. There are no spellings in the Lay Subsidy of Hethinden or Hethynden only Herindenne, as used by Hugh in 1290. What effect the Black Death in 1348-49 had on these family members is not known. Following the Black Death there are two references to a J. Hethindenne in the Register of Daniel Rough. The first is in 1350. Here it is recorded that J.Hethindenne along with others from the Hundred of St. Martin: distrained three commoners of Romney by their beasts and other distresses to make contribution to their burghscots {a tithing tax} and other petty foreign taxes. Two of them paid in order to get their distresses delivered, but J. Aleyn, on the advice of the commune of Romney, left his pigsin their hands and would not make satisfaction. Then six goodmen of Romney went to the King at Sandwich to inform him about their new barge that they had made at his command. And they asked a remedy for this extortion, and the King ordered a letter to be sent from Deal on the King’s behalf to the Warden, as follows. But Bartholomew de Burgharshe was sick of malady of which he died (P.89) The second reference is in relation to land transactions in St Martin of Romney in 1376 under Memoranda of Final Concords. Here J. Hethindenne and his wife Johannan are the defendants with a W. Poddere, R. Sharpe and D. Rowe the plaintives. The exact nature of the land dispute is unclear. All we can note is their presents at this time in the marsh area.

Then there is Henry Hethyndenne who appears in the Calendar of Patent Rolls: [c. 1402] 3 June 1402. William Colepepir is reported for not paying Henry Hethyndenne and Robert Cary debts of 41s 5d and 40s respectively (London).

(Cal. Patent Rolls Henry 1V 1402:80) These would have been sizable debts in the day suggesting that Henry was a man of some substance. The next and possibly more important reference is to Philip Heffynden whose relationship, if any, to Henry is unknown. Philip is understood to have been born in 1375 and thus could have been linked directly or indirectly, as well, to J & J Hethindenne referred to above. Philip was married to Shirley Hazel McLaren (b.1376).

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However, more importantly is Philip Hethynden is mentioned in a grant from Canterbury dated 26/09/1390: From John Fynch, prior of Canterbury Cathedral: the convent of Canterbury Cathedral Priory To : Philip Hethynden', priory tenant; Richard Adam, priory tenant. Philip and Richard are the priory's tenants of part of the denn of 'Bokeseldenne' in Biddenden parish. Evidence shows that the priory's predecessors leased their estate ('fundu') in Bethersden in the denn of 'Bokelsedenne' for the fealty, suit of court of their manor of Westwell, and certain services contained in the priory's retal and other muniments. Reserving to the priory all the wood in the estate, and pannage whenever it shall occur and daungerium {payment for the right to cut down trees]. Philip in tenant of 3 pieces of land called 'Mellefeld', litlewetered' and 'the feld to fore the gate', containing 8 acres in all, for an annual payment of 4d for pannage and 'dangerium', payable as specified, and services as specified in the priory's rental ...... Philip and Richard and other intruders ('invasores') have been infringing the priory's timber rights. The priory grants them timber rights as specified. For an annual rent of assize of 4d from Philip and 16 1/2d from Richard, both payable as specified, and services, ancient rents and ancient customs of the same denn. Right of distraint. Reserving to the priory fealty, suit of court and the rentsand customs anciently due, except 'daungerium' and pannage, which are owned when they occur. Priory's part of the indenture. Given at Canterbury. Endorsed with description in the late 14th cent hand. (CCADCc-ChAnt/W/29. Registered version CCA-DCc-Registered/D, ff302v303v) This demonstrates the families base becoming closer to Tenterden, from the north and west (though still with lands anciently linked in Heffynden). Further Philip becomes a man of some importance as 19 years later we find: [c. 1409] April 20 1409 exemption for life of Philip Heffynden alias Hethynden of Tenterden from being put on assizes, attainments, juries, inquisitions or recognitions, and from being made Mayor, Sheriff, escheator, coroner, Justice of the Peace or of labourers, collector, taxor, assessor, supervisor, controller of tenths, fifteenths or other tallages, subsidies, quotas, taxes, grants or imposts, purveyor, buyer, surveyor or keeper of victuals, trier, arrayer or leader of men at arms, hobelers or archers, or other commissioner, bailiff, officer, or minister of the king.

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(Cal. Patent Rolls Henry 1V 1408-13:68) The significance of Philip here lie, firstly, in the local importance and recognition given to him and through him to the family, and secondly, the change in the spelling of the name that comes about during the 1400s; changing from Hethynden to Heffynden and then on to Haffenden.

Next, we come to Laurence Haffenden, alias Hethynden born in 1430. He is understood to have married Lady Sara (born 1435). The first record of Laurence comes from subsidy records of 1454. [c. 1454] In 1454 Laurence Hethynden was taxed at 16d for goods in the Hundred of Barclay which includes the parishes of Biddenden and High Halden, (Roberts 1995:81) The relationship of Laurence to Philip could, at best, have been son but more likely grandson. Moreover, that there was a relationship between them at all would seem probable as they were both living in the same area with the same change in the spelling of the surname.

Further, in 1458 there is a bailiff of Tenterden William Havenden (Haffenden?) who was probably kin as well ~ possibly cousins or brothers?

Before considering Laurence it is noted Roberts (1995:81) states that: About three miles north of the point on the Biddenden Road where the parish boundaries of Tenterden, High Halden and Biddenden meet is the hamlet of Haffenden Quarter, probably the home of the Haffenden family. and that: The Haffendens seem too have moved from Haffenden Quarter in High Halden parish (to Bugglesden area) remaining in the north of Tenterden until James Haffenden built Homewood in 1766.

(Roberts 1995:46) As we have seen this latter point is not true, the family held lands well to the south of Tenterden during the previous three centuries (if not before) and had members of the family living in Tenterden during the previous hundred years (including Philip).

However, the move from residence in the Haffenden Quarter area could have been

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due in part to Hethenden becoming a King’s Park. The following reference appears in the Calendar of Patent Rolls: [c. 1485] February 12th. Grant for life to the kings servant John Kendall his secretary and kings servant William Joseph esq. of the office of keeper and governor of the kings park of Hethenden in Kent with accustomed fees in lieu of like grant to said William by letters patent dated 8 March, I Richard III surrender and grant for life the said John of the office of master of the kings game and deer within the park with all accustomed rights and commodities.

(Cal. Patent Rolls Richard 111 1485:539) As we know ž of the fee of Hethinden was in the control of Robertsbridge Abbey.

The remaining fee may have remained within the family. Either way, Laurence Haffenden is known to have held land in Haffenden, Rolvenden and Newenden areas. Thus, the move to Bugglesden could have been a practical decision.

Bugglesden being roughly mid-way between Haffenden and Rolvenden, as well as being close to the prosperous and influential town of Tenterden. Nevertheless, what is clear is that Laurence held lands in the same areas as the family had traditionally held land, one hundred and fifty years earlier. From this it would seem that while no records of land transactions involving the family have been found on record for the 1300s, at least some of the original holdings have come down to Laurence. From this it would seem probable that he is related to Randulf and William and from their line.

The key reference to Laurence is in relation to his election as Bailiff of Tenterden: [c. 1483] ... in 1483 the choice fell on Laurence Haffenden of Bugglesden, one of the comparatively few Bailiffs to come from the northern part of the hundred.

(Roberts 1995:46) Laurence Haffenden is known to have bought and sold land in the area north of Tenterden, among whose lands was the Three Corner Field in Boresisle. This is the field south of the present Haffenden Farm, on the eastern side of the junction of Gribble Bridge Road and Readers Bridge Road, and later it became part of the Haffenden estate.

(Roberts 1995:81)

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Further in 1489, Laurence Haffenden sold some land in the neighbourhood to Thomas Dod, who already owned a piece called “Wheteredd”, which appears in 1525 as “Whitrede” among the lands of Thomas Haffenden, probably Laurence’s son.

(Roberts 1995:81) Moreover, although Laurence does not appear to have left a will, we find in the wills of Laurence’s children John, Philip and Thomas (and their spouses) lands held in Rolvenden, Newenden, Tenterden and Haffenden areas. Thus, as already stated, Laurence Haffenden of Bugglesden held lands in the same areas as Randulf some three hundred years earlier. And, whilst this might just be a remarkable coincidence, it might also suggest that lands (of much greater economic value) held in the Rolvenden area, at earlier times, may still have been kept in the family to this date: further research is required.

To conclude, what is certain from the evidence to date is that land, originally named by the ninth century after its Jute holders - Efredingdenn - was held by the family through to the Norman invasion and beyond. That the land holders, by this time, came to use (amongst other variations) the name Hethinden (a derivative of the original patronymic place name) and had expanded their land holding to include other more prosperous and influential areas to the south west of the county. In due course some of the land appears to have been traded, other bought and sold, but that some interest, particularly in the Haffenden and Rolvenden areas continued through to the beginning of the 1500s by which time some of the more predominant members of the family were living in and around the town of Tenterden.

References (outside of Public Records Office material) Gardiner, M. (1996) The geography and peasant rural economy of eastern Sussex High Weald, 1300-1420, Sussex Archaeological Collections, 134, pp125-139 Morris, J. [Gen Ed.] (1983) Doomsday Book 1 Kent, Phillimore.

Roberts, H. (1995) Tenterden: The first thousand years, Wilton publishing.

Rough, D. ( ) Register of Daniel Rough, Kent Records.

Witney, K. P. (1976) The Jutish Forest, Phillimore.

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Witney, K. P. (1990) The Woodland Economy of Kent 1066-1348, Agricultural History Review, 38, 1 pp20-39.