Iryna Kucher
Designing Engagements with Mending An exploration of amateur clothing repair
practices in Western and post-Soviet contexts
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Main supervisor: Ulla Ræbild
Project supervisor: Amy Twigger Holroyd Project supervisor: Alvise Mattozzi
Pre-Defence Opponent: Irene Maldini Opponent: Ingun Grimstad Klepp Opponent: Olga Gurova
Opponent and chair: Vibeke Riisberg
PhD Dissertation defended: 8 April 2024 Author: Iryna Kucher
Photography I cover: Iryna Kucher
Graphic design I cover: Iryna Kucher
Graphic design I content: Iryna Kucher
Colour for print: Maximilian Schmidauer Material: Munken Print White 15 100 g/m2 Typafaces: Euclid Flex, New Paris Skyline Design School Kolding Ågade 10
6000 Kolding Denmark
www.designskolenkolding.dk ©Iryna Kucher, 2024
Designing Engagements with Mending An exploration of amateur clothing repair
practices in Western and post-Soviet contexts Iryna Kucher
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS As any life experience, this doctoral journey involved many people who made this research possible and shaped it with their knowledge, guidance, and support. I would like to thank them all.
First of all, I would like to thank the primary participants of this study: Emily, Jessica, Gerda-Marie, Tania, Ksenia and Marta, for taking part in the research activities for eleven months and for contributing to this project so generously and with so much enthusiasm. Likewise, I thank their 'mothers': Marianne, Cathryn, Hanne, Marina,
Elena, and Tamara, who agreed to open up their wardrobes and share their mending experiences. I also thank Tea and Diana, who contributed with their knowledge during the first stage of this project. Many thanks also to Giuditta and Elena for allowing
me to interview them and to Adele and Signe for helping me with the pilot studies. Without all of you, this research would not have been possible.
My superlative thanks to my supervisors, Ulla Ræbild, Amy Twigger Holroyd and
Alvise Mattozzi, for guiding me through the process and supporting me along the way. Ulla, thank you for 'reading me', trusting me, and allowing me to explore my
thoughts independently while at the same time always being there for me, ready to pick me up and put me back on my path if I feel lost. Without you, I probably would not have made it so far. I am very grateful for all your support. Amy, thank you for being an endless source of inspiration, both through your research on making,
sustainability and participation and through many thought-provoking conversations.
Thank you also for your meticulous feedback and steadfast support. I feel privileged
to have you as my supervisor. Alvise, thank you for your much-valued supervision and criticism, which forced me to constantly reflect on my work. I am also very grateful for your guidance during the coding phase and for many illuminating discussions on bridging design and social sciences. Working with you was a pleasure.
I would also like to express my gratitude to Design School Kolding for funding this
research and for giving me an opportunity to undertake my research in complete freedom. Thanks to all my colleagues from the school and from the research Lab
for Sustainability and Design for many inspiring conversations. Particularly, I would
like to thank Vibeke Riisberg, Monica Hartvigsen, Canan Akoglu and Christina Stind Rosendahl for their care, kindness, and constant support. I would also like to thank
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my former colleague and friend Louise Permiin Tønder Jensen for always being
there for me, for listening, and for understanding, but also for sharing so many joyful experiences from Venice to Kolding and beyond.
During my doctoral journey, I was also very fortunate to carry out two visiting
research stays in Norway and Portugal, where I met very inspiring researchers and people, whom I would like to thank. In particular, I am grateful to all the members
of Clothing Research Group at SIFO, OsloMet: Ingun Grimstad Klepp, Kirsi Laitala, Lisbeth Løvbak Berg, Vilde Haugrønning, Anna Schytte Sigaard, Ingrid Haugsrud
and Tone Skårdal Tobiasson, for generously sharing their knowledge and for making me feel appreciated and understood. I would also like to express my gratitude to
Irene Maldini for welcoming me at Lusófona University in Lisbon and for providing much-valuable feedback on my work both on the occasion of my stay and on the occasion of pre-defence, where she was the opponent.
I am also grateful to the many people I met during the meetings, courses, seminars, conferences, and workshops within the timeframe of this PhD project. All of these encounters have shaped my thinking. In particular, I would like to thank Marium
Durrani for the very fruitful mending conversations at the beginning of my doctoral journey and for a much-appreciated post from Helsinki, containing the 'present
from mender to mender'. Many thanks to Olga Gurova for inspiring talks and your inspiring work on clothing consumption in the (post)-Soviet landscape. It first
constituted the basics of my master thesis project and later of this doctoral research, and I am truly humbled to have you among the opponents of this work. Moreover, I want to thank Liudmila Aliabieva for organising many mending-related activities and allowing me to participate in many of them. You are a truly inspiring person
and researcher, and I look forward to hopefully many years of further collaboration. Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends; I am very fortunate to have you in my life. An enormous thanks to my mother, Natalia, my sister, Valeria, my aunt
Tania, and my husband, Federico, for being my pillars of support and for loving me unconditionally. Thank you to my dear friend Gianluca for always being there for
me, making me laugh and reminding me that if I do not succeed as a researcher, we have our plan B. I would also like to thank my grandmother, Alexandra, for
always believing in me, for endlessly listening about my work and for contributing
with valuable feedback. Last but not least, I want to thank my grandfather Anatoliy
for always encouraging me to follow my dreams, for transmitting to me his passion
for all sorts of making, and for teaching me that we can truly understand something only by comparing it with something else.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
03
LIST OF FIGURES
08
PREFACE
13
LIST OF TABLES
11
STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS
15
1 CONTEXT
17
Introduction
1.3
Mending matters
43
Building a methodology
69
1.2 1.4
2 METHODOLOGY
2.1
Multiple ways of knowing Focus
2.2 Research design
2.3 Approach to analysis 2.4 Chapter summary
3 MENDING UPSURGE
3.1
Mending as socio-material practice
23 61
67
85
135
150
153
155
3.2 Change of mending meanings
163
3.4 Chapter summary
202
3.3 Mending meanings in participants' narratives
4 MENDING MATERIALS
19
1.1
4.1
Role of materials in practice
4.2 Evolution of mending material elements
4.3 Mending materials in participants' narratives 4.4 Chapter summary
173
207
209 217
233
262
5 MENDING COMPETENCES
5.1
Dynamics of craft consumption
5.2 Spectrum of mending approaches
5.5 Chapter summary
358
337
361
Contributing insights
363
6.3 Avenues for future research
393
6.1
6.2 Implications of the work
379
398
REFERENCES A
Recruitment and consent documents
C
Design artifacts
B
D E F SUMMARY
275
289
6 DISCUSSION AND
APPENDICES
267
5.3 Designing mending
5.4 Expressive mending in participants' narratives
CONCLUSION
265
G
Wardrobe interview documents
421
425 431
473
Workshop 1 & 2 documents
485
Mending session and retreat documents
505
Workshop 3 & 4 documents
Expert interviews transcriptions
499 531
542
LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1
The DfS Evolutionary framework developed by Ceschin and Gaziulusoy
Figure 2.1
Framework of different artifacts categories proposed by Fuad-Luke
Figure 2.2 Figure 2.3
Figure 2.4 Figure 2.5
Figure 2.6 Figure 2.7
Figure 2.8 Figure 2.9
(2016), p. 28.
(2020), p. 80.
Research framework utilised within this PhD project, p. 82. Stages, topics, chapters, and research aims, pp. 88–89.
Research design time frame for data generation, pp. 90–91. Project leaflet, p. 95.
The overview of the project participants, p. 97. The the wardrobe interview guide, p. 103.
Example of recording the clothes' information, p. 103.
Photo documentation of the wardrobe interview with primary participant, p. 104.
Figure 2.10 Mending data sheets constituting the participant's mending collection, Figure 2.11 Figure 2.12 Figure 2.13
Figure 2.14 Figure 2.15
Figure 2.16 Figure 2.17
Figure 2.18 Figure 2.19
p. 104.
Video documentation of the wardrobe interview with secondary participant, p. 107.
The participants' guide with instructions and questions, pp. 108–110. Mending probes, p. 113.
Setup of the first participatory workshop in Kolding, Denmark, p. 113. The first participatory workshop in Kyiv, Ukraine, p. 114.
The structure of the first and second participatory workshops, p. 114. Participants' mapping of the most common damages, p. 117. The structure of workshop 3, p. 121.
Template for participant's mending project on Miró board, p. 121.
Figure 2.20 The garment and materials selected by participant for discreet Figure 2.21
mending project, p. 125.
Individual material kits, p. 125.
Figure 2.22 Collection of mending materials, p. 126.
Figure 2.23 Mending retreat of two days in Kolding Design School, p. 126. Figure 2.24 Data production overview, pp. 132–133.
Figure 2.25 Example of identifying important words or groups of words in the transcripts, p. 141.
Figure 2.26 Tentative list of codes, p. 141.
Figure 2.27 Example of coding of each paragraph to one or more codes to assign meaning to data, p. 141.
Figure 2.28 The organisation of codes in one file containing data from all participants and stages, p. 142.
Figure 2.29 Linking codes, p. 144.
Figure 2.30 Grouping codes, sub-categories and categories, p. 144. Figure 2.31
Design research artifacts introduced at specific stages of the project, pp. 146–147.
Figure 2.32 The progression of analysis stages, p. 148–149. Figure 3.1
Figure 3.2
Figure 3.3
Proto-practices, practices and ex-practices, Shove et al. (2012), p. 160.
South Korean fashion brand Ader Error incorporating visible mends into its collections. Available at: https://www.instagram.com/ader_error/ (Accessed 15 July, 2023), p. 168.
Instagram search for #visiblemending in 2015. Harvey, B. (2019).
Available at: https://bridgetharvey.co.uk/wpcontent/uploads/2020/ 10/bridgetharvey-pHd-thesis-repair-making-2020.pdf (Accessed: 14
Figure 3.4 Figure 3.5
Figure 3.6 Figure 4.1
Figure 4.2
Figure 4.3
Figure 4.4 Figure 4.5 Figure 4.6
May 2023). Instagram search for #visiblemending in 2023, p. 171.
Example of non-rigorous mend by Ukrainian primary participant, p. 186. Example of Emilie's self-expressive mending. Hat mended with embroidery, p. 193.
Example of Jessica's mending. Canvas shoes mended until they fell apart, p. 197.
The reknit spectrum developed by Amy Twigger Holroyd. Twigger Holroyd, A., (2023). Available at: https://reknitrevolution.org/ (Accessed: 14 September 2023), p. 229.
The interface of the #Fixing Fashion online open-access academy.
Fixing Fashion (2023). Available at: https://community.fixing.fashion/ academy/basics/fibres (Accessed: 18 September 2023), p. 229.
Hand-crafted mending tools by UK artisan Sarah Locklighting.
Locklighting, S. (2023). Available at: https://sarahlock.com/darningmushrooms (Accessed: 18 September 2023), p. 232.
Example of professional repair—an extra pocket created with inner pocket material, p. 243.
Example of participant's sewing kit containing only needles and threads, p. 247.
Emilie's cabinet containing her material collection, p. 259.
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Figure 5.1
Categorisation of clothing repair, p. 277.
Figure 5.3
Comparison of the competences required for seamless, discreet and
Figure 5.2
Figure 5.4 Figure 5.5
Figure 5.6 Figure 5.7
Figure 5.8 Figure 5.9
The sequence of seamless repair projects' phases, p. 278. expressive approaches to repair, pp. 286–287. Project framing of expressive repair, p. 292. Marta's washed-out garment, p. 301. Marta's process of sketching, p. 301. Marta's visual inspiration, p. 302.
Bielkina, M. (2022). Marta's cardboard composition, p. 302. Marta's selection of the colours, p. 303.
Figure 5.10 Macro detail of Marta's repaired garment and utilised materials, Figure 5.11
p. 303.
The final outcome of Marta's expressive mending project, p. 304.
Figure 5.12. Emilie's damaged garment, p. 307. Figure 5.13
Bech, E. (2022). Emilie's process of sketching, p. 307.
Figure 5.15
Bech, E. (2022). Emilie's colour sampling, p. 308.
Figure 5.14 Figure 5.16 Figure 5.17
Figure 5.18 Figure 5.19
Emilie's visual inspiration, p. 308.
Bech, E. (2022). Emilie's tracing of the shape, p. 308. Bech, E. (2022). Emilie's pattern darning, p. 309.
Bech, E. (2022). Emilie's additional embroidery, p. 309.
The final outcome of Emilie's expressive mending project, p. 310.
Figure 5.20 Ksenia's 'damaged' garment, p. 313. Figure 5.21
Ksenia's jacket details, p. 313.
Figure 5.22 Ksenia's visual inspiration, p. 314.
Figure 5.23 Diganova, K. (2022). Ksenia's colour sample, p. 314. Figure 5.24 Ksenia's mending-making, p. 315.
Figure 5.25 Diganova, K. (2022). Macro details of Ksenia's repaired garment, p. 315. Figure 5.26 Diganova, K. (2022). The final outcome of Ksenia's expressive mending project, p. 316.
Figure 2.27 Jessica's damaged garment, p. 319.
Figure 5.28 Jessica's material for patching, p. 319.
Figure 5.29 Jessica's replication of the original pattern colours, p. 320. Figure 5.30 Jessica's rounded patch, p. 320. Figure 5.31
Jessica's study of the pattern, p. 321.
Figure 5.32 Macro details of Jessica's repaired garment, p. 321.
Figure 5.33 The final outcome of Jessica's expressive mending project, p. 322.
Figure 5.34 Tania's damaged garment, p. 325.
Figure 5.35 Tania's cleaned-out damage, p. 325. Figure 5.36 Tania's visual inspiration, p. 326. Figure 5.37 Tania's reinforcement, p. 326.
Figure 5.38 Tania's outlining of the mend, p. 327.
Figure 5.39 Macro picture of Tania's repaired garment and utilised materials, p. 327. Figure 5.40 The final outcome of Tania's expressive mending project, p. 328. Figure 5.41
Gerda-Marie's damaged sock, p. 331.
Figure 5.42 Gerda-Marie's sampling, p. 331.
Figure 5.43 Colours of Gerda-Marie's original clothing item, p. 332. Figure 5.44 Gerda-Marie's sample, p. 332.
Figure 5.45 Gerda-Marie's mending, p. 333.
Figure 5.46 Macro detail of Gerda-Marie's repaired socks and utilised materials, p. 333.
Figure 5.47 The final outcome of Gerda-Marie's expressive mending project, p. 334. Figure 5.48 Tania's conceptual inspiration, p. 343. LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1
The summary of the theory of consumption temporalities by Gurova
Table 3.1
Analysis of meanings attributed to mending practices by participant
Table 4.1
(2015), p. 36.
groups, p. 204–205.
Introduction of sewing and cooking classes across the USA in the 19th century. Randolph, E., (1942). Available at: https://digitalcommons. butler.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1330&context=grtheses (Accessed: 10 September 2023), p. 224.
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PREFACE Explaining who I am (an Eco-Social designer) or why I am researching what I am researching (clothing repair practices in (post)-Soviet and Western contexts) has
always been difficult, and it is so also now when I am writing the last two pages of a
long series of pages I was working on for several months. Even so, without providing these initial explanations, it would be impossible to describe my motivations for
engaging in this doctoral work. Therefore, as I have to start somewhere, I will do it right from the beginning.
I was born and raised in Ukraine during the social and political transformations of the late 1980s, when the Soviet world was collapsing, while the new one had not been built yet. However, as I was a child, these larger structural changes did not touch
me as such. What I saw with my child's eyes was an image of collective happiness and good work-life balance for all, which allowed people to have enough time to
engage with a myriad of creative everyday practices, which today can be considered sustainable. My grandfather was my super-hero; he was able to build and repair literally everything from our dacha [summer house] to domestic appliances to
furniture. My grandmother was my super-hero too; she was able to knit my clothes,
construct new clothes from the old ones, and mend every clothing item that needed to be mended. Finally, my mother was one of my super-heroes too; she was always able to procure all the sorts of fancy things which came from the West and then
assemble them in her tasteful manner. Unlike my grandmother, however, my mother did not engage in different manipulations with clothing, and everything that had to be upcycled, altered, or mended was delegated to our personal seamstress.
I will explore why such differences in consumption patterns occurred later in this dissertation.
Then, the polytechnic professions within the Soviet landscape were in vogue, and
in line with this general pattern, many of my family members worked as engineers.
The more I spent time at my grandmother's office and observed her engaging with materials, complex calculations, and technical drawings, the more my fascination with the world of construction grew. Thus, when the first Barbies arrived from the West, unlike other girls who wanted to sew the dolls' dresses, I was eager to build
Barbie's home and fill it with fancy self-made furniture. Chair after chair and lamp after lamp, my competences were evolving as well as my passion for design. Thus,
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when the time to choose my professional path arrived, what I was going to do was
rather clear: what else, if not an industrial design? Studying it in Italy was a dream. I felt like a fish in the water; being surrounded by beauty and highly dedicated
people allowed me to be as rigorous, detail-oriented, and critical as possible, and
such an approach was highly valued. Then, when I finished my studies and started to work, my passion started to fade gradually. There was not that much space for being rigorous or detail-oriented, and there was even less space for criticism, as we had to be ultra-fast in order to feed the money-making machine. My pink
glasses started to slide to the tip of my nose, and I started to see the reality and
the consequences of industrial production. The picture was not that nice, and I will illustrate some of these issues in this dissertation.
However, giving up on design and the idea that it can be meaningful for people was not among my options. Luckily, I came across a newly designed master's
programme in Eco-Social design, which aimed at training the designer-researchers to tackle larger societal issues. That sounded attractive, and I decided to give it a
try; I was also very fortunate to be admitted. The more I was engaging with studying sustainability, the more the pictures from the past were re-emerging in my mind: my grandmother doing grocery shopping with her reusable jars—the issue of excessive packaging; my grandparents conserving their self-grown fruits and vegetables to consume them when the fresh products are unavailable—the issue of local
production and distribution; my mother washing and reusing the plastic bags—
the issue of plastic waste; my grandmother mending the socks—the issue of (un)
sustainability in fashion. I could continue with more examples here, but that was it; I started to be interested in the practices from the past as a source for sustainable
futures, and more importantly, as we were working in interdisciplinary design teams,
I started to draw the parallels between product and fashion design. I found out that
many theories and practices related to design for sustainability originated in product design, and only later they migrated to fashion, and this seemed to be the area to
explore. However, the extraordinary aspects of fashion have never fascinated me as
such. At the same time, more ordinary practices of purchase, appropriation, and use did so. Thus, by exploring how people engage with clothing consumption practices, very soon and to my great surprise, I found out that in the Italian context, younger generations not only did not know how to mend, but they barely could thread a needle.
Investigating how mending practices could be reintroduced and diffused seemed to be a natural consequence of such exploration. However, if within a small Eco-Social design bubble, such ideas were well received, within the larger Italian context, they were not understood, nor were they appreciated… until 2021, when, to my great
surprise, my concept of mending lab, which provides mending education to adults and school children was selected by the national observatory of industrial design and was included into its permanent collection. I was delighted, as it meant that
things were slowly but steadily changing. However, impatient as I am, I could not sit in Italy and wait until my mending ideas started to be accepted, and at that time,
I was already conducting my doctoral study at Design School Kolding in Denmark, where I had the support and the possibility to research mending in absolute
freedom. The results of my exploration are described in the following dissertation,
and I hope you will enjoy reading it as much as I enjoyed carrying out the study and putting its results 'on paper'.
STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS In Chapter 1 I establish the background of the research by exploring the relationship between fashion and sustainability from design and social sciences perspectives.
I draw a parallel between the histories of clothing consumption in the (post)-Soviet and Western worlds, illustrating how different histories have resulted in different ideologies of consumption and different clothing repair practices. Afterwards, I
explore how mending came to the fore in the academic context and discuss my transdisciplinary research approach, outlining the aims of this study.
In Chapter 2 I clarify the research approach of this PhD project. I explain how I built my 'undisciplined' methodology by merging the processes and methods employed
in design and social sciences. I then illustrate the study's research design, providing a detailed description of the research process I utilised. Afterwards, I describe the
methods for collecting and analysing data and explain why I chose them. Finally, I
outline the obstacles I encountered during the research process and explains how I overcame them.
In Chapter 3 I address my first research aim—to understand how mending practices are conceptualised in Western and post-Soviet contexts. I begin by introducing
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the theories of practice and the framework proposed by Shove et al. (2012), upon
which the present dissertation is drawn. After that, I describe how, in recent years, old connotations of mending practices were shaken off and how new meanings emerged. Thereafter, I illustrate how, being born from practices past, these new
mending meanings are distributed among four groups of participants in this study. In Chapter 4 I address my second research aim—to understand what kind of
infrastructures, tools, and materials facilitate the enactment of mending practices.
I begin by introducing a three-part material classification proposed by Shove (2016), which illustrates the routes and processes through which practices are materialised.
Then, I describe how clothing repair infrastructures, devices and mending resources have evolved over time in Western and (post)-Soviet societies. Finally, I explain how materials constitute the mending practices of four participant groups in this study.
In Chapter 5 I addresses my third research aim— to understand what competences
are employed when mending practices are enacted and what contributes to successful clothing repair. I begin by introducing craft consumption, its dynamics, and its main
activities. Then, I illustrate different approaches to clothing repair and explain which
competences each approach requires. Afterwards, I explain why and how I developed a strategy for amateur mending design and illustrate how the participants of this study utilised this resource in framing their projects.
In Chapter 6, I discuss the contributing insights generated through this PhD project and explain how examining individual mending practices in relation to the larger societal structures allowed me not only to fill some of the knowledge gaps in the
field of fashion and sustainability but also to explore clothing repair infrastructure
which previously has attracted little academic attention and analysis. I then address
the work's theoretical, methodological, and practical implications. Finally, I acknowledge the limitations of the study and suggest avenues for future research.
1. CONTEXT
1.
CONTEXT
1.1. Introduction
1.1.1
Fashion sector and its impact
1.1.3
Changes in consumers' behaviour
1.1.2
1.2. Multiple ways of knowing
1.2.1
Increasing the lifespan of clothing
Origins of the sustainability concept
1.2.2 Evolution of design for sustainability 1.2.3 Sustainability in fashion design 1.2.4 Sociology of fashion
1.2.5 Temporalities of clothing consumption
1.2.6 'Repair strategy' of the Soviet economy
1.3. Mending matters
1.2.7
Planned obsolescence of the Western world
1.3.1
'Repair' versus 'throwaway'
1.3.3
Research on clothing repair in academic
1.3.2 Revising mending history context
1.3.4 Ambiguities in clothing repair research 1.3.5
The definition(s) of clothing repair
1.3.7
Mending design-led approach to research
1.3.6 Mending practice-based research
1.3.8 Mending information-based approach to research
1.4. Focus
1.4.1
Increasing clothing repair within domestic landscapes
1.4.2 Clothing repair as sociomaterial practice
1.4.3 Acknowledging non-Western perspective 1.4.4 Embracing different researcher's roles
1.4.5 Research aims and purpose of the study
1.1. Introduction
1.1.1 Fashion sector and its impacts For several decades the fashion industry has been dominated by fast rhythms of low-quality production, fast-changing collections, and increasing purchase and
disposal of fashion products (Fletcher and Tham, 2019; Fletcher and Tham, 2015;
Niinimäki, 2013; Fletcher and Grose, 2012, Niinimäki, 2011; Fletcher, 2008; Allwood et al., 2006). Such fast rhythms of production and consumption, in the long run,
have inevitably led to disastrous environmental consequences regarding energy
and water consumption, the use of toxic chemicals, pollution, and high volumes of waste both in the manufacturing phase and in the disposal of products (Niinimäki et al., 2020; Allwood et al., 2006).
To counteract the environmental and social impacts caused by the fashion sector, for years, various institutions have promoted higher responsibility, transparency,
and ethics within the sector, advancing proposals on how to decrease the impacts
of clothing and textiles during different stages of their lifecycle (i.e. fibre production, yarn and textile manufacture, finishing, dyeing and printing processes, assembly:
cutting and sewing, global logistics during manufacturing and sales, the use of the product and its disposal) (Fletcher and Tham, 2019; Fletcher and Tham, 2015;
Niinimäki, 2013; 2011). In 2022, even the European Union, which for a long time did not implement significant environmental policies targeting the fashion sector, has introduced EU Strategy for Sustainable and Circular Textiles, recognising that clothing and textiles are a priority to be tackled.
This ambitious policy framework aims to approach sustainability in the fashion
sector by developing eco-design criteria to increase product durability, repairability and recyclability (Directorate-General for Environment, 2022). However, these
upcoming regulations have not been fully developed yet (Botta, 2021), and there
is a need for more knowledge for actuating this strategy (Klepp and Laitala, 2022). Thus, even though it has been recognised that the environmental impact of the fashion sector should be decreased, for now, little is fundamentally changing (European Environment Agency, 2022).
1.1.2 Increasing the lifespan of clothing According to the non-profit organisation Global Fashion Agenda, which works towards making the fashion industry more sustainable, approximately 70% of fashion's annual emissions occur in the production and processing stages, 10% in transport and retail, and 20% are generated in the use phase (McKinsey and Company and GFA, 2020).
Although high volumes of garment production undoubtedly have major implications for their carbon footprints (Coscieme et al., 2022), it has been widely recognised
that increasing the lifespan and active use of clothing has significant environmental implications.
The overall use time of clothing, also known as service lifespan (Klepp et al., 2020), refers to how long clothing can be worn by multiple users before it is no longer
considered functional or socially acceptable (ibid.). It is constituted by the interplay
of physical and social durability, where the former is determined by clothes' strength and how well the users maintain them, while the latter refers to the clothing's ability to remain appreciated or accepted for an extended time (ibid.).
The service lifespan starts when the first owner acquires the clothing item and 'ends
when the last owner discards it' (Klepp et al., 2020) and its extension can be achieved by different means, including second-hand resale, swapping, better care and repair.
However, these practices are influenced by users' mindset, which is steeped in meaning and is subjected to cultural and individual variations (Coscieme et al., 2022; Klepp, 2022; Klepp et al., 2020). Accordingly, accounting for consumers' behaviour and
understanding how people purchase, use and dispose of clothing in different cultural settings is essential for extending the overall lifespan of clothing (Bates Kassetly and Baumann-Pauly, 2022; Laitala and Boks, 2012).
1.1.3 Changes in consumers' behaviour The prolonged dominance of fast rhythms of production and consumption in mature Western capitalist societies has contributed to the decline of resourceful clothing
consumption practices, which progressively fade away through the lack of application. In the last decade, however, when the information regarding the environmental and social impacts caused by the fashion industry has reached larger audiences, younger
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generations have started to adopt dematerialisation as a strategy of resistance to capitalism and consumer culture (Durrani, 2019; Egereva & Gurova, 2014). It
has resulted in a budding transition from a fast to a slow rhythm of consumption, with its characteristic features: the popularity of second-hand consumption, the
purchase of handmade locally produced fashion products, circulation, upcycling, personalisation, repair, and maintenance of clothing (Gurova, 2015). Within this
framework, clothes' longevity, durability, and practicality are valued, as it was in
societies of the past. And clothing sustainable practices are seen as a 'quiet global protest movement' (Brayshaw, 2020) and as one of the possible small-scale and
personal responses to the overwhelming problems of fast consumption and waste (De Castro, 2021).
Despite an increased interest in sustainable clothing practices in the last decade,
the 'clothing competences' (Tranberg Hansen, 2003), which can be understood as the set of 'skills, habits of mind, and abilities of users to create and engage with fashion from within a context of satisfaction and resourcefulness', are missing
(Fletcher, 2012). Thus, today, the sustainable fashion practices within a domestic
landscape in the Western context have precarious, marginal, and residual qualities. Simultaneously, as we will see later in this chapter, in the post-Soviet societies, the practices of extending the clothing lifespan have never ceased to be relevant.
The ability to sew, mend, revitalise and transform clothes persists and is a socially
widespread occurrence (Kucher, 2022; Gurova, 2015). However, for a long time, the
discourse on sustainability in fashion was primarily Western-centred, and until recent times it has been rarely considered that a non-Western perspective can bring attention to issues that can be overlooked in the Western sustainability discourse. Accordingly, having multiple perspectives on the mélange of everyday clothing practices can
broaden the understanding of sustainability in fashion and enable the international academic community to develop a more inclusive approach that can potentially increase the lifespan of clothing and allow a better balance between production and consumption.
1.2. Multiple ways of knowing
Having established the background of this research, I will now examine the relationship between fashion and sustainability from two different perspectives: the one of design and the one of social sciences. Since the concept of sustainability originates in the
Western world, I will begin by outlining a range of sustainable approaches undertaken in the design field in general and in fashion design in particular and explore the
connections between social sciences and sustainability from the Western perspective. Afterwards, I will draw a parallel between the histories of clothing consumption in
the post-Soviet and Western worlds, illustrating how different histories have resulted in different ideologies of consumption.
1.2.1 Origins of the sustainability concept The concept of sustainability was developed in the 1970s with the aim to find a balance between social, economic, and environmental concerns. It promotes
practices that are not only financially viable but also environmentally responsible
and socially just. Today, there are many different definitions and interpretations of
the term 'sustainability'. However, the most often referenced definition is the one of
sustainable development: 'development that meets the needs of the present without
compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs' (Brundtland, 1987).
The academic literature of the fashion and sustainability field, which is the focus area
of this PhD, often reports that the conceptual underpinnings of the current use of the term 'sustainability' was consolidated 'in the 1960s and 1970s, in correspondence to rising concerns over the environment' of the Western world (Twigger Holroyd et al.,
2023). However, the historical review of the roots of this concept (see Du Pisani, 2006) demonstrates that throughout human history, the demand for raw materials and its impact on the environment has always been a matter of concern; and if the terms 'sustainability' and 'sustainable' appeared for the first time in the Oxford English Dictionary during the second half of the 20th century, the equivalent terms in German, Dutch and French have been used for centuries (ibid.).
According to Professor in history Jacobus A. Du Pisani, the term 'sustainability'
appeared for the first time in German forestry circles when Hans Carl von Carlowitz
in Sylvicultura Oeconomica in 1713 advocated for nachhaltende Nutzung [sustainable
use] of forest resources, expressing his concerns about excessive wood consumption practices, and stating that such practices would negatively affect the future
generations. Du Pisani provides also other examples, such as the German term
Nachhaltigkeit, literally meaning 'lastingness' or French durabilite´ (ibid.). And if it can be argued that the term 'durability' and 'sustainability' do not describe precisely the same concept, according to Fletcher 'durability is a foundational idea of the area
of study known as design for sustainability—a discipline that has enlarged its scope and field of action over the last two decades and which aims to envision and give form to alternative ways of living' (Fletcher, 2012).
Furthermore, the development of theories and practices related to design for
sustainability, such as those pioneered by Fuller (1967) and Papanek (1985 [1971]), has primarily taken place in product design, which according to Fletcher in the last
twenty years 'migrated to fashion where they have been appropriated both at a
materials-level and to influence product–user relationships' (Fletcher, 2012). Therefore, before unravelling the complexity of fashion and sustainability, I believe that it would be a good starting point to briefly sketch the evolution of design for sustainability by reporting examples which appear more frequently in the literature, not only because the design for sustainability is antecedent to notions of sustainability in fashion design but because, as we will see in Chapter 2, this PhD thesis draws
upon a transdisciplinary design framework which does not originate from fashion.
1.2.2 Evolution of design for sustainability Design for sustainability has a long pedigree, and before the Industrial Revolution
(1760–1840), products tended to be locally made by artisans from readily available
and local resources. However, the innovation in machinery prompted radical changes
in production and consumption patterns in the UK and beyond and destabilised the natural employment structure of rural areas (Wallinger, 2015). In the first half of the
19th century, almost half of the population in Britain migrated to manufacturing cities,
and through the 20th century, the pattern of urbanisation was repeated worldwide (Du Pisani, 2006; Fuad-Luke, 2002).
The British Arts and Crafts movement (1850–1914) quickly reacted to the race for
progress and mass production driven by the Industrial Revolution (ibid.). Its major
24 25
exponents, William Morris and John Ruskin were contrary to the profound change undergone by British society of the time. The environmental degradation, the
objectification of the working class, and loss of craftmanship were among the main concerns, and for the movement's members, it was 'unthinkable to contemplate
the world faster than the speed of a galloping horse' (Artsper, 2022). That is why it was essential for them to circumvent the fast rhythms of production and promote
traditional techniques, handmade objects, and natural materials. To be even more detached from the industrial fervour of the time, the pieces were made in a small series, sometimes even to order (Triggs, 2009). These approaches resonate with some contemporary sustainable design strategies, but it is how designers of the time aimed to return to human-scale production.
Unfortunately, the Arts and Crafts movement was deeply marked by its socio-
historical context, and only a small section of society reaped the benefits of this
movement. Nevertheless, its success was rapid and international, and the seeds of sustainability were sown into the development of the early modernist movements
in Europe, notably Bauhaus in Germany (1919–1933). However, while Arts and Crafts rejected the Industrial Revolution and its effects on society, Bauhaus accepted it.
Accordingly, the latter infused modernity into design while maintaining the objective of valuing the craftsmanship, functionalism, good quality, durability and economy
of materials and energy. Although Bauhaus adopted an interdisciplinary approach, and the study of textiles was included in the Bauhaus design school study program, the movement's most important contribution was in the field of industrial design.
One of the sustainable Bauhaus examples was provided by Marcel Breuer, who saw the opportunity to reduce the amount of material utilised for furniture design by
applying lightweight steel tubing. This innovation enabled the design of an utterly
disassemblable armchair—Wassily, which allowed the production of 'flat pack' chairs to save transport energy resources (Wilk, 1981).
Although Bauhaus's examples resonate with some of the contemporary sustainable
design strategies as well, the earliest concerns about resource limits and the impacts of material production on the environment in design field are often traced back to
Buckminster Fuller's teaching and work (Rawsthorn and Antonelli, 2022; Fuad Luke, 2002; Fuller, 1967). Fuller (1895-1983) is probably most well-known for his geodesic
dome—a lightweight polygon construction method suitable for multipurpose use
with its easily transportable, erectable, and reusable components. Nevertheless, he
was also one of the first designers who promoted a systemic worldview and coined the terms such as 'Spaceship Earth', which encapsulated the concern that Earth's
resources are limited and must be managed wisely, and 'ephemeralisation', which essentially means doing more with less. Fuller, who originated from the USA, a
country renowned for prolific production and consumption, was convinced that the right knowledge, in combination with the right amount of recyclable and recycled resources, was the essential survival strategy (Fuller, 1967).
From 1945 to the early 1980s, design has been engaged with what today is called sustainability, sporadically. For instance, in the post-war austerity, when most
European countries suffered from material and energy shortages, design followed
Mies van der Rohe's axiom 'less is more', providing examples such as small vehicles
of Piaggio, Fiat and Citroen, among others. They were robust, agile, economical to build and fuel-efficient in comparison to the American Cadillacs and Chevrolets,
which were the antithesis of sustainable design (Fuad-Luke, 2002). Then, the design of the 1960s was affected by the hippie movement, which questioned the social
norms of the time, such as mass consumerism, materialism, and capitalism, and it drew on various back-to-nature themes. Accordingly, young designers of the time
started to experiment with alternative ways of designing by using recycled materials,
and alternative ways of production and distribution (see The Whole Earth Catalogue —a counterculture magazine and product catalog published by Brand Steward between 1968 and 1972).
Subsequently, the energy crisis of the early 1970s encouraged the design of energyefficient products and became a silver lining in the form of the first attempts to examine the life cycle of the products, which later became known as Life Cycle
Analysis (LCA) (Fuad-Luke, 2002). In 1972 the members of the European Economic Community (which now became the European Union) recognised that the natural environment was deteriorating and agreed that a common transnational policy
was required. Simultaneously, Victor Papanek, in his Design for the Real World (1985 [1971]), advanced an in-depth critique of the design profession, inviting designers to take responsibility for encouraging consumption and, therefore, contributing to ecological and social degradation. This book was translated into over twenty
languages and remains one of the most influential books on design and for design
(Ceschin and Gaziulusoy, 2016; Fuad Luke, 2002). As we can see, attempts at what today is called sustainable design existed from the Arts and Crafts movement on.
26 27
People
Systemic
In p cr e su oten asi st ti ng ai al ly na ly bl m e or e
Insular
Design for system innovation and transition
Design for sustainable sicial innovation
Product-Service-System design for the base of the pyramid Sustainable Product-Service-System design Product design for the base of the pyramid Design for sustainable behaviour
Eco-efficient Product-Service-System design
Emotionally durable design Ecodesign
Biomimicry
Systemic design
Green design
2010
C Ec ra o- dle ef to fic c ie ra nt dl PS e d Em S es de ig ot sig n De ion n sig all n yd Pr fo ur o d r s ab uc oci le De a sig Su t de l in des n sta sig no ign fo v r s ina n fo ati us ble r B on ta oP P PS in a SS S S b d De des yst le b esig e i sig gn m eha n n fo ic d vi fo r t e ou r s he si r ys B gn te o an m i P d nn tra ov ns at iti ion on s
2000
E Bi co om de im sig ic n ry
G
re en
de
sig
n
1990
Technology
Cradle to cradle design
Approach addressing the environmental and economic dimensions of sustainability Approach addressing the environmental, socio-ethical and economic dimensions of sustainability
Figure 1.1. The DfS Evolutionary framework developed by Ceschin and Gaziulusoy (2016).
However, more systemic engagement of design with sustainability started only in the early 1980s, when 'improved environmental legislation, greater awareness of
environmental issues and private sector competition ensured that green consumers became a visible force' (Fuad Luke, 2002: 11).
Since then, Design for Sustainability (DfS) has progressively evolved from a narrow
technical, product, and process-focused design towards large-scale system design
in the following decades. The evolution of DfS is very complex and comprises a vast
spectrum of approaches. Fabrizio Ceschin and Idil Gaziulusoy (2016) have synthesised the development of the DfS field by providing a framework with an overview of the historical evolution of design responses to sustainability issues. The framework
intends to illustrate how different approaches contribute to particular sustainability aspects and offers an opportunity to reflect on the relationships between different DfS approaches, particularly how they link, overlap, and complement each other.
Figure 1.1 illustrates this framework, displaying existing DfS approaches chronologically in the timeline by showing the year when the first publication of each DfS approach was published.
As evidenced by figure 1.1, in the 1990s, DfS was primarily focused on a product
level with the development of green, eco-design, and later biomimicry—a design which involves studying models and processes of nature and adopting these to solve human problems. Then the first half of the 2000s was characterised by
cradle-to-cradle design and eco-efficient product-system design. When the focus
of DfS progressively shifted from single products to complex systems, DfS turned its
attention to 'people-centred' approaches, recognising the crucial importance of the users. It resulted in emotionally durable design, design for sustainable behaviour
(which still remains within the interest of design research academic community), and other approaches, such as an Eco-Social design, which will be described in Chapter 2. Although most of the current sustainable design strategies address larger societal issues, the DfS approaches, which are less systemic, do not lose their relevance. It
is widely recognised that strategies focusing only on a product level cannot alone be sufficient to achieve sustainability. However, 'it would be a mistake to consider these approaches less useful' since more elaborated DfS approaches still employ
material design artifacts, which must be designed to reduce and optimise resource consumption (Ceschin and Gaziulusoy, 2016: 31). Therefore, each DfS approach
28 29
should be acknowledged for its associated strengths and should be utilised in
conjunction with complementary human-centred design competences, such as
understanding consumption and behavioural dynamics. Thus, methods to gather user insights (e.g. design ethnographic observations, object interviews, cultural probes, focus groups et cetera) became essential in the designer's toolkit.
1.2.3 Sustainability in fashion design Sustainability in fashion is commonly traced to the hippie movement of the 1960s
and 1970s, which was characterised by handmade clothing production, upcycling, and clothing personalisation (through patchwork, for instance), and the shopping
of second-hand clothing in thrift stores and flea markets. As sustainability in fashion has evolved, however, designers strived to move away from the hippie culture
image towards a more sophisticated high-fashion appearance (Twigger Holroyd et al., 2023; Wallinger, 2015).
Further landmarks in the development of the sustainable fashion field include the
activities of the fashion company Esprit. Motivated by unsustainability in the fashion sector, from the late 1980s, Esprit's co-founder Doug Tompkins started to introduce
sustainability to the company employees through a series of lectures aiming at raising
awareness about ecological issues and later, the company even invited their customers
to buy less and only what they needed (Twigger Holroyd et al., 2023). During the same period, Lynda Grose designed the 'Ecollection' at Esprit, challenging designers to
look beyond the surface of fashion and discover the social and environmental impacts of apparel manufacturing (Wallinger, 2015). The collection launch coincided with the
Earth Summit—a pivotal event in the history of environmental awareness, which aimed to reconcile worldwide economic development with protection of the environment
(United Nations, 1992). Another milestone influencing sustainability in fashion occurred
in 1999 at the World Trade Organisation's meeting, where labour unions and concerned citizens showcased their protests against multinational corporations and called for fair trade, sustainable development, and attention to human rights issues (World Trade
Organisation, 2011). These events marked a confluence of ethical and environmental responsibility with sustainability in fashion, and since then, the fashion approaches intending to slow down fast rhythms of production and consumption have steadily grown.
The term 'slow fashion' was apparently coined at the beginning of 2000s by Angela Murrills, a fashion writer for a Vancouver-based online news magazine—Georgia
Straight (Clark, 2008). Later it started to appear on the internet in various publications,
such as British The Ecologist, where Kate Fletcher suggested that 'slow fashion is not a time-based but quality-based approach, where pleasure and fashion are linked
with awareness and responsibility' (Fletcher, 2007). Conceptually, slow fashion stems from the slow food movement, which originated in Italy in 1986. It implies valuing local resources and transparent production systems with fewer intermediaries between
producers and consumers. Moreover, slow fashion implies a sustainable consumption of clothing, presupposing that clothes should not be thrown out after being worn
only a few times (Twigger Holroyd et al., 2023; Gurova, 2015; Clark, 2008). 'Instead,
fashion objects should be considered an investment' (Gurova, 2015: 140), and clothing longevity, durability, and practicality should be valued.
Hence, much of fashion design practice and research followed the path of other design disciplinary traditions and has progressively evolved from a product, and process-focused fashion design towards system fashion approaches, displaying
a myriad of sustainable strategies. Among product and process-focused design,
approaches can be distinguished applying lifecycle thinking (Gwilt and Rissanen, 2011), cradle-to-cradle and redesign (Niinimäki, 2013), zero-waste fashion design
(McQuillan and Rissanen, 2015), and design which evolves over time (Riisberg and Grose, 2017). These were complemented by fashion design approaches focusing
on the craft of users (Fletcher, 2016; Twigger Holroyd, 2013), participatory clothing design (Hirscher et al., 2019), participatory textile making (Shercliff and Twigger
Holroyd, 2020), and speculative fashion design (Twigger Holroyd, 2022). Recently,
design researchers suggested that more systemic approaches in fashion are needed and, therefore, proposed applying the Transition Design framework (Irwin, 2015) to the context of fashion (Odabasi et al., 2022). Such endeavour aspires to become
an integrated approach which brings together a diversity of cultural perspectives and disciplines aiming to address complex societal problems within the large
spatiotemporal context and catalyse transitions towards more sustainable futures.
Therefore, to explore the connections I make between design and social sciences in
fashion, in the next section I will address sustainability in fashion from a sociological perspective.
30 31
1.2.4 Sociology of fashion Since fashion is a form of communication that facilitates social interactions, it has a
long history within the social sciences. Nevertheless, sustainability has received relatively little attention from social scientists, and many of the studies were concerned with the question of identity, expressed in two main dimensions: personal and social. These identity dimensions were examined from the perspectives of gender, class, race,
ethnicity, sexuality, and religion (Entwistle, 2015). However, the major attention was
more likely given to gender since, during the 19th century, a strong connection between
fashion and femininity became well-established, and this was accompanied by the
concept of 'separate spheres', where men were associated with the world of work and production, while women were related to the world of consumption and the home. According to Joanne Entwistle (2015), such a dualistic separation is historically
inaccurate. Firstly, because both aristocratic men and women 'were engaged in fashion in the early years of its development' (ibid.: 26). Secondly, women and
femininity were closely associated not only with consumption but also with production since clothing was historically produced by female seamstresses both at their homes
and in factories (Phizacklea, 2022; König, 2013; Vainshtein, 2000). The work carried out by seamstresses has been notoriously done under harsh conditions and implied long hours of work for low wages in dangerous and poorly regulated environments, which have been a matter of concern from the Arts and Crafts movement on and was embedded in a broader critique of capitalism (e.g. by Karl Marx). Today such
problems are closely related to sustainability issues, as clothing production occurs across vast global distances in search of the cheapest labour.
However, the relationship between gender and production is only one side of the coin. Another extensive body of sociological research on fashion has dealt with consumption, accounting for women's relationships with clothing. Some social
theorists criticised 'frivolous' fashion for victimising women, inducing them to follow
the latest styles and discarding garments before they were worn out (Entwistle, 2015).
One of the academics associated with this critical stance towards fashion is Thorstein Veblen (2016 [1899]). Within his work, the sociologist described the American society of the late 19th century, where the transition of the fashion rhythms resulted from a
desire of the upper class to demonstrate their material well-being and the middle
layers to copy this consumer model. By imitating these consumption patterns, lower
classes symbolically bring their social position closer to the desired. Consequently, the fashionable designs adopted by the majority lose their ability to give respect and honour, leading to the search for new distinguishable elements, resulting in
irrational and wasteful behaviour. Furthermore, the fashion dress with its heavy skirts and corsets was seen as demonstratively constraining, suggesting that 'women are
not able to work and, therefore, further demonstrating the pecuniary strength of the husband' (Entwistle, 2015: 28).
Veblen's work was subject to scepticism and is considered historically inaccurate and overly simplistic (ibid.). Moreover, such positioning of women in society seems outdated
now, and more recent scholarship has demonstrated that women are actively engaged in their practices and choices of dress and are no longer seen as merely passive
recipients of fashion messages and styles (Woodward, 2007). Nevertheless, Veblen's
critique of fashion as an irrational and wasteful system resonates with the contemporary sustainability debate, even though the term sustainability was not used in the early sociological literature on fashion.
Despite a few examples, sustainability in fashion came to the radar of social sciences only recently, more likely due to the sharp division between the social and natural
worlds. Environmental issues have typically been categorised as part of the natural world and thus received less attention from sociologists, who tended to prioritise social concerns. Therefore, the links between fashion and sustainability from the
sociological perspective have not been fully explored. To provide a more integrated
analysis of fashion and sustainability, Joanne Entwistle (2015; 2016) proposed to apply the lens of theories attending to the importance of materiality and our relationships to objects, which connect different actors and practices, namely Actor-Network Theory (ANT) and Practice Theory.
To understand the radical intervention and impact ANT made on social sciences, we need to acknowledge the work of French theorist Bruno Latour, who challenged the traditional view of a clear separation between 'nature' and 'culture' and instead
argued the two are deeply intertwined and interdependent. As he powerfully points out, the objects we consider as 'natural' are influenced by our social and historical perspective, and therefore, they are not simply natural objects but rather natureculture artefacts or hybrids. Accordingly, ANT proposes that anything with the
capacity to act, including natural materials such as water, is considered an 'actor'.
32 33
Within such a framework, nature is no longer seen as merely 'out there', separate
and different to us, but we are continuous with nature, a part of it (Entwistle, 2016).
Applying the lens of this theory to fashion allows for a closer examination of different actors involved in a complex 'assemblage'. It encourages us to see fashion as a
nature-culture hybrid consisting of natural materials and socio-cultural influences.
This way of thinking about fashion is particularly relevant for ecological considerations and invites us to see ourselves as part of the Earth's ecology rather than separate
from it. By following the actors involved in the creation, distribution, consumption,
and disposal of fashion items, we can gain a better understanding of the continuous flow of materials, objects, and actors that contribute to the creation of fashion dress (Entwistle, 2016).
This careful ANT attention to the ways in which material objects are used and
interacted with has been extended within a framework of practice theory, which
I utilise in this PhD study and will discuss more in detail in Chapter 3. In particular, I refer to the practice theory perspective framed by Elisabeth Shove and her
colleagues (Shove et al., 2012; 2007), which focuses on design and consumption practices. Practice theory has traditionally focused on domestic appliances and
technologies but was also applied to fashion consumption to examine the life cycle of clothing and explore ways to make fashion production and consumption more sustainable (Haugrønning et al., 2021; Durrani, 2019; Klepp and Bjerck, 2014).
1.2.5 Temporalities of clothing consumption Among the recent sociological studies regarding consumption in the field of fashion, I propose to turn our attention to the theory of Russian sociologist Olga Gurova (2015). Her research was focused on the study of Soviet and post-Soviet societies. She has
analysed the temporal rhythms of clothing consumption and the transformation of consumers' daily practices in Russia within different social groups, depending on
the macro characteristics of societies at a specific historical period. Gurova argued that temporality can be understood on both the macro-level (type of society, the institutional conditions, the economic conditions, and the development of retail
markets) and the micro-level (individual clothing consumption practices of purchase, use and disposal of fashion objects). The interaction of both micro and macro
factors produces a certain fashion concept within a particular temporal regime.
As a result of this research Gurova distinguished four concepts of clothing consumption: permanent, transitional, fast, and slow.
The permanent concept of consumption in Gurova's work is associated with Soviet
Russia due to the planned economy's inefficiency and structural features. However, it is not limited to this period and is often attributed to certain social groups in contemporary Russia, such as poor or retired people. Within these structural
conditions, clothes were valued due to their utilitarian nature, and the ability to sew
was considered an important cultural practice. Therefore, clothes were continuously repaired, revitalised, or transformed. These clothing manipulations contributed to
the slow temporality of things, while recognition of the practical value and personal contribution created an emotional attachment to clothing.
The transitional concept of consumption in socialist societies arose within political
reforms implemented in the mid-1980s by Mikhail Gorbachev. Perestroika aimed to accelerate the Soviet planned economy, break economic stagnation, and achieve the Western development rhythm. According to Verdery, the Soviet disintegration
occurred because of the collision with the fast rhythm of capitalism (Verdery, 1996). At that time, post-Soviet states were relatively poor and socially heterogeneous.
Consequently, the period of the liberal reforms of the early 1990s and the transition
to the market economy allowed a small number of people to earn millions while most of the population was living within severe economic conditions. The lower classes
were striving for the desired well-being, and while ordinary citizens could not afford the growing range of foreign goods in the shops, they were buying in the markets. With vibrant colours, huge labels, ornaments, and poor-quality goods, the post-
Soviet population completely forgot about simplicity, moderation, and other Soviet
ideas of good taste, which I will describe more in detail later in this chapter. The desire for a new and fashionable (fast temporality) and the desire to get quality things able to last a long time (slow temporality) is the principal contradiction of this concept. Compared to the Soviet period, the lifespan of clothes has been significantly
reduced, both due to the acceleration of rhythm and the poor quality of products.
However, the repair and clothes revitalisation practices did not lose their popularity. The fast concept within this framework refers mainly to the middle of the first decade of the 20th century. The average income in the post-Soviet countries increased, and
international and domestic high-quality retail chains began offering the post-Soviet
34 35
middle-class many products at a relatively low price. Previously, clothes were repaired to extend the lifespan of the most loved things. Now, as part of the new concept,
consumer practices suggested replacing a worn-out thing with an identical new ones. Production of clothes at home does not belong to this temporality of consumption.
In this case, it is much easier and faster to buy things, rather than do them yourself, while the symbolic value of things is more important than the utilitarian, and the novelty becomes a priority.
The slow concept occurred after the economic recession in 2008 and became
popular among the young generations. Within this approach, consumers take a more responsible position towards environmental issues and use their creativity more often. Slow consumption practices resulted from the crisis, dissatisfaction with deep-rooted consumerism, and tiredness from endless shopping. These patterns suggest an
extension of the lifespan of clothes and a return to the recognition of utilitarian values,
Permanent Deficit
Structural features
State shops / limited choice Black fashion market
Local production Upcycling and downcycling
Specific practices
Repair and maintenance Personalisation Circulation of clothes
Clothes as friend
Fashion and object
Longevity, practicality, and durability as the main values
as in Soviet times. However, within the framework of slow fashion, do-it-yourself
clothes acquire a new meaning of creativity and self-expression. Their adoption is a
consequence of the consumer's choice and is not dictated by need. These structural features increase the difference in practices and values attributed to them.
The theory of consumption temporalities is summarised in Table 1.1, which demonstrate that permanent and slow concepts of consumption present certain similarities while occurring for different reasons. Although Gurova's findings result from the study of
(post)-Soviet societies, rhythms and routines have spatial qualities, and every society has its unique concept of time and prevailing rhythm inherited in the everyday practices of its members. Shove et al. (2020 [2009]) suggested that a greater
focus on multiple rhythms and temporalities can be a promising way to unravel
the complexity of social differences in space and time. It is particularly relevant for
promoting more sustainable behaviour related to clothing consumption. Therefore,
Transitional
Fast
Fast
36
Income gap between classes
Relative revenue growth
Small retail network
Low income of working class
International retail chains
Online shops
37
Circulation of foreign goods
Increase of large distributions
Small busunesses
Shopping malls
Sustainable fashion brands
Barter
Sales
Local production
Mass consumption
Purchase of identical things
Upcycling and downcycling
Desire for novelty / shopping
Shopping as cultural practice
Repair and maintenance
Homemade clothes
Shopping in pursuit of novelty
Personalisation
Throwing things out
Circulation of clothes Shopping in second-hans
Symbolic value
Symbolic value
Clothes as friend
Low-quality goods
Indifference to quality
Longevity, practicality, and
A novelty priority
durability as the main values
Table 1.1. The summary of the theory of consumption temporalities by Gurova (2015).
in the following sections, I propose to draw a parallel between the rhythms of
consumption in Western and East-European socialist societies, and to investigate
on the different histories, which have resulted in different 'hegemonic patterns of consumption, structuring people's public performances' (Klingseis, 2011).
1.2.6 'Repair strategy' of the Soviet economy The Soviet system's centrally planned and Western post-industrial capitalist economies
represent fundamentally different ideologies and approaches to economic organisation. The former was characterised by a peculiar relationship between the one-Party state and the population, defined by Fehér et al. (1983) as a 'dictatorship of needs'. By
controlling consumer demand, the state aimed to expand its political and economic power and shape the production and consumption patterns in socialist states.
Sociologists call the Soviet a 'repair society' since the planned economy lacked the self-regulating mechanisms of a market economy and, therefore, required
continuous improvement, experimentation, and anti-crisis campaigns. In other words, it constantly needed repair (Gerasimova and Tchouikina, 2009).
The repair can be seen as a macro-level phenomenon relative to the Soviet economic system. It was regulated by the state's effective 'repair strategy', aiming to develop a repair sector to keep a large number of people employed. Therefore, to make such a strategy possible, on the one hand, the Soviet state decided to design
functional or symbolic defects into many Soviet-produced goods. On the other
hand, to make up for the shortcomings of production, the state developed a repair infrastructure, which included various repair services (e.g. repair shops for shoes
and clothing). Such services were meant to enable consumers to return low-quality semifinished items to conditions suitable for consumption relatively easily and at
a low cost. The number of these repair services was substantial. For instance, in the
1960s and 1970s, Moscow and Leningrad alone counted thousands of repair shops (Gerasimova and Tchouikina, 2009).
Furthermore, the Soviet 'repair strategy' was reinforced by the state propaganda
of 'rational desires', standards of good taste, and appreciation of the use value of
material objects. Excessive focus on material possessions was censured, and Soviet consumers were induced to avoid fetishism, alienation, or commercial calculations.
Instead, they were regarded to see material objects as tovarishchi [comrades] to
be valued for their reliability rather than their appearance. As a result, Soviet-made
objects were expected to accompany people for a long time and not be discarded, even if they lost their functional properties—'in the same way you do not forsake an injured friend' (Degot', 2000).
Simultaneously, friendship, like any other kind of personal relationship, could not
interfere with citizens' responsibilities to the Party, collective, or motherland and should
not impede their efforts to achieve a bright communist future. Accordingly, in a culture which had always emphasised collectivity over individuality, taste was not supposed
to be a personal matter related to individual aesthetic preferences, but rather it was considered an important social and political choice (Golubev and Smolyak, 2013).
For the Soviet people, good taste was associated with qualities such as modesty and
simplicity. Obeying the dress code was interpreted as a manifestation of being a loyal citizen (Vainshtein 2000), while autonomous consumption, the possession of power
in independent choice and private accumulation could diminish the state's authority and undermine the system (Gurova, 2015).
While the Party was claiming to know the public's economic and social needs, mainly without reference to the longing of ordinary people, the Soviet consumers were left feeling bereft that their needs had not been met. The failure to provide 'quality, ready availability, and choice' became a political problem for all Soviet states
(Verdery, 1996: 27). Mass-produced Soviet goods subjected to strict state standards often lacked items in popular sizes, shapes, or designs. And everyday life reality of
scarcity and limited choice led to the occasional resistance of the population to the Party's control of consumption. It was manifested by private exchange, the black market, and the embrace of personal style (Bogdanova, 2015).
As mentioned above, the low-quality Soviet goods resulted in the merchandise
being viewed as incomplete and prompted consumers to actively personalise the
items through their transformation and mutual adaptation (Degot', 2000). Most of
the time, when objects were 'assimilated' through repair, alteration, or personalisation,
they gained a distinct personality. Therefore, they were not grey, boring, or monotonous, as material socialist culture is often perceived. Instead, they represented a unique
deviation from the norm (Gurova, 2015). However, such objects often could only be appropriately utilised by their owners; therefore, the reason why such objects were
38 39
kept for an extended period before being thrown away was not solely because the new items were expensive or unavailable but rather because 'the painful stage of
mutual abrasion between the owner and the old object had already run its course' (Gerasimova and Tchouikina, 2009).
Out of necessity, the do-it-yourself culture, and the art of making and re-making
clothes became important acts through which Soviet identities were performed. The manipulations of material objects gained widespread popularity, 'people sewed
clothes, repaired them, constructed new ones from the old, and beautified readymade items' (Gurova, 2015: 137). Such manipulations were carried out by most
Soviet people, both within the domestic landscapes and in ateliers or by private seamstresses. These cultural practices allowed people to use and repair things continuously, justifying the name of 'the repair society'.
1.2.7 Planned obsolescence of the Western world While the Soviet societies' 'dictatorship of needs' extended its power by a central authority, Western societies directed people's conduct through decentralised
efforts. As we saw in the previous sections, the Industrial Revolution of the mid 14th
century slowly led towards high production volumes in Europe and North America.
As a result, by the mid-1870s, overproduction became West's 'most troubling social evil' (Slade, 2006: 9). The large amounts of unsold consumer goods were filling
warehouses and the industry was frequently forced to suspend its production (Burns, 2010). Consequently, on the one side of the spectrum, there was a significant number of unemployed people eager to work, and on the other—many fully equipped factories ready to produce.
This condition continued in subsequent years until the late 1920s when the industry
saw the need for new strategies to stimulate mass consumption. Then the 1930s and two decades after the Second World War saw considerable political and economic turmoil in the world, and product obsolescence started to be seen as a means to
revitalise an ailing economy. The aim of the obsolescence 'was to encourage new
product ideas, remove any potential for economic stagnation and enable workers to earn money to buy new products' (ibid: 42). Simultaneously, the resources were
relatively cheap, and it allowed the capitalist economy to respond to the crisis with
sustained growth, encouraging consumers to purchase an ever-growing number of low-quality goods and to replace them with the speed of the light.
In his book The Consumer Society, Jean Baudrillard described a 'throwaway society' of that time, which was depicted as 'fantastic conspicuousness of consumption and abundance, constituted by the multiplication of objects, services and material
goods' (1998 [1970]: 25). Within this framework, the products were not produced for
their 'use-value or possible durability, but rather with an eye to their death' (ibid: 46). According to Baudrillard, such patterns of consumption inevitably modified human ecology, since people in affluent societies were 'surrounded not so much by other
human beings, as they were in all previous ages, but by objects' (ibid: 25).Consequently, they started to see consumer goods as harnessing of power and not as products resulting from 'work or a production processes' (ibid: 31). Baudrillard also wrote
about the consequences of obsolescence built into products, emphasising that such strategies have generated serious 'environmental nuisances' (ibid: 39).
Yet, it was Vance Packard who put a new perspective on the term 'obsolescence', differentiating between the obsolescence of function (occurring when newer alternatives replace a product or technology), the obsolescence of quality
(occurring when the product is intentionally designed to have low quality, and
therefore break or wear out quickly), and the obsolescence of desirability (occurring due to styling which makes the product less desirable) (Packard, 1960). The first type of obsolescence—the functional type—is the most blatant. It is pronounced, for
instance, in the ways we listen to music, which have evolved: from live performances to recordings, to radio, to cassette tapes, to CDs, to iPods, to streaming services
such as Spotify or Apple Music. This type of obsolescence, in Packard's words, is the one which 'we all applaud' since it introduces a 'genuinely improved product' even though buying it means doubling one's equipment (Ibid: 37). The obsolescence of
function and quality, however, have received less attention in Packard's work, since he found the obsolescence of desirability to be most controversial and subtle, and therefore deserving more scrutiny.
According to Packard, the obsolescence of desirability was pioneered in the field of clothing and accessories, particularly those for women, when on demand
of consumers committed to change, manufacturers could not wait to produce
goods for the slow process of functional obsolescence. Consequently, when the
40 41
'reality' was unavailable, the strategy of giving the 'illusion of change' through
styling came into play. That is how, by the 1960s, the field of fashion 'had become a twelve-billion-dollar industry' (ibid: 47), and designers in other areas earnestly
started to study the fashion obsolescence techniques created by 'styling', such as,
for instance, the change of predominant colours, the degree of ornamentation, or
profile (e.g. moving the hemline up and down, widening the waist or broadening the shoulders). This emphasis on style caused the product designers and consumers to
be preoccupied with the appearance of change rather than the real values involved into change. And as Western manufacturers learned how to exploit obsolescence,
Western consumers increasingly accepted it in every aspect of their lives (Slade 2006).
1.3. Mending matters
In the previous section, I described how different histories have resulted in different ideologies of consumption. Now, I will focus on one of the resourceful clothing consumption approaches, namely clothing mending, which had an enormous
upsurge in recent years. First, I will illustrate the assumptions underpinning this PhD study by revising the past of the mending practices from Western and (post)-Soviet perspectives. Thereafter, I will explore how mending has visibly come to the fore in the academic context.
1.3.1 'Repair' versus 'throwaway' As evidenced by the comparison of Soviet repair societies and Western' throwaway
societies' histories, the Soviet undoubtedly had certain specific traits, mainly due to
the fact that the Industrial Revolution came relatively late to Imperial Russia (1890– 1910), and the majority of its population remained rural up to the middle of the 20th century (Vihavainen and Bogdanova, 2015). Moreover, the transition to the market
economy of the post-Soviet countries occurred only in the early 1990s, and the fast
rhythm of consumption arose only in the middle of the first decade of the 20th century. Therefore, the practices of 'unintended but real sustainability' (Jehlička et al., 2020) of the Soviet world did not have enough time to vanish, and they still reside within post-Soviet landscapes. By contrast, the prolonged dominance of fast rhythms of
production and consumption in the Western 'throwaway societies' has contributed
to the decline in clothing repair knowledge and competences, which progressively fade away through lack of application.
Although the clothing repair practices of the Soviet repair societies' are so rich and not yet distant enough to be forgotten, in Soviet and post-Soviet contexts, the academic literature on repair is very limited, likely because critical studies of
capitalism in post-Soviet countries are not very popular (Degot', 2000). Instead,
they provoke resistance since they are seen as an attempt to bring back the past,
which causes 'panic and fear' among people who have already become accustomed to the abundance of consumer goods and consider it a synonym with happiness (ibid.). Furthermore, historically, the practices of clothing repair performed by
seamstresses have never been regulated by the state and fell into the category of everyday and mundane domestic work (Vainshtein, 2000). These practices were
often associated with poverty and low socio-economic status, remained invisible,
and did not present any cultural or scientific interest. However, evidence of clothing repair practices can be found in women's magazines such as Sovetskaia Zhenshchina [Soviet Woman], Krest'ianka [Peasant Woman] and
Rabotnitsa [Working Woman] (Gurova, 2015; Golubev and Smolyak, 2013), as well as in housekeeping encyclopaedias and other non-academic publications, which contained numerous advice on clothes mending, altering and making. Such
publications were the primary source of self-fashioning for Soviet women, contributing
to society's slow temporality through permanent consumption until the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. In contrast, the Western 'throwaway' societies by the
1960s were already dominated by fast temporality of consumption, and it is when, according to Durrani (2019) and König (2013), mending started to fade away. To
verify if these assumptions hold true, in the following section, I will briefly revise the mending history in both Western and Soviet contexts and compare the women's encyclopaedias published at the same historical stage. 1.3.2 Revising mending history
44
In the pre-industrial era, knowledge of textiles and fabrics was highly valued, as
45
clothing and household textiles were scarce commodities and were treated as items meant to be used for a long time. Moreover, this knowledge and competences were considered essential to the domestic economy. They were invariably the cultural
property of women, and basic sewing and mending skills were used to extend the lifespan of clothing and home textiles in every possible manner (König, 2013).
However, not everyone had repair competences then; many wore non-mended
clothes (Durrani, 2019). In the 19th century, several Western countries began supporting
women's education, and women started to learn sewing, mending and other crafts
(Durrani, 2019; Cole, 1982). In Great Britain, for instance, this skill set aimed to provide opportunities for women to find employment as teachers in missionary schools or as
domestic staff. In this way, mending knowledge became widespread in Great Britain, while missionaries teaching in different British colonies worldwide contributed to a larger distribution of sewing and mending competences (Cole, 1982).
As for Imperial Russia, according to Ruane (1996), all women, regardless of social
status, were taught sewing and mending. This set of skills was introduced into the
school curriculum in 1764 by Catherine the Great to prepare young women to
become mothers and household managers. Catherine believed that women's
proficiency in sewing would equip them with the capability to produce clothing for their families and earn a living, if necessary. Moreover, acquiring these skills was mandatory for every woman and touched even those who did not have an
opportunity to attend school (Ruane, 1996). Thus, as we can see, the development of sewing and mending competences occurred both in the West and Imperial Russia and at that time, it was deeply entrenched with utilitarian reasons.
By the end of the 19th century, as industrialisation in the Western world progressed,
clothing had become more affordable. However, clothes were not considered
disposable and were designed and produced, presupposing to last long and be
repaired (Durrani, 2019). In concomitance with the clothing repair practices within
the domestic landscape, the network of repair services, such as clothing, shoe, and umbrellas, started to emerge. Within this framework, the profession of tailors and
seamstresses began to be appreciated. Thus, there still was an expectation that all
goods would be mended: the poor people would do it themselves, while the wealthy would pay someone to do it (König, 2013). Simultaneously, most of the Russian
Empire's population then was rural, and sewing was considered an essential element of school education. Therefore, the work of the seamstresses was not valued and
was poorly paid. Later, in the 1920s and 1930s, when the network of the state ateliers was not developed yet, seamstress services started to be appreciated and were in
high demand. Subsequently, their popularity can be explained by low prices, which attracted low-income customers who could not afford to buy clothes in the stateowned shops but could afford tailor-made clothing made by seamstresses (Vainshtein, 2000).
During the difficult economic period of the 1940s, repairing clothes within domestic
landscapes in both contexts persisted, but it acquired particular cultural significance in the West. All resources were directed towards meeting military needs, and repairing clothes was perceived as a patriotic civic duty, which was evidenced, for instance, by the British campaign Make Do and Mend. It offered detailed instructions on
repairing clothing, revitalising them, and effectively re-using old fabric (Gwilt, 2014; König, 2013). This campaign is often compared with today's mending practices, despite it being a time of severe deprivation and economic hardship for most people.
As described in section 1.3, post-war austerity gave way to economic regeneration
in Western and Soviet contexts in very different ways. In North America and Europe,
cheap, mass-produced goods became available to most of the Western population by rendering the imperative of mending redundant. Progressively, mending came
to be seen as both old-fashioned and unnecessary. It is evidenced, for instance, in the encyclopaedias for women published in Italy in the 1960s by Fabbri Editori—
Enciclopedia della Donna [Encyclopedia for Woman] (1962) and Mani d'oro [Skilled hands] (1966).
The overview of the Enciclopedia della Donna illustrates that within twenty volumes
with circa 290 pages each, only a few pages were dedicated to clothing maintenance.
According to these publications, Italian women were expected to aspire to become
stewardesses, models, or secretaries, and among the things they had to know about clothing was the following: how to choose clothing for a specific occasion, how to iron and wash them, and a few tips on how to beautify clothes with embroidery,
lace and crocheting. Entire chapters were devoted to cooking, home decoration,
vacations, make-up, diets, and plastic surgery, representing the ideas of 'dolce vita' popularised in Italy in the 1960s. These encyclopaedias portrayed an aspiration
for the glamorous and hedonic lifestyle, favouring ways of living that value pleasure, beauty and enjoyment (Kucher, 2022).
Instead, Mani d'oro (1966) published in fifteen volumes covered a vast spectrum of fibre crafts, including embroidery, crochet, knitting, macrame and sewing. The
instructional material of these encyclopedias was beautifully illustrated with stepby-step photographic instructions, divided into small sections that are only 2-3
pages long. These sections covered a variety of techniques and were arranged in rotating mode through the volumes, providing a progressive learning experience for the reader. However, within fifteen volumes of this encyclopedia, there was
absolutely nothing on mending, while represented craft practices were seen as one of many possibilities to spend one's free time. Thus, it is evident when women in this specific Western context started to take pride in their inability to mend.
Simultaneously, the Soviet culture of making things at home intensified and took a
new shape. The increase in making activities within a domestic landscape coincided with continuing urbanisation of Soviet citizens. In the 1960s, for the first time in Soviet
history, the urban population exceeded the rural, and the state had to accommodate
46 47
the aesthetics of traditional peasant practices to the modern urban lifestyle.
Accordingly, the concept of 'kulturnost' [culturedness] was applied to direct this accommodation. This concept was born in the 1930s and was a constitutive
conception of Stalinist culture (Golubev and Smolyak, 2013). It relied on the Soviet
norms of modesty, a sense of moderation, and property. Showing material prosperity was considered indecent, and within this framework, care for the body and its
appearance plays an important role (Gurova, 2015). To enable the Soviet consumers to make aesthetically and culturally appropriate things at home by internalising
the official aesthetics, and participating in its materialisation, the Party promoted
homemaking practices as a form of consumption pleasure (Golubev and Smolyak, 2013; Gerasimova and Tchouikina, 2009).
To enact such homemaking activities and to support the self-fashioning of Soviet people, the Party adjusted the content and the publication number of women's
magazines and books for housekeeping. Such publications had always been essential to the Soviet homemaking and repair ideology. It is illustrated, for instance, in 300
Poleznikh Sovetov [300 Useful Tips] (Fedorova,1958), which includes an entire chapter dedicated to maintenance and clothing repair, or in the publication, Molodoĭ
khoziaĭke [To a young housewife], which included a chapter entitled 'Clothing'.
Within the latter were provided numerous suggestions which ranged from 'Kak
krasivo odevat'sia' [How to dress beautifully] to 'Kak odevat'sia doma' [How to dress at home] to how to do the laundry, iron, mend, remove different kinds of stains and how to alter and sew clothes (Volkova, 1958).
Before the implementation of Khruschev's reforms, women's magazines such as
Rabotnitsa or Krestianka included patterns written in a technical language difficult to use if one was not a professional seamstress. Moreover, they did not imply self-
making of design, and nor did they include instructions on constructing new clothes from the old ones. In the 1960s, the Party introduced uroki truda [labour education] at schools, initially as a form of internship training in the industry (for instance, in sewing factories) and later as a compulsory gender-separated school subject.
Introducing this subject into the school program led to the popularisation of sewing skills and professional sewing language competence. Accordingly, if in the late
1950s, women were more likely puzzled by design descriptions provided within the abovementioned publications, in the 1970s, they could read them and make their own clothing (Golubev and Smolyak, 2013). Simultaneously, as the audiences of
such literature for women grew, also the number of their publications increased
significantly. For example, in 1956, there was only one book, including large sections on mending, revitalising and making clothes; in 1958, the number rose to fifteen
titles; and in 1960, the number of such titles rose to thirty. Their press run numbered
millions of copies, saturating the Soviet market with advice on how to make, revitalise and mend clothes at home (ibid.).
A comparison between Italian encyclopaedias and Soviet women's magazines and books for housekeeping confirms that in the 1960s, Western and Soviet societies
had a completely different sets of values, economic conditions and consumption
patterns. The image of 'dolce vita' created by Italian publications suggesting what to wear when going on vacation indicates the predominance of the fast rhythm of consumption, where the mending practices were gradually disappearing.
Simultaneously, within the framework of Khruschev's reforms of the 1960s in the USSR,
mending practices were not only flourishing within the Soviet culture of making things at home but were intensified and shaped into a form of consumption pleasure which was progressively growing until the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991.
However, Western mending history does not end at this point since the transition
from one temporal rhythm to another is not linear. 'Changes in temporality do not mean that one rhythm is replaced by another one' (Gurova, 2015: 133). Therefore,
societies are constituted by various overlapping rhythms (Shove et al., 2020 [2009]). It is evidenced, among others, by popping up publications on mending, such as
L'ABC del taglio, cucito e rammendo [The ABC of cutting, sewing and mending], published in the late 1970s in Italy. Furthermore, in other Western countries, the progressive decline of mending took place later than in Italy (see for example,
analysis of 80 craft books and other magazines published in the 20th century in Norway—in Klepp, 2000). According to Klepp, in the 1970s, Norway's mending
culture was characterised by an 'appreciation of decorative patches', which faded away by the 1980s and 1990s (ibid.).
Nevertheless, as mentioned in section 1.3, recently, due to its excessive overproduction and overconsumption, consumerism has become subjected to sharp criticism.
To slow down the pace of life and ensure long-term well-being, mature capitalist societies started to aim at sustainability. When the information regarding the
environmental impacts of the fashion industry started to reach larger audiences,
48 49
'the pleasure of endless shopping has been replaced by the shame of its
consequences' (Gurova, 2015: 138). Therefore, slow fashion practices gradually
became widespread and no longer associated with material deprivation and a
thrifty attitude to living. Within the framework of the slow temporality of clothing
consumption, statements such as 'mending has died out' (Clark, 2008) have lost their actuality and were surpassed by the 'mending revolution' (Klepp, 2022;
Wackman and Knight, 2020), actively gaining popularity in both Western and
post-Soviet worlds. I will address this change of mending practices' meaning in
Chapter 3, and now, I will focus on recent academic research on clothing repair.
1.3.4 Research on clothing repair in academic context The popularity of repair in academic environments has increased across various
disciplines, and scholars from diverse backgrounds have explored repair as post-
growth activity from different perspectives. These perspectives range from science
and technology studies (Middleton, 2018; Denis et al., 2015), sociology (Henke, 1999),
anthropology (Durrani, 2019; Martinez, 2017), new media (Jackson, 2014), organisation studies (Orr, 2006), environmental humanities (Crosby and Stein, 2020), consumption studies (Laitala et al., 2020), to design (Berger and Irvin, 2023; Terzioglu, 2021). This growing interest in repair in academic circles has led to the emergence of the field
known as 'repair studies' (Graziano and Trogal, ed., 2019), resulting in the publication of several special issues on repair (e.g. 'Repair matters' by Ephemera Journal (2019), and 'Maintenance and repair in STS' by Tecnoscienza Journal (2015)).
Mirroring this stance on repair, also fashion and clothing consumption researchers increasingly explored mending to address (un)sustainability in the fashion sector.
Within the post-Soviet landscape, the research on clothing mending is somewhat limited and undertaken mainly by MendiT Research Lab, based at the Doctoral
School of Art and Design at the High School of Economics (HSE) in Moscow, Russia. The research laboratory was established at the end of 2021 due to the initiative of the head of the doctoral school Liudmila Alyabieva, who saw the potential in researching garment mending within a post-Soviet landscape. According to
Alyabieva, 'the focus on historical (e.g. Soviet) practices of mending clothes is
currently of less interest to researchers since Soviet repair was forced measure,
an attempt to save money on purchases by mending clothes when needed' (HSE,
2022). Therefore, the research laboratory members focus on mending practices mainly from the participatory well-being perspective, and their practice-based
research occurs within the framework of participatory workshops, which by now
took place in several museums and engaged local Russian communities (Alyabieva et al., 2022a). The outcomes of these participatory mending-making activities
were published in the non-academic zine (ibid.) and as 'Mending Diaries' in the
Russian Fashion Theory special issue on mending (Alyabieva et al., 2022b). These
contributions include mainly researchers' personal reflections on mending practices and are supported by photographs of mending artwork and illustrations. At the
same time, within the same special issue, the articles on user mending practices
were provided by Ingun Klepp, Amy Twigger Holroyd, and me. These contributions, except mine, illustrate only Western perspectives on clothing repair.
The body of research on clothing repair in the Western context has increased in the last ten years, and there is a common agreement that several formal and informal
mending communities are gaining momentum and that there has been an increase in participation in clothing repair events (Diddi and Yan, 2019; Durrani, 2019).
According to Keiller and Charter (2019), participants of such events are motivated to repair more, and experience a sense of belonging to a larger community. Similarly,
McLaren and McLauchlan (2015) emphasise the importance of 'collaborative forms of fixing' for overcoming the traditional associations of clothing repair with times of hardship and material deprivation. However, according to Marium Durrani, who, within her doctoral research, studied clothing repair within the framework of 18
communal mending events in Finland, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, such participatory workshops have a sporadic nature (Durrani, 2019). Most of the time, they are not supported by the local authorities, and therefore, the workshops do
not have permanent locations, are mainly based on voluntary work, and the repair events are not held regularly (Kucher, 2022; Durrani, 2019; Diddi and Yan, 2019). Accordingly, the framework of pop-up participatory workshops creates certain
barriers to acquiring the vast set of competences necessary to enable clothingmending practices (Kucher and Ræbild, 2023).
Moreover, most of the clothing repair is carried out privately (McQueen et al., 2023;
Diddi and Yan, 2019), and many people still seek for repair help from family members (Gwilt, 2014). According to McQueen et al. (2023), private clothing repair comprises self-repair, paid, and unpaid non-self-repair. Unpaid non-self-repair is usually
50 51
performed by someone the user knows and occurs within the domestic landscapes
when clothing repair is needed, and an older family member takes responsibility for carrying out such tasks (ibid.). This kind of clothing repair is relatively common. For
example, in the US study of Diddi and Yan (2019), 33% of 254 participants asked others to mend for them, while 22% helped others to mend. Similar results were illustrated
by a Norwegian study, which reported that those who mend for themselves often do it for others (Laitala and Klepp, 2018).
In addition to seeking help from family members or acquaintances for repairing damaged or worn-out clothes, people also access the expertise of professional
seamstresses, tailors or mending services offered by dry cleaners, as well as through the services of retail stores or clothing brands (Laitala et al., 2020). The latter two
options do not necessarily involve payment, as this may depend on the policies of
the clothing brands regarding free repair services or warranties (e.g. British Rapha,
Swedish Nudie Jeans, Norwegian Bergans, or Danish Ganni, among others). However, these brand services accept the items purchased only from that specific brand.
When it comes to other generic repair services, which accept all types of clothing,
such services are perceived by consumers as inconvenient and expensive (McQueen et al., 2023; Laitala et al., 2020; Fisher et al., 2008). These findings, however, lack
a clear understanding of what factors influence an individual's perception of repair costs. It is unclear whether users consider the relative repair cost compared to the
original price of the clothing they purchased or whether they prioritise repairs based on their personal or household income (McQueen et al., 2023). What is more evident is that simple repairs, such as sewing a button or mending small holes, 'are not
particularly profitable (or even interesting) for the tailoring business' (Laitala et al.,
2020: 11). Accordingly, increasing users' self-repair competences would allow 'a more appropriate division of labour between consumers and tailors' (ibid.).
1.3.5 Ambiguities in clothing repair research In 2013, a nationwide US quantitative study investigated the obstacles to domestic clothing repair (Norum, 2013). The survey utilised within the study placed button
sewing and sewing back undone hems in its definition of sewing but did not provide a precise explanation of what the researchers meant by clothing repair. After
analysis of collected data, the study concluded that lack of competences was
responsible for the decline of domestic repair practices. Another study on clothing reuse and repair practices, based on co-creative participatory workshops with 19
participants, explored how women could employ their creativity to reuse and repair clothing (Lapolla and Sanders, 2015). This research interpreted creativity as a hierarchical practice with four levels:
Doing—activities, non-requiring particular skills, or interests. Provided examples of these were organising wardrobes and donating one's clothes.
Adapting—requiring basic skills and some interest. Among the examples were mending and altering clothes.
Making—requiring a genuine interest and intermediate skills. For instance, for matching new outfits or using instructions to upcycle clothes.
Creating—included activities requiring advanced skills and passion for
performing upcycling based on original ideas or using other sophisticated methods such as draping or patternmaking.
At the beginning of the study, some participants were given a two-dimensional
task of mapping creative ways of repurposing the garments in their wardrobes.
Other participants were asked to create three-dimensional artifacts by upcycling
old clothing into pillow covers or bags. Even though the study claimed to research
reuse and repair, it resulted in analysing garment upcycling. Surprisingly, the study concluded that mending practices lie at the lower end of creativity (i.e. adapting).
Yet, the research did not document what participants mended and how they did it. Neither they described their observations. Therefore, the authors not only did not
clarify how they defined clothing repair, the conclusions they drew were based on practices of upcycling and not mending.
Discrepancies like these are rather common in research on clothing repair (Durrani, 2019). According to Laitala and Klepp (2018) it happens because of the unclear
definition of practice. In their quantitative studies conducted in Norway in 2010,
2011 and 2017, the authors included in the surveys detailed information regarding
different types of manipulation with clothing (e.g. sewing a button, fixing unravelled seams, patching, darning, fixing trousers length, making something new from old clothes, adjusting the size, dyeing clothing, changing zippers, and sewing new
clothes). Within this study it emerged that the respondents who stated to 'never
repair clothing' simultaneously said that they 'usually either sewing the button or
52 53
fixing an unravelled seam' (ibid.). The provided categorisation, thus, not only
allowed the researchers to identify the number of respondents who repaired and made clothing but also to demonstrate that statements such as 'mending has died out' (Clark, 2008) are inaccurate. Furthermore, the study evidenced that
'making such minor repairs may not be considered as "real" clothing repair' (Laitala and Klepp, 2018: 6). Accordingly, to represent the practice accurately both by the
researchers and those being researched it is crucial to be clear about the definition of the practice, as well as what the practice encompasses. For this reason, before delving deeper into academic research addressing this issue, I will define what clothing repair or mending means within the context of this PhD project.
1.3.6 The definition(s) of clothing repair In research, most of the time, the terms 'mending' and 'clothing repair' are used
interchangeably, and so will be done for this PhD study. Both terms encompass 'an informed and non-random action that establishes a function of something again, meaning a function that was previously performed but somehow is temporarily
hindered' (Streibl, 2017 in Schmid, 2019: 230). Etymologically, the term 'repair' can
be traced back to the Latin reparare, which later migrated to English repairen, and by the 16th century came to refer to restoration after decay (Schmid, 2019). The
equivalent term for clothing repair in Russian (a common language within the post-
Soviet landscape) is shtopka [mending]. The word originates from the Latin stuppāre, meaning [filling with flax fibre]. It then migrated to English stop, to Dutch stoppen,
to German stopfen, and to Russian shtopka, which have the same root 'stop', and indicates the activity of stopping a material degradation (Gorjaev, 1886). Usually, the term shtopka is utilised to describe the act of 'fixing a hole in a material by
interweaving the yarn' (ibid.). However, the Soviet publication Khudozhestvennaia
shtopka [restoring repair] encompasses a set of different techniques ranging from shtukovka [tear darn], to perepletenie [reweaving], to rasposhiv [felled patch]
(Korneeva, 1989). It indicates that shtopka or mending is an umbrella term for a
relatively wide range of techniques, which are part of a sewing family (Rodabough, 2018) and involves 'the process of connecting two objects using threads or yarns and a needle or a sewing machine' (Durrani, 2019: 22).
Clothing repair or mending can be further understood as being invisible or visible.
The former includes a sophisticated clothing repair, aiming at the reconstruction
of the material, which is not supposed to be perceived (Klepp, 2000). In the case of knitted material construction, it implies a range of reknitting techniques, while
woven constructions require reweaving of the warp and weft of a fabric, replicating complex patterns in the weave (Middleton, 2015). Invisible mending usually utilises
the same threads or yarns of the clothing item. If these are unavailable, the menders use materials matching the colour of the garment. Traditionally, this kind of clothing repair was performed by highly skilled artisans. However, as clothing became less valuable and no longer considered worth repairing, over the last decades, the
profession of invisible menders almost risked its extinction (I will elaborate on this in Chapter 4).
More mundane clothing repair, which was performed within domestic landscapes in the past, aspired to be 'silent'—no one wanted to talk about the socks, which were
darned the night before (Middleton, 2015). However, most of the time, it remained somewhat visible since invisible mending required a high level of craftsmanship,
which not everybody had. Today, one of the peculiarities of visible mending as a
post-growth activity lies in its emphasis on visibility, which is often achieved by using
contrasting additional materials to intentionally highlight and celebrate the process of clothing repair (Durrani, 2019). Thus, for Durrani, mending can be invisible or
visible and 'can cover a rather wide range of activities varying from those requiring
very little skill to those demanding a great deal of sewing skill and expertise' (Baker, 2007). Richard Sennett (2007) calls clothing repair which restores the object to its previous state 'static' mending, while 'dynamic' mending is that which alters the
function and form of an object. Amy Twigger Holroyd (2017) utilises the term 'mending' to refer to static repair and 're-making' for dynamic repair. In comparison, Laitala
and Klepp divide the activities of 'giving new life' to clothing into 'mending' (static repair), 'altering' (dynamic repair), and 'making' (sewing and knitting) (Laitala and Klepp, 2018: 2).
Although certain processes involved in 'mending', 'upcycling' and 'making' utilise
the same techniques, it is important to distinguish between these practices and the intention behind them. The processes of upcycling and making do not necessarily presuppose clothing damage; they can be utilised to adjust the fit or shape or
create a new style or item. Mending can also imply the alteration of style or fit.
Yet, the difference between these practices depends on whether 'the garment was
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broken or damaged prior to being worked upon' (Durrani, 2019: 24). The differences like these, therefore, indicate that there is a general lack of agreement regarding what processes constitute mending practice.
Moreover, most of the research on clothing repair understands the practice through the finalised artefacts. It 'does not study the process of mending but uses what
results from it to help differentiate between approaches to mending and place
them into fixed categories of static, dynamic, mending, altering, making, invisible,
or visible' (Durrani, 2019). The research of Alison Gwilt (2014), for instance, points to a gap between what is recorded through quantitative studies and what is done in practice. At the same time, Laitala and Klepp (2018) suggest to study domestic
practices of clothing repair to understand 'what is repaired and why', but not only. They indicate a clear research path by saying that the complexity of the existing mending practices can be unravelled by adopting qualitative approaches—
preferably employing wardrobe studies (ibid: 16). Accordingly, this PhD study partly
embraces the suggested methodological approach, which I will discuss in Chapter 2. However, the contradictions in mending research, which influenced the research design of this PhD project, do not end here. Therefore, intending to illustrate the
current knowledge landscape within which this PhD project is situated and to highlight my positioning and the objective of this doctoral study, in the following, I will provide an overview of the literature on clothing repair, which I divided into three main
categories: mending practice-based, design-led and information-based research.
1.3.7 Mending practice-based research The first category—mending practice-based research—comprises research based
on participatory-making activities led by design practitioners or design researchers.
This type of research aims to generate and disseminate different kinds of knowledge in the field of clothing repair and aspires to exchange experiences among workshop
participants by developing various types of alternative values: individual, community,
societal, and environmental (Hirscher et al., 2019). Examples of such research include Middleton's 'Sock Exchange' (2010); Otto von Bush's 'Community Repair Project' (2011); Alison Gwilt's 'Make Do and Mend Project' (2014); Bridget Harvey's 'The Department
of Repair' (2015); and Amy Meisner and Karen Lowell's 'Seeding Repair' (2019) among
others. Such approaches rapidly grew in popularity, constituting the basics of the emerging methodology of participatory textile making, which utilises 'the rich
potential of making textiles with others as a means of inquiry' (Shercliff and Twigger Holroyd, 2020).
However, in the majority of these studies, based on short-lived participatory
workshops, the focus is placed on 'why people do not mend and not on how they
mend' (Durrani, 2019: 25). This emphasis on the barriers to mending and not on the process of mending itself does not allow to examine 'how people undertake and bring their practice into being and the ways in which they appropriate garments
through acts of repair' (ibid.: 122). Therefore, according to Durrani, such approaches to research not only do not allow us to get to the core of the practice but also lead to an understanding of mending as a practice lacking creativity (Lapolla and
Sanders, 2015) and complexity (Kucher and Ræbild, 2023). Accordingly, to have
novel insights into everyday practices of clothing repair, Durrani studied clothing
repair by employing long-term research methods in real-life situations, where the
emphasis was brought on the process of mending (Durrani, 2019). A similar approach of long-term participants' involvement will be adopted within the framework of this PhD study.
1.3.8 Mending design-led approach to research The second category of literature on clothing repair illustrates design-led approaches, aiming at improving the design of the garments by adopting different strategies of 'design for longevity'. Generally, 'design for longevity' has a strong emphasis on the
use of good quality materials, on ease of maintenance and adaptability, and on the design of clothing with timeless style (the review of the strategies can be found in
Cooper et al., 2021). Among the proposals aiming at enabling clothing repair can be distinguished the research of Hirsher and Fuad-Luke, employing co-design methods to create half-way garments (2013). Within this framework, designers play a central
role, and by designing unfinished clothes, they create a range of possibilities for the final user to complete fashion items. According to Hirsher and Fuad-Luke, such
manipulations with clothing can create an emotional attachment between the
wearer and the object and augment the possibility of keeping the clothing item for a longer time, actively using it, and repairing it (ibid.). In a similar vein, Joe Cramer
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proposed to design clothing that can encourage the user 'to interact with the garment over time to repair, modify and adapt it' (Cramer, 2014). The outcome of her research comprised a collection of garments with interchangeable elements, which can be
relatively easily replaced by the user. These manipulations are facilitated by detailed instructions on how the garment can be altered, transformed, or repaired and can be accessed by the user through Quick Response (QR) codes linking to the website with information (ibid.). Indeed, Alison Gwilt (2014) suggested that examples of design-led approaches to clothing repair can be found in historical dress and
costume history, which provide a variety of clothing repair strategies. Therefore, Gwilt saw the potential in designing modular garments that embrace future
damage' by incorporating intentional tears, rips, stains, or holes. Such design
strategies, according to Gwilt, would allow the user to camouflage any additional damage in the use phase (ibid.).
However, the research of Durrani et al. (2019), based on workshops with MA students of fashion and textile design, indicated the barriers designers face when they try to
incorporate mending into garment design practice. The study revealed that design students missed basic knowledge and experience in dealing with clothing damage and that their previous education did not cover real-life garment problems. This limitation hindered their ability to develop solutions during the design ideation
processes. Accordingly, the study suggested that current design education should include a more exploratory approach to address the repair issue and highlighted
the importance of investigating ordinary clothing consumption practices, such as mending, which can inform and refine sustainable garment design practices.
Although Durrani et al. (2019) emphasised the inseparability of repair from design, suggesting that design can undoubtedly facilitate mending in the use phase, the
authors also agreed with Fletcher (2012) that the garment's design alone may not
necessarily lead to repair. As Fletcher states, 'those products that defy obsolescence do so in informal or unintentional ways, rarely as a result of design planning' alone (Fletcher, 2012: 229). This line of thought is illustrated in Fletcher's project 'Local
Wisdom', where the researcher investigated the multiplicity of aspects affecting the subject-object relations that influence how people care for and use their clothing (Fletcher, 2016; Fletcher, 2012). In light of this, several studies explored the other obstacles hindering clothing repair. The following section elaborates on this.
1.3.9 Mending information-based approach to research Most of the literature on clothing repair in the Western context mentions the lack
of time, competences, and access to necessary equipment as the main barriers to
clothing repair (see Durrani, 2019; Laitala and Klepp, 2018; McLaren and McLauchlan, 2015; Lapolla and Sanders, 2015; Gwilt, 2014; Norum, 2013; Clark, 2008). The
information-based approaches were often proposed to address these issues when indicating how to motivate users to repair. It was assumed that disseminating the
information about clothing repair would 'nudge practices in the right direction and
work towards bringing positive changes by altering peoples' attitude' (Durrani, 2019: 20). For instance, Norum suggested that providing mending instructions within the
school curriculum through social media platforms (e.g. YouTube) can enable students to overcome the barriers mentioned above (Norum, 2013). Similarly, Diddy and Yan
(2019) believe that promoting sustainable clothing consumption may be undertaken by including reframed mending-related skills in an educational context. According
to them, a repository of common mending techniques available on a blog, website, or over social media (e.g. Instagram) can help to promote clothing mending. In
addition, Dombek-Keith and Loker (2011) suggested that launching information on the benefits of mending through media campaigns was crucial for getting users into clothing repair.
Whereas Dombek-Keith and Loker (2011), Norum (2013), and Diddy and Yan (2019)
link the online availability of mending information positively to mending and assume that if people have access to online resources, they will automatically mend, Gwilt
does not entirely agree on that. In 2013 the Sheffield Hallam University's interdisciplinary team of researchers, which Gwilt was part of, carried out the 'Mend Do and Mend'
project aiming at understanding how people interpret clothing mending practices,
what can support their development, and how shared online and offline resources,
such as books, can sustain clothing repair practices. This study revealed that despite the availability of these specific resources (e.g. books, workshops, online mending groups), many study participants searched for advice from their family members. Combining this finding with other findings of the overall study, the research
group concluded that the answers to how to enable the distribution of mending knowledge might lie in a combination of online and offline mending resources (Gwilt, 2014).
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At the same time, the study of McLaren and McLauchlan based on a series of
participatory workshops with the general public, which occurred within the framework
of the 'Love Your Clothes' campaign in Scotland in 2014, demonstrated that possessing advanced mending knowledge (evaluated on the basis of using more complex
techniques, such as darning) did not automatically lead participants to utilise them when clothing repair was needed (McLaren and McLauchlan, 2015). Although the
study did not mention how many workshops were held and how many participants they involved, it was clear to the researchers that the main obstacle to garment
repair was not the lack of mending knowledge but an association with austerity and gendered roles. Accordingly, participants mended only their favourite garments, and, therefore, the study linked mending to a priori emotional attachment.
However, these negative connotations with mending were challenged during
the workshops conducted by McLaren and McLauchlan. The workshops offered
participants instructions for decorative, inspiring, and expressive techniques (i.e.
embroidery and needle weaving), their demonstration and advice from facilitators, who embraced the 'meta-designer' role.
The role of 'meta-designer' within the landscape of sustainable fashion was first
embraced by Amy Twigger Holroyd (2013), who explored the relationship between craft, well-being, and openness to address the psychological barriers associated with the 'closed' nature of mass-produced clothes. According to Fletcher, mass-
produced objects 'are presented to us as complete or 'closed', with almost untouchable or sacrosanct status. This dissuades us from personalising them in order to make them our own' (Fletcher, 2008: 187). In order to challenge the 'closed' nature of
knitted garments and to enable re-knitting activities undertaken with the purposefully selected participants, Holroyd moved away from the traditional role of designer as
author, who plays a central role within a design process, and embraced the supportive role of 'meta-designer'. Accordingly, she provided her knowledge and design skills
and developed learning resources for the group of participants of her study 'through iterative cycles of planning, sampling and reflection' (Twigger Holroyd, 2013: 40). The study illustrated how this alternative designer role could challenge the
abovementioned psychological barriers and enable participation and re-knitting activities. Later such an approach was adopted by McLaren and McLauchlan
(2015), Lapolla and Sanders (2015) and other design practitioners and researchers to support the research on mending practices. A similar approach will be used within the framework of this doctoral study.
1.4. Focus
1.4.1 Increasing clothing repair within domestic landscapes As evidenced in the preceding discussion, there is a variety of discourses on mending, and all of them are somewhat contradictory and reveal multiple knowledge gaps.
On the one hand, interest in clothing repair has been growing, as well as participation in clothing repair events (Diddi and Yan, 2019; Durrani, 2019). However, such events often neglect the complexity of mending practices, which require priority towards repair, equipment, materials (McQueen et al., 2023), and most importantly, time
for developing competences (König, 2013). On the other hand, professional repair services are perceived by consumers as inconvenient and expensive (Fisher et al.,
2008; Laitala et al., 2021; McQueen et al., 2023), and therefore, private clothing repair within a home is more frequent than professional one (Laitala and Klepp,
2018). Simultaneously, the prolonged dominance of fast rhythms of production and
consumption in mature Western capitalist societies has contributed to the decrease in mending competences. Accordingly, increasing consumers' clothing repair self-
competences within a domestic landscape is crucial for increasing the lifespans of the individual garments and, therefore, for altering not only clothing consumption
but also the production of what 'is profitable to produce' (ibid: 16). In light of this, the
focus on domestic mending constitutes the first guiding principle of this doctoral work.
1.4.2 Clothing repair as socio-material practice The existing studies on mending practices mostly focus on identifying the barriers to clothing repair within the following dimensions: psychological, economic, practical,
and behavioural (McQueen et al., 2023). Research on the topic often portrays user
mending practices as the outcome of rational decision-making abilities of individuals free to make their own choices. In other words, it is believed that clothing repair will increase if people have access to materials or information on how to enact the
practice (Durrani, 2019). However, practices are not merely cognitively driven; they
are deeply nuanced. As we can see in this introductory chapter, they are intertwined
with various socio-material, historical, political, and economic factors (Shove, 2010). Perhaps it is worth asking then whether the larger 'barrier' to mending is linked to a general lack of systemic provisions needed to support the practices of clothing repair.
Here come into play practice theories, which consider 'practice' as the unit of
analysis for understanding how practices emerge, evolve, and might expire (or
potentially change). Practice theories see practices as linked to larger social and material structures where context and practice are co-constituted. Accordingly,
only pursuing the solutions aiming to alter individual behaviour through 'educating' people on the benefits of repair is not sufficient to bring change in practices (Hargreaves, 2011), since changing behaviour requires a reconfiguration of
infrastructure, practice rules and widely shared cultural norms (Shove et al., 2012). Consequently, to understand how mending practices can be re-introduced and
diffused, it is important to first understand how these practices are conceptualised
and materialised. In an attempt to do so, this PhD project utilises practice theory to study clothing mending as a socio-material practice, which constitutes the second guiding principle of this research.
1.4.3 Acknowledging non-Western perspective The third guiding principle of this PhD consists of acknowledging a non-Western perspective on clothing repair. The previous studies on mending recognised the
importance of comparative studies between different countries (Laitala and Klepp, 2018), which generally can help not only to understand similarities and differences between various socio-material, historical, political, and economic contexts but
also to bring attention to issues that otherwise can be overlooked. As we can see in this chapter, the literature on mending within a post-Soviet landscape is somewhat scarce, revealing a significant knowledge gap. Simultaneously, a historical review of the mending practices in Western and (post)-Soviet landscapes illustrated the
vibrant repair culture of the Soviet world, which did not have time to vanish, and still resides within post-Soviet landscapes. Studying this particular context and
acknowledging (post)-Soviet mélange of everyday repair clothing practices for
their meaning of resilience, diversity and often unintended but real sustainability,
therefore, is particularly important. Moreover, unravelling the practices' differences in space and time through comparative study can provide a more nuanced
understanding of the complex interplay of different practice elements and their impact on the practice under study and can lead to more accurate research conclusions.
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1.4.4 Embracing different researcher's roles Despite the growing body of literature on clothing repair, the findings of existing
research on this issue are somewhat contradictory, which suggests that the answer to how to study multifaceted clothing repair practices is not straightforward. The previous research on mending often embraced either a quantitative approach
based on the survey method or a qualitative approach based on short participatory workshops. The former is limited to what people choose to disclose about practices (Laitala and Klepp, 2018). Within the latter, discrepancies exist between what is recorded and what is done in practice (Lapolla and Sanders, 2015). Moreover,
previous studies focused on why people do not mend and not on why, what and
how people mend, while I believe that all of these aspects are interwoven. Therefore, it can be helpful to study the practices of those who already mend to generate
knowledge on how self-repair clothing can be enabled. As described in this chapter, Laitala and Klepp (2018) suggested that existing mending practices can be studied by adopting qualitative approaches—preferably employing wardrobe studies.
Although I do agree that this method can help to understand the materiality of
clothing practices (Klepp and Bjerck, 2014), wardrobe studies alone cannot explain
how people navigate the complexity of the mending process: how they plan, begin, and make their decisions along the way. Accordingly, I saw a possibility in the
combination of the role of the researcher employing qualitative wardrobe methods for understanding the existing practices of clothing repair and the role of the
'meta-designer' (Twigger Holroyd, 2013), providing knowledge and design skills for
developing learning resources for engaging the group of participants and studying how they mend.
1.4.5 Research aims and purpose of the study On these premises, and through the lens of practice theory and by adopting an
'undisciplined' methodology, which will be described in the next chapter, this study seeks to broaden perspectives and understandings of user mending practices, not from the perspective of mending barriers but from one of clothing repair
resources—those elements of mending practices that might enable self-repair of
clothing. Therefore, this doctoral study aims to understand how existing amateur
mending practices within domestic landscapes are conceptualised and materialised
across places and time. Within the study, the focus will be brought on the kind of
clothing participants mend and the materials and equipment they utilise. Furthermore,
the study aims to explore what mending competences the study participants employ
when they work on their mending projects and what contributes to successful clothing repair.
In view of this aim, I embraced the multifaceted role of the researcher, described in
the previous section and designed a comparative research study involving a group of participants from Denmark—to represent the Western perspective on clothing
repair—and Ukraine—to represent the post-Soviet context. The study was divided
into five main stages and comprised wardrobe studies and participatory mendingmaking activities aiming to:
Understand how mending practices are conceptualised in Western and postSoviet contexts.
Understand what kind of infrastructures, devices, and materials facilitate the enactment of mending practices.
Understand what competences are employed when mending practices are enacted and what contributes to successful clothing repair.
The purpose of this study is to generate knowledge which, on the one hand, can be
beneficial for researchers and students of sustainable fashion, clothing consumption, design practice and education, those interested in understanding consumer
behaviour broadly, and in practices of clothing use and repair more specifically. On the other hand, it can be of interest to researchers and students employing
wardrobe and participatory textile-making methods, as well as those adopting 'bricolage' or 'undisciplined' design research methodologies.
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2. METHODOLOGY
2.
METHODOLOGY
2.1. Building a methodology
2.1.1
Constructivist paradigm
2.1.2 Design research
2.1.3 Common denominators of design research approaches
2.1.4 Alternative design research landscapes 2.1.5 The research cycle of Eco-Social design 2.1.6 My 'undisciplined' methodology 2.2. Research design
2.2.1 Pilot studies 2.2.2 Planning
2.2.3 Purposive and voluntary sampling 2.2.4 Participants' profiles 2.2.5 Conviviality
2.2.6 Wardrobe interviews
2.2.7 Material methods in participatory setting 2.2.8 Focus groups
2.2.9 Participatory textile making 2.2.10 Ethical issues
2.2.11 Data production overview 2.3. Approach to analysis
2.3.1 Grounded Theory genres
2.3.2 Characteristics of Grounded Theory 2.3.3 Coding phases 2.3.4 Initial coding
2.3.5 Intermediate coding 2.3.6 Advanced coding 2.4. Chapter summary
2.1. Building a methodology
This chapter clarifies the research approach of this PhD project. The first part of the
chapter explains how, stemming from the tradition of design research, the 'bricolage' or 'undisciplined' methodology of the study was built. The second part of the chapter presents the study's research design and illustrates how the study was conducted, describing the methods of data generation and analysis.
2.1.1 Constructivist paradigm One of the essential first steps in designing a research study is to position oneself
philosophically and establish the paradigm within which the study is situated (Maxwell, 2013). According to Birks (2014), the researcher's philosophical assumptions are of utmost relevance as they influence the researcher's position in the study and help determine its methodological principles.
The concept of paradigm is drawn mainly from Kuhn's work, who defined a paradigm as 'the entire constellation of beliefs, values, techniques, shared by the members of a given community' (Kuhn, 1970: 175). It is often understood as an inclusive concept that embodies ideas about reality (ontology), how we can gain knowledge of it (epistemology) and the methodology needed to guide the study (Collins and Stockton, 2018). The paradigm of a study, therefore, can be defined as the
'philosophical intent or motivation for undertaking a study' (Cohen and Manion,
1994: 38), which, consequently, leads to the choice of methods for the generation
and analysis of data (Mackenzie and Knipe, 2006). In this section, I will introduce
the principles of constructivism and discuss how positioning my research within this paradigm was relevant.
The constructivist paradigm stems from the philosophy of Husserl's phenomenology and Dilthey's study of interpretative understanding—hermeneutics (Mackenzie and Knipe, 2006). This research approach intends to understand the world through the lens of human experience (ibid.). It suggests that people construct their
understanding and knowledge of the world through experiencing things and reflecting on those experiences (Honebein, 1996). Thus, to the constructivists,
constructing meaning is learning, which occurs only when the learner discovers
the knowledge through the spirit of experimentation and doing (Kalender, 2007). Knowledge is constructed through two main processes: accommodation and
assimilation. Accommodation involves giving mental space for new experiences
alongside the old experiences already situated within the individual's mental space. The assimilation process incorporates an individual's new experiences into an
already existing mental framework without changing that framework. Therefore, the old and new experiences co-exist in the mental space of the individual (Kim, 2005). Within this PhD project, I was interested not only in how mending practices in
different social contexts are materialised but also in how participants of the study make sense of their knowledge construction and how this understanding can
influence their behaviour. Therefore, I chose to follow the tradition of constructivism. In view of this paradigm, I adopted a qualitative approach since it seeks to
understand the phenomenon under study from the participants' experiences and
recognises the impact of the researcher's background and experiences on the study
(Maxwell, 2013). Traditionally, bringing the researcher's background and identity 'has been treated as bias, rather than a valuable component of it' (ibid: 69). However, in
the field of qualitative research has been long recognised that the 'researcher is the instrument of the research' (ibid: 69). Strauss, for instance, discussed the importance
of bringing into play the researcher's 'experiential data', which he defined as 'technical knowledge, research background, and personal experience' (1987: 11). In a similar vein, Glesne and Peshkin suggested that subjectivity should be considered as a basis of the story the researcher can tell (Glesne and Peshkin, 1992: 104).
Subjectivity, however, asserts that reality is subjective and recognises that what
people perceive and believe is shaped by their assumptions, prior experiences and the reality they interact with. Accordingly, no construction can claim absolute truth and is 'necessarily a simplified and incomplete attempt to grasp something about a complex reality' (Maxwell, 2013: 67). Considering that my subjective 'experiential data' is at the foundation of this research project and that it shapes everything I
do as a researcher, from the choice of topic to the emphasis I make in my writing, I chose to infuse this dissertation with my personal 'voice' in two ways. Firstly, I
decided to write this work in the first person. Secondly, bearing in mind that within a constructivist paradigm, the researchers often engage in the activities carried
out by participants of the research (Adom et al., 2016), to construct my knowledge through learning, I chose to participate in the mending experience I designed for carrying out this research.
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Having identified the constructivist paradigm within which I am working and having established a qualitative approach, in the following, I will explain my research
methodology. Before diving into the description of my methodology, however, I
would like to spend a few words on the implications of the constructivist paradigm
in learning, which is at the core of this research project, and clarify how it influenced positioning myself in the study.
As I will describe in section 2.2, within the process of the overall research project, I was covering the roles of a learner and instructor, among others. According to
Adom et al. (2016), to construct his or her understanding of the content, the learner has to play an active role in the learning process by experimenting and sharing
with others. Learning can be achieved if the instructor employing the constructivist
approach embraces the role of facilitator, not the one of a teacher. In their comparison of the roles of the teacher and facilitator, Rhodes and Bellamy (1999) suggest that
the facilitator turns the emphasis from the content to the learner and, by providing
guidelines, creates the environment for the learner to arrive at his or her conclusions. Accordingly, to construct my understanding of the subject matter, I actively
participated in the group activities by embracing the role of the learner while simultaneously supporting study participants in becoming active thinkers by embracing my role as facilitator.
Taking a position of closeness and acknowledging inclusion both in the field and in the final product of this study clarifies how my philosophical beliefs influenced the
design of my methodology, which stems from the tradition of design research. As I will discuss later in this chapter, design research is in continuous flux, and despite its thirty years of tradition, it lacks well-established methodologies (Stappers and
Giaccardi, 2017). Therefore, design researchers often 'borrow' from methodologies of other disciplines or design their own methodology (Twigger Holroyd, 2013).
Accordingly, by relying on the framework of Eco-Social design (Fuad Luke, 2020), which is transdisciplinary and combines both social sciences and design research
methods, and by adopting a 'bricolage' approach, utilised when a researcher has
to adapt to the situation by 'creatively employing the available tools and materials to come up with unique solutions to a problem' (Maxwell, 2013: 66), I built my
methodology. My 'bricolage' methodology combined wardrobe methods (Fletcher
and Klepp, 2017) and participatory workshops employing design research artifacts. Before selecting approaches that align with my philosophical position and the
purpose of the study, it was essential to understand the development of the design
research tradition. Therefore, I will briefly outline the development and the essence of design research, and then will describe my methodological approach.
2.1.2 Design research In comparison to scientific disciplines' research methodologies, which have been developed over several centuries, or social sciences, which now have more than
a century-old tradition (Gray and Mallins, 2004), design research has a relatively short history (Stappers and Giaccardi, 2017; Bang et al., 2012). Design-inclusive
research, where design actions are considered to be a necessary component of
research, has only been undertaken within the last thirty years. In 1993 Christopher
Frayling brought the idea that artistic and creative processes could be legitimately used as a research method and has indicated three distinct approaches to design research (Frayling, 1993):
Research into design—regarding the study of how design is done.
Research for design—consisting of gathering reference materials needed to inform design work and carry out design processes.
Research through design—framing the possibility to do the research by utilising design skills and processes to gain knowledge.
Since then, the relationship between research and design has started to mature. However, in its dawning phase, design research lacked rigorous, accessible,
transparent, transferable and explicit methodologies (Gray and Malins, 2004).
Consequently, this scarcity of well-defined strategies on which design researchers could draw forced them to adopt the well-established methodologies of science
and social sciences. Alternatively, design researchers could take the risk of 'inventing esoteric methodological devices/tools, which may remain so project-specific to be of little, if any, use when applied to other situations' (ibid.).
It was not until almost a decade after Frayling's influential contribution that a 'new
generation of researchers, namely, researchers with a basic training in design methods, and mindset that is future and solution oriented' (Stappers et al., 2014) started to develop more systemic approaches to design inclusive research (among others,
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Mattelmäki, 2005; Gaver et al., 2003; Cross, 1999). Sometimes these new approaches
to research were competing, while other times—they were complementary. Nonetheless, they all shared a common goal: 'to drive, inspire, and inform the design development process' (Sanders, 2008) and explore how research aiming at generating knowledge can be conducted through design (Bang et al., 2012).
The idea of actively using the design skills, methods and processes from design
practice 'as a legitimate method of inquiry' (Zimmerman et al., 2010) rapidly grew
in popularity within the design research community, mainly in the UK, Scandinavia, Netherlands, and the human-computer interaction community in the US. Several involved researchers with a background in design, who placed, in Brandt and
Binder's words, 'designerly experiments at the core of the research' (Brandt and
Binder, 2007), significantly influenced and shaped the development of the design research field, introducing an array of approaches that, according to Stappers
might be broadly characterised as Research through Design (RtD) (Stappers and
Giaccardi, 2017). These ranged from practice-based (Mäkelä, 2007) to 'constructivist' (Koskinen et al., 2011) to 'programmatic' (Bang, 2012; Brandt and Binder, 2007) to Design Anthropology (Smith et al., 2016). However, the views presented in the
literature on RtD 'do not fit into the same mold'; neither does the field share the
same jargon. Instead of discussing the shared aspects of doing research, design researchers kept introducing 'new brands', often without advancing a critique of
existing RtD approaches (Stappers and Giaccardi, 2017). Therefore, understanding
whether the authors present the same views on RtD or whether they have a different approach often becomes difficult (ibid.).
For instance, some RtD exponents stressed that this research approach is emerging, unrefined, and non-formalised (Zimmerman et al., 2010). In contrast, others said
that RtD provided 'an enormous wealth of methods, techniques and experiments
done in the field' and allowed designers to produce different types of knowledge' (Bang et al., 2012). Some design researchers believed that designerly thinking is
separate from scientific thinking (Zimmerman et al., 2007). Others considered it to be a 'science of imaginary' (Koskinen et al., 2011: 42). Some tried to set RtD apart
from other types of research (e.g. social sciences) (Stappers and Giaccardi, 2017),
while Koskinen et al (2009) claimed that design researchers appropriated action
research as an underlying model of RtD. For some, it was poorly documented (ibid.), while others thought that design artifacts 'talk' for themselves (Mäkelä, 2007).
Some authors excluded the construction of hypotheses before design activities
(Zimmerman and Forlizzi, 2008), while others stressed that to distinguish design
practice from design research, a 'theoretical scaffolding' had to be done (Koskinen et al., 2009). Furthermore, the construction of hypotheses should be seen as a
'steering tool for formulating research questions to be explored through the process of making and designing' (Bang et al., 2012).
The differences in the literature mentioned above are only the tip of the iceberg
and confirm that the establishment of common ground in RtD is needed, since, by now, the authors seem to have 'different aims, discuss different aspects, and build on different values' (Stappers and Giaccardi, 2017). Therefore, instead of looking at the more or less visible boundaries separating different approaches to RtD, I
find it more useful to focus on what such ways of doing research with a designerly component share.
2.1.3 Common denominators of design research approaches RtD is considered 'one of the most important contributions of design researchers
to the larger research community' and is often seen as a 'canonical type of design research' (Zimmerman et al., 2010). Despite the different approaches illustrated
above, all design researchers agree that RtD is always about research on the future rather than research on the present or the past (ibid.; Koskinen et al., 2009; Binder and Redström, 2006; Gaver et al., 1999). According to Stappers and Giaccardi, this approach to research draws primarily 'from the unknown, using the imagination
as the basis for the expression' (2017) and allows design researchers to engage in
discourse on what the preferred state of the situation under investigation might be (Zimmerman et al., 2010).
RtD advocates the contribution of designerly activities, allowing designers to 'do
what they do normally (design)' and to create a stepping-stone to theory generation. Building on Frayling's characterisation of design research, Zimmerman et al. (2010) have distinguished two types of theory generated by RtD: theory on design and
theory for design. Theory on design derives from research on the design process and creates knowledge about how and why people design. The purpose of this theory is
to generate knowledge on the human activity of design. In contrast, theory for design
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is developed to improve the practice of design and may take different forms (ibid.): Conceptual frameworks Guiding philosophies
Design implications arising from the analysis of designed artifacts
Implications for design resulting from inquiry into wicked problems (e.g. sustainability).
No matter if the generated knowledge is on or for design, the common denominator of RtD iterative processes is 'construction: be it be it product, system, space, or
media'. It 'takes centre place and becomes the key means in constructing knowledge' (Koskinen et al., 2011: 5). These concrete activities of design research are described as experiments, understood either as 'trying something out to see if it works' as a part of a design program (Redström, 2011) or as a part of an action-oriented
intervention (Halse et al., 2010). The experimental work in RtD always necessitates the construction of artifacts or prototypes (Koskinen et al., 2011).
The term 'artifact' originates in anthropology/archaeology and refers to a man-
made thing, usually a material object. In contrast, the term 'prototype' originally
indicated a precursor of a mass-produced product, which has the same material properties but would still undergo testing and implementation phases. The term 'prototype' became popular in design research and is used for constructions
designers do within the research process (Stappers and Giaccardi, 2017). In the literature, some authors use the term 'artifact' as a synonym for 'prototype'. In
contrast, others make a difference explicit, explaining that prototypes are physical constructions which allow interaction and create an experience. In comparison, artifacts are less direct representations of the design process (e.g. sketches or
blueprints). Thus, for design researchers employing RtD, every 'prototype' involves an artifact or artifacts, but not every artifact is a prototype (ibid.).
2.1.4 Alternative design research landscapes Although RtD researchers keep discussing how to name their constructions, as I described in Chapter 1, the design research landscape keeps changing and re-
evaluating its identity and role in society. Alongside design researchers trying to
understand (into), improve (for) or apply (through) the traditional practice of design
in research, there is a growing number of designers and design researchers seeking to question the indeterminate nature of design (Ceschin and Gaziulusoy, 2016;
Manzini, 2015; Fuad-Luke, 2009; Thackara, 2006), and also to use alternative
forms of design practice to question existing social conditions (Fuad Luke, 2020; Ceschin and Gaziulusoy, 2016; Manzini, 2015; Yee and Bremner, 2011).
These alternative design and design research approaches (i.e. Transition design
(Irwin, 2018) and Eco-Social design (ESD) (Fuad Luke, 2020)) emerge as a subset of other design domains. They indicate the changing ambition of designers to tackle larger societal issues, which are increasingly complex, interdependent, and going
beyond the realm of design (e.g. sustainability) (Fuad-Luke, 2020; Yee and Bremner,
2011; Fuad-Luke, 2009). Dealing with such complexity inevitably implies transgressing the disciplinary boundaries since design alone, without the involvement of other
disciplines, cannot address it. Therefore, design is forced to adapt, combine, and
create new connections with other disciplines (Yee and Bremner, 2011). In Bremmer and Roger's words (2013), design and design research become 'undisciplined' or
'issue-based', where different disciplinary practices are brought together to create
unexpected ways of working with the hope of allowing change for a common good. In the past, design (practice/research/education) and social sciences have been considered separate endeavours and were missing a systemic dialogue. Design
research, with its predominant methodology, RtD, acknowledged the importance of engaging with the context (Bang et al., 2012; Brandt and Binder, 2007; Binder
and Redström, 2006) and put in the core experiment and the focus on the future
(Stappers and Giaccardi, 2017; Bang et al., 2012). On the other hand, social sciences
acknowledged the material agency of man-made artifacts. They valued the context, promoting the importance of the researcher's perceptions as an interpreter of the present and past (Gray and Malins, 2004). Designers and design researchers
sometimes utilised social scientists' theories to justify some of their choices; social
scientists could occasionally use some design artifacts to exemplify their theories'
(Mattozzi, 2018). But this dichotomy does not hold entirely true anymore, especially with the advent of alternative approaches to design, such as an ESD (Fuad Luke et al., 2020), which brings together both disciplinary traditions. Within such a
framework, context, design artifacts, and other beings are interwoven in a complex
configuration (Mattozzi, 2018), and past, present and future are co-constituted. Such
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approaches, therefore, display a mindset that is not inhibited by well-established
working practices and disciplinary 'proper work' (Fuad-Luke, 2020; Mattozzi, 2018; Bremer and Rogers, 2013; Yee and Bremner, 2011; Fuad-Luke, 2009).
2.1.5 The research cycle of Eco-Social design Eco-Social design (ESD) seeks to understand the phenomenon under study from the participants' experiences through iterative data generation and analysis processes and recognises the impact of the researcher's background and experience on the study. The overall research cycle of ESD consists of different project stages (FuadLuke et al., 2020):
Initiation (literature review, formulation of research questions, participants' sampling).
Exploration (framing of contextual insights, mapping and framing the issue). Generation (refining research questions, setting design interventions to generate data).
Evaluation (reflecting on the key findings, recognising the created knowledge, and evaluating its potential for positive societal change).
Therefore, the initial inquiry of such a design research approach is always an understanding of a complex problematique of the context, where societal,
environmental, cultural or economic issues should be addressed. Understanding the context in which designing is required occurs with a chosen group of participants,
such as citizens, pro-amateurs, and other professionals (Fuad Luke et al., 2020). This stage aims to grasp different ways of knowing and leads to the initial co-framing of the issue. Once the problem is defined, ESD employs participatory processes of making together, which aim to '(re-)orientate the present with the hope of
encouraging futures for human/other living beings we can genuinely sustain' (FuadLuke, 2020). Within such processes, Eco-Social designers return to a more familiar design territory, where together with participants, they synthesise and visualise
different ways of knowing and meaningful responses to the situation. Finally, such
processes result in open-ended possible configurations of an issue that challenge or enable future explorations by the design researcher or other involved participants (ibid.). These open-ended possible configurations of an issue comprise reflection
on the research findings and recognition of created knowledge and its potential
for positive societal change. The research process and findings thus are presented in written form and are supported by design research artifacts utilised within the process and/or resulting from the process.
The research processes described above are iterative. Thus, each of the stages is followed by concurrent data generation and data analysis, which can occur by
utilising well-established methods borrowed from other disciplines (e.g. this PhD
research project utilises coding phases of Grounded Theory, which I will illustrate
in section 2.3). The different stages of analysis are undertaken in conjunction with making strategic decisions about who or what can provide the most valuable information to feed iterative analysis processes. Thus, it results in introducing additional actors allowing the researcher to seek data needed for project
development and designer-made objects, which within this framework are called
design research artifacts, probably due to ESD's vicinity to social sciences, and thus, to the term 'artefact', originating in anthropology.
Design research artifacts in ESD are considered 'vehicles for rising issues, gathering voices, challenging perspectives, generating knowledge and encouraging new behaviours' (Fuad-Luke, 2020: 179). Drawing on his experience in participatory
design, co-design, and design activism, and by undertaking a literature review on prototypes and design artifacts in RtD, Fuad-Luke (2020) proposed a framework comprising three different categories of design research artifacts:
Proof of concept artifacts. These artifacts (conceptual, prototypical, iconic) are similar to those produced in conventional design activities. They form a proof
of concept introduced to participants, who can accept or reject the designer's proposal. This category materialises thinkable and imaginable.
Tactical/activist artifacts. These artifacts can focus on future-oriented discourse (frictional, discursive, fictional, speculative); on present-oriented disruption
(antagonistic, activist, protest and disobedient); on re-orientation (re-orientating, enabling); and on new actions (enabling artifacts). This category challenges existing modes of thinking and being.
Procedural/process/participatory artifacts. These artifacts can focus on inquiry (data gathering, existing, processual/procedural); encouraging discourse
(boundary, consensual, reflective and representation artifacts); facilitating re-
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orientation (all artifacts of this category); and encouraging action (half-way,
self-reproducing, representation, processual/procedural and enabling artifacts).
This category feeds the situational understanding of designers and participants and materialises diverse knowledge.
This framework enables better consideration of the role and purpose of the design
research artifacts employed within a project cycle. Nevertheless, design researchers should be able to understand when and why to introduce specific artifacts within
a project's timeframe while being aware of their decisions' possible psychological, social and ecological consequences. Finally, the framework is open to future
iterations by design researchers and, thus, can be integrated with other artifacts
to fulfil design research needs. The categorisation proposed by Fuad Luke (2020) is illustrated in Figure 2.1, while a more detailed description of the typologies of artifacts utilised in this PhD project will be provided in the following section.
Boundary Procedual/Process/
Conceptual Prototypical
Half-way
Participatory
(Self-)reproducing
ARTIFACTS
Data gathering Process/procedual Consensual Reflective
Proof of concept
Enabling
ARTIFACTS
Re-orienting
Iconic
Existent
Demonstration Frictional
Speculative Tactical /Activist Activist Protest
ARTIFACTS
Discursive Agonistic Antagonistic
Disobedient
Figure 2.1. Framework of different artifacts categories proposed by Fuad-Luke (2020).
2.1.6 My 'undisciplined' methodology Having discussed the framework of ESD, upon which my 'undisciplined' methodology was built, I will now describe how I combined the wardrobe and participatory workshops methods, which employed design research artifacts.
This PhD is a comparative study, which explores how mending practices in two
different contexts (in Western and (post)-Soviet) are conceptualised and materialised and how the selected group of participants constructed their mending knowledge within the mending experience I designed. I subdivided the overall study into five stages. The 1st and 2nd stages consisted of wardrobe interviews, which allowed me
to understand the contexts through different ways of participants' knowing and to frame the issue. This initial framing of the contextual insights then allowed
me to frame the setting of the 3rd, 4th, and 5th stages, which aimed at exploring
different approaches to clothing repair. In line with the constructivist paradigm,
participants' knowledge was constructed through accommodation and assimilation. Accommodation involved giving a mental space for new mending approaches alongside the approaches already seated in participants' mental space.
Assimilation incorporated participants' new experiences into an existing mental structure without altering it (Kim, 2005).
As I explained in the previous section, the concurrent data generation of each
stage was supported by design research artifacts, developed upon the data of the previous stage, which was synthesised and visualised through the series of
design research artifacts, which played an essential role within the overall research framework of this PhD study illustrated in Figure 2.2. Among different typologies
of the artifacts proposed within Fuad-Luke's framework (2020), within the present study, I adopted the following:
Existent artifacts—artifacts found in or belonging to a particular context which embed information about the context in symbolic, cultural, social or other knowledge (i.e. existing mending tools and books).
Processual/procedural artifacts/participatory—artifacts helping facilitate
participatory-making processes and/or are generated as a result of these
processes (i.e. mending probes, mending spectrum and mending samples,
damages map, individual booklets illustrating participants' mending processes).
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Data gathering artifacts—artifacts designed to elicit interaction with and
response from participants of the study to gather data related to specific research questions (i.e. Miró board, material kits, and material selection).
As we will see later in this dissertation, utilising these artifacts, within the framework which merged the research and analysis methods of different disciplines proved to be very effective in providing a rich body of data, allowing me to address the research aims of this study, illustrated in Chapter 1. At the same time, such an
approach resulted in a particularly complex 'bricolage' or, as I prefer to call it,
'undisciplined' methodology. According to Yee and Bremner (2011), the adoption of 'undisciplined' methodologies in design research is inevitable due to the
indeterminate nature of design, which always had to draw knowledge from other disciplines, initially due to the lack of well-established methodologies in design
research and, later, due to refocusing on larger and more complex societal issues.
Figure 2.2. Research framework utilised within this PhD project.
As we already saw in Chapter 1, and as we will see through this dissertation,
adopting such a methodological approach required the ability to grasp theoretical and methodological understandings of different disciplines without losing sight of the design disciplinary focus. And if Fry (2009) and Banerjee (2008) suggest that due to the range of skills, cognitive processes and ability to synthesise, designers
should be seen as 'agents of change' which can embrace such complex approaches
(ibid.), Kincheloe (2001) acknowledges that embracing 'undisciplined' methodologies is a daunting task, and it raises several questions such as:
What does adopting such approaches tell us about the current field of design? What implications does it have for design education?
What kinds of knowledge do such approaches produce? These questions will be addressed in the discussion of chapter 6, and now I will dive into the description of the research design of this PhD study.
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2.2. Research design
After explaining the choice of creating a tailored methodological approach, I will now provide a detailed description of the research process I used to support my
findings. In this section, I will briefly summarise the main findings of the pilot studies and explain how they informed the design of this research project. Then, I will
illustrate the methods for collecting data and explain why I chose them. Finally,
within this section, I will outline the obstacles I encountered during the research process and explain how I overcame them.
2.2.1 Pilot studies The research design of this PhD project was informed by two pilot studies. The first pilot took place in 2019 within the framework of my master's thesis in ESD. As part of this study, I conducted six wardrobe interviews in Ukraine. The study aimed to
understand the differences in clothing consumption patterns among different age groups. It focused mainly on the phase of clothing acquisition; however, it also
touched upon the use and disposal phases. Among others, the following findings were relevant to the design of this PhD study:
The longevity, durability, and practicality of clothes in the Ukrainian context are still valued, as it was in societies from the past. Moreover, many people engage with mending, which is still relevant and common practice. These findings
constituted the basics of this PhD project and helped in defining the initial research aims.
The borders of the intimacy of wardrobe studies and time availability of the
younger generation (born in the 1980s and 1990s) and the older generation (born in the 1960s and 1970s) differed. The access to the wardrobes of the
younger informants was relatively easy and did not present any limitations.
Simultaneously, accessing the wardrobes of informants born in the 1960s and 1970s presented difficulties regarding time availability. These experiences
allowed me to learn which age groups could be responsive to the study and in which way and helped me to target the specific population.
The second pilot study took place at the beginning of this PhD project in Denmark and aimed to understand better the context where the projects would take place. The pilot resulted in two wardrobe studies: one with a participant from the age
group born in the 1980s and 1990s and another with the participant's mother (belonging to the age group born in the 1960s and 1970s). During the second
wardrobe study, both younger and older participants were present in the wardrobe space. The process flew organically, and the mother seemed to enjoy showing and
talking about her clothing items. However, as soon as the younger participants left the space, I experienced a lack of participation motivated by the lack of time. Therefore, at that stage of the project, I thought that the key to the access to
wardrobes of older participants might lie in family ties. The second pilot helped me refine the initial research questions, determine the responsiveness of participants, and target the specific population.
2.2.2 Planning Several writers emphasise the need for flexibility and reflexivity in research design and stress that the relationship between research design components should be elastic (Maxwell, 2005; Ritchie and Lewis, 2003). For example, Guillemin and
Gillam (2004) argue that the overall design of the study should be considered as
a continuing process of critical scrutiny and interpretation, which calls for constant review of decisions and approaches while simultaneously should not exclude rigorous planning.
Accordingly, the overall research design of this study was carefully planned by
incorporating the key aspects of research design: the development of research
aims, the decisions about research settings and how the study needs to be built around them, sampling, the time frame for data generation, the choice of data
generation methods, and the negotiation of research relationships (including the issues of ethics). Figure 2.3 illustrates the interplay between the planned sessions,
specific topics which constituted the basis for different activities, the thesis chapters to which they contribute, and the research aims.
The research design process required several months of planning and preparation of materials for data generation. The methodology was designed to address the
issues I had identified as being relevant to my research aims and included several methodological considerations to account for. Consequently, the overall research design included multiple dependent variables and became particularly complex.
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Figure 2.3. Stages, topics, chapters, and research aims.
Denmark 1st stage
3rd stage
Wardrobe interviews
Workshop 1
March 2021
2nd stage
Wardrobe interviews with secondary p
reflexive process
reflexive process
1st stage
3rd stage
Wardrobe interviews
Workshop1
Ukraine
2nd stage Wardrobe interviews
The project was divided into five main stages, which included several activities:
wardrobe interviews (1st and 2nd stages), workshops (3rd and 4th stages), the mending session, and the mending retreat of two full days (5th stage). Participation in all
stages of the research required approximately twenty hours distributed throughout
eleven months. Thus, it was not perceived by participants as particularly demanding, except for the 2nd stage, where group members were asked to conduct wardrobe
interviews with their relatives and work independently. Considering the commitment difficulties in this stage, I modified the design research accordingly. After the 2nd stage, participants were not asked to work on their project beyond the planned group activities.
Figure 2.4 illustrates the research design time frame for data generation and its
open structure, which was defined at the beginning of the project and evolved as the project developed. The initial three stages of research were not running in
parallel since they were planned to be conducted on-site in different research
contexts: in Denmark and Ukraine. Moreover, the initial stages of the research
occurred during the global pandemic, when the travelling possibilities were limited. Accordingly, I began the investigation in Denmark, and as soon as I could travel, I conducted the same stages in Ukraine. The non-simultaneity of the processes
allowed me to reflect critically on the factors which influenced the construction of
knowledge and how these influences were revealed in the planning and conducting
reflexive p
participants reflexive process
4th stage
4th stage
5th stage
5th stage
Workshop 2
Workshop3
Mending session
Mending retreat
January 2022
process
Figure 2.4. Research design time frame for data generation.
of the research. Consequently, the first three stages in the Ukrainian context had a similar structure to the Danish ones. However, they were built upon the preliminary
analysis of the stages conducted in Denmark and, therefore, were slightly modified.
2.2.3 Purposive and voluntary sampling Purposive sampling in qualitative research is adopted when the research focuses
in depth on a relatively small sample and requires participants with knowledge of
a specific issue. It directs the generation of data and can better match the sample to the aims and objectives of the research (Campbell et al., 2020; Marshall, 1996; Luborsky, 1995). As the ambition of the study was to examine existing amateur
mending practices and to bridge the participants' knowledge through co-exploration and participation, I decided to involve amateurs who already mend on a regular
basis and engage them in a designed mending experience where they would crossfertilise each other's practices, allowing the integration of multiple ways of knowing and doing. Accordingly, I used a purposive sampling approach and defined a sample of six participants (three from Denmark and three from Ukraine).
The number of participants was chosen, considering that, firstly, samples in qualitative research tend to be small to support the depth of analysis, which is fundamental
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to this mode of inquiry (Sandelowski, 1995). Sample size in qualitative research has been the subject of enduring discussions (Morse, 2000; Sandelowski, 1995), and
according to qualitative research experts Baker and Edwards (2012), among others, the answer to the question 'how many' is not straightforward. It is contingent on
several epistemological, methodological, and practical factors. Accordingly, the
sample size 'should be large enough to provide textured information relevant to
the phenomenon under investigation but small enough to ensure that the depth of analysis is not precluded' (Sandelowski, 1995: 183).
Secondly, in determining the number of participants, I considered the complexity of the research design and the multifaceted nature of my role within it. Most of the
time, design research processes expect a researcher to cover different roles and to act simultaneously as a facilitator, learner, host, and maker (Shercliff and Twigger
Holroyd, 2016). Covering these multiple roles while ensuring inclusivity for participants with different cultural backgrounds and making abilities can pressure the researcher and affect the researcher-participant relationship. Furthermore, bringing additional helpers, on the one hand, can facilitate the documentation process and alleviate the load on the researcher. Still, on the other hand, it can affect the interpersonal dynamics within the group, lacking previously established relationships among its participants (ibid.). Therefore, knowing that I would organise and manage all the project stages without involving any assistance (which implies covering different roles simultaneously) and knowing that participants at the initial stages of the
project would be perfect strangers, coming from different cultural settings and speaking different languages, the number of six participants was considered
appropriate. This sample size aimed to provide rich information relevant to the phenomenon under investigation and ensure the analysis's depth.
Even though the defined sample size for this project was six participants, in the stage of recruitment, I considered that participation was voluntary, and participants could decide to leave the project at any stage. Furthermore, participants could drop out for other personal reasons (Twigger Holroyd, 2013). In order to ensure a sufficient
number of six participants, I selected four participants from Denmark and four from
Ukraine. As I envisaged, unfortunately, one participant from Denmark (Tea) withdrew
her participation after the wardrobe interview for health reasons. Another participant from Ukraine (Diana), after the 1st session of the research, decided that her English language skills were not sufficient to participate in all stages of the project. The
clothing consumption practices of two dropped-out participants did not differ significantly from those of other participants. The data gathered during the
wardrobe interviews with Tea and Diana has been included in the analysis. The other six participants remained fully engaged with all stages of the project for
eleven months. These eight people constituted the group of primary participants. The criteria of purposive selection were age, mending and language skills, and
willingness to participate in all stages of mending co-exploration on the voluntary basics—meaning that participants decide to take part in the project because of their specific interest in the subject of the study, and without any expectation of
monetary compensation. With the first criterion regarding age, I aimed to involve
young adults between 20–35 years old, Danes and Ukrainians, or those who have lived in the respective countries for more than five years and have assimilated the behavioural patterns of the country. In cases where Denmark or Ukraine were not
the countries of origin, participants had to be familiar with the content of the schools' educational system. This would allow me to understand how and if handcrafts were taught in the schools. Regarding mending skills, I specified that participants had to have basic mending knowledge and practice mending regularly. This would allow me to access menders with different ranges of experiences and skill sets yet with
sufficient knowledge to participate in the designed mending activities. The selected participants could also be designers but with backgrounds different to fashion or textile design since I was interested in studying amateur mending practices.
Additionally, after the first three research stages, all participants from Denmark and Ukraine were supposed to meet and participate in the shared planned activities. In
order to be able to interact, communicate and discuss shared interests, participants
needed to be fluent in English, which justifies the knowledge of the English language criterion.
The last selection criterion regards the willingness to participate voluntarily in all
research stages. I chose to adopt a voluntary sampling method, which is defined as a sample made up of participants who have voluntarily chosen to participate
as a part of the sample group (Ritchie and Lewis, 2003). This approach would not
be applicable or advantageous in most cases and in many fields of research since
'the characteristics of those who volunteer are likely to be quite distinct from those
who don't' (O'Leary, 2005: 94). However, as Hakim (2000) points out, participants who decide to participate on the voluntary basis, have a specific interest in the
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subject of the study and therefore might be appropriate for an inquiry that assesses the impact of voluntary participation. Furthermore, one of the project's aims was to explore how mending practice can become a joyful process of engagement
with clothing by merging design and mending processes. Such approaches would constitute a type of making meant to be adopted on a voluntary basis. For these reasons, I considered the volunteer sampling to be appropriate.
It is worth mentioning that gender was not among the selection criteria, and I hoped to recruit participants of both genders. However, there was only one man among sixteen people who expressed his interest in participating in this project (he was
from the Danish context). After reading the project description, he decided not to
participate in the project. The motivation he provided to me was that he defined his practice as 'nothing special, just replacing the buttons and darning' of his worn-out jeans. Saying to him that it was exactly what I was searching for did not convince
him to participate, and I did not insist on persuading him further. In order to inform
potential participants about the nature of this PhD project, which initially was called
'Mending futures', I prepared a short leaflet (Figure 2.5). In the Danish context, it was
advertised on social media among my network and the Kolding Repair Café network. I received an expression of interest from twelve people. Eight of them did not meet the selection criteria since they had a fashion or textile background. The remaining four committed to the project to a different extent.
In the Ukrainian context, the leaflet was distributed among my personal network,
and I was directed to those who could meet the selection criteria. I contacted four
people and provided them with the project timeline, illustrating different stages of
the project (Appendix 2) and the invitation letter (Appendix 1) describing the stages. All of those contacted in Ukraine committed to the project to a different extent:
three of them committed to all the stages of the research, while one of these four committed only to the 1st stage.
Since the participants had to meet numerous criteria, and the selection of participants in Denmark occurred during the pandemic lockdown, the recruitment process took two months. It was mainly hindered by the requirement of having basic mending
skills. In the Ukrainian context, the main obstacle to meeting the selection criteria was fluency in English. During the Soviet times, teaching foreign languages in
schools was not prioritised, and after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the
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Do you repair your clothes and want to take part in the exploration of mending futures? If you are interested in sustainability already mend your garments are the young adult (20-35 y.o.) can invest approx. 20h during 2021 and want to explore the future of mending Contact Iryna Kucher: ik@dskd.dk
Figure 2.5. Project leaflet.
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lack of efficient school teaching of foreign languages withstood in the post-soviet
world. Still, today, people cannot rely on school education if they want to be fluent in languages other than Ukrainian or Russian. It results in a non-homogeneous
distribution of language-learning opportunities since most of the time, only those who can afford private tutoring become fluent in English.
Even if, on the one hand, the language criterion represented an obstacle in the
phase of participants' selection in the Ukrainian context, on the other hand, it served to avoid significant imbalances within the group and minimise potential harm.
Considering that 'people are likely to feel more comfortable among others who they see as being from the same broad social milieu' (Ritchie and Lewis, 2003: 91), this
criterion aimed to allow me to recruit participants whom I identified with the middle class and to create a balance between two extremes of relative homogeneity and heterogeneity, constituted by cultural differences. However carefully the group
composition is planned, it is not always possible to achieve the desired balance:
not everyone who says and thinks to meet the selection criteria—actually does. It
explains why one of the participants dropped out of the project. Therefore, during the stages where all the primary participants from Denmark and Ukraine worked together, I always had to be attentive to possible feelings of difference.
One of the aims of this PhD project was to understand how mending practices
were interpreted across places and time. In order to meet these research aim, the 2nd stage of the data generation consisted of wardrobe interviews, which primary
participants conducted with secondary participants. With this session, I hoped to
reach the generation born in the 1930s and 1940s, which, in the Western context,
experienced rapid post-war economic growth with its peculiarities, which I described in Chapter 1. In contrast, in post-Soviet contexts, this generation had a long
experience of living in a socialist economy with its characteristic structural features such as deficit and scarcity of clothing objects. However, all the participants'
grandparents were no longer alive; therefore, the primary participants conducted the wardrobe studies with their mothers.
Two of the Danish participants' mothers were born in the 1960s, while the third
secondary participant was born in the 1950s. Moreover, since one of the primary
Danish participants originates from the USA, she recruited a secondary participant (born in the 1950s) who was not a Dane and did not live in Denmark. As I will
describe in Chapter 3, the consumption patterns of this participant significantly differed from the patterns of secondary Danish participants. In the Ukrainian
context, one of the mothers was born in the 1950s, while the other two mothers were born in the 1960s and 1970s. Their consumption patterns did not differ significantly.
2.2.4 Participants' profiles The overview of the project participants subdivided into two groups is illustrated
in Figure 2.6. It is followed by the description of profiles, providing the information gathered during the research project. .
Country
Age group
Primary
Denmark
20 - 35 y.o. 50 - 65 y.o.
3 + 1 (dropped out)
Ukraine
20 - 35 y.o. 50 - 65 y.o.
3 + 1 (dropped out)
Secondary
3
3
Figure 2.6. The overview of the project participants.
Primary Danish participants: Gerda-Marie (29 y.o.) is half Danish and half German. She grew up in Northern
Germany but spent all the summers in the family-owned cottage close to Aalborg
during her childhood. She lives in a collective in Kolding with three flatmates. Gerda has an industrial design background, and after completing her master's studies in
Denmark, she works as a product designer with a small start-up in Copenhagen. She loves sewing, knitting, and has been buying second-hand clothes all her life. That is how she started to mend and alter her clothes.
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Emilie (26 y.o.) grew up in Aarhus and lives in Kolding with three flatmates. She is a
graphic designer and illustrator, and along with her freelance work, she obtains her master's education in Design for Play. Emilie's mother taught her how to alter and mend so that she could wear her favourite clothes longer. Even though she has
been handcrafting her entire life and sewing and altering her clothes to a 'pretty significant extent', Emilie defines herself as not 'super schooled' in sewing.
Jessica (34 y.o) grew up in California, United States but lives in Kolding and sees her life in Denmark. She moved to Denmark with her family more than five years ago. When the family moved, Jessica wanted to help her son integrate into the Danish
school, and they spent a lot of time learning Danish together before they became fluent. She works as an anthropologist and becomes attached to her favourite
things, so she repairs them to keep them longer. Generally, she loves handicrafts, especially sewing, baking and woodworking.
Tea (35 y.o.) grew up and lives in Aarhus. She lives with her boyfriend and their two
children: a boy of ten years old and a girl of ten months. She has been working with the upcycling of furniture for years and running her business. However, after an
injury in 2016, she has chronic pains and now works only a few hours per week with
two small companies. She loves mending, knitting and embroidery and has done it for as long as she can remember.
Secondary Danish participants: Gerda-Marie's mother—Hanne (58 y.o.) is Danish and lives in Northern Germany for
more than 30 years but used to spend holidays with her family close to Aalborg. She is married and has three daughters. Her background is in chemistry, and she works as a software inspector. She loves second-hand shopping and is passionate about
embroidery. During the wardrobe interview with Gerda, she showed her the secondhand purchased embroidery floss collection and her embroidery work since she thought it might be relevant for mending practice.
Emilie's mother—Marianne (57 y.o.) was born and lives in Aarhus but spent her
childhood in Thailand and lived in the United States for many years. She is divorced and has two children. Marianne was trained as an architect and now works as a
teacher in an international primary school. She loves high-quality clothes but rarely purchases them in second-hand shops. Moreover, she is passionate about sewing and knitting and has an extensive collection of yarns, threads, fabrics and sewing tools, including several sewing machines.
Jessica's aunt—Cathryn (65 y.o.) was born in Connecticut and currently lives in
California, United States with her partner. Her professional background is in retail,
and she currently works in customer service. Since her childhood, Cathryn has had
eye problems, she could not see well, and it is one of the reasons why she has never learned how to mend. Today she buys only inexpensive clothes in the department
stores, and when they are worn out, as she likes everything to be perfect, she throws them away.
Primary Ukrainian participants: Ksenia (26 y.o.) grew up in Krivij Rih. She worked as an English teacher in China for several years, and after the beginning of the global pandemic, she came back to Ukraine and settled in Kyiv with her boyfriend. She works in an international
company as human recourses officer. In her free time, she studies web design and loves travelling. She likes second-hand shopping and has been used to mend her
clothes since she was a child. Her mother is an excellent knitter. However, Ksenia has never learned how to knit.
Tania (34 y.o.) grew up in Moscow, Russia but moved to Kyiv more than ten years
ago to reach her husband, who is Ukrainian. She has a background in economics
but works as a project manager in an international company. Tania has an active lifestyle and practices volleyball, biking, and running. She likes reading and
learning new things, and in her free time, she researches sleeping and dreaming. Her wardrobe is huge; however, she cares about things, and if a clothing piece is damaged, she usually repairs it.
Marta (24 y.o.) grew up in Krivij Rih but moved to Dnipro to study architecture at the age of 17. When Marta was a child, she has attended a course in traditional
Ukrainian dance, and as a part of that, they made and embroidered their costumes with traditional embroidery techniques. While studying for her master's, she worked
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as a teacher of home economics at the elementary school and taught her students how to sew and mend. Now she works as an interior designer and 3D artist in a design studio in Dnipro and in her free time practising embroidery.
Diana (21 y.o.) grew up in Chernihiv and moved to Kyiv to study marketing and
communication at the age of 17. She is in her last year of master's studies and lives with her boyfriend in the periphery of Kyiv. She is interested in sustainability and purchases second-hand clothes which nobody wants (the ones with holes and stains) because
she likes to mend, customise, and upcycle them. She was interested in participating in the project to improve her creative skills and learn more about sustainability.
Secondary Ukrainian participants: Ksenia's mother—Elena (59 y.o.) grew up and lives in Krivij Rih. She is married and
has two grown-up children. Her background is in general medicine. She works as a
family doctor and has a very tight timetable. She has always been passionate about knitting and practices it a lot. However, when it comes to mending, she knows how to do it, and she often starts to repair clothes on a domestic level, but most of the
time, she does not finish her mending projects and brings the items to her personal seamstress.
Tania's mother—Marina (65 y.o.) grew up and lives in Moscow, Russia. She is retired but worked her entire life as a telecommunications engineer. She is a widow, and her only daughter is grown-up, and they have not lived together for many years.
Her wardrobe is relatively small, and she uses her clothes for a long time and does not like to replace them. For this reason, she is used to mending and altering. She
first acquired her skills from her mother, a professional seamstress, and afterwards learned how to mend, alter, and make clothes at school.
Marta's mother—Tamara (50 y.o.) grew up in Ivcha, a small village in the western part of Ukraine, where traditional crafts such as embroidery and weaving were still alive and practised by almost every woman. Tamara lives with her husband in Krivij Rih
and works as an accountant in a medium-sized enterprise. On the side of her job,
Marta's mother is pursuing another master's degree, which is time-demanding. For this reason she does not knit, sew or mend as much as she used to do in the past.
2.2.5 Conviviality After illustrating the process of participants' recruitment and their profiles, before
diving into descriptions of the research activities, I would like to spend a few words on another aspect of this research—conviviality—which played an important role in conducting this study. Conviviality is a key value for most human beings, and the experiences of engaging in face-to-face interaction were meant to nurture
participants' sense of well-being and community. Therefore, I thought that excluding the human factor from mending co-exploration with participants of this study would be in contrast with the role I decided to take in this study. Moreover, excluding the
human factor while closely engaging with participants, their families and their tightly interwoven personal stories within the timeframe of one year could result in a rigid researcher-participant duality.
Conviviality, thus, intended to facilitate the establishment of trust with participants
and occurred through the overall research process. For instance, at the beginning of the project, when I did not know the participants well, I invited them one by one
for brunch at my place, a walk and talk, or, in the Ukrainian context, for a meeting
in a café. Then, when I went to participants' homes to conduct wardrobe interviews, I always carried along some pastries. I thought this gesture could result in moments of conviviality, allowing a softer transition towards such intimate space as the
wardrobes. Finally, I tried to incorporate conviviality moments in every activity
undertaken with the group. During such moments, we were engaged in informal
conversations, which gradually allowed us to get to know each other better. These choices were intended to facilitate participation and create an open and trusting
atmosphere and constituted the basics of interpersonal relationships within the group.
2.2.6 Wardrobe interviews 1st stage - Wardrobe interviews with primary participants The 1st stage of data generation consisted of wardrobe interviews, which took place
in the homes of the primary participants. The wardrobe interviews were documented by audio recording and by photographing every mended garment and mending equipment found at participants' homes. This methodological approach was
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adopted since it is helpful when the research question arises from subject-object
relations (Woodward, 2019) and can help to understand the materiality of clothing practices, which are difficult to grasp and verbalise by asking the questions alone (Klepp and Bjerck, 2014). In addition, the physical presence of clothes evokes
memories, stimulates conversations, and generates thicker descriptions. It also
provides the possibility to ask questions during the registration process and, in this
way, link the material and the social life of clothes and extend our understanding of the material preconditions of practice (ibid.; Fletcher and Klepp, 2017).
The aim of this stage was to understand what kind of garments participants mend, how they do it, what motivates them to mend, where they learned how to mend
and what materials and equipment they use. To conduct the session, I prepared a wardrobe interview guide (Appendix B1). The guide contained questions linked to each garment (Figure 2.7). However, to avoid interrupting or disrupting the
participants' narrative flow, I left participants to be guided by the garments and asked the questions only when I considered it appropriate.
Asking the same questions for each garment is one of the characteristics of
wardrobe studies, and it allows to gather the same information for many clothes and to conduct the qualitative analysis afterwards (Klepp and Bjerck, 2014).
Therefore, I meticulously recorded the clothes' form, material, and condition by
photographing each garment, the respective mends, and the tags (Figure 2.8). It gave me information about the production, composition, nature, and degree of the damage, as well as how clothes were mended.
Every wardrobe interview was preceded by informal conversations, which allowed
me to explain the session's content and introduce the consent forms. Then, all the participants gave their verbal consent, which was audio recorded. I also provided participants with the physical consent forms (Appendix A3). However, they were
signed only by Ukrainian participants since Danish participants found them too formal and unnecessary.
Every interview started with the piling exercise (Ravnløkke, 2019). I asked the
participants to open the wardrobe, find the garments mended (or which had to be mended) by them or by professional repair services, divide them into piles
corresponding to a typology of the damage (holes, tears, snags etc.), and while
Figure 2.7. The wardrobe interview guide.
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Figure 2.8. Example of recording the clothes' information.
Figure 2.9. Photo documentation of the wardrobe interview with primary participant.
Figure 2.10. Mending data sheets, constituting the participant's mending collection.
doing this, tell me about the clothing item (Figure 2.9). The conversation moved naturally from individual items to larger material totalities, such as wardrobe
systems and material collections and mending equipment participants use for
their mending practice. Each wardrobe interview was rounded off by selecting one damaged garment to mend, which the participant would bring along for the first participatory workshop.
The data consisting of audio recordings gathered within this stage was transcribed
and complemented by photographs of mended garments (Appendix B2). Subsequently, it was preliminarily analysed (the description of the analysis process can be found in section 2.3) and materialised in the physical mending datasheets. These datasheets (Appendix B4) formed the collections of personal mends of each participant (Figure 2.10). They were utilised during the 3rd stage to illustrate participants' mending
practice to other group members and map the most common damages and corresponding mending techniques. Moreover, the photographs of mending
equipment found in participants' homes constituted the basics of the mending tools archive I created. They were complemented with the images of the tools I found in
online flea markets and on social media. These tools were categorised according to typology and function and utilised for the development of the mending spectrum (Appendix C6), employed during the 3rd stage of research, and mending toolkit
(Appendix C4), utilised during the 3rd and the 5th stages.
After the first round of wardrobe interviews in Denmark, I created a Facebook
group where all Danish participants introduced themselves by posting their photos and a short descriptive text. The texts explained who they are, what guides them
in participating in this project, and a silly fact about them. The latest worked very well since it provoked responses from other group members, broke the ice, and
helped coordinate participants' timetables for our first gathering. After the round
of wardrobe interviews in Ukraine, the remaining group members were added, and participants from both contexts started to get to know each other, interact and share their first mending experiences.
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2nd stage - Wardrobe interviews with secondary participants The 2nd stage of data generation consisted of wardrobe interviews, which the
primary participants conducted with their relatives of older generations—secondary
participants aged 50–65. The wardrobe studies took place at secondary participants' homes (Figure 2.11). The session's name was 'Intergenerational dialogue', and it
aimed to build the group's understanding of the importance of revisiting the past to understand how variations of practice elements: meaning, materials and
competences can impact the current and future of mending. Moreover, it aimed
to facilitate the participants' understanding of how the practices are always linked to larger social and material structures and how they emerge and evolve through the repetitive and routinised performance of the action in a particular social and cultural space (Shove et al., 2012).
Considering the issues regarding the accessibility to the wardrobes of people of older generations, which arose during the pilot studies, I chose not to conduct
this session myself. I knew that there would be limitations both in terms of physical access to the intimate wardrobe space of the secondary participants and time
limitations related to the coordination of timetables. Therefore, I tried to overcome these obstacles by asking primary participants to conduct the wardrobe studies
independently, without my presence and in their own timeframes. To support this
activity, I prepared the technical equipment, consisting of the go-pro camera for
registering the videos, the cell phone for audio recording and photo making, and
the guide with detailed step-by-step instructions and guiding questions (Figure 2.12). The guide was utilised by all participants, while technical equipment was used only by one of the six primary participants. The other five preferred to use their cell phones and upload the gathered data to the shared OneDrive folder.
The independent work of participants did not go as smoothly as I had hoped. The
procedure and the instructions were clear to all participants. However, the limitations of time, which I encountered in the pilot studies, were now complemented by an
issue of space. All the primary participants lived in cities different from the city of their origin where their mothers were based. In some cases, the distance was not consistent, and they often visited their relatives. But in most cases, the primary participants were separated from their families by national borders. It is worth
noticing that they could conduct a wardrobe study with any member of their family,
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Figure 2.11. Video documentation of the wardrobe interview with secondary participant.
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Figure 2.12. The participants' guide with instructions and questions.
also an acquired one who lived closer. However, most of them insisted on doing the wardrobe studies with their mothers, and the coordination and planning took
several weeks and, in some cases, more than a month. Once the studies were
conducted, we experienced a further problem related to uploading data to the
OneDrive folder. The task itself was straightforward and defined by participants as
an easy one. However, its execution required several weeks since all the participants were constantly busy with their full-time jobs and forgot to upload the documents. Once the generated data was finally gathered, it was transcribed (Appendix B3)
and preliminarily analysed (the description of the analysis process can be found in
section 2.3). The meaning derived from data was inscribed into the design research artifact (i.e. Miró board), utilised within the 4th stage of research.
In addition, after preliminary analysis of the data gathered within the 1st and the 2nd
stages of the research, it became apparent that more information regarding emerging categories, such as the use of personal colours (in the Danish context) and relying
on seamstress services (in the Ukrainian context), was needed. Accordingly, to shed
light on the theory of personal colours use, I conducted an additional interview with an Armocromia expert. It took place online (Appendix G2), and the data from the online meeting recording was utilised to design workshop 3 of the 4th stage.
Furthermore, after the round of wardrobe interviews with primary participants in
Ukraine, I conducted an additional interview with a professional seamstress at her sewing atelier in Krivij Rih, Ukraine (Appendix G1). The data gathered within this
interview consisted of audio recordings and photographs of professionally mended garments. It was utilised to paint a better picture of Ukrainian repair infrastructure, which will be discussed in Chapter 4.
2.2.7 Material methods in participatory setting 3rd stage - Workshops 1 & 2 The 3rd stage of the research design consisted of two participatory workshops
conducted separately with Danish and Ukrainian participants. Both workshops
took place approximately one month after the wardrobe interviews with primary participants. In the Danish context, the 3rd stage occurred before the interviews
of the 2nd stage, while in the Ukrainian context—after. Since the initial stages of
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research were not running in parallel, the Ukrainian workshop was built upon preliminary insights and analysis of the session conducted in Denmark, and
therefore, the two workshops had a slightly different structure. This stage aimed to create cohesion within the group and build a common ground for further
exploration, where participants would learn together, share, and distribute their
knowledge—the community of practice (Lave and Wenger, 1998). Both workshops
were audio and video recorded, and both participants and I took pictures of parts of the process which we found to be the most salient.
Within this stage was employed the material method, which includes the elements of different methods originating from design disciplines, such as probe design
(Mattelmäki, 2005; Gaver et al., 1999) and participatory design workshops.Woodward
coined the term material methods to describe the methods of researching with things. Material methods comprise both methods used to understand material culture and
materiality, as well as methods that employ the capacities of the materiality of things to generate responses in participants and promote dialogue (Woodward, 2019). I
consider the method I used in this stage to be material since it corresponds to the abovementioned characteristics.
The design artifacts employed in this stage (Appendix C) were designed with the project stage's aims and the types of participants in mind. In designing them, I
included considerations of the overall experience and other facets of design artifacts' materiality—what things do and what participants can do with them. Through the
process of designing, I was engaging with what material effects these artifacts might
have and what tasks might be associated with them. The material form of the design artifacts, coming as a package containing a series of objects with the associated
tasks, was what these artifacts shared with design probes. Therefore, I called them
mending probes. However, design probes are meant to provoke participants to think
and respond in unexpected ways and are well suited for exploratory and open-ended
research projects, which do not aim to generate systematic data. Furthermore, design probes have the characteristic of living with participants in participants' homes and are to be completed without the researcher's intervention and in participants' own timeframes (Mattelmäki, 2005; Gaver et al., 1999).
Instead, the mending probes (Figure 2.13) introduced within this stage intended
to generate dialogue, capture things as they are, and impact both participation
Figure 2.13. Mending probes.
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Figure 2.14. Setup of the first participatory workshop in Kolding, Denmark.
Figure 2.15. The first participatory workshop in Kyiv, Ukraine.
Figure 2.16. The structure of the first and second participatory workshops.
and learning. Participation is at the core of the method I utilised, and it is where it comes close to the method of participatory design workshops (Smith and Iversen, 2018). Within participatory design, participants come together to discuss, make,
and design. It often involves people gathering around a set of rough materials (e.g. cardboard, foam, clay, et cetera), which allow everyone to get involved, ensuring inclusivity. However, during this stage, the group was not designing but rather
thinking with design artifacts, which were developed upon the data gathered during the wardrobe interviews.
The first participatory workshop in Denmark occurred during the pandemic lockdown
when all the public spaces were closed. However, since COVID regulations in Denmark allowed private gatherings with a maximum number of five people by providing
proof of a negative COVID-19 test, we decided to hold the three-hour workshop in person, and it took place in my home. To set the workshop's tone and create an
atmosphere meant to be informal and creative, I prepared the space by displaying the necessary mending equipment and information (Figure 2.14) and by setting up the video camera and audio recorder in advance.
The first participatory workshop in Ukraine occurred two months after the Danish
workshop. It took place in the library with a vibrant and creative atmosphere, located in the historical centre of Kyiv (Figure 2.15). I discovered the site thanks to one of the participants, Tania, who showed me the place after the wardrobe interview in her
home. The library seemed to be the appropriate venue for the workshop, where all the Ukrainian participants would meet for the first time. Therefore, I shared the
library photographs with other participants via a Facebook group. All members of
the group liked the place. Consequently, we agreed on a date and time suitable for everyone.
Both workshops had a semi-structured nature since they were scoped for a certain
amount of time and were entitled 'Conviviality of mending'. The workshops incorporated several activities (Figure 2.16). Participants were asked to bring along the damaged clothing item they had selected at the end of the wardrobe interviews.
Within these sessions, I aimed to capture the group's mending experiences and to
understand which competences are utilised when mending practices are enacted. Therefore, I briefly introduced the general aims of the project, the aims of this
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particular session, and the activities we were going to do, and gave participants the packages containing a series of designed artifacts with their associated tasks.
With the first activity, I invited participants to describe the garments they brought
along (Appendix C2), explaining how long this garment was in use, what happened to it and how the damage occurred, what motivated them to mend it, and how
they would mend it. I thought that hearing me talking about my way of interpreting mending and describing my damaged garment could help explain how I intended the activity to be, so I started the round. My descriptions sparked the participants'
curiosity and engaged all of us in the conversation, where participants one by one introduced their garments and the values related to them. This activity helped the
groups get to know each other better as humans and as menders and helped define the values we had in common.
Afterwards, I introduced the mending data sheets (Appendix C3), which formed the
collections of the participants' personal mends. These artifacts brought unexpected enthusiasm. The participants appreciated the care I put into designing them and
were surprised how some of their mends, which they considered to be insignificant,
could look so beautiful when they were valued and 'illuminated with the right light'. All of them suddenly became very proud of showing each other their mending
collections and their ways of doing mends. In order to show them my gratitude for sharing their mending experiences so generously, I decided to bring them into my wardrobe and show the garments I mended myself. In Denmark, it happened by
physically going into my wardrobe. At that point, I started not only facilitating the process but also becoming a participant in the mending experience I designed.
Therefore, after the Danish workshop, I prepared my data sheets to show my mends to Ukrainian participants.
Each mending datasheet contained the first letter of the participant's name followed
by a progressive number. I asked them to write these numbers on the stickers provided within their mending packages and place them on the map, illustrating different clothing items (Appendix C5). Each datasheet indicated the typology of the
damage, positioned in a specific part of a specific type of clothing item, and the activity of mapping the damages allowed the group to have an overview of the
most common damages (Figure 2.17) and constituted the basics for the next activity. Within the next activity, we discussed how the damages could be treated and with
Figure 2.17. Participants' mapping of the most common damages.
what techniques and tools. I started the activity by introducing the mending spectrum (Appendix C6), which illustrated typologies of damage corresponding to the range of mending techniques and included an overview of different mending tools
categorised according to their functions. The tools presented in this overview were found during the wardrobe studies with participants and within the overview of selected mending books (Appendix F2).
To enable the understanding of the terminology used in the spectrum, I developed mending samples illustrating different ways of engaging with mending practice
(Appendix C7), including seamless, discreet and expressive mending approaches. I also created redesigned 3D-printed mending tool kits containing three different
tools with interchangeable components. These tool kits represented a synthesis of
the tool's analysis illustrated on the mending spectrum (a more detailed description of this design research artifact can be found in Appendix C4).
The collective analysis of ways of doing mends, facilitated by utilised design artifacts,
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revealed the complexity of mending practice, going beyond an overview of mending techniques and tools to utilise. It illustrated a range of competences necessary to
enact different approaches to clothing repair (i.e. seamless, discreet and expressive). After the sessions in both the Danish and Ukrainian contexts, the data related to
these emerged findings was transcribed (Appendix D1) and analysed, allowing their
in-depth exploration within the following stage of the research (the process of analysis can be found in section 2.3, while the detailed examination of different approaches to clothing repair will be illustrated in Chapter 5).
At the end of the session, the group expressed the wish to pass from a Facebook group chat to a Telegram one due to the 'friendliness' of the Telegram interface. Accordingly, I created a new group chat and transferred all shared resources created for and by the group.
2.2.8 Focus Groups 4th stage - Workshops 3 & 4 The 4th stage of data generation consisted of two focus groups aiming to explore in
depth the mending competences necessary for the development of one's practice.
The workshops involved all six participants of the group and took place in an online format via Zoom. They were scoped for the overall duration of five hours. Workshop
3 had a length of three hours, and workshop 4 had a duration of two. Both workshops
were recorded, and the photographs of the workshop parts, defined by the group as the most salient, were taken by the participants and me.
The focus group method was chosen to explore the diversity of mending approaches and to generate data deriving from interaction between group participants. Usually,
within a focus group, participants not only present their views and experiences but are also affected by the contributions of other members of the group and are prompted
to seek clarifications, comment on what they have heard, 'reflect on what is said, and in the light of this consider their own standpoint further' (Ritchie and Lewis, 2003: 171). Accordingly, participants take an active role in the process and often take the
interviewing role. Achieving a level of openness within the group, where participants work with synergy and are comfortable speaking frankly, requires time, and focus
groups need to be carefully planned for this to happen (ibid.). Therefore, the organisation of both workshops was carefully planned (Appendix E1) considering the different phases through which the group can pass, and all the
details of the stage were sorted out at the planning stage by referring to the model developed by Tuckman and Jenson (1977). The model defines sequential stages of
small-group development: forming, storming, norming, performing and adjourning. I used this model because it recognises that the phases are part of the group
process and that to allow them to happen, the workshop should be appropriately structured by taking these phases into account.
The aim of workshop 3 was to explore how damages and mending treatments are
assessed and how the choice of colour affects the expressive approach of clothing
repair. Prior to the workshop, I asked the participants to download the Miró application
and prepare material which we would utilise during the session. The material consisted of gathering two types of inspiration: conceptual (consisting of one quote or one picture, representative of their interviews with secondary participants) and visual (consisting of the images that could inspire with their colours, shapes, textures, materials, and mending techniques) (Appendix E2).
The Danish participants met in person at my home, but each had a laptop in order to work individually on the Miró board. At the beginning of the workshop, I outlined the main findings of the previous stages and introduced the program of the day. The agenda of the workshop was quite structured (Figure 2.18), involving specific
tasks and activities and was entitled 'Designing mending projects'. It was important
to impose some structure to ensure that the issues were covered, but simultaneously allow for flexibility of discussion.
The first activity consisted of a round of introductions since it was the first time when both Danish and Ukrainian participants met and was followed by a round where
participants outlined their main findings and described their experiences of wardrobe interviews with their relatives. This activity was meant to highlight the differences in interpretations of mending practices across places and time and helped to build a degree of familiarity. When these two rounds were complete, I made a brief
comment about the composition of the group as a whole and highlighted some
differences and similarities that had just been revealed. The comment intended to
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reinforce the feeling of now being a group where all members were included and
where we could benefit from the contrasting views and experiences in the forthcoming discussions.
The next activity encompassed presentation (Appendix E3), where I described the process of mending assessment (which I will discuss in detail in Chapter 5). It was
followed by the introduction of the main colour theories, which we discussed with the
group. It continued with the intervention of the guest lecturer, Micossi, whose practice involves custom-made tailoring, invisible repair, and the use of the Armocromia
colour theory. The overall presentation included several breaks in order to allow the discussions. At this point, the group members gradually became more comfortable
with the environment and entered into the phase with a less guarded stance. As the discussion progressed, individual responses became more refined and moved to a deeper level, allowing both agreement and disagreement between participants.
We proceeded by moving into the Miró board (Appendix C8)—an online board used to visualise ideas and work on projects both individually and in teams. The board included templates for each participant's mending project (Figure 2.19) and was
designed with the aim of allowing the group to reflect upon the choices we make in the process of mending assessment. When all the participants joined the board, I
made sure all of them were familiar with the features of the online tool and left them to work on their own. The microphones and cameras of participants were on for the
whole duration of the individual activity. Since the group members were particularly engaged both with the subject and with the interactive tool, they often asked each other clarifying questions, made comments on each other's projects, built on what
others had said and written, and developed more in-depth discussions of the issues that emerged.
In the final phase of the workshop, the group's participants discussed their individual mending assessment activities. I facilitated the discussion by orchestrating the flow of the contributions and by encouraging participants to reflect on the process and
focus on challenges that emerged within it. By asking clarifying questions, I ensured that issues were covered in depth, and thus, participants reinforced something they said earlier or gave their final thoughts. The session ended by thanking the group and stressing how valuable the overall discussion had been.
Figure 2.18. The structure of workshop 3.
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Figure 2.19. Template for participant's mending project on Miró board.
Initially, the 4th stage was planned as one workshop scoped for the duration of five
hours. However, considering both its online nature and the richness of the content, in
accordance with the group, I decided to split it into two separate sessions. Workshop 4, therefore, took place one month after the workshop, focusing on mending assessment and colour. It had a similar structure, starting with my presentation (Appendix E4) and
followed by a group discussion. It focused on materials (both those of the garment and the additional materials for the mend). During workshop 3, participants initiated the
planning of the garments which they chose during the wardrobe interviews. All of them, due to the position of the damages, were suitable for the discreet approach to repair.
Since the participants wanted to approach both discreet and expressive mending, we
decided that each of them would work on two separate mending projects, one discreet (addressed within the framework of the mending session) and one expressive (addressed within the framework of mending retreat).
2.2.9 Participatory textile making 5th stage - Mending session and mending retreat The 5th stage of data generation was dedicated to participants' individual projects
and aimed to grasp the knowledge emerging during the mending-making activity. I was interested in understanding how participants navigate the complexity of the mending process: how they plan, begin, and make their decisions along the way. Moreover, I wanted to explore how participants would utilise the knowledge and
resources we generated in the previous stages and how this knowledge would be inscribed into various mending approaches.
The stage consisted of an online mending session, where all the participants worked
on their mending projects by embracing a discreet mending approach, and a mending
retreat of two full days, which took place in person and allowed the group to explore the expressive approach to clothing repair. Both sessions were structured around
participatory textile-making activities, which exploited 'the rich potential of making textiles with others as a means of inquiry' (Shercliff and Twigger Holroyd, 2020).
This approach was utilised since most of what concerns mending-making activity
constitutes tacit knowledge, often invisible even to the person who practices it, and thus difficult to grasp and verbalise. In contrast, within the participatory setting,
the process of making, the physical presence of clothes, and mending materials
and equipment prompt participants to interact, seek for clarifications, comment on what they see, and build on what others say. It allows, therefore, to capture both
the process of making and its verbal descriptions, which may not emerge with other methods. Moreover, the method allows the generation of diverse forms of data (i.e. visual and verbal), which can assist in translating non-verbalised experiences of mending-making into written academic language.
For the mending session of the duration of one hour, we met online since this mode
allowed to gather geographically dispersed participants. The nature of the gathering was fluid and unstructured and required limited preparation. The group members
were asked to bring along the garment they wanted to mend in a discreet way and
to select materials and tools from those they had at home (Figure 2.20). The session
was recorded, and during the process, all group members took photographs of their processes and final results and uploaded them to the Telegram group. I did not
have a lot of expectations from this session, which I envisioned to be a preparatory activity before the final mending retreat. However, at this research project stage, the group members knew each other well, and the relative intimacy of common
making activity helped the participants to open up even further. They defined the session as 'relaxing and intimate', and the group was engaged in open discussion
and worked with synergy, which allowed us to achieve greater depth of insights and generate rich visual and verbal data.
Unlike the mending session, the mending retreat required a lot of planning and
preparation both in terms of the organisation of the retreat itself and in terms of the preparation of materials for the mending activity. The retreat was meant to gather all participants, allowing the whole group to meet in person. This framework was
supposed to enable participants to concentrate fully on the development of their
individual projects without time limitations and to bridge the participants' multiple
ways of doing and thinking with things within a collaborative and participatory setting. Since the idea of the retreat was to provide a period of time used by the group to
mend quietly away from our normal activities and duties, I proposed to participants two venues to choose from: one in the countryside of Southern Denmark and one in the rural part of Northern Ukraine. Both venues were located in bucolic villages
surrounded by nature and were relatively easy to reach from the airports. Since one
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of the Ukrainian participants had Russian citizenship, and her visa was expiring just before our planned retreat, she was not able to travel outside Ukraine. Therefore,
the choice of the group fell on a small Ukrainian village: Horenka, located in Butcha district, thirty kilometres distant from the Ukrainian capital. The overall program of the retreat included the following: Two days of travelling.
Two full days of mending activities.
One day of excursion in the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv. The Danish participants were enthusiastic about travelling, meeting Ukrainian
participants, and visiting Ukraine. However, one of the participants withdrew her
participation due to severe health issues three weeks before the travelling dates.
Another participant, one week before the retreat (in mid-January 2022), decided
not to join the group since she was concerned about the political situation in Ukraine. At that time, tensions between Ukraine and Russia were high, and many news outlets expressed concern about a possible Russian invasion. However, since only a few
could believe that exactly one month later would begin a full-scale war, the participants of the project and I decided to proceed with the retreat as planned. This decision
was also taken considering that the overall organisation of the trip and retreat took a lot of resources, and the alignment of participants' timetables took a lot of time (all participants had full-time jobs and had to take days off).
The Ukrainian participants took an active part in organising the practicalities such as food resourcing. Knowing that Emilie, Marta, and I would travel the whole day,
Tania and Ksenia (who lived in Kyiv) took the initiative to go to the venue in advance to heat the cottage and prepare dinner. They warmly welcomed us upon our arrival, and we spent the first evening together in the intimate atmosphere of a small and warm wooden cottage by talking and getting to know each other deeper.
The established trust within the group facilitated the spontaneous distribution of
different roles within mending-making activities of the following days, which I had
not envisioned and had not asked for. One of the participants, Emilie, proposed to be in charge of video recordings, changing the memory cards, and controlling the
battery levels of the two go-pro cameras we used within the process. Marta became
Figure 2.20. The garment and materials selected by participant for discreet mending project.
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Figure 2.21. Individual material kits.
Figure 2.22. The collection of mending materials.
Figure 2.23. Mending retreat of two days in Kolding Design School.
responsible for photo documentation. During the pauses between her mending
activities, she started photographing the mending processes of other participants. Tania was responsible for the overall management of our meals. Ksenia took care
of resourcing the group with coffee and tea during the mending-making activities.
This re-distribution and self-assignment of roles, initiated by participants, lightened my load. Although during the whole process of our co-exploration, my role was
multifaceted, now I was primarily focusing on my role as learner and facilitator. For this session, I asked participants to bring their mending tools and their garments
to mend in an expressive way. From my side, the session required extensive material preparation. Before our meeting, I collected from the Miró board the information regarding planning individual mending projects and gathered it into individual booklets (Appendices C9 and F1). Then, I asked the group members if they had
specific material and colour choices in mind, and after receiving their answers, I
prepared individual material kits for each participant (Figure 2.21 and Appendix C10). I also set up a resource of different material scraps collected in second-hand shops
and indicated whether the materials were natural or synthetic. Moreover, the set-up
also included threads, yarns, needles, and other equipment required for the mending activities (Figure 2.22 and Appendix C11) and my collection of mending books.
Participants were engaged with their mending project and worked with energy and
enthusiasm. After the phase of mending assessment, which, according to the group, required a lot of concentration and thinking, participants moved into the execution
phase, which was more fluid and relaxed. They were less focused on what to do and were navigating the process of making, supported by the collective reflections and exchange of ideas. When all the projects were finished, I photographed every
mended garment, and the materials and tools participants utilised for their projects. Furthermore, I finalised the session with the round of individual interviews (Appendix F3), returning to participants' initial motivations for undertaking this mending
exploration, reflecting on their projects, and summarising their processes and the
overall experience. During our last day of the retreat, all the participants expressed their wish to keep the created community alive and proposed to continue with the
group mending activities. I was delighted by this proposal, and we agreed to meet
regularly once a month. However, this intention has never come to life. One month
after our final gathering, the Ukrainian participants had to leave their country, and mending activities left space for more urgent matters.
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During the whole duration of the mending retreat in Ukraine, the two Danish
participants who could not join the session were constantly interacting with the group via our Telegram channel. Upon my return to Denmark, they expressed their wish to
complete their projects and proposed to organise a condensed version of the Ukrainian retreat in Kolding. The gathering occurred at Design School Kolding (Figure 2.22), and the mending-making activities lasted two working days. On this occasion, Gerda-
Marie and Jessica completed their projects, which implemented the group mending project collection comprising an array of different mending examples.
2.2.10 Ethical issues Ethics in qualitative social research has been a central topic for decades (Guillemin
and Gillam, 2004), while 'design research has not always paid enough attention to ethics implications' (Miller, 2014). Nevertheless, design research is a process that
profoundly engages ethics, implying that ethical considerations should be integral
to design theory and practice. Thus, the discussions on design research ethics have substantially increased in recent years. Today, ethical principles such as minimising harm, protecting privacy and informed consent are integral to design research practice (Ylipulli and Luusua, 2019).
The principles this PhD was drawn upon were distinguished into two interwoven
dimensions of ethics: procedural and 'ethics in practice'. Guillemin and Gillam (2004) state that procedural ethics focuses on protecting fundamental rights and safety. It offers researchers an ethics 'checklist' helpful in designing an ethically acceptable
research project. This 'checklist' comprises the issues such as the balance of benefits and risks, the steps needed to ensure the confidentiality of data, the inclusion of consent forms and the use of accessible language in the material provided to
participants. Accordingly, to ensure that the participants could give informed consent, I prepared the invitation letter describing the research's nature and aims (Appendix
A1) and the project timeline, illustrating the different stages of the project (Appendix A2). After reading the documents, the participants could contact me anytime and ask clarifying questions regarding the overall research process.
Before giving the consent forms to participants (Appendix A3) at the beginning of the 1st stage of research, I explained to them what kind of data would be collected, how
it would be used, and where and for how long it would be stored (Appendix A4). Moreover, I informed the participants about the possibility of withdrawing from
the project at any time. I was conscious of the extended nature of the project and was aware that unforeseen circumstances in the participants' personal lives could occur. Therefore, for ethical reasons, I wanted to emphasise that there was the
option to withdraw. However, I also clarified that if participants withdrew from the project, I could use the data I had already gathered unless they stated otherwise.
Since procedural ethics requires consent not only to be given but also documented
(Guillemin and Gillam, 2004), I audio-recorded the verbal consent of all participants. Moreover, in the Ukrainian context, participants have also signed the physical consent forms.
Together with respect for autonomy, informed consent is at the core of the interpersonal process between researcher and participant. It allows the participants to understand on what terms they participate. However, Guillemin and Gillam (2004) suggest that it would be mistaken to argue that procedural ethics can entirely cover the ethical
issues in research practice. The potential harm in qualitative research is subtle and
often stems from the interaction between participant and researcher or interaction with other group participants. Thus, it is primarily a matter of emotional and social harm, which is hard to predict since it arises from unexpected situations. And it is
when the 'ethics in practice' comes into play. 'Ethics in practice' consists of day-to-
day ethical issues arising while doing the research. It comprises 'ethically important moments' (ibid.), where in front of what has happened or has been revealed, the researcher firstly has to be able to recognise that participants are at risk and,
secondly, be able to respond appropriately, knowing that the choices made at the moment will have important ethical ramifications.
During the research process, I encountered several ethically important moments.
They encompassed the situations I was ready to deal with, such as when participants indicated discomfort with their silence or revealed vulnerability. An example of such a situation is when I realised that the Ukrainian participants were unfamiliar with the mending terminology in English. One of the selection criteria of participants
was knowledge of English, and all the primary participants had excellent English skills. However, unlike the Danish participants, Ukrainian group members often
missed 'the right term' when describing their mending practices and had difficulty
telling what they did. To prevent their non-participation in the common discussion,
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I hastened to say that mending terminology is somewhat confusing. Moreover, it
is not something we use on an everyday basis. Therefore, I suggested to the group
members to use the language they preferred when it came to technical vocabulary and told that we would find the appropriate terms together.
Other ethically important moments I was ready to deal with regarded the interaction with participants in a human, non-exploitative way when I had to prioritise the
personal well-being of participants while at the same time being mindful of my role as a researcher. In the situations where participants revealed confidential
information which could compromise their safety, I acted delicately, deciding not
to probe the participant further and trying to accommodate their needs within the group work as much as possible.
However, there were also situations I was not ready to deal with. An example of such a situation was when one week before the mending retreat, one of the participants communicated her concerns about travelling to Ukraine. The retreat was meant to
allow all group members to meet physically and planning and organising the retreat
took months. I knew there would not be other occasions to organise the retreat within the timeframe of my PhD. Simultaneously, I was confronted with a reality where my research could expose Danish participants to potential physical harm. Therefore, I
had to act promptly and take a decision to conduct the mending retreats in Denmark and Ukraine separately. Nevertheless, one of the Danish participants, Emilie, insisted on joining the Ukrainian participants at her own risk, and we travelled to Ukraine together.
2.2.11 Data production overview The table below provides an overview of the data produced in the study (Figure 2.24). It illustrates dates, modes and different data types gathered at a specific stage.
Besides the main sources of data gathered during all five stages of research: audio, video recordings and photographs, additional material comprised:
Two expert interviews. They comprised the interview with the professional seamstress (Appendix G1), which took place in Ukraine, and an in-depth
interview with the Armocromia colour theory expert (Appendix G2), which took
place online. Both interviews aimed to access the expert knowledge necessary for conducting the research in its advanced stages.
Mending tools archive. It comprised the images of mending tools found in
online flea markets, on social media and in participants' homes. The images of the tools were categorised according to typology and function. This
categorisation was utilised for the development of design research artifacts utilised within a research process.
Mending books and school manuals. Within the framework of this project, I analysed multiple publications on mending, such as encyclopaedias for
women, mending books and school manuals, utilised for carrying out the
classes of trudi (in the Ukrainian context) and håndarbejde (in the Danish
context). These resources informed the development of the design research
artifacts and helped me to build my understanding of the competences and processes of different approaches to clothing repair, as well as how they are taught in the schools in two selected contexts.
Social media material. After the 1st research stage, I created a Facebook group to share the relevant project information with all the group members and
allow participants to communicate with each other outside a space of planned activities. After the 3rd stage, the group members suggested switching to
Telegram messenger due to the ease of its use. The communication via social media permitted to capture participants' experiences related to mending, which would not be possible to capture otherwise. Examples of these are:
museum visits, mending inspiration, mending at home with a partners, mending on the train and others. All the material generated on social media channels was treated as data and included into analysis.
As evidenced by the Figure 2.24, the main body of data is audio and video recordings, totaling 40 hours. The recordings of stages 1 to 4 were transcribed in full. The 5th stage comprised mainly mending-making activities. Therefore, I transcribed only the
structured group discussions and final interviews with participants. For the data produced entirely in English (wardrobe interviews with primary and secondary
participants in a Danish context and workshop 1 including only Danish participants), I used NVivo to aid in the transcription process. The remaining data contained the
recordings in the Russian language, which is difficult to transcribe automatically due to the low quality of the software transcription. Therefore, this data was transcribed
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Figure 2.24. Data production overview.
manually (Appendix B2). During the analysis phase, the transcriptions from Russian were not translated into
English since I found it to be time-consuming and unnecessary at that stage. Therefore,
the analysis was carried out by utilising original versions of produced material in English
and Russian. In line with a constructivist approach, described in section 2.1, in the writing of this dissertation, I included many direct quotes. They were selected and translated into English only in the final writing phase. These quotes in the Russian language
encompass many phraseological units, which 'reflect in their semantics the long process of development of people's cultures' (Teliya, 1996: 80) 'and impose a special vision of the world and situations on native speakers' (Tairova, 2021). Most of the time, they do not
have an equivalent in English language; therefore, these phraseological units and the concepts they underpin are explained through the dissertation.
2.3. Approach to analysis
The analysis can be found in chapters 3 to 5, while this section will illustrate the
approach to data analysis, which employed the essential Grounded Theory (GT)
coding methods. Before selecting the approach to analysis that aligned with my
philosophical position and the purpose of the study, it was essential to understand
the development of the GT tradition. Therefore, in the following, I will briefly outline the development of GT and its characteristics and then will describe my approach to analysis.
2.3.1 Grounded Theory genres Grounded Theory (GT) is an inductive research approach in which new theories are
derived from the data through iterative data generation and analysis processes. It
was born out of Glaser and Strauss's unsatisfaction with the qualitative approaches of the late 1960s, which were characterised by an ontological and epistemological
frame where an assumed reality had to be validated through conducting research (Denzin and Lincoln, 2005: 16). GT was well received by other social scientists,
and rapidly became one of the world's most popular and most utilised qualitative methodologies (Birks and Mills, 2015), resulting in several distinct methodological
genres: traditional GT, evolved GT, and constructivist GT (Tie, Birks and Francis, 2019). Traditional GT is associated with Glaser (1978 in Tie, Birks and Francis, 2019), who
advocated for a rigorous approach of 'letting the data speak' and discouraged
acquiring relevant knowledge through a literature review before data analysis since he believed it could result in a possible bias (ibid.). The second GT genre— evolved GT—is associated with Strauss, Corbin and Clarke. It is founded on symbolic
interactionism, a theoretical approach to understanding the relationship between human beings and society, which addresses the subjective meaning people place on objects and behaviours. This genre of GT suggested 'theoretical sampling': a
method that seeks additional data based on concepts developed from initial data analysis (Birks and Mills, 2015).
In the early stages of their work, neither Glaser nor Corbin and Strauss ever entered the conversations about GT methodology. Glaser has consistently dismissed the
applicability of any specific philosophical or disciplinary position, explaining that
taking a particular position could reduce the potential of GT application. As a result,
the writing of the seminal work of Glaser, Corbin, and Strauss instead focused on
practical procedures (methods) which could be used (Birks and Mills, 2015). Such GT
methodological gaps led students of GT to figure out what was 'going on' ontologically and epistemologically to 'plan and execute a rigorous study that would pass
examination' (Birks and Mills, 2015: 6). Because of this, the early work of grounded theorists was often criticised.
This critique led to the development of constructivist GT, underpinned by constructivist philosophies, which became very influential during the third moment of qualitative research, called 'blurred genres' (occurred from 1970 to 1986) (Denzin and Lincoln,
2005: 16). At that time qualitative researchers started questioning their position in
the research texts. These approaches generated the third genre of GT—Constructivist
GT—associated with Charmaz, who acknowledged the plural realities within a social
constructivist perspective. Although Constructivist GT was developed upon traditional GT, Charmaz pointed out that the researcher is not a neutral observer but a co-
participant in the study. She also opined that data, research processes, and theories are not discovered but constructed by the researcher and research participants.
Furthermore, she encouraged the exploration of the literature related to the areas of inquiry before data generation (Charmaz, 2005).
2.3.3 Characteristics of Grounded Theory Although there are differences between distinct GT genres, including the researcher's philosophical position, the literature use, and the approach to coding, analysis, and theory development, there are also commonalities across all GT genres. Following
the discussion by Bryant and Charmaz (2007), who brought up the question of what
are the salient characteristics of Grounded Theory, Birk and Mills (2015) and Tie, Birks and Francis (2019) distinguished the essential GT processes which must be used for the final product to be considered a GT. These are:
Concurrent data generation and analysis, which consists of generating or collecting data within an initial purposive sample. This data is then coded before more data is collected, and the analysis process is repeated.
Constant comparative analysis, which consists of iterative comparison of
incident to incident, incident to codes, codes to codes, codes to categories,
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and categories to categories, which continues until a GT is fully integrated.
Theoretical sampling consists of making strategic decisions about what or who can provide the most valuable information necessary to meet the researcher's analytical needs, direct the next stage of data generation, and saturate categories under development.
Memoing, which consists of the researcher's record of thoughts, feelings,
insights, and ideas while interacting with data. The use of memos is a non-
optional ongoing activity that starts at the early stages of study planning and continues until completion.
Theoretical sensitivity, which, firstly, accounts for the researcher's insights into
the investigated area. Secondly, it reflects the researcher's intellectual history, which affects his or her ability to recognise the data elements relevant to the research.
By examining these essential GT processes, it became rather clear that they are very similar to the processes of Eco-Social design, which I described in section 2.1.5. For example, both approaches employ iterative processes of data generation and
analysis. Both approaches involve making strategic decisions about who or what
can provide the most valuable information to feed these iterative processes. Both approaches are accompanied by the non-optional activities of recording the
researcher's thoughts, insights and ideas while interacting with data. Moreover, the Constructivist GT and ESD also share the underpinning philosophy and seek to understand the phenomenon under study from the participants' experiences,
recognising the impact of the researcher's background and experience on the study. However, if GT, in the analysis phase, utilises various stages of coding, ESD, in the analysis phase utilises well-established methods borrowed from other disciplines.
For all these reasons, adopting the GT analysis methods within the framework of this study was considered appropriate.
2.3.3 Coding phases Although all methodological genres of the GT employ essentially the same stages
of analysis, which initially are low-level and subsequently are developed to a higher level as the analysis progresses, the terminology of distinct methodological genres of the GT differs. For instance, the coding terminology of traditional GT refers to
open (a procedure for breaking the textual data into the codes), selective (a
procedure for drawing connections between the codes), and theoretical coding (a
procedure for building a storyline). At the same time, evolved GT refers to the same procedures as open, axial, and selective coding, while constructivist GT refers to initial, focused and theoretical coding (Tie, Birks and Francis, 2019). In searching for more unifying terminology, Birks and Mills (2015) proposed referring to these
procedures as initial, intermediate and advanced coding. I will adopt this terminology, and in the following sections, I will illustrate how I used these GT methods in my
analysis, which was organised into iterative phases until the theoretical categories were saturated. Before doing so, however, I find it useful to define the concept of 'saturation' in relation to my research.
Saturation, as it was originally conceptualised by Glaser and Strauss (1967), was
conceived within social sciences to describe when to stop sampling theoretically for data pertinent to the category. The claim of saturation in the context of theorybuilding research 'implies that one has gathered sufficient data to be able to
confidently assure the reader that you have represented all possibilities within a complex theoretical construct' (Thorne, 2020: 2). Over the years the concept of
theoretical saturation has gained widespread popularity and started to be utilised
also within qualitative research which does not aim at robust theorising but instead aims at representing the descriptions and interpretations of complex phenomena (e.g. more practical studies such as the research on nursing (ibid.) or the one on sport, exercise and health (Braun and Clarke, 2019)). Within such a typology of
research, which is context-specific and where each new participant potentially can teach something the researcher did not know previously, saturation in its original sense (as defined by Glaser and Strauss) is considered inappropriate.
Accordingly, the concept of 'saturation' has been criticised for subjectivity, lack of clarity in arriving at sample sizes and problems of generalisability of findings
(Thorne, 2020; Sebele-Mpofu, 2020; Braun and Clarke, 2019). Even so, in order to facilitate the discussion of my approach to analysis, I will utilise this term (as it is a part of the terminology proposed by Birks and Mills (2015), which I adopt). In
doing so, however, I would like to stress that the present PhD study does not have a
purpose of providing factual claims or absolute truth but rather 'surfacing possibilities in new ways to think about complex issues' (Thorne, 2020: 5). Moreover, this study
applies the lens of practice theory, where the unit of analysis is practice. Therefore,
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having 40 hours of recordings was considered sufficient for studying practices
in depth and reaching (data) 'saturation' (which within the context of this project
means that I investigated a particular category sufficiently to be able to make my interpretations and conclusions relevant for the field of the study).
2.3.4 Initial coding Initial coding was undertaken by reading the transcriptions produced after each
research stage, analysing them line by line to identify important words or groups
of words in the data (Figure 2.25), and labelling them accordingly. Often, the codes were taken from the language of the data and assumed the form of in vivo codes
(i.e. codes which capture participants' words as 'representative of a broader concept in the data' (Birks and Mills, 2015: 90)).
I was inductively generating as many codes as possible by constantly asking what the data suggests or pronounces, from whose point of view this data comes, and
whom it represents. This process enabled me to explore and challenge my sensitivity to the data. After reading all the transcripts, I prepared the tentative list of codes
and organised them in a separate document (Figure 2.26). I printed out this list of codes and used it as an aid when I reread the transcripts.
In doing so, I constantly compared the excerpts and looked for similarities and
differences in patterns in the data. I coded each paragraph to one or more codes to assign meaning to the data (Figure 2.27). After each transcript was fully coded, I organised the excerpts of the same codes by copying them from the original
transcript files and pasting them into the separate document created previously
(Figure 2.28). It allowed me to go through the codes individually, review the contained data and split or combine the codes.
Time _ name 00.30.31
Data transcript
Code
So, here I sewed like a plier because it went like with the style of the sleeve. I mean, I tried to extend the original design. So it’s how I did it because it was the same issue. The V ended underneath my bra. I do that a lot. And then when I find the shirts with the print. I do not like to wear prints on my chest. I like to wear the print on my back, so what I do, is that I take off the hem, and then I pull it out and then I wear it in reverse. So, I alter the neckline. I do it a lot. So, these are the small alterations I make to make things fit me better. And then I do like the big alterations.
Emilie
Figure 2.25. Example of identifying important words or group of words in the transcripts.
Emerging codes Where do we wear mends Taste Seamstresses Choosing ‘right technique’ Public vs private practice Emotional attachment Mending by older generat. Visualising mending Planning mending project
Reusing s-h materials Extending original design Learning by doing Understanding materials Accepting imperfection Perception of quality Position of the damage Care as act of love Intimacy of w. studies
Mending assessment Symbolics & utilitarian mean. Purchase Storage for mnd garments Discreete appearance Evaluation of own comp. Design artifacts Mending vocabulary Time issue
Clothes construction quality Pride Redoing mends Language issue Clothes not to mend Non having gmt to mend Common mistakes Commoning & values Matching to other garments
Figure 2.26. Tentative list of codes.
Time _ name 00.30.31 Emilie
Data transcript So, here I sewed like a plier because it went like with the style of the sleeve. I mean, I tried to extend the original design. So it’s how I did it because it was the same issue. The V ended underneath my bra. I do that a lot. And then when I find the shirts with the print. I do not like to wear prints on my chest. I like to wear the print on my back, so what I do, is that I take off the hem, and then I pull it out and then I wear it in reverse. So, I alter the neckline. I do it a lot. So, these are the small alterations I make to make things fit me better. And then I do like the big alterations.
Code
Extending original design How the damages occur Second-hand consumption Expressing individuality Altering
Figure 2.27. Example of coding of each paragraph to one or more codes to assign meaning to data.
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CODE _Purchase Stage
Date
1st stage
25.03.21
Time & name 00.59.42 Emilie
01.02.21 Emilie
01.10.37 Emilie
06.04.21
00.04.39 Jessica
Data transcript Yes, actually you can see it in this jacket that I recently bought. And these mends are reinforced in that seam with the piece of leather. And I have a few men’s leather jackets that also have that. But it is also like the other one, they are both from the 80’s, so it also might be a time thing.
I think that it is very old. I do not know how old exactly. I bouught it in the thrift store. This is vintage H&M, it is from H&M which stand for Hennes and Mauri’s, and this is back when it was just Hennes. So, it is the H part of H&M, the vintage.
These are my fabrics, some of them are thrifted clothing that I disassemble. Some of it is like fabric that I bought in the store. This I took in the thrift store. So, I look also for the thrift store materials. I think that with this leather I will do a bag to keep my chargers.
This one we found in a bush. My son and I were walking in the old town, and we found it in a bush. There was a hole in the arm, and I was thinking: why no one is claiming that? Then I saw the hole and thought that maybe they think that it is trash because of the hole.
Figure 2.28. Organisation of codes in one file containing data from all participants and all research stages.
2.3.5 Intermediate coding As coding processes in GT have a natural progression that reflects the varying
levels of conceptual analysis attained, after initial coding, I continued with the
intermediate one, where I focused on organising the updated list of the codes in a
diagram by linking the codes. The concurrent data generation and analysis resulted
in many codes requiring continuous organisation. As research progressed, new topics emerged from the workshops and constituted new codes, which integrated the
diagram. Initially, organising the codes and diagramming was jumbling. However, I chose to keep on diagramming, and progressively, the diagram evolved into a neater one (Figure 2.29).
After linking the codes, I concentrated on grouping them into sub-categories and then into categories around an identified core variable (Figure 2.30). When the
categories started to develop, the most relevant literature was constantly identified to compare with the emerging categories. When it became apparent that more
information was needed to saturate categories under development, I had to make
strategic decisions about what participants or what artifacts could provide the most
valuable information to feed the iterative processes. For instance, after the 2nd stage,
I conducted additional interviews with experts, who brought into play their knowledge. This knowledge and the data gaps identified in the previous stages of research were
translated into a series of procedural and data gathering design artifacts (Fuad-Luke,
2020). They were employed in the following research stages and helped to facilitate the processes of opening a dialogue on a determined issue, thus reaching saturation of data of the determined category. Figure 2.31 illustrates which design research
artifacts were introduced at a specific stage of the project and what category they
saturated. The description of each design artifact and design considerations regarding their purpose can be found in Appendices C1–C11.
Once all the categories reached their saturation, I could refine and fully integrate each component. Accordingly, categories were compared with each other and
linked. At this stage, I was naturally progressing to the advanced analysis stage.
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2nd stage
1st stage
Emerging codes
Linking codes
Repairing someone’s clothes Preparing for mending Tacit knowledge Position of the damage Eval. of own competences Accepting imperfection Perception of quality Learning by doing Understanding materials Reusing s-h materials Extending original design Purchase Clothes construction quality Altering & Refurbishment School education Family learning Experimentation (old vs new) Equipment & mat. archives First approach Aesthetic expression How the damages occur Typology of the damage Care (laundry & co) Gender issue Different use stages Colour Mended garments’ quantity Rationale Knitting and mending Tags Clo external and internal use Individuality Where do we wear mends Hobby Seamstresses Public vs private practice Emotional attachment Visualising mending Planning mending project Mending by older generat. Choosing ”right” technique Taste
Figure 2.29. Linking codes.
On mending other objects Family discoveries How long in use Figure 2.30. Grouping codes, sub-categories and categories.
2.3.6 Advanced coding Advanced coding represented the final phase of my analysis. After the intermediate coding stage, the core categories reached their saturation and were analytically robust but abstract. Even though saturated categories could explain the
phenomena under investigation to become crystallised, they still necessitated employing techniques of advanced analysis. Thus, in this final coding stage, I
utilised the techniques of a storyline, which allowed me to bring to life the story that existed in the data, and which became evident through the analysis processes.
Strauss and Corbin defined a story as a 'descriptive narrative about the central
phenomenon of the study: core category' and a storyline as 'the conceptualisation of the story' (Strauss and Corbin, 1998: 116). This distinction is important since it
suggests that the storyline implies coherence and continuity and that the concepts derived from data are linked by 'relational statements that generally apply to all those in the specific situation under study' (ibid.). Through writing my storyline, I
gave precedence to categories and their relationships and used it as a basis for the storyline. I printed out the infographics representing the linked categories and manually organised them in order to have coherence and continuity. It
resulted in a storyline which explained how participants of this study constructed an understanding of their mending practices and how, through the processes of
accommodation and assimilation, their acquired knowledge resulted in mending projects. I, therefore, consider this final stage of coding as the one where I 'made sense' of my findings and was ready to explain what was going on in my data.
Figure 2.32 illustrates the progression of analysis stages: individuating the codes,
linking and grouping the codes, developing sub-categories and categories, linking
categories, and organising them into a storyline, which we can see developing from 'changes of meaning' to 'mending projects and methods'.
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Figure 2.31. Design research artifacts introduced at specific stages of the project.
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Figure 2.32. The progression of analysis stages.
2.4. Chapter summary
Following the tradition of constructivism, the research methodology of this study adopts a bricolage or 'undisciplined' approach, resulting from the
fusion of wardrobe methods and participatory workshops which employed
design research artifacts utilised to facilitate the iterative processes of data generation and analysis.
The examination of design research tradition revealed that with the advent
of alternative design approaches, such as Eco-Social design, the dichotomy between social science and design research no longer holds true since ESD
design brings together both disciplines. In such configuration, context, design artifacts, and other beings are interwoven in a complex system, and past, present and future are co-constituted.
The description of the research design illustrates how the study explored
mending practices in two different contexts (in Denmark and Ukraine) with a selected group of menders and how participants undertook their journey in constructing the understanding of mending knowledge within the mending experience I designed.
The analysis process was built by adopting the essential constructivist
Grounded Theory coding (GT) methods, which were chosen firstly due to
the similarities of GT and ESD essential processes, such as iterations in data
generation and analysis, theoretical sampling and non-optional activities of
recording the researcher's thoughts, insights and ideas while interacting with data. Secondly, they were chosen due to the same philosophy underpinning both ESD and constructivist GT.
Finally, the critical reflection on the implications of 'undisciplined'
methodologies is woven through this chapter, indicating that adopting such methodological approaches is often necessary for Design Research due
to the indeterminate nature of the design. However, the adoption of such
'undisciplined' methodologies requires the ability to grasp methodological understandings of different disciplines and can be daunting for design researchers.
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3. MENDING UPSURGE
3.
MENDING UPSURGE
3.1. Mending as sociomaterial practice
3.1.1
Theories of practice and their principles
3.1.2 Practice elements and their links 3.2. Change of mending meanings
3.2.1 From necessity to conscious consumption
3.2.2 From interstices of domestic life to public sphere 3.2.3 From rigour to imperfection
3.2.4 From invisible to culturally visible 3.3. Mending meanings in
participants' narratives
3.3.1
Post-Soviet 'mothers': 'I try to do all my mending invisible… so that others won't notice it'
3.3.2 Post-Soviet 'daughters': 'mending… still should
be presented as a cool and fashionable activity'
3.3.3 Western 'mothers': 'if I mend, I mostly mend the clothes which I really like to wear'
3.3.4 Western 'daughters': 'When I buy clothes from the thrift stores… I buy them with the idea to mend' 3.4. Chapter summary
3.1. Mending as socio-material practice
This chapter addresses my first research aim and seeks to understand how mending practices are conceptualised in Western and post-Soviet contexts. I will begin by introducing the theories of practice and their principles. Then, I will illustrate the
Social Practice Theory framework proposed by Shove et al. (2012), upon which the present dissertation is drawn. After that, I will describe the conceptualisation of contemporary mending practices in two selected contexts as experienced by participants of this study. In doing so, I will predominantly draw on the data generated within the two first stages of this research: wardrobe studies with primary and secondary participants.
3.1.1 Theories of practice and their principles 'Practice theory' is an umbrella term for a range of heterogeneous approaches
which suppose that 'something called "practice" is central to social life' (Hui et al., 2016: 1). The notion of 'practice' started to be relevant in the 1970s, while the term itself was coined only in the 1980s by Ortner (1984 in Hui et al., 2016). The classic theorists of practice such as Bourdieu, Giddens and de Certeau, referred to as
'first generation' practice theorists, were 'occupied with following Wittgenstein in overcoming the individualism/holism dualism' (Reckwitz, 2016: 115). In contrast,
the 'second generation' of practice theorists—with proponents such as Schatzki, Reckwitz, Gherardi, Kemmis, Shove, Pantzar and Watson—put at the centre of
their enquiries the material/cultural dualism (Hui et al., 2016). These approaches emerged around the year 2000 in part as a consequence of Science and
Technology Studies, which have focused on scientific and engineering practices, giving attention to the material dimension of everyday life since the 1980s.
As practice theories gained popularity, they started to be adopted in numerous
fields, including sociology, political science, organisation studies, education, history, and art (Hui et al., 2016). It resulted in a variety of approaches, which often 'have
been using the term "practices" without any explicit concept behind it' (Morozova,
2021: 23). To make sense of this diversity of theoretical positions, cultural sociologist Andres Reckwitz summarised the most prominent practice theory approaches and positioned them in relation to other cultural theories (see Reckwitz, 2002). He
provided one of the most widely cited definitions of practice theory, the one which I rely upon in this PhD study:
A 'practice' is a routinised type of behaviour which consists of several elements,
interconnected to one another: forms of bodily and/or mental activities, 'things'
and their use, a background knowledge in the form of understanding, knowhow, states of emotion and motivational knowledge (Reckwitz, 2002: 249).
Following Reckwitz's influential contribution, the knowledge of the 'second generation' of practice theorists continued to expand and evolve. Since such a substantial body of work cannot be sufficiently illustrated in this limited space, I will focus on the shared principles encompassed in more recent practice theory approaches:
Firstly, the recent practice theory approaches see a practice as the smallest
unit of social analysis and point of departure. Within this framework, behaviour is seen not merely as a matter of individual choice but as a part of a given
practice (Shove et al., 2012; Warde, 2005; Reckwitz, 2002; Schatzki, 2002).
Therefore, engaging in practice does not reflect an individual's characteristics
but those of the practice itself, while an individual is seen as a carrier or host of a practice (Shove et al., 2012; Schatzki, 2002).
Secondly, practices can exist as practice-as-performance and practice-as-entity. When practices are well established, their different elements create a complex amalgam and figure as an entity, which can be spoken about and draw upon
practice resources (Shove et al., 2012; Warde, 2005). Simultaneously, practices
exist as performances—immediate 'single and often unique actions' performed
in practice (Reckwitz, 2002: 250). It is through recurrent performance, thus, that the practice as an entity is reproduced and sustained over time.
Accordingly, the third common principle regards the routinised nature of
everyday practices, which are intrinsically connected to a broader social and
material context (Shove, 2003). Within this framework, individual choices are
'tied to social, material, cultural and historical elements rather than as stand-
alone phenomena that can be altered cognitively' (Durrani, 2019: 37). Thus, to understand the dynamics of social practice, it is essential to understand how variations of performance and practice enactment are materialised.
The fourth common principle concerns the material element of practices,
which in recent versions of practice theory is as necessary as any other practice resource. As evidenced in Reckwitz's definition, a practice involves using
particular things in specific ways, and these objects enable and limit certain bodily and mental activities, knowledge and understanding of the practice.
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Similarly, other practice theorists emphasise the constitutive role of things
and materials in practices and sympathise with the idea that 'agencies and
competences are distributed between things and people' (Shove et al., 2012: 10). Finally, the 'second generation' of practice theory scholars stress that all practices are composed of elements, even though these elements vary
(Gram-Hanssen, 2009). Following Reckwitz's claim that practices consist of
interdependencies between multiple elements (2002), other practice theorists put forward simpler schemes based on fewer interconnected elements (e.g.
the framework proposed by Shove et al. (2012), which I am drawing upon, and which will be described in the following section).
3.1.2 Practice elements and their links As outlined in Chapter 1, this PhD project applies the lens of practice theory to
sustainability in fashion since such an approach is promising for examining the life
cycle of clothing and exploring ways to make clothing consumption more sustainable.
In particular, I draw upon the practice theory framed by Elisabeth Shove, Mika Pantzar and Matt Watson (2012), since it has a great emphasis on consumption practices.
This framework was developed by following Schatzki's suggestion to provide simplifying and diagrammatic models of social life (2002). Accordingly, it is deceptively simple. The main propositions of this theory framework are that social practices comprise
three elements, which are integrated when practices are enacted, and that practices emerge, persist, and disappear when the links between elements are made, sustained or broken. In contrast to the methodological injunction of Latour, which follows the
actors, the 'elemental' approach of Shove, Pantzar and Watson follows the trajectories of practice elements. The authors claim that in doing so, it becomes 'possible to describe and analyse change and stability without prioritising either agency or structure' (2012: 22).
In line with other recent practice theory approaches, the framework of Shove, Pantzar and Watson challenges the centrality of the human actors, who, in the act of doing, actively sustain the practices they are engaged in and the elements of which these
practices are made (i.e. material, competence and meaning). By material element, Shove et al. (2007) refer to tangible things used in the practice process. These
encompass human and non-human physical entities such as tools, infrastructure,
and the human body itself. Materials are socially shared 'because the same or similar things are available (although certainly not equally accessible) to groups of people' (Kuijer, 2014: 26). Competences encompass multiple forms of understanding, mental
and bodily know-how and background knowledge. In line with Warde (2005), Shove et al. (2012) stress that it is important to distinguish between knowing as being able to evaluate the performance and knowing as having skills required to perform.
Finally, by meaning, Shove, Pantzar and Watson refer to ideas and aspirations which are socially and symbolically shared and associated with any given practice at a particular moment. It is what figures in the work of Reckwitz as 'emotion and
motivational knowledge' (2002: 249), and in that of Schatzki as 'purposes, beliefs,
emotions and moods' (1996: 89). Within the Shove et al. (2012) framework, however, meaning is not something that stands outside of practice or figures as a driving
force, but instead is treated as an element of practice. Such positioning of the meaning, therefore, allows for a better understanding of reasons for engaging in practice.
Having identified these three broad categories of elements, Shove, Pantzar and
Watson (2012) take a step further, suggesting that in order to enact a practice, the elements of material, competence and meaning should be brought together and integrated through the process of doing—otherwise, they remain separate and
merely 'out there' waiting to be linked (ibid.: 24). In pursuing this idea, rather than focusing on the carriers of practice who do the integrating of practice, Shove et
al. concentrate on practice elements and on making and breaking links between them. Accordingly, they identify proto-practices—where the elements exist but
without being linked; practices—where elements are linked and integrated; and expractices—where links are no longer sustained. Figure 3.1 illustrates these scenarios. This basic scheme emphasises the importance of the links between the elements
and suggests that practices are always in the process of formation, re-formation,
and de-formation. As a practice evolves, the relations between its elements change: new links are made, others are broken, and others remain effective. When practice evolves and its links are broken, the meaning, materials and competences are no
longer integrated in practice and can disappear in different ways: they can 'vanish
with little or no trace', persist in the memory without being activated, remain dormant' or [take] on a new lease of life within and as part of other practices' (Shove et al.,
2012: 35). For instance, we constantly find ourselves surrounded by objects that have outlived the practice of which they were once essential (Shove and Pantzar, 2006).
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Proto-practice Links not yet made
competence
meaning
material
Practice Links being made
competence
meaning
material
Ex-practice Links no longer being made
competence
meaning
material
Figure 3.1. Proto-practices, practices and ex-practices, Shove et al., 2012.
Equipment and tools for practices that are no longer carried out are obvious
examples (e.g. CD player or iPod for listening to music). However, understanding, meanings and competences also change as practices evolve.
In Chapter 1, I traced the history of clothing mending in two different contexts,
describing how mending practices progressively faded due to the fast rhythms of
clothing production and consumption in Western societies. Simultaneously, due to the Soviet repair strategy, mending has never ceased to be a relevant cultural
practice. I also mentioned that in recent years mending had a noticeable upsurge, primarily in the Western world, and that today's mending practices are less
associated with material deprivation and a thrifty attitude to living. Their return is
accompanied by new meanings, and the motivations of those who engage in these practices are not the same as the ones of the past.
But what constitutes this new meaning? And how have other mending practices
elements changed? For now, I will limit myself to saying that contemporary mending practices involve novel combinations of new and existing elements, which are both
interdependent and mutually shaping, and as this dissertation unfolds, I will discuss
these changes one element at a time. In the rest of this chapter, therefore, I will focus
on the change in the meaning of mending practices. Chapter 4 will discuss the material
element of practice, while Chapter 5 will be dedicated to the competences necessary to enable contemporary mending.
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3.2. Change of mending meanings
In the previous section, I introduced the main principles and the elements of the
practice theory framework upon which this dissertation is drawn. I also explained
that as practice evolves, its elements change. Now, I will focus on the transformation of mending practice's first element—meaning—and describe how, in recent years, old connotations of mending practices were shaken off (primarily in the Western context) and how new meanings emerged.
3.2.1 From necessity to conscious consumption As we saw in Chapter 1, in the past mending practices were a widespread occurrence; however, they mostly carried the connotations of material deprivation and were linked to low socio-economic status. Therefore, as capitalism took hold and the rhythm of consumption accelerated, mending practices in the Western context
progressively faded away through the lack of application. Later, when environmental
concerns were brought to the foreground, and information about the environmental and social consequences of the fashion industry reached larger audiences, repair practices made their return and started to be seen as one of the possibilities to reduce fast consumption and waste.
This shift of meaning was partly influenced by the emergence of various grassrootslevel movements such as Craftivism, which sees mending as a form of activism
challenging consumerism and disposable fashion (De Castro, 2021); Do-It-Yourself (DIY), encouraging individuals to take an active role in making, modifying and
repairing rather than relying on mass-produced goods; Fixer Movement, aiming to extend the life of products through repair (Keiller and Charter, 2019); and Fashion Revolution, which brings awareness about the social and environmental impacts
of the fashion industry within its numerous repair campaigns. All these movements jumped borders and cultures quickly, and although the established connotations
of mending 'are not so easily shifted' (Twigger Holroyd, 2017: 38), these movements have contributed to the change of mending meaning for an ever-growing number of people around the world. Thus today, new perceptions of mending as conscious consumption practices are 'mixing with the long-standing meanings' of necessity associated with clothing repair (ibid.).
3.2.2 From interstices of domestic life to the public sphere As evidenced by several cultural references in art and literature depicting household scenes, mending practices of the past were confined to the interstices of domestic
life and were typically carried out by women. For instance, the paintings by Snyder
(1885), Renoir (1908), or Leie (1817) depict 'the feminine ideal in the nineteenth century', where a woman's head is 'bowed over a pile of mending' in solitude (König, 2013: 571). Less often, such feminine work 'combining thrift' and 'domesticity' was collective in nature, and 'tasks using the needle were shown as moments when women could talk together' (Burman, 1999: 40). These social attributes of mending appear to
be among the core elements of many contemporary manifestations of mending,
which due to the numerous open events, workshops, and repair festivals (e.g. Repair Festival Wien) have relocated from the private to the public sphere (Durrani, 2019). Such public events are often facilitated by designers and mending practitioners,
who began to engage with mending in their practice to challenge consumerism and disposable culture. They decided to open their own mending studios, offer mending consultations, repair on demand, and teach mending techniques within the
framework of participatory workshops in disparate geographic locations. Among others can be distinguished Swiss textile designer Anne Schlueter, who offers
personalised clothing repair and runs mending workshops (The Hole Story, 2023).
British textile designer Katie Nolan, who offers mending consultations to help those
approaching clothing repair to assess the damage and to choose suitable mending approaches (Darn Design, 2023). The Norwegian textile and ceramics designer Sunniva Rademacher Flesland, who teaches mending through participatory
workshops in Oslo (Studio Mend, 2023). And the Italian mending practitioner Paola
Pellino, who in 2023 even managed to move her activity into the craft pop-up shop of Milan Design Week (La Guardarobiera, 2023).
As for the post-Soviet, specifically Ukrainian, context, such design-mending studios do not exist. However, since 'the potential for practices to spread and take hold
depends on the ready availability of requisite elements' (Shove et al., 2012: 44), it
can be said that it is only a matter of relatively short time. With the wave of national upsurge after the Maidan Revolution in 2014, the Ukrainian fashion scene, which
until that time was relatively unknown, experienced a remarkable transformation.
Emerging designers have begun to use fashion as a means to express their national
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identity and to use local material resources, such as second-hand clothing imported to Ukraine from Western countries, for the development of their collections (e.g. Kyiv-based brand Ksenia Schnaider reuses seven tonnes of jeans per year, and
proudly sends its denim clothing back to the West). It is how Ukrainian brands, with their unique aesthetics and an eye for sustainability, began to gain the attention
of the international fashion community, contributing to the local fashion industry's
creative awakening and propelling it onto the global fashion map (Spalakh, 2021). At the beginning of 2014, there were approximately 80 independent Ukrainian
fashion brands. With the national upsurge and with the establishment of design markets such as Vsi Svoi [All Ours] in Kyiv, One Day Shop in Lviv, and Gesheft in Odesa, the number of local Ukrainian clothing brands rose to 3000 (see the documentary Spalakh [Outbreak], 2021). In addition, in 2018 Ukrainian's first
sustainable fashion platform, Sustainable Fashion PAD (2023), was established.
In its attempt to increase consumers' awareness towards sustainability, it brought
attention to clothing repair and organised numerous events targeting the general audience within the framework of the monthly flea and design market festival Kurazh Bazar [Courage Bazaar] in Kyiv.
Despite the promising rise of the Ukrainian fashion and sustainability movement,
the beginning and escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian war in 2022 has cast a veil of
uncertainty over the fate of these designers, brands, and events and has disrupted
their progression. Some of the smaller brands had to interrupt their activities; others relocated their design and production to neighbouring countries, and others again continued to operate within the borders of Ukrainian territory. Nevertheless, all of
them 'feel the necessity of going ahead to survive and to contribute to the survival
of the national economy', 'to continue working, paying taxes in Ukraine and therefore
being able to donate money for the needs of the country' (De Klerk, 2023). The cultural
events, such as Ukrainian Fashion Week, Fashion Revolution Week, monthly flea and design markets (e.g. Kurazh Bazar and Kyivness), after an initial pause for over a year, restarted their activities in 2023.
All these designerly contributions, both in the Ukrainian context, where the design and mending relationship is still at the embryonic stage, and in the Western context, where design and mending have a better-established dialogue, undoubtedly contribute to
liberating mending practices from negative associations with unpaid domestic labour.
With their hand-mended objects, these practices also disrupt the ideals of perfect
mass-produced consumer goods, excessive material consumption and societies in which we are not used to dealing with imperfection and the patina of life.
3.2.3 From rigour to imperfection While some designers in the Western context challenge the ideals of perfection
by transcending the boundaries of fashion design, others choose more traditional
paths and fuel the interest in mending by popularising distressed looks incorporated in their collections. Such design tactics, also embraced by Ukrainian designers, are certainly not new, and they have been adopted by an array of fashion designers for decades. For instance, in the mid-1970s, the UK designer Vivienne Westwood
intentionally added stains and tears to her Punk collections. Then, in the early 1980s, Japanese designer Rei Kawakubo created monochromatic knitwear pieces with
randomly placed holes. Belgian designer Martin Margiela, in the 1990s, inserted exposed seams and slashed details into his designs to create deconstructed
pieces (Gwilt, 2014). But it was in the late 2000s, with Gosha Rubchinskiy's fusion of streetwear and late Soviet aesthetics, that distressed looks became a popular trend in mainstream fashion, highlighting the idea that imperfection can be
aesthetically pleasing. Rubchinskiy's approach to design included elements of DIY and repurposing and significantly influenced the fashion world, inspiring future
generations of designers to experiment with similar techniques. Consequently, many designers and brands begun to incorporate visible mends into their collections (e.g. South Korean brand Ader Error (Figure 3.2)), disrupting traditional fashion codes
and encouraging consumers to further experiment with their clothes, partly through repair.
While some designers opted to develop mended collections for established brands, other designers and mending practitioners pursued more unique paths and
occasionally collaborated with brands. One such example is the cooperation
between UK-based designers and fashion and lifestyle label TOAST, which in 2021 proposed a collection of one-of-a-kind mended items sold by auction (TOAST
Magazine, 2023a), and in 2023 launched a Renewed mended collection, which
can be purchased online and, therefore, is available to a broader audience (TOAST Magazine, 2023b).
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Figure 3.2. South Korean fashion brand Ader Error incorporating visible mends into its collections.
These designerly contributions have undoubtedly played and continue to play an essential role in increasing the popularity of mending and in fostering a greater
acceptance of mending aesthetics. However, the transformation of mending into a fashion trend has also led to unintended implications, which in some cases
reduced the meaning of practice to mere aesthetic choices. These concerns were
raised during a TOAST panel discussion on mending, which brought together Katie
Treggieden, a purpose-driven writer; Bonnie Kemske, ceramic artist and researcher;
Celia Pym, mending artist and educator; Tom van Deijen (known as Tom of Holland), mending practitioner; and Seetal Solanki, materials designer, researcher and writer
(TOAST Magazine, 2023c). The panellists have reported 'instances of people having something mended that was not broken' (Treggieden, 2021); people even asked the menders to fix brand-new clothing where damage, such as holes or tears, were a
part of the original design. In Katie Treggieden's words, 'it is a strange phenomenon'
because 'the processes by which those holes were put into those jeans are not great for the environment… So, there are a lot of problems there' (ibid.).
3.2.4 From invisible to culturally visible Historically, mending practices have not been a subject of fashion fantasies, and
they were 'so mundane, so commonplace to be rendered invisible' (König, 2013: 571). The recent revival of mending in its new reincarnations, however, shakes off these negative connotations and makes this practice anything but invisible. Alongside
different mending communities and designerly activities, which shed light on the practices of clothing repair, different media, such as fashion magazines, books,
and social media, have also been crucial in disseminating mending ideas and in creating new key associations.
In particular, Instagram has witnessed a significant surge in mending-related content, with increasing numbers of posts and reels dedicated to the topic. As Instagram is a
primarily visual platform where users share photos, videos, and reels to communicate with each other, it became extremely popular in disseminating images of mending practices. The Instagram content on mending is growing, providing a reservoir of mending knowledge well-organised under hashtags. Currently, there are 60
different mending hashtags; the most popular is #visiblemending. In 2015 this
hashtag included 1.366 posts (Harvey, 2019), while in 2023, the number of posts
grew to 177.000 (Figure 3.3). It indicates that the interest in mending practices and the number of people willing to mend in visible ways is growing.
This interest in visible mending was further fuelled by glossy fashion and lifestyle magazines such as Vogue, which published various articles on clothing repair,
putting mending practices on display in recent years. These range from articles on the general trend for mending (Spellings, 2020) to those on designers who inspire clothing repair (Bateman, 2021) to global mending guides (Vogue, 2023). Also,
influential daily newspapers such as New York Times and The Guardian have not
remained aloof. From 2009, the British daily newspaper The Guardian published
dozens of articles on clothing repair, describing how mending turned into a fashion statement (Kay, 2022), how it was largely diffused worldwide during the global
pandemics (Martin, 2021a), and how simple, low-skill clothes mending, and alteration techniques can be executed (Tonti, 2022).
The popularisation of visible mending culture is also evident in the abundance of recently published books dedicated to mending. Many of these books originate
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from the Western world and are predominantly written in English, making mending
knowledge accessible to an international audience, and emphasising that mending is a worldwide phenomenon. In the last five years, the number of such publications
significantly increased. In 2016 and 2018, there was only one new book on mending per year; in 2019, four; in 2020, the number rose to seven titles. As evidenced by the geographic locations of authors and publishers (Appendix F2), the interest in
mending first re-appeared in the UK, where Practical Sew & Mend (Gordon, 2016)
was published. It was followed by other UK publications (Noguchi, 2019; Clay, 2019; Martin, 2021b), and even if with a minor number of titles, the books on mending in English were also published in USA, Italy, and Australia.
As for the post-Soviet landscape, after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, in comparison to Soviet times, the number of publications on mending drastically
decreased. If in and 1960, there were thirty different titles. In 2005 was published
only Remont i Restavratsiia Odezhdy. Prakticheskoe Rukovodstvo po Obnovleniiu
Vashego Garderoba [Repair and restoration of clothes. A practical guide to updating
your wardrobe] (Suhina and Chabanenko, 2005), and in 2017, Podgonka i Peredelka, Remont i Restavratsiia Zhenskoĭ Odezhdy [Alteration, repair, and restoration of
women's clothing] (Zhilevska, 2017). With the renewed interest in mending in the
Western world, however, the titles such as Practical Sew & Mend (Gordon, 2016) and Simple Tailoring and Alterations (Campbell, 2016) were translated into Russian and
published in Moscow in 2018. In 2022, these were followed by the publication of the MendIt lab zine, which resulted from the participatory mending-making activities
of the HSE practice-based research laboratory of the same name (Alyabieva et al., 2022a).
All these publications (both in English and in Russian) provide instructions for learning
the spectrum of traditional mending techniques and showcase many mending project examples, where mending is often combined with other crafts such as embroidery, crochet, upcycling, and natural dyeing. Such approaches suggest that today's
reincarnations of mending are forms of artistic self-expression, celebrating the visibility of the mends and the visibility of the practice itself.
Figure. 3.3. Instagram search for #visiblemending in 2015 (Harvey, 2019), and 2023.
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3.3. Mending meanings in participants' narratives
After illustrating how new mending meanings emerged (primarily in the Western
world), I will now demonstrate how new and long-standing meanings are attributed to mending by four groups of participants in this study. In doing so, I will draw upon Gurova's 'concepts of clothing consumption' (Gurova, 2015) and Yaltina's concept
of the 'formative period' (Yatina, 1998). The 'concepts of clothing consumption' are based on the differences in the longevity of relationships between humans and
things. As already discussed in Chapter 1, Gurova has identified four concepts of clothing consumption: 'permanent', 'transitional' (from permanent to fast), 'fast'
and 'slow'. They 'are rooted in societies with particular economic conditions, levels
of technological development, norms, traditions, and customs, as well as consumer practices' (Gurova, 2015: 11). Within my analysis another 'transitional' concept has
emerged, which illustrates the transition from fast to slow temporality and combines the key characteristics of both concepts.
As age is one of the key characteristics in defining consumption (Douglas and
Isherwood, 2005 [1979]), the participants of this study are divided into two age
groups: those aged 50–65—secondary participants or 'mothers', and those aged
20–35—primary participants or 'daughters'. Representatives of each age group have similar characteristics (i.e. age, gender, cultural background, education), and it helps to identify the main differences defining the mending culture acquired during the
formative period of each group. The 'formative period' consists of the idea that the generation is formed during youth and early adulthood (17–25 years) by individuals born during the same period (6–12 years) (Yaltina, 1998). Although the age span of the participants in this study is a little greater than this definition of generation,
being 15 years, for the purpose of this discussion, I will treat them as a generation. During the formative period of adaptation to adult life, the representatives of
one generation assimilate comparable value orientations, including the sphere of consumption. These are reproduced throughout their entire life (ibid.).
It should be mentioned, however, that although such characteristics as age, gender,
cultural background, and education define consumption, there are also other factors that make the consumers' experience differ (i.e. preferences, passions, and beliefs). Therefore, if the patterns of consumption of post-Soviet 'mothers' and 'daughters' are rather typical and they can be representative of a wider demographic group,
the patterns of consumption of Western 'mothers' and 'daughters' are rather atypical. In fact, as I explained in Chapter 2, finding participants who already mend their
clothes on a regular basis in a Western context was an uneasy endeavour, and their recruitment took several months.
The following analysis of mending meanings, therefore, is based on the narratives of four groups of participants of this study, which take into account a number of criteria, namely, the demographic characteristics, the temporality of consumption, the
predominant set of values, and the current culture of mending. Besides that, I was interested in how a broader set of clothing consumption patterns affect mending
practices, and therefore, the participants' preferred purchase and disposal formats have also been considered.
3.3.1 Post-Soviet 'mothers': 'I try to do all my mending invisible… so that others won't notice it'
As evidenced by the review of mending history, in the (post)-Soviet context, mending and altering have never ceased to be relevant, and the clothing repair practices
enacted by this group of participants during Socialism are not distant enough to
be forgotten. During Socialism, many Soviet-produced goods were designed with
functional or symbolic defects. The state standards (GOST) 'frequently did not include goods of sought-after dimensions, configurations, or construction', while the overall Soviet fashion, based on the ideas of modesty and simplicity, lacked 'modishness, originality and attractiveness' (Gerasimova and Tchouikina, 2009). Such Soviet goods, therefore, required continuous adjustments and repair. Simultaneously,
goods produced and sold abroad were a synonym for high quality and the object
of desire. However, acquiring them was an uneasy endeavour as they were mainly purchased through speculators, black marketeers (Zakharova, 2016), or in the foreign currency shops called Berezki [Birches] (Ivanova, 2017).
After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, foreign goods suddenly saturated 'poor and extremely polarized' post-Soviet countries (Gurova, 2015: 140). Finally, the
former Soviet citizens could obtain foreign goods, which they had dreamed about since the Soviet times. Those individuals who earned millions during the economic reforms of the 1990s could buy overpriced luxury fashion items sold in boutiques. At the same time, most of the population had to satisfy their 'hunger' for foreign
novelties by buying cheaper goods in open-air markets. These imported clothes,
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mainly manufactured in China and Turkey, were trying to imitate branded clothing. With their brightness and flamboyance, they immediately 'caught the attention of
hungry consumers who had always fancied all things foreign. However, they were of poor quality—something that a former Soviet citizen did not expect from imported goods' (ibid.: 141).
This decrease in quality inevitably led to a decrease in longevity and durability. Gurova (2015) accurately described this category of clothing, which was called
shirpotreb—an abbreviation of shirokoe potreblenie [mass-produced clothes of low quality and poor design, which were not expected to last long and carried a
pejorative attitude to clothes]. Accordingly, the consumers who could not afford
anything other than fake brand clothing in the 1990s still today perceive this type
of clothing as a marker of success or failure in social life and associate low quality
with low socio-economic status. The study group of 'mothers', aged 50–65, is among such consumers. Therefore, they pay particular attention to quality when they purchase (mainly in shopping malls):
There was a time when I was buying, how to say… whatever caught my eye. I mean, if I liked something vneshne [aesthetically]—that was it. But then the quality was so poor… Today I can buy differently… I look at the quality first. I always examine the quality of the seams and fabric quality—it should be
natural and not harm my skin. Then clothes should be comfortable. So, today I prioritise quality, but of course, I like when the clothes are both good quality and fashionable [Elena, 59 y.o.].
As during their early adulthood, the study group of 'mothers' assimilated the values, oriented towards conspicuous consumption, they associate such practices as
mending, peredacha vesheĭ [handing things down] or donashivanie [wearing
clothes handed down to them] with necessity. In contrast, other practices aiming at extending the lifecycle of clothing, such as second-hand shopping, are no longer stigmatised. In principle, second-hand clothes would be accepted by this age
group because they allow individuals to find unworn, unique, and quality items,
which usually come to the post-Soviet countries from the West. Even so, in practice, the study participants of this group do not buy second-hand because during their
formative period, when second-hand clothes symbolised low socioeconomic status, they have not developed the competences necessary for this kind of purchase:
Some clothes in second hands are so good… that even our branded shops can envy them. Unfortunately, I never manage to get such clothes. I go to second-
hand shops rarely because it requires time. And then, I never learned how to do it, how to dig those mountains of clothes. I am simply not good at searching.
But when I see people [referring to younger generations] in beautiful second-
hand clothes, I am very happy that someone can find such good things, which often are completely new [Elena, 59 y.o.].
Although wearing poor quality and visibly mended clothes for this group is associated with necessity, it does not mean that 'mothers' do not mend or value their clothing.
On the contrary, they do. The participants of this study group seem to be trapped in
the transitional temporality of consumption, where the desire for new and fashionable items (fast temporality) and the desire to get quality things able to last a long time (permanent temporality) coexist. Many care practices from the Soviet times were
carried into the transitional temporality of consumption. Although by comparison to the Soviet times the length of time clothes are worn in public is decreased (e.g. clothes are handed down more easily), still today 'mothers' assign a high value to clothes and care for them. One of the main drivers for mending, therefore, is the extension of the use phase of all clothing:
I get attached to all my clothes and love them so much that honestly… I do not want to throw them away. If something happens to them, like if they rip or if,
for example, I lose some weight, then, of course, I try to mend and adjust what I already have, and in the end, I have exactly what I need. For example, this
jumper… I love it so much; it is so light… I have had it for a long, long time, and I mended it very rigorously. I understand that I have to buy a new one, but I really love it and do not want to throw it away [Elena, 59 y.o.].
It is not that I cannot afford new clothes. I can. But if you buy something, it
means that you like this thing, right? That is why I treat my clothes carefully and use them for a very long time, especially coats. But also the things, like socks. Take, for example, these [socks]. There was only one tiny hole. Did I have to
throw them away? Of course not. So, I mended them and continued to wear… Sometimes old, mended clothes are even better than new ones, especially
when they rashodilis po tebe [took the shape of your body] [Marina, 65 y.o.].
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As evidenced by these quotes, the main contradiction of transitional temporality of
consumption is the simultaneous desire for the newness and comfort of clothes that
fit and last over time. According to Vainshtein (2000), parameters such as fitting or
not fitting, being tight or loose, and being warm or cold relate to physical comfort in dress. The comfort of having clothes that last over time refers to clothes' ability to maintain their original appearance without losing their vneshniĭ vid [the ability of
clothes to look good and, therefore, be socially appreciated or accepted]. Since, in
the post-Soviet context, visibly mended clothes are perceived as items that lost their vneshniĭ vid, they are not supposed to be worn in public. Accordingly, the mending
practices of this study group aspire to be invisible, and they try to hide or camouflage the repaired areas:
This one [sweater], I mended myself. Look at this beautiful invisible seam… I can even wear this one for going out because it is one of my favourite pieces and I
feel very comfortable in it… I would say that I do not have issues with wearing it
in public, but of course, it is also because the mend is properly done, and I know that it will be unnoticed [Elena, 59 y.o.].
Usually, I try to do all my mending invisibly. I know how to pick up the loops,
and I know how to reknit the items with exactly the same techniques. So that
others won't notice it. For example, I bought this sweater and wore it only once, but when I came back home, I noticed that the collar part was detached.
Because there was an unfinished seam. So, I just dedicated to it 20 minutes
of my life; I picked up the loops and reknitted it. As you can see, I did it rather
carefully, and the sweater is completely restored. It is like new [Tamara, 50 y.o.]. In their endeavour to achieve invisible clothing repairs, post-Soviet 'mothers' make
good use of their advanced mending skills, showcasing their dedication to practice. As described in Chapter 1, DIY practices always played an important role in forming
Soviet identities, and one's ability to do things with one's own hands was generally a maker of positive identification. Soviet individuals were encouraged to praise each other's DIY abilities, and therefore everyone at any moment could be 'observed,
evaluated and classified according to their skills' (Golubev and Smolyak, 2013: 526). These peculiarities of Sovietness became particularly pronounced during the late
period of Socialism when ordinary citizens had to use of their DIY competences in the strive for uniqueness (Goralik, 2022). Since this group of 'mothers' have
assimilated these types of values during their formative period, still today, they
praise the mastery in DIY practices and describe it with epithets such as masteritsa na vse ruki [woman particularly good at doing things with her own hands]:
These pants were mended by my friend Valushka because the repair required a high level of mastery, which I do not have. Since she is such a masteritsa na vse ruki, she just helped me. First, she reinforced everything to avoid fraying
and then mended with the sewing machine. I would not be able to do such fine work [Elena, 59 y.o.].
As Elena reported during the wardrobe interview, her friend Valushka is a
professional seamstress who, since the Soviet times, runs her activity from home. I already mentioned in Chapter 1 that such practices within the (post)-Soviet
landscape have never been regulated by the state and fell into the category of
everyday and mundane domestic work (Vainshtein, 2000). During late Socialism, such services of dressmaking, upcycling, and clothing repair were very popular,
attracting low-income customers who could not afford to buy clothes in the state-
owned shops. Almost every woman, therefore, had her 'own' seamstress, who knew the client's taste and could create personalised and unique items (ibid.). Such
practices of relying on private seamstresses continued from the Soviet times, and still today, are enacted by post-Soviet participants of this study. More complex
repairs, therefore, are executed by seamstresses in a rigorous and invisible manner; this topic will be discussed in detail in Chapter 4.
As for the final disposal of clothes, throwing things away does not belong to
consumption patterns of 'mothers'. When clothes lose their vneshniĭ vid and cannot
be worn in public any longer, they undergo different stages of clothing use. Initially, they are worn at home and later utilised as clothing for outdoor activities at dacha
[summer houses] or are given to acquaintances or relatives who live in the countryside. Such clothing constitutes a particular category—veshchi dlia sela [clothes for the village].
As described in Chapter 1, the majority of the Soviet population remained rural
up to the middle of the 20th century (Vihavainen and Bogdanova, 2015). During the urbanisation of the 1950s and 1960s, a growing number of younger Soviet
citizens moved into the cities, while some of their relatives continued to reside
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in rural areas. Such rural areas were not subjected to the Soviet urban norms of
kulturnost [culturedness], which played particular attention to care for the body and its appearance and aimed at accommodating the aesthetics of traditional
peasant practices to the modern urban lifestyle. Accordingly, those clothes which
lost their vneshniĭ vid and were not meant to be worn in public in urban areas were
perfectly suitable for peasant activities. Therefore they were sent to the villages. This
practice continued from the Soviet times and still today is enacted by all post-Soviet participants of this study. Finally, when clothes cannot be worn any longer, they are not thrown away either but stored for further potential use as something else:
I have a lot of sweaters and shirts, which lost their vneshniĭ vid. For example, when the material is worn or the colours are faded, I wear these clothes at home. And if they are too worn even for home, I send them v selo [to the
village]. There they are used until their end [Tamara, 50 y.o.].
3.3.2 Post-Soviet 'daughters': 'mending… still should be presented as a cool and fashionable activity'
Post-Soviet participants aged 20–35 grew up in the context of a market economy and, during their formative period, experienced 'freedom of choice, relative
stability, increasing well-being, the impact of open boundaries, and the Internet'
(Gurova, 2015: 78). The participants in this study group, except Tania, who was born in 1987, did not experience socialism except through the memories of their relatives of older generations, and since their childhood have been used to consuming in
a fast way. Despite this, they partially inherited their parents' values of permanent
consumption and, therefore, participate in several care practices, which today are considered sustainable (e.g. mending, laundering, clothing storage and handing
clothes down to others). Such practices for them, however, are 'intuitive' (Tania, 34
y.o.) and are rarely motivated by environmental concerns. It can be said, thus, that
these participants reside within another 'transitional' temporality (from fast to slow),
where inherited values of care coexist with the desire for new and more importantly unique fashion items.
Since this younger group grew up in the market economy, which among other
things, is characterised by the proliferation of transnational retail chains, unlike
their parents, 'daughters' do not like shopping in shopping malls offering clothes
'from incubator' (Ksenia, 26 y.o.). Therefore, they are more open-minded about all alternative ways of clothing acquisition and do not associate practices such as
swapping, peredacha vesheĭ [handing things down], donashivanie [wearing clothes which were handed down to them] and second-hand shopping with low socio-
economic status. Instead, they see them as leisure activities, mainly serving as a means of individualization:
Sometimes we organise swap activities, something similar to book crossing
but with clothes… It is a good way to refresh your wardrobe and find something unique... Because often I have good quality clothes which I do not wear for
one reason or another, they are just lying in the wardrobe and are not used
at all. So, with these exchanges, it is possible to find something unique and, at the same time, find someone interested in giving my clothes second life [Tania, 34 y.o.].
Giving a second life to clothing by enacting slow fashion practices does not occur
only physically since Internet technology often facilitates such practices today. The
'daughters' in the post-Soviet context make great use of online platforms and social
media to buy, sell and donate second-hand clothing. The accessibility of such online consumption sites makes them particularly popular among younger generations, allowing likeminded consumers to connect with their peers both worldwide and locally (e.g. through social media groups of the same housing complexes):
I got this dress from a person I had never seen before. We have a group of
our zhiloĭ kompleks [housing complex], and one lady just posted a photo and asked: "Who wants it?". So, I just took it, and honestly, I like it really a lot… Sometimes I buy second-hand clothes through different apps. There are
different groups, barakholki i prodavalki [rag fairs and marketplaces]. You
can both buy and sell there. Usually, I discover such things on TikTok. There are so many people who buy second-hand, customise, and then resell
them again. Their pages become super popular, and their videos have
many visualisations… But most often, of course, I go to the second hands
[physically]. For me, it is just v kaif [pleasure] to go there and treasure hunt [Diana, 21 y.o.].
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Such consumers, who are both participating in consumption and production of
what is consumed, was defined by British sociologist Colin Campbell as the 'craft
consumer' (Campbell, 2005: 24). Stemming from a desire for self-expression, the 'craft' or 'creative' consumers (Gurova, 2015: 53) purchase mainly to engage in
creative actions to 'mark off' mass-produced goods from 'identical twins' (Campbell, 2005: 32). In doing so, creative consumers utilise their 'skills, judgment and passion' (ibid.: 23) not only for re-design or customisation purposes but also for selection
and purchase of second-hand products. In contrast to their relatives of the older generation, who admit to lacking such skills, the generation of 'daughters' have developed the competences necessary to select hidden second-hand gems.
However, knowing how to search and select clothes in regular second-hand shops [warehouses where the second-hand clothes are not sorted and lie in the piles] is
only one side of the coin since Ukrainian second-hand infrastructure is difficult to
navigate. Alongside the ability to find 'good pieces', shopping in second-hand shops also requires the competences of mapping the 'lucky spots' (see Chuma Vecherinka, 2020):
I often go to the second hands in Dnipro, but clothes bought in [regular]
second-hands constitute only 5% of my wardrobe. I know that many people buy everything there, but honestly, I do not know where udachnye tochki
[lucky spots] are and do not have that much time to search for them either. I
know that when there is a zavoz [drop], that day all the people who know, like second-hand hunters or resellers, form the queues already before the shop
opening. And then, they just take the best clothes. So, when I finally get there, at 3 or 4 p.m., all the best pieces are just gone. My sister, for example, knows
such spots and finds a lot of good stuff, while I prefer vintage shops or charity shops [Marta, 24 y.o.].
In contrast to the Danish charity shops (known as thrift stores), which primarily focus on selling donated clothing of varying quality to raise funds for charity, Ukrainian second-hand charity stores adopt a very different approach. In such Ukrainian stores (e.g. Laska, which are not very common and can be found only in larger
cities), the inventory is meticulously curated and chosen items are of high quality.
Although it might seem that the purchase in such stores is preferred because of the higher standards of quality or big brand names, they are often chosen by younger participants of this study because of the overall shopping experience created
by well-organised spaces (often combined with cafes) and visually appealing distribution of second-hand clothes on racks or shelves:
Honestly, I am not such a big fan of regular second-hand shops. I do not like the atmosphere… when you are in the middle of those clothing mountains and have to search like in the dump—you just perceive those clothes as
vtorosortnye [not of the first choice]. But when everything is sorted beautifully, and every item has its own hanger, it just changes the perception of second-
hand clothes. The aesthetic experience is also a part of the process [Tania, 34 y.o.].
As for the quality of the clothing, compared to the older generation, who associate quality with durability, natural materials, and comfort of clothes that fit, the study group of 'daughters' mainly associate quality with the ability of clothes to provide
physical comfort (e.g. fitting or being made of the pleasant fabric), while durability and sustainability rarely appear in their narratives. They admit not knowing much about sustainability or materials, and unlike the older generation, they never
check clothing tags and do not pay attention to the composition of their clothing.
Surprisingly, all the participants of this age group in the Ukrainian context reported preferring synthetic materials when they purchase since they find them pleasant in 'touch' and easy to maintain:
Generally, I do not pay attention to the materials at all. I think synthetic
materials are incredibly cool, but it is always better to try how clothes feel on the skin. Because you know, not all clothes have this pleasant touch.
Sometimes, when I buy online and then touch the items, I think I would not buy them if I tried them first. This tank top, for example, is a pure synthetic—95% polyester and 5% elastane—just super cool, especially for sports clothing.
It absorbs the humidity very well. I would never recommend buying cotton
clothes for physical activities because they would quickly get wet, and your
muscles immediately get cold. And also, for drying, this will just dry overnight
so I can use it again. Even though I could use something else probably. I have
so many clothes that I could probably dress four people [Tania, 34 y.o.].
As evidenced by the quote, this group of participants has rather big wardrobes containing many clothing items. The older participant of this age group, Tania,
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who experienced late Socialism during her childhood, justified the abundance of
clothing in her wardrobe by her kompleks iz detstva [childhood trauma]—when she
did not have a lot of clothes and today when she can afford them, she buys a lot. At the same time, other 'daughters', who absorbed the fast fashion values of 'mothers',
today acquire a lot of clothing, even if this partly occurs through alternative purchase channels. However, the clothes they acquire are not replaced quickly, and similarly to 'mothers', 'daughters' value their clothes, care for them and mend them when
necessary. Since the wardrobes are so big, the clothing of this age group is used less often and does not require much mending. In fact, there were not so many mended
items as in the wardrobes of Western participants of the same age group. Moreover, not all clothing items are mended, but only those they are emotionally attached to. More basic clothing items such as tank tops, underwear or socks are thrown away and replaced by new, often identical items:
Well, socks… sometimes I just put a few stitches if there are tiny holes. But at
one point, they just make me mad because they break and break and break. There are some socks, which you wear, and they do not break. I can mend
such socks, or if they are beautiful or cute or something, but usually, if they are
just simple socks, and if I mend them once, twice… I force myself to throw them away and buy new ones because otherwise, it is just impossible. Mending socks is also so boring [Tania, 34 y.o.].
Although this group of 'daughters' is engaged in several slow fashion creative
practices, such as second-hand shopping, upcycling, and customising, mending is
not considered creative or fashionable. Still today, it carries the stigma of practical necessity and is regarded as a 'boring' activity rather than an opportunity for self-
expression. Consequently, in the Ukrainian context, mending is not given the same attention and recognition as other creative slow fashion practices:
Our people always try to be trendy and stylish, and there is a second-hand
boom in Ukraine right now. But mending… not really. I, for example, do not
have issues with mending my clothes for wearing them longer. But of course, it still should be presented as cool and fashionable activity [Ksenia, 26 y.o.]
In contrast to their relatives of older generations who value good quality and are used to praising DIY skills and mending clothes rigorously and invisibly, this age
group accepts imperfections more easily, does not value high-quality clothes, and
does not always value rigorous mends. These participants, therefore, have a rather rough approach to mending (when they mend themselves and not with the aid of
a professional). Such approaches of self-repair, therefore, often result in low-quality and non-durable mends, requiring constant adjustment:
My mother does everything rigorously and with a lot of care. But I can be lazy sometimes, and I can do it roughly if something is not coming or I am tired. But my mom does not mend like that. She always tak nastraivaet sebia na
rabotu [sets herself up for work] and always has perfect stitches. If she does not like something, she can leave it for a while and then return to it and do
everything perfectly. But I can do things not perfectly, and I will not feel bad
about that. Of course, sometimes it can torture me, and I can redo the mend, but it is pretty rare [Marta, 24 y.o.]
It is a vest, which was undefinable. It had to be long and large or short and
tight, but it was tight and long. That is why I cut off the excess, ripped it until the elastic, and sewed it. You can even see these childish stitches and these
bald spots. I think it will not last long and probably will be undone quite soon. But it is kind of okay; I will redo it again [Diana, 21 y.o.]—Figure 3.4.
Since, in the Ukrainian context, mended clothes are not used to be worn in public, such roughly mended clothes are then worn at home until they undergo other use stages already described in the previous section:
Usually, if clothes are not wearable any longer, like if they are really worn out, or if they are small, or if the colours are faded, or the texture of the material
has changed, then I wear them at home for some time until they are sent to the village. What a fashionable environment the village has become! Every week is just like fashion week [laughs] [Marta, 24 y.o.]
However, in contrast to their relatives of older generations, the group of 'daughters'
spends more time at home due to smart working and sometimes they allow themselves to buy specific clothes for home. Therefore, clothes that lose their vneshiĭ vid are
often directly utilised for outdoor activities at dacha [summer houses] or given to acquaintances or relatives who live in the countryside:
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Figure 3.4. Example of non-rigorous mend by Ukrainian primary participant.
It looks like this: at the beginning, the T-shirts and other clothes become home clothes, but at one point, I understand that they are not suitable even for home use. I mean, I do not want to wear completely worn-out clothes at
home; it does not make me feel good. Even before the pandemic, I mainly worked from home and went to the office only a few times per week, so I
started to buy clothes for home... Initially, I felt a bit guilty because my parents would never buy clothes for home; I was not used to that, and menia zhaba dushila [I was stingy]. But then I thought: Why can I not allow myself to look
good and feel good? I can even go down and drink a cup of coffee in such
clothes… Anyhow, when these clothes are not good for home use any longer, they just become rugs for cleaning… [or] go to the village, because we have
this special clothes category: for the village [Tania, 34 y.o.].
3.3.3 Western 'mothers': 'If I mend, I mostly mend the clothes which I really like to wear'
In contrast to the post-Soviet 'mothers', who have regularly enacted mending
practices since the Soviet times, the Western participants of the same age group have different approaches to clothing repair. One of the participants does not
mend clothes at all because she resides within the fast temporality of consumption and sees mending as a practice which 'postpones or eliminates the need to'
purchase (Middleton, 2015: 363). The other two Western 'mothers' do not mend the
basic items to which they are not emotionally attached and which, therefore, can be easily replaced:
I do not mend. My mother mended, but I never learned how to do it. When I met Charles [husband], he asked me if I could put his button on the shirt or
something, and I was like: "No, I can't! "… I like when everything is perfect, so I do not fix anything. If there is a tear and it needs to be mended, then I will rather
give it to charity. I will just get rid of it, in one way or another [Cathryn, 65 y.o.]. I do mend my clothes, but I do not spend time mending basic items, like tank
tops. It is not worth it…I do not mend my socks, either. I throw them away and buy new ones… Usually, I do not throw out my things, except for socks. That's what I do [Marianne, 57 y.o.].
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These two quotes illustrate very different approaches to mending practices, which
are influenced by socio-economic conditions and demographic characteristics of the Western participants of the study, aged 50–65. Cathryn resides in the US—a country renowned for prolific production and consumption—and her formative
period occurred in the 1970s when women started to take pride in their inability to
mend. In line with this pattern, Cathryn is proud of not being able even to sew on a button; she buys her inexpensive clothing mainly in the department stores without paying too much attention to quality and quickly replaces everything that is less than perfect with brand-new items.
The formative period of Marianne and Hanne, however, occurred in Denmark
during the 1980s—when sustainability concerns started to be pronounced and
began to permeate various aspects of Danish welfare capitalist society. Therefore, both study participants generally assign high value to their favourite clothes and
mend them when needed. Accordingly, their consumption patterns present both the traces of fast temporality, since some items (i.e. socks or tank tops) are not mended
and are easily replaced, and slow temporality, since one of the main motivations for mending lies in their commitment to sustainability:
The motivation which guides me in this way of consuming is that I would like to avoid throwing away things, generating garbage and exploiting natural
resources. So, that is the motivation when I do the things like that. Secondly,
there also comes into play emotional attachment. If I like something, for me, it is worth repairing it. And then I'm really happy when I can wear it again. So that's a double reward [Hanne, 58 y.o.].
As evidenced by this quote, another mending driver for Marianne and Hanne is an emotional attachment to their clothing. Generally, the emotional attachment to
specific clothing items is profoundly personal, and it is influenced by a multitude of factors. Certain clothes are tangible reminders of meaningful moments or
relationships for some people, while other clothing becomes a form of self-expression and an extension of identity. Emotional attachment to clothing can be influenced by how garments make individuals feel: certain clothing can provide comfort or
create a sense of security and boost confidence (e.g. go-to pieces). Also, appreciation for craftsmanship or tactile and aesthetic qualities, such as textures or colours, can
evoke specific emotions and contribute to attachment. These factors, however, vary
from individual to individual. Still, the common denominator is that if these 'mothers' are emotionally attached to their clothes and want to wear them longer, they inevitably mend them:
I bought it [jacket] last year and repaired it relatively soon after. I do not know if the zippers were already broken when I bought it [second-hand], but that
doesn't really matter. I do these repairs regularly. Simply when I see something broken… Well, it always bothers me when there is damage like that. But I won't
throw away the things for this reason. If I like wearing it, I will fix it [Hanne, 58 y.o.]. If I mend, I mostly mend the clothes which I really like to wear. So, I mend
because I want to wear them longer… I do not buy a lot of clothes. All these
clothes I have collected over 40 years. I usually buy good quality and rather expensive clothing… But this, for example [dress], was not expensive. It was
not cheap, but it was not expensive… So it is not because it is a precious item, but it is a precious item in use [Marianne, 57 y.o.].
In the perception of Marianne and Hanne, buying relatively expensive brand
clothing increases the possibility of obtaining higher quality constituted by timeless design, superior craftsmanship, premium materials, and meticulous attention to
detail. High quality, therefore, is an important factor in their purchase decisions,
particularly when it comes to shopping in brand stores, which they see as reliable
sources of high-quality clothing. However, not all brand clothing necessarily meets
their expectations for quality and durability, and there are instances when they are disappointed with their purchases and stop relying on those brands:
So, this T-shirt, I bought new. We had a presentation at the company for a
specific occasion, and I wanted something blue and orange because that was our theme. So then I found this [on the internet]—I liked the colours. But now
they are washed out quite a bit. It would not happen with high-quality material… So, I stopped buying from Lands' End because they are really too cheap for me [in terms of quality]. It's expensive and not high quality [Hanne, 58 y.o.].
Furthermore, the aforementioned quotes highlight that buying clothing in relatively expensive stores for these 'mothers' is one of many ways to purchase clothing.
Similarly to post-Soviet 'daughters', the Western 'mothers' engage in online shopping
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(for both second-hand and new clothes). Moreover, like the post-Soviet participants of the same age group, Marianne and Hanne believe that second-hand stores can offer high-quality, unique, and often new clothes. However, the main difference between the two groups of the same age is that Marianne and Hanne not only
accept second-hand shopping but also buy second-hand clothing (even if it is not the main channel of their clothing purchase):
It is not how I usually buy my clothing. I buy second-hand only if it is something very special, like the velvet kilt I gave you. It comes from shopping in New York [Marianne, 57 y.o.].
Second-hand shops in Denmark are so good that sometimes I even find new
things. So, I have to say that some of my items are simply second-hand things, like this Hummel jacket. It is a nice lightweight jacket and high quality too. I
like to wear it for outdoor activities or sailing. But when I bought it and went home, I discovered that there was an open seam. So, I simply stitched it [Hanne, 58 y.o.].
When mending requires the invisible 'adjustment' of minor damages such as snags or open seams, Marianne and Hanne do not find it difficult to plan, especially when the items are knitted and allow to 'gather the stretchy knit'. When the
repair becomes more complex, these participants always try to 'go invisible first'
(Marianne, 57 y.o.). Contrary to the post-Soviet participants of the same age group, the invisibility of mending for Western 'mothers' is not motivated by associations
with low socio-economic status but is driven by the characteristics of clothing items and damages. For instance, if the fabric has a pattern or motifs or if the damage
is positioned in the areas such as the crotch or armpit, which should not draw too much attention, the tendency is to mend invisibly:
This is my beloved old, old dress. The colour is off right now… but I can dye this. And here is also wear and tear—in the armpit. It is right next to the seam. It
has ripped. So, the mend is pretty invisible because it is under the arms, so… I
did not want it to look lumpy and to attract attention… Now this one [dress] is striped, so the mend is invisible because when there is only one colour, it is a bit different—I can try to make a decoration [Marianne, 57 y.o.].
As evidenced by this quote, Marianne and Hanne do not think that mending must necessarily be invisible. In line with the patterns of slow consumption, which
presupposes 'enjoyment of creativity and longevity of material objects' (Gurova, 2015: 149), their mending practices often acquire the meaning of creativity and self-expression and sometimes even involve other crafts such as embroidery or
dyeing. Simultaneously, the mending practices of these 'mothers' are not guided by necessity but instead aim at creating items with added value, while their wardrobes are rather big. Consequently, mending is not prioritised, and damaged clothing
can lie in the wardrobes for a long time before mending is carefully planned and executed in a rather rigorous manner:
So, this is worn on the elbow. I absolutely love it, but it is very thin and wears out very quickly… But it was here [in the drawer] for a while. I am trying to
mend it and make a statement out of it. I was reading this book Mending
Matters [Rodabaugh, 2018] in search of some kind of inspiration… And also, this summer hat, I bought it when your brother was around 6 or 7. Now he is
almost 30. So, the hat has been through some summers… the sun tenderised the fabric, and it has been worn so much… The tear is rather big, so I plan to
do a visible mending. Like a patch, and then make it decorative. But I am not sure about the details yet. You know, mending is not something that I can do easily… I have to plan it [Marianne, 57 y.o.].
Regarding the different stages of clothing use, in contrast to post-Soviet participants of the same age group, Western 'mothers' rarely differentiate between clothes for external and home use. When clothes lose their functional value, Marianne and Hanne transform them into something with another function:
I use them [clothes] till they are absolutely rags and then… I use them for polishing the windows… or I turn them into rugs [Marianne, 57 y.o.].
3.3.4 Western 'daughters': 'When I buy clothes from the thrift stores… I buy them with the idea to mend'
The Western 'daughters' aged 20–35 (Gerda, Emilie, and Tea) were raised by mothers whose formative period occurred in the 1980s when sustainability concerns started
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to be pronounced. They learned how to care for the environment and people in their families and absorbed their parents' sustainability values. As described in Chapter
1, these values were reinforced by an array of events aiming at sustainability, which occurred during the formative period of this generation. Although Jessica was
raised in a different context, she absorbed sustainability values when moved to
Denmark. For these reasons, the group of Western 'daughters' place sustainability into the core of their mending practices:
I was raised to care about the world, to care about the people, the environment, so for me it is just natural that I do not throw the things away but fix them.
Because my whole family just taught me how to take care… I teach it to my
children too, and I hope that my children will know how to take care of things.
And they already know. My son [aged 10] is like: "What about the world?" Even too much [laughs] [Tea, 35 y.o.].
This study group resides within the slow temporality of consumption and associates
slow fashion practices with creativity, self-expression, and commitment to sustainability.
Accordingly, they purchase second-hand, swap, wear clothes handed down to them, upcycle, alter, customise, and repair. In particular, second-hand shopping is pivotal in their clothing consumption patterns since it is the main channel of their clothing
purchase. In contrast to the 'mothers' who carefully select their second-hand clothing in consignment boutiques, vintage stores, and online marketplaces, the younger age group mainly buy in thrift stores and flea markets. These purchase practices are
considered creative, not only because clothing hidden gems should be found and
carefully selected, but also because clothes bought in thrift stores often necessitate
repair and adjustment and, therefore, require engagement in the creative processes of DIY:
Most of my clothes are thrifted. I would say probably 80% of my clothes are thrifted… The best second-hands in Denmark are in small towns, like really
small towns… Sometimes we drive around all the villages around Aarhus, and then we go just from thrift store to thrift store… When I buy clothes from thrift stores, which I almost exclusively do, it is already worn. Sometimes there are
already little tears when you buy, or they come pretty fast. So, I buy them with the idea to mend, to extend the life of things. That's why I mend and alter
because I have an idea about how I want my clothes to look and fit me. And I
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Figure 3.5. Example of Emilie's self-expressive mending. Hat mended with embroidery.
can create that by mending and altering [Emilie, 26 y.o.]. Since mending practices for this group of 'daughters' acquire a meaning of creativity and self-expression, they inevitably incorporate elements of pleasure in the process of making and are considered satisfying activities. One such example of expressive clothing repair is Emile's 'koi fish hat project' (Figure 3.5), which illustrates how the participant turned a small and unnoticeable hole into embroidery artwork:
When I bought this hat, it already had a hole. I mean, it [hole] was so tiny that
I could leave it as it was. But I wanted to fix it because I saw a drag queen who had a very beautiful dress. It was light blue colour with koi fish on it. And she
also had a huge hat with koi fish. I thought that it was so beautiful to have a
fish on your hat… So, I was like: "You know what? This is going to be my fish hat". And then it [embroidery] just got a lot bigger than it was anticipated because I was really enjoying the process [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
Although today's 'new mending' practices (Middleton, 2015: 265) actively advertise the transformation of damaged areas into unique design features with the aid of
different craft techniques, the mending practices of Western 'daughters' illustrated different levels of engagement with mending: expressive (illustrated above) and discreet (which tends to be seamless but is less rigorous than seamless repair).
Discreet approach to clothing repair is prioritised and it is not considered to be less satisfying activity than expressive mending. When discreet approach, however, is
deemed to be inappropriate due to the characteristics of the damage, characteristic of the garment design, and characteristics of the overall wardrobe—aspects which
will be discussed in detail in Chapter 5—the participants of this study group engage in an expressive dimension of clothing repair:
I try to go for invisible mends, which is pretty easy when you have a lot of dark
clothes in your wardrobe… But you can still see them if you look at them closely;
you can tell that it's been mended, and that's okay. So, maybe it is not invisible mending but discreet mending. And I think that is how I like to mend stuff. I
think that I like a bit of a cleaner look, and it is also hard to put embellishments in places where I would rather not put them… But when there is damage that cannot be done invisibly, I would make it decorative. But I would always do the invisible mend first [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
Since distressed aesthetics largely influence this group's consumption patterns,
compared to the 'mothers', the Western 'daughters' accept imperfections more easily. That is why their purchase and DIY practices, even those which are less visible, are
'quite in love with imperfection and deconstruction' (Sekules, 2020: 2). The relieved expectations to achieve meticulous and perfectly executed mending outcomes allow these participants to defy the conventional DIY rules and foster a greater sense of freedom in their mending expressions:
If I buy second-hand… it is like, kind of: "I take it to mend it"… You know, I do not have to impress anyone. I just want to mend my things so that I want to wear them again. And then, it is like, maybe the standards are a little bit different,
and maybe, I find it easier to be more playful with colours and do not care that much what fits and what does not fit perfectly [Gerda-Marie, 29 y.o.].
As evidenced by the quote from Gerda-Marie, embracing imperfection is undoubtedly an important factor in making mending decisions; however, imperfection for the
Western 'daughters' is not a synonym for low-quality mending. Even if the mends are often made in an aesthetically non-rigorous manner, technically, they are of good
quality and are supposed to be durable and comfortable. This group of participants uses clothes thoughtfully, carefully and for as long as possible. In comparison to
the older generation of Western participants, however, their wardrobes are smaller;
sometimes, there are only a few items per clothing type, and therefore, their clothes constantly require mending:
This is what I can call a Frankenstein mend. It is not that pretty, but it works. It is the outside, I whip stitched it all the way around, and then I did, like, a
square around it to anchor it to the canvas inside. So, they do not fall apart again in a few weeks… So, now I have pants. I have a carefully selected
wardrobe, so I really have one of each thing, like of course I have many T-shirts, but I have like two pairs of pants [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
Similarly to Marianne and Hanne, this group of 'daughters' value high quality and
appreciate good design, craftsmanship and natural materials. They recognise that high quality is essential for the physical durability of clothing, and it can allow
clothing to defy time. Despite this fact, when these participants buy second-hand clothing, they take into account the broader environmental impact of the fashion
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sector. Driven by a desire to reduce waste and prevent things from the landfill, they buy even low-quality worn-out items:
The thing about quality… it is important to me. That is the reason why I like
this one [sweater]. Because it is made of 100% natural material, wool. I also studied design, so I appreciate when it is mono material. But the thing is… I
mean, when you buy it [clothing] second-hand, then it is also that you find a lot of H&M clothes or other cheaper clothes. But I think that it is nice to buy them anyway, at least you prevent them from the trash bin [Gerda-Marie, 29 y.o.]. Unlike the 'mothers', who mend only the clothing items they are emotionally
attached to, this group of 'daughters' repairs absolutely everything, including tank
tops, underwear, socks and even canvas shoes, until these items fall entirely apart. One such example was reported by Jessica, who, during the wardrobe interview, illustrated her 'mending battle' with shoes (Figure 3.6):
I will show you my canvas shoes. I have got these for 10 Krones—very little
money—and have mended them a lot. You see that they need mending again. It is because they were so comfortable… They are not beautiful, but they are functional. Because for me it is the most important thing the fact to keep
wearing something that is comfortable, what I like. I was repairing them at
least once a month, and they were just keeping ripping, ripping, ripping. And
they were 10 Krones, like nothing, and they had lasted two years before I had to get new shoes… After a while, it became almost a battle between me and
Mark [husband] and my friend Amy. They kept saying: "Get new shoes". And I
was like: "No, I am going to repair these until they fall completely apart, and I can't wear them anymore"… It was almost a statement: "I am not getting the
new shoes" [Jessica, 34 y.o.].
Although mending until the items fall completely apart results in particularly visible
and distressed aesthetics, this group of 'daughters' most of the times feels somewhat comfortable wearing such clothes in public and sees them as a marker of success.
Instead of carrying the 'stigma of shame', like in the past, in today's Western societies, which aim at sustainability, visibly mended clothes increase the 'social status of
those who are able to mend' (Middleton, 2015: 265). The participants of this study
reported that their expertise and creativity in mending often receive appreciation
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Figure 3.6. Example of Jessica's mending. Canvas shoes mended until they fell apart.
and even admiration from peers: I love mending clothes, altering clothes, sewing clothes, decorating or
whatever. Because you wear a unique 'new' thing and receive so many
compliments. People are, like: "Oh, nice shirt". And then I am, like: "I did it myself" [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
I made this T-shirt out of leftovers. The original T-shirt had a super nice pocket
here, but it was cut through. And then I just repaired it by hand, and you could see that it was cut through the pocket, and it was like, ok, something not
professional. So, initially, I started to wear it for climbing, and so many people came to me and said that it was so cool. And I started to wear it elsewhere because it was nice to have that kind of appreciation for something I did myself [Gerda-Marie, 29 y.o.].
However, when it comes to more formal occasions, such as business meetings, conferences, or formal events, wearing mended clothes seems socially
unacceptable and even inappropriate to this group of 'daughters'. Usually, such
formal occasions are supposed to reflect one's professionalism and therefore have
rather strict dress codes and expectations for an impeccable appearance. To meet these expectations and not to risk being misunderstood or even judged, these study participants chose not to wear visibly mended clothes for formal events.
Such behaviour underlines that even with new overlaid mending meanings, the old negative connotations of mending are not completely changed:
I have never been too concerned if people liked what I was wearing. So, even
in the past, it made it easier to wear mended clothes. If it has a patch, it is fine. Except when I go to a special place where everybody is wearing the same,
and I feel a little awkward, like a fancy event or conference, and I realise that it is not normal, and then I feel bad sometimes. But for everyday clothes… I think mending is worth sharing [Jessica, 34 y.o.].
Finally, the approach of this group of 'daughters' to wear clothing until it literally falls apart does not leave much space for different use stages, such as wearing
clothes at home or for outdoor activities. Like those Western 'mothers' who mend, 'daughters' wear the same clothes both at home and in public, and when clothes
lose their use value, they are disassembled, and their elements, such as fabric
scraps, zippers, buttons, and elastics are utilised for future DIY projects. Such an approach to mending, which lacks the idea of disposability, is very similar to the
mending practices of permanent temporality of consumption (see Gurova, 2015). To summarise, this section presented the analysis of meanings attributed to
mending practices by four groups of participants in this study, and illustrated the number of concepts that differentiate the mending patterns of these groups.
Firstly, while all the participants of this study, except Cathryn, are engaged in
mending practices, in the post-Soviet context, the meaning attributed to mending practice did not change since the Soviet times—mending is still associated with low socio-economic status and is not perceived as self-expressive practice. In contrast, with the advent of the sustainability concept in the West, mending
practices acquired a new meaning of conscious consumption and self-expression. Secondly, although all groups of participants mend clothing, it is mended to a
different extent. Post-Soviet 'mothers', who are used to living in the Soviet repair
society, and Western 'daughters', living in a time of eco-anxiety, mend absolutely
everything and mending for them is prioritised. In contrast, post-Soviet 'daughters', raised when the market economy started to bloom in the post-Soviet context, and Western 'mothers' who are used to living within a fast consumption for a prolonged time, mend only clothes they are emotionally attached to.
Thirdly, quality is highly valued and is associated with durability by all the groups of participants, except the group of post-Soviet 'daughters', who associate
quality with comfort. Furthermore, quality is the main imperative for all 'mothers'
(except Cathryn) when they purchase their clothing. At the same time, 'daughters' do not always care about quality when they shop. However, this disregard for
quality by 'daughters' occurs for different reasons. In the post-Soviet context, it can be explained by partial belonging to fast consumption temporality, while in the West, the same age group buys low-quality second-hand clothing to prevent it from landfill.
Fourthly, as the DIY practices of the past were associated with rigour and a high level of mastery, 'mothers' in both contexts are reluctant to accept distressed mending aesthetics advertised today and continue to mend in meticulous
ways. Simultaneously, younger participants of this study, whose eyes are used to the distressed aesthetic in fashion, accept imperfections more easily. In
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the post-Soviet context, it results in low-quality and non-durable mends, while younger Western participants manage to combine imperfection with quality.
Finally, if in the past mending expression tended to be invisible, today's visibility of mending practice in the Western context brought along the tendency to mend in expressive ways. It does not mean, however, that all clothes are
mended brightly and decoratively. As evidenced by the mending practices of participants, there are different ways of engagement with practice, and
discreet mending is prioritised. Regarding post-Soviet participants, the older ones continue to mend in invisible ways (themselves and with the aid of
professional seamstresses), exactly as they did in the past. When the younger
ones do their own mending, they do so visibly due to their disregard for quality. However, most of the time, the clothes of post-Soviet 'daughters' are mended invisibly and rigorously by seamstresses, who play a significant role in the
complex repair infrastructure, which will be discussed in the following chapter.
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3.4. Chapter summary
This chapter introduces the theories of practice and their principles and
illustrates the Social Practice Theory framework proposed by Shove et al.
(2012), upon which the present dissertation is built. The main propositions of this framework are that social practices comprise three elements: meaning,
material and competences, which are integrated when practices are enacted, and that practices emerge, persist, and disappear when the links between elements are made, sustained or broken.
In order to address my first research aim—to understand how mending practices are conceptualised in Western and post-Soviet contexts—this chapter focuses on the transformation of the first element of mending practice: meaning. It describes how old connotations of mending practices were shaken off and how their meanings partially have changed from necessity to conscious
consumption, from the interstices of domestic life to the public sphere, from rigour to imperfection, and from invisibility to cultural visibility.
Finally, this chapter illustrates how being born from practices past, these new mending meanings are distributed among four groups of participants in this study. The analysis is drawn upon the 'concepts of clothing consumption'
(Gurova, 2015) and Yaltina's concept of the 'formative period' (Yatina, 1998)
and takes into account a number of criteria: the demographic characteristics, the temporality of consumption, the predominant set of values, preferred
purchase, the current culture of mending, the preferred mending expression and disposal format. It is summarised in the table provided below (Table 3.1).
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Table 3.1. Analysis of meanings attributed to mending practices by participant groups.
4. MENDING MATERIALS
4. MENDING MATERIALS
4.1. Role of materials in practice
4.1.1
Three-part material categorisation by Shove
4.1.2 Materials in the background—infrastructure 4.1.3 Materials in action—tools or devices
4.1.4 Materials that are used up—resources 4.2. Evolution of mending material elements
4.2.1 From culturally invisible to visible mending services
4.2.2 From school education to online learning of clothing repair
4.2.3 From bone sewing needles to digitally fabricated mending tools
4.3. Mending materials in
participants' narratives
4.3.1 Post-Soviet 'mothers': 'Our seamstress always aids [but if] there is a small hole, I can fix it myself'
4.3.2 Post-Soviet 'daughters': 'As I started to
work, I began to bring all the repairs to the seamstress'
4.3.3 Western 'mothers': 'I repaired a zipper [which] might have cost almost as jacket itself… [but] I love this jacket'
4.3.4 Western 'daughters': 'My mom was very active
with sewing and showed me all that, [so today] I mend, alter, and sew my clothes'
4.4. Chapter summary
4.1. Role of materials in practice
Having examined the transformation of the first mending practices element,
meaning, I will now turn my attention to the material dimensions of mending. This
chapter, therefore, addresses my second research aim—to understand what kind of infrastructures, tools, and materials facilitate the enactment of mending practices. I will begin by introducing a three-part material classification proposed by Shove (2016), which illustrates the routes and processes through which practices are
materialised. Then, I will describe how clothing repair infrastructures, devices and
mending resources have evolved over time in Western and (post)-Soviet societies. Finally, I will explain how materials constitute the mending practices of four
participant groups in this study. In doing so, I will draw on the data gathered within
all stages of this research project and the additional interview with the professional seamstress in the Ukrainian context.
4.1.1 Three-part material categorisation by Shove As we saw in the previous chapter, with the development of more recent social
practice theory approaches, materials started to be seen as constitutive of practices and as inextricably bundled with them (Shove et al., 2012; Schatzki, 2010; Reckwitz,
2002; Schatzki, 2002). For Reckwitz '"artefacts" or "things"… necessarily participate in social practices just as human beings do' (2002: 208). Similarly, Shove et al.
(2012) describe materials, which encompass 'objects, infrastructures, tools, hardware and the body itself' (ibid.: 23) as constitutive of practices, and as one of three broad categories of elements that are actively integrated when practices are enacted.
In contrast, Schatzki positions material entities as part of separate arrangements
(composed of bodies, artefacts, living creatures and things of nature) that are linked to practices but conceptually distinct from them (2002). Despite this substantial
difference between material 'elements' which are integral to the conduct of practice (Shove et al., 2012), and material 'arrangements', which are distinct from practices,
both approaches see materials and practices as densely interwoven. In both cases,
however, materials are interpreted broadly without distinguishing between different
material roles and without analysing the variety of material relationships involved in practices.
Accordingly, taking as a starting point Warde's (2005) observation that things are deployed and consumed in the course of practice, and Shove and Walker's (2014)
suggestion that materials can be classified, Shove (2016) has developed a
categorisation which accounts for different material roles and material relations in practice. In line with Appadurai (1986) and Ingold (2007), who see objects as
integrated within more extensive assemblages and inseparable from them, Shove (2016) attempted to narrow down the complexity of material 'arrangements'
described by Schatzki (2010) and proposed a three-part categorisation, which distinguishes between:
Materials in the background—those which have an infrastructural relation to practice.
Materials in action—those which are actively used in the process of doing— tools or devises.
Materials which are used up or consumed in a course of practice—resources. This categorisation accounts for different roles that materials play in practice while simultaneously recognising that materials in the background are tied to materials
in the foreground and those in action. In the following sections, I will discuss these three categories in detail, while in the rest of this chapter, I will illustrate how such slicing of material-practice relations is valuable in 'analysing the socio-spatial
qualities of arrangements that make certain practices harder or easier to maintain' (Shove, 2016: 165).
4.1.2 Materials in the background—infrastructure Infrastructures and daily life are densely interwoven, and almost every social practice depends on infrastructures in different ways (Shove and Trentmann, 2019; Shove, 2016). There is an extensive body of work regarding the study of infrastructures,
particularly in science and technology studies. However, the classical contributions to this field tend to consider infrastructures in-the-(re)making (i.e. processes of
developing, building, or reconstructing infrastructure) and infrastructures-in-use
(i.e. processes characterised by routine functioning and ongoing maintenance) as
distinct. When infrastructures function, they usually become invisible since they are
'taken up into the culture [and] absorbed into background' (Mau, 2003 in Graham, 2010: 7). According to Shove (2016), it is one of the reasons why the precise ways in which infrastructures configure, sustain, or change what people do has attracted
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less academic attention and analysis. Therefore, to make the interdependencies between daily practices and infrastructures visible, more recent interdisciplinary studies focused on the connections between daily practices and things in the
background and analysed how infrastructures and practices co-evolve (see Shove and Trentmann, 2019).
In particular, Coutard and Shove (2019) have distinguished four features that influence this co-evolution of infrastructures and practices:
Infrastructures and practices shape each other reciprocally: established
practices configure and sustain infrastructure (e.g. repairing clothes with the aid of a seamstress sustains the network of ateliers or seamstresses' home salons, while learning how to mend clothes at schools requires schools'
workshops), while infrastructures affect relations between practices, material artefacts and related meanings.
Infrastructures enable several practices at once (e.g. ateliers enable not only clothing repair but also altering, upcycling, tailoring, and consultation, and
the school education of mending is embedded in a curriculum which contains also teaching of other practices such as knitting, crocheting, and making of
clothes), while practices involve the simultaneous or sequential use of several
infrastructures (e.g. ateliers and the schools usually require grid-supplied energy, pressurised water and a connection to a sewer system).
Artefacts always mediate this enabling; for example, the electricity is not used
in a raw form but is mediated by sewing machines and magnifying glass lamps, while the steamers require water. At the same time, resource demand happens when infrastructure becomes integral to the conduct of specific practices at particular places and times.
Finally, as infrastructure becomes an essential part of a practice, the need for consistent supply becomes important in daily life and raises the forms of dependence.
As we can see, infrastructures have certain defining characteristics. Even so, they always depend on the specific practice at stake. Therefore, the things in the
background do not have 'absolute boundaries' (Star and Ruhleder, 1996: 113), and their status is unavoidably provisional since infrastructures change as practices
evolve. Within such a framework, where the categories of infrastructures are not
fixed or given, Shove takes a more fluid approach and defines infrastructures as 'material arrangements that enable and become integral to the enactment of specific practices' (Shove, 2016: 157). This PhD project relies on this definition,
bearing in mind that 'infrastructures are always informed by past and present
concepts of progress, institutions and systems of provision, and a material legacy of artefacts' (Coutard and Shove, 2019: 21).
4.1.3 Materials in action—tools or devices Defining the things that have a device-oriented role in the conduct of practice and
are actively used in the process of doing might seem rather straightforward. Even so, the use of devices always depends on the practice at stake and on the 'instrumental relationship' between the practitioner and the utilised tool (Giard, 1998: 211). In
the discussion of such a relationship, Luce Giard describes how the influx of new
appliances modifies not only practitioners' skills, gestures, and actions in practice but also the relation between the human body and the practice's resources.
Giard's discussion is important for the practice theory proposition that materials in actions and practices co-evolve over time. At the same time, there are also other representations of 'instrumental relationships' which significantly influenced the
second generation of practice theories. For instance, in science and technology studies, the idea that competence is simultaneously embodied in humans and
things is exemplified by the concept of the 'human-non-human hybrid' (Latour, 1993 in Watson and Shove, 2008), where the combination of a person and tool (seen as an 'extension' of a human body (Wallenborn, 2013)) constitutes one of the simplest
examples of such a hybrid. Put simply, a human with a tool has a different capacity for engaging with the world than a human without the tool (or a tool without a
human). Therefore, the agent involved in the process of making is not seen as a human subject but rather as a hybrid of person and tool.
In contrast, within the theories of practice applied to the analysis of (craft)
consumption, the role of the tools is less direct since the tools are embedded in 'the chain of relationships through which consumer goods are linked to competence,
competence to practice and practice back to the consumption of consumer goods in a potentially unending and co-evolutionary cycle' (Watson and Shove, 2008:
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13). Within such a framework consumers are seen as 'knowledgeable actors whose acquisitions are in some sense an expression of their capabilities and project-
oriented ambitions' (ibid.: 4). Therefore, by building on Latour's concept of 'human-
non-human hybridity', Watson and Shove add the further point that tools or devices are themselves active agents in the configuration and distribution of competence and so of a practice.
For instance in the case of a practice of amateur mending, the projects of
practitioners who own a specific tool (e.g. needle weaver) and know how to use this
tool will more likely use a specific needle weaving technique that can be performed with the tool. Indeed, those practitioners who do not own the tool but know how to use it and know the purpose of the tool (i.e. to stabilise the fabric and control its
tension; to control the warp's tension and to guide the user in stretching the warp; to lift and lower the yarn in the process of interlacing the warp and the weft) can
choose not to use this specific tool but substitute it with any rounded surface and rely on one's competence in the process of making. This reciprocal configuration
of the device and competence can also have more purposive dynamics: a needle weaver may be acquired to accomplish a mending project but also to develop a
specific competence and confidence in using the tool (Watson and Shove, 2008). Accordingly, the tools employed within a practice are not merely 'used'; they are
implicated in defining the practice itself, where the materials in action are tied to
materials in the background and depend on human or other forms of energy and other resources which are consumed or used up in a course of a practice.
4.1.4 Materials that are used up—resources Defining things which are consumed in the course of a specific practice, in the
sense of being used up, again, might seem relatively straightforward. Even so, the
sociology of consumption has had relatively little to say about consumables related to such aspects of 'ordinary consumption' (Gronow and Warde, 2001: 4) as routines, repetitive conducts, practical usage, et cetera (Shove, 2016). Indeed, the materials
which are used up have been of greater interest to economists in the environmental field, economic historians studying culture and consumption, as well as those who studied waste (ibid.). These accounts, conceptualised within different disciplinary
traditions and driven by distinctive paradigms, certainly saw consumables as welded
together with infrastructure and accompanying devices but rarely discussed in
detail the roles of things which are used in the course of practice (ibid.). Accordingly, Elizabeth Shove thought to incorporate this interdisciplinary repertoire of ideas into
her account of the role which consumables play in practice (2016), emphasising that the materials which are used up are always embedded in the chain of relationships, which I already described in the previous section.
To illustrate Shove's account of materials' roles, I will stay with the example of clothing repair. This time, however, I will concentrate on another technique, namely machine darning. The machine darning process typically necessitates the resources, such as
additional threads, textile scraps utilised for reinforcement, and electricity, to power the sewing machine and to light up the working area. Similarly to what happens
with tools, materials often configure craft practitioners and generate demand for
specific forms of competence. Within this reciprocal configuration of materials and competence, those practitioners who already have spare materials at hand will
more likely think about how they can be used, or they can acquire materials which
are particularly suitable for performing a specific kind of repair (e.g. threads with a fibre composition that matches the composition of the garment to mend). Put
differently, 'tools, materials and associated forms of competence influence the
range of what people take to be possible, but they rarely drive the entire process
of "project" definition' (Watson and Shove, 2008: 10). I will elaborate on this in the next chapter.
Through the few examples illustrated in this introductory part of the chapter, we can see how enacting any one practice typically depends on the coming together of
devices, infrastructures, and resources. This methodological position provided by
Shove is decidedly slippery since 'things in relation to practice are always multiple, never stable and never fully defined' (Shove, 2016: 168). However, such a way of disaggregating material roles while simultaneously recognising that practices
depend on the conjunction of infrastructures, devices, and resources can be a
promising way of analysing the 'socio-spatial qualities of arrangements that make certain practices harder or easier to maintain' (ibid: 165). For instance, having the
infrastructural arrangement and essential background features in place is of limited value if potential practitioners lack the required devices or resources. On the other hand, specific infrastructural arrangements can be designed to limit the use of
specific devices and exclude certain practices or practitioners. Moreover, the things
214 215
that figure in these different roles are often distributed differently in social and geographical terms.
In tracing the history of mending practices in two selected contexts, in Chapter 1
I described the repair infrastructures of the past, which were constituted by networks of repair services, and schools where sewing and mending were essential elements of education for women. As we can see, however, the infrastructures do not last forever, and how they are renewed and re-shaped over time depends on the
continued enactment of the various practices that these infrastructures enable. Simultaneously, since materials in the background are tied to materials in the
foreground, and those in action, such infrastructural re-shaping and renewal,
inevitably impact other aspects of material-practice relations. In the following
section, therefore, I will discuss how these material arrangements have co-evolved over time in both Western and (post)-Soviet contexts.
4.2. Evolution of mending material elements
In the previous section, I described the three-part material classification by Shove and explained how such slicing of material roles can be useful in painting a more detailed picture of practices and how knowing the composition of each material
category can make certain practices easier or harder to maintain. I also explained
that as practice evolves, also its material arrangements change. Now, I will focus on the material transformation of mending practices in two selected contexts and will discuss these changes one material category at a time.
4.2.1 From culturally invisible to visible mending services As we saw in Chapter 1, historically, clothing and textile repair has occurred within
the home and was primarily carried out by women. However, if poor women mended themselves, the wealthy employed sewing maids to ensure that 'items of clothing
and household linens were kept in good repair' (König, 2013: 573). Later, by the end
of the 19th century, in concomitance with clothing repair practices within the domestic landscapes, the network of clothing and shoe repair services started to emerge in
the Western world (ibid). It is how the work of the artisans able to restore damaged items to their previous state was rendered more visible.
However, little is known about such mending services. For instance, I have not found any material on the subject related to the Danish context (my primary site of study).
As for the other Western contexts, such mending professional activities were illustrated by the Vogue article about Mind-Your-Mending Shop in New York, US, in 1915, which
described professional repair not as 'a luxury but [as] a necessary economy' (Sekules, 2020: 41). Then, in 1951, the US company Fabricon produced the manual entitled The Frenway System of French Reweaving, which illustrated the main features of invisible mending and explained that 'probably the reason this art of reweaving has gone
relatively unnoticed is [because] the techniques involved… have been closely guarded and handed down from generation to generation to a selected few' (Fabricon, 1951a: 2). Finally in 2015 Jonnet Middleton reported that 'the invisible menders have all but
disappeared as clothing [became] less and less worthy of luxury repair', that 'the last
Parisian workshop of invisible mending closed' and that 'in London, the sole remaining British company [was] a family business with no heir' (Middleton, 2015: 268). Since the literature on the matter is so scarce, it is difficult to paint a detailed picture of the Western repair services of the past and to illustrate in detail how they functioned
and which role they played in societies. What is more clear, however, is that if in
1915 professional clothing repair was considered a 'necessity', 100 years later it was
considered a 'luxury', more likely because the cost of meticulous and time-demanding repair exceeded the cost of the clothing itself. Therefore, in the Western context, before the recent mending upsurge, such services were virtually dying.
As for the Soviet world, a dense network of various repair shops for clothing and
shoes was developed only in the 1950s (Gerasimova and Tchouikina, 2009). Although such repair services were economically affordable, they could not compete with the convenience and the exceptional craftsmanship of private portnikh [seamstresses], whose services of dressmaking, upcycling and repair have been in high demand
since the times of Imperial Russia and did not lose their popularity either during the seven decades of the Soviet regime or after the disintegration of the Soviet Union.
The seamstresses in the Soviet landscape had a special status of 'cultural producer' (Vainshtein, 2000: 206). Their individual approach to the client's needs contrasted with the state's collectivist spirit; their services were more affordable than those of the state repair shops and ateliers, while the warm and intimate atmosphere of
their home salons was opposed to the cold public spaces. Moreover, in a society
where everything foreign was unavailable and fancied, portnikhi, who often had an aristocratic origin or even came from abroad, acted as 'secret agents' of European culture (ibid.: 210). They possessed valuable materials (i.e. fabrics and fasteners, conserved since the pre-Soviet times) and always had access to information on
current fashion trends through foreign journals. This connection with 'abroad' added to the status of portnikh, the appellative of 'people who know'; their designs were copied, while their style advice meant a lot (ibid.).
Although relying on the seamstresses' services was widespread, throughout the
history, most of the time the seamstresses remained invisible (Vainshtein, 2000). During the times of the Russian empire, when home sewing and mending were a mandatory part of women's education, the work of the seamstresses was not
considered a 'real' occupation, but rather, it fell into the category of domestic
economy. For this reason, such work, which required little capital investment or
training and was usually underpaid, has remained invisible to government officials and has never been regulated by the state (Ruane, 1996). If such invisibility was an obvious disadvantage in Imperial Russia, since there were no trade unions and
their absence led to underpayment of seamstresses, under the Soviet regime, it
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allowed the seamstresses to 'run their business without the obtrusive attention of the authorities and ensure the privacy of their clients' (Vainshtein, 2000: 207). Usually, portnikhi did not have permanent state jobs, but they earned enough to sustain
themselves economically. Their low prices attracted many clients who could not or did not want to buy clothes in state shops, since such clothes lacked individuality
and byli nikakie [conveyed nothing]. Although the number of women who wanted to have unique dresses and to experience such a warm and intimate relationship
of trust was high, the number of private portnikh was also consistent. Consequently, almost every woman managed to have her own seamstress, who sewed client's
dresses, made new dresses from the old ones, altered and repaired them (ibid.). This paradoxical situation continued through all the years of the Soviet regime but
started to change gradually in some parts of the former Soviet Union by the end of the 1990s. In her article 'Fashioning Woman: Dressmaker as Cultural Producer'
Vainshtein described her personal experience of relying on the post-Soviet seamstress in Russia for sewing a dress by 'a young girl in her twenties, who charged a lot for her work'. The result was disappointing: 'the dress was so ugly, that [Vainshtein] never
risked wearing it in public'. This led her to state that 'the historical period, described
in the… [article, was] finally closed and… [that she lived] in a totally different society'
(2000: 195). However, this situation was not the same for other post-Soviet contexts, such as the Ukrainian one, where private dressmaking did not start to vanish but intensified during the 1990s.
Such an upsurge can be adequately explained only through the lens of Ukrainian
history. During the Soviet times, the Ukrainian Republic was one of the major centres of garment industrial production. In the 1980s, the Ukrainian garment industry
counted more than 150 manufacturers, produced 20% of all Soviet clothing (Spalakh, 2021) and employed 750,000 people (TCH, 2017). Among such employees were
many talented seamstresses who worked in the factories or ateliers, and numerous designers, employed by the dom modeleĭ [modelling houses]—an equivalent of a
design studio where the regional clothing collections were conceptualised, designed, and prototyped (Raspopova, 2023).
However, with the beginning of Ukrainian independence in 1991 and the opening of national borders, the tonnes of clothes produced in China and Turkey flew to the country, saturating its markets with cheap and low-quality products. Most of the
factories which remained from Soviet times could not compete with the economic
affordability of such mass-produced foreign goods and had to cease their activities. Other factories tried to survive by producing clothing for well-established luxury
brands such as Hermès, Chanel, Hugo Boss and Levi's (Spalakh, 2021), and once again, the work of the seamstresses was rendered invisible since writing 'made in
Ukraine' on the labels of such clothing was considered inappropriate. Such political
and economic turns blocked Ukrainian clothing production for many years, leaving
90% of the seamstresses and fashion designers unemployed (TCH, 2017). Some had to reinvent their professions completely, while others had to balance their new careers in different fields by offering private dressmaking, upcycling, and repair services from
their homes. Others again, joined the already existing network of seamstresses who, since the Soviet times, supported themselves economically by private practice
'occupying a middle space between the institutions of fashion and the market of
ready-to-wear clothes' (Vainshtein, 2000: 206). This is how the number of private seamstresses in the Ukrainian context started to increase, while in other parts of
the former Soviet Union (e.g. some parts of the Russia), by the end of the 1990s, the practice of private dressmaking, upcycling and repair started to vanish (ibid.).
Later, when the number of Ukrainian fashion brands began to rise due to the
national upsurge after the Maidan Revolution in 2014, the need for industrial
clothing production re-emerged. To make up for the growing demand of clothing industrial manufacturing, several factories re-activated their production. At the
same time, the newly developed Ukrainian streetwear platform Vsi Svoi [All Ours]
connected designers with local manufacturers, whose number by 2022 rose to 1600 (Shtuka, 2022). Although many factories had to employ many seamstresses, whose
work finally became more visible, the clothing ateliers and private services continued to exist. In contrast to the Soviet times, today, such services are rather visible and easily traceable online (both through web pages and social media); however, in
contrast to the past, such services focus predominantly on clothing repair, while dressmaking is mostly left to numerous brands and local manufacturers.
As evidenced by these glimpses of the (post)-Soviet history, professional clothing
repair has always remained culturally significant and has maintained its fundamental characteristics through the years. In contrast, in the Western world, as repair started to be seen as a 'luxury' (Middleton, 2015, 268), many repair services gradually
disappeared or reduced their activities until the mending upsurge of recent years.
220 221
As the meaning of mending practices started to change, alongside designers offering personalised mending, other formats of professional clothing repair
services started to emerge in disparate geographic locations as well. Among others can be distinguished the British company The Seam and the Finnish Menddie. Both
were established in 2020 to offer professional clothing, shoe, leather, and jewellery repair services. Their online platforms enable customers to choose suitable repair approaches and to connect with qualified makers and designers across the
respective countries. At the same time, another British company, SOJO (also established in 2020) collects damaged clothes at their customers' homes,
professionally repairs them, and then delivers them back. In addition, SOJO
collaborates with fashion brands such as British Ninety Percent, Austrian Arkitaip
and Danish Ganni. However, by now, the service operates only in the UK, while in Denmark, for instance, such service at the moment does not exist.
Another example of a repair company collaborating with brands comes from the
Netherlands with United Repair Center, which not only offers high-quality clothing
repair but also provides training and employment opportunities to newcomers with refugee background. This company was founded in 2022, and through the year of its activity, it established collaborations with numerous brands such as Patagonia,
Decathlon, and C&A, among others. With a recent proposal to introduce Extended Producer Responsibility legislation for textiles in all EU member states (European
Commission, 2023), the number of brands searching for such collaborations with
external repair services is expected to grow. Thus, as discussions on sustainability
in the fashion sector continue to evolve, it becomes more apparent that clothing repair services are an essential component of the transition towards circularity.
4.2.2 From school education to online learning of clothing repair Before the 19th century, most women, both in the Western world (Cole, 1982) and
Imperial Russia (Ruane, 1996), acquired life skills such as sewing, cooking, childcare, home management and basic finance primarily at home. Then, at the beginning
of the 19th century, the concept of home economics was introduced in the Western world, which consisted of the idea that the household arts should be included in
the school curricula for girls. Since this concept originated in the USA and later was
diffused in other Western countries, I will begin by exploring its origins, as they were
important for the development of home economics subject, which by the end of the 19th century was introduced to the school curricula in most of the Western countries. The first ideas on home economics were developed by Catherine E. Beecher at her
private school in Connecticut at the beginning of the 19th century, as she urged that
this subject should be taught in the schools. After the nervous breakdown in 1932, she had to give up this school and return to live with her family in Ohio. Nevertheless, from there, she continued to write and publish books which became highly
important for the development of home economics—the subject that teaches 'the economics, sanitary and aspects of food, clothing, and shelter as connected with
their selection, preparation, and use by the family in the home' (Randolph, 1942: 44). Soon after, Beecher's ideas were picked up by the members of Seaman's Aid Society, a charitable, religious organisation in Boston, and through their efforts, sewing was incorporated into the curriculum of the Boston's public schools by 1835. Initially, this
education aimed 'to improve home life and to prepare the young girls for the place
that they would have to assume later as wives and mothers. However, some schools operated in order to help train girls for domestic service' (Randolph, 1942: 39). At
the beginning, the courses concentrated only on sewing, and the girls were taught
how to make seams, ruffles, quilts, miniature garments, how to mend and decorate
clothes and home textiles with embroidery. Later, such courses also included making aprons, underwear, and nightgowns. The classes were taught by the seamstresses
who worked in the community, while the costs were entirely supported by individuals interested in seeing this work as a part of the curriculum. In fact, as reported by
Randolph, 'the girls did not have to supply their own material', allowing the poorer part of the population to acquire sewing skills (1942: 25).
As evidenced by Table 4.1, the incorporation of sewing and cooking classes began in the larger cities and only later moved into the towns and rural communities,
rapidly growing into a national movement (Randolph, 1942). From there, the idea to
support women's education jumped borders and cultures quickly, and by the end of the 19th century, the subject was widely offered in schools and colleges in different
Western countries (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2023). It has been taught under various titles, such as Homemaking, Domestic Economy, Domestic science, Domestic Arts, Foods, and Clothing (Randolph, 1942). The courses primarily focused on home
management and included instruction in cooking, laundering, home sanitation,
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Table 4.1. Introduction of sewing and cooking classes across the USA in the 19th century. Randolph, 1942: 34.
home nursing and sewing (including mending) (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2023).
The subject has developed differently from country to country, and such complex
historical development cannot be sufficiently illustrated in this limited space. Even
so, as Denmark is my primary context of investigation, it should be mentioned that home economics in this context started to develop in 1890, and its introduction
contributed to turning home duties into an occupational and educational area,
which since then has evolved significantly, influencing the woman's status as citizens in a modern democratic society (see Andreasen and Rasmussen, 2022).
It is also important to mention that by the end of the 19th century, the scientific
aspects of food, clothing and shelter started to be incorporated into the subject of home economics as well. In particular, it happened due to the contribution
of Ellen H. Richards, an industrial engineer, environmental chemist and the first
woman who became a university faculty member of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Although Richards has never taught home economics, with her knowledge of chemistry, she gave the scientific basis to home economics and
advocated the teaching of the subject from a scientific, technical, and practical
standpoint. Moreover, in 1899, she organised the first 'Lake Placid Conference on
Home Economics' with the aim to discuss the application of science to household problems. Out of that and subsequent Lake Placid Conferences (1899–1909), the American Home Economics Association was founded, whose members were dedicated to improving living conditions in the home and the community (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2023; Randolph, 1942).
However, as the 20th century progressed and the quality of modern life changed, the
focus of home economics courses shifted from homemaking skills and 'how to do' to more general consumer education and 'why it is done' (ibid.). By the 1970s, women
started to take pride in their inability to sew and mend. Accordingly, mending, which
was a mandatory part of the sewing classes (see Randolph, 1942), started to disappear from school education in most Western countries (Centro Studi Manzoni, 2023). Even
so, sewing was still taught in the schools of the Scandinavian countries, and as we will see later in this chapter, acquiring such competences facilitated the enactment of mending practices by the Western participants of this study.
In contrast, in the Soviet Union, by the 1960s, the teaching of the practical skills in
schools was intensified. These changes in education were conceived when the USSR
224 225
was working on its Sixth Five-Year Plan for the development of the national economy (1956-1960) (Ivanova, 2023). At that time, higher education was seen as a channel of social mobility, which could provide access to prestigious and well-paid professional
positions (ibid.). In addition, entering university programs with a restricted enrolment capacity was easier due to the unique demographic situation of that time (in the early 1960s, the limited number of young people who were born during the war
reached the age of seventeen). Consequently, 80% of all school graduates could
enter higher education institutions (Shpakovskaya, 2009), and the industry began
to feel a shortage of specialised workers whose achievements were directly related to the efficiency of the national economy and the success of the Party's Five-Year Plan (Ivanova, 2023). To increase the number of people whom the industry could
employ, Khruschev (the First Secretary of the Soviet Party) introduced educational reforms aiming to reorganise the school educational structure and modified the procedure for admission to higher educational institutions (see Shpakovskaya,
2009). As a part of these reforms, uroki truda [the labour education classes] were included in the school curriculum. Such classes aimed to instil in young people a deep respect for physical labour; to develop trudoliubie [love for work], creative
thinking and problem-solving; to illustrate the spectrum of professions which have
a polytechnic orientation, and to allow students to acquire the necessary specialist skills for the performance of such professions (Ivanova, 2023).
The labour education classes were gender separated: the schoolboys had to master
electronics, wood, and metalworking, while the schoolgirls focused on domovodstvo
[care for the home, which included sewing and cooking] (Golubev and Smolyak, 2013). To carry out these classes, the workshops, equipped with all the necessary tools, were
purposively installed in every school. The wood and metalworking workshops for boys had lathes, band saws, drill presses, welders et cetera, while the workshops for girls were equipped with sewing machines, overlockers, steamers and other equipment for sewing. In addition, the compulsory school education was complemented by a complex network of kruzhki [school hobby groups], which existed in many schools,
specialised technical after-school clubs, and houses of Young Pioneers. These hobby
groups were an extension of the labour education classes and aimed to allow children to further develop their competences in one of the labour-related crafts (e.g. radio engineering hobby groups for boys and knitting hobby groups for girls) (ibid.).
Furthermore, Khruschev's reforms detailed new models of educational institutions,
such as evening schools for working youth and evening or correspondence
universities. Additionally, within the traditional forms of universities, during the admission process, preference was given to applicants with two years of work
experience in industry. Naturally, young people who aimed at rapid social mobility did not want to spend years in the industry, and 'acquiring the practical skills was seen as a pointless waste of time' (Shpakovskaya, 2009: 56). Consequently, the
reform actuated in 1958 started to be criticised, and by 1966, most of its initiatives related to production training were completely abolished (Ivanova, 2023).
Despite the general unsuccess of educational reforms of Khrushev's era, uroki truda continued to be part of the school educational programs through the last three
decades of the Soviet regime and continued to exist after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. From the 1990s, the name of the labour classes of the 5th to the 8th
grades remained the same. At the same time, the classes from the 9th to the 11th
grade took the name of tekhnologiia [technology] and gradually shifted their focus from making to more general principles of industrial production (Kuz'mina, 2005). Moreover, the overall infrastructure of the school workshops and their equipment
started to deteriorate gradually, and today, this subject has prevalently theoretical content, which, nevertheless, is particularly rich.
As evidenced by the school manuals for students (see Shkil'ni Pidruchnyky, 2023),
from the 5th to the 8th grade, the classes are still gender separated. The schoolboys are supposed to learn the principles of traditional crafts such as wood and
metalworking, while the girls are supposed to learn sewing (including mending),
knitting, embroidery, crocheting, and clothing making. From the 9th to the 11th grade,
the technology program for both genders is the same. It is particularly complex and
very similar to Bachelor's polytechnic education programs. For instance, the students learn about the properties of different materials and their related technologies,
acquire the notions of ergonomics and descriptive geometry, learn the principles of composition, colour theories of Itten and Munsell, and are even introduced to 3D modelling software such as AutoCAD and pattern CAD. The acquisition of all
this knowledge, however, occurs only through frontal lectures and primarily aims to orient the students in the choice of their future professions. At the same time, the
teaching in the workshops from the 9th to the 11th grade disappeared from the school curriculum, partly because the old workshop infrastructure is not functioning any
longer, while the new infrastructure, which will allow students to 'touch in practice' 3D
226 227
modelling, nano and biotechnologies, robotics, new food technologies and smart homes, is not yet developed (Kolesnikova, 2019).
As we can see, today, the post-Soviet education of trudi and tekhnologiya has a
great emphasis on technological processes, while more ordinary aspects of everyday life, the essential skills associated with them, and sustainability receive less attention. In contrast, the school education of Western capitalist societies (particularly in the Scandinavian countries), after the formulation of the Sustainable Development Goals and the Education for Sustainable Development (United Nations, 2015),
intensified the emphasis on sustainability throughout the whole curriculum (Autio et al., 2021). Within such a framework, home economics classes aim to 'educate
skilled and critical citizens who can take into account the challenges of sustainable consumption in society' (ibid.: 9) and put a great emphasis on ordinary aspects of everyday life. These classes are seen as the ones of crucial importance since due to the cultural, social, and financial constraints parents do not always have a
possibility to discuss sustainability and to provide their children with sustainabilityrelated skills in the home. The recent studies of Autio et al. (2021), Fife et al. (2021) and Gisslevik et al. (2019), however, have demonstrated that Home Economics teaching prioritises the sustainability of food and cooking, while other equally
important topics, such as consumption of clothing, housing and basic finance
receive less attention. In addition, according to the study results of Autio et al.,
Home Economics teachers 'claim that their educational background is insufficient for their role as sustainability educators' (2021: 16).
If Home Economics teachers feel uncertain about their sustainability competences, designers, on the other hand, tend to display a higher level of confidence in this
field. Therefore, while the new school curricula are in the process of (trans)formation,
designers and makers are trying to facilitate the mending learning for the substantial number of people who could not acquire such competences through family learning or in the schools. As we could see in Chapter 3, in order to fill this knowledge gap,
numerous designers and mending practitioners started to teach mending techniques within the framework of participatory workshops in disparate geographic locations. Such participatory events, however, have a sporadic nature and cannot cover the
complexity of clothing repair (Kucher and Ræbild, 2023). Accordingly, to support the acquisition of mending competences and to enable more systematic learning of clothing repair, several designers began to develop online learning resources.
START HERE
REKNIT REVOLUTION reknitrevolution.org #reknitrevolution
create integrally joined trim or patch pocket
ADD ELEMENTS sew on knit or crochet motif
STITCH HACK reconfigure stitches to insert structural design
instructions available
CUT OPEN
EMBELLISH
decorate or reinforce fabric using duplicate stitches
OPEN ROW
SWISS DARN
OPEN SEAMS
OPEN PART ROW
GARMENT INTACT
COPY replicate a replicate a favoured favoured item item
Use your knitting skills to rework the knitwear in your wardrobe
INSERT POCKET
REPLACE CUFF
ALTER SECTION
create slit and insert hidden pocket
remove existing cuff or hem and replace
insert, replace or remove section of garment
REKNIT
REINVENT
entirely or partially unravel garment and reuse yarn
remove section of garment and use in new way
INSERT PANEL insert vertical panel, gusset or godet to seam or opening
CARDIGANISE cut open garment vertically or diagonally and add trim
instructions available
instructions available
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. You are free to copy, distribute, remix, tweak, and build upon it, for non-commercial or commercial purposes, as long as you credit Amy Twigger Holroyd / #reknitrevolution and use the same Creative Commons license for your new work.
Version 2.3 April 2019
Figure 4.1. The reknit spectrum developed by Amy Twigger Holroyd.
228 229
Figure 4.2. The interface of the #Fixing Fashion online open-access academy.
For instance, the UK researcher, designer and maker Amy Twigger Holroyd has developed the 'reknit spectrum' (Figure 4.1) to illustrate a range of flexible
treatments and to provide instructions which can allow individuals to repair
damaged knitwear, solve the issues of fit or revitalise outdated clothing design
(see reknitrevolution.org). The US-based designer Ellen Saville and Mexico-based designer Gabriela Martínez Ortiz, meanwhile, developed their clothing repair
courses available through the online learning platform Domestika. Both courses
have a great emphasis on sustainability in fashion and aim to enable participants
to develop their projects by combining traditional mending techniques with design approaches related to the aesthetics of colours, textures, and shapes.
Another example of how designers utilise their skills to support mending learning
comes from the Netherlands with the One Army's '#Fixing Fashion'. The project was
launched in 2021 to enable sustainable clothing consumption habits, and it consists
of an open-access online academy and an online community space. The resources of the academy have rich content, ranging from the basics of fibres and fabrics to the
notions of care, repair, and clothing upgrade (Figure 4.2). The community space allows people to share and comment on each other's projects, illustrating an array of project examples (see Fixing Fashion, 2021). All the materials of the platform are presented in a visually appealing manner. They are inspiring, engaging, and are supposed to
be self-explanatory. Accordingly, the community of '#Fixing Fashion' began to grow rapidly, and in light of other One Army's projects success (e.g. 'Precious Plastic' and 'Project Kamp'), it has a potential to grow into a global movement.
4.2.3 From bone sewing needles to digitally fabricated mending tools As I already anticipated in section 4.1 of this chapter, most of the tools or devices that can be actively used in the process of amateur mending are not essential.
When it comes to the needle and thread, however, few would disagree that sewing or mending without them would be possible (Martin, 2021b; Montenegro and
Montenegro, 2020; Whiting, 1971). The needle and thread played an essential role in human history since having them meant that 'Early Man, who was no longer
covered with hair, could create rudimentary clothes from furs or skins... travel longer distances' and essentially survive (Martin, 2021b: 29–30). However, when and where it first happened is unknown. Some believe that needles were invented during the
Upper Palaeolithic period (around 40,000 years ago) (ibid.), while others ascribe the invention of needles to Romans (Whiting, 1971). What is known is that the early
needles were made of locally available materials, such as bone, ivory, wood, and horn, and that in comparison to the needles we are used to see today, the early
needles had a slightly different shape—the head of the needle was split (Martin, 2021b; Whiting, 1971). As for the threads, these also were made out of natural
materials, such as stomach lining, animal leather, sinew, or twine (Martin, 2021b). Later, with the discovery of steel technology in China in the 10th century, needles
were significantly transformed; they became thin, smooth, and with an eye (Martin, 2021b; Whiting, 1971). This technology slowly spread throughout Europe, and by the mid-17th century, many European countries started to produce steel needles, which
were rare objects that were treasured and admired. With the technological
advancements of the Industrial Revolution, the production of needles has been
intensified. For instance, in 1824 in the Redditch district in England, 5 million needles per week were produced, while in 1847, production rose to 50 million (McLaren,
2015). It was in England, too, that the first cotton thread was mechanically spun
in the 18th century, and from that moment on, both needles and threads became
highly demanded household necessities (Martin, 2021b).
The increasingly common use of a needle and thread led to the development of other supplementary needlework tools (or devices) such as needle cases, needle
books, needle cushions, sewing clamps, spool holders, darning gourds, mending
mushrooms, needle weavers, et cetera (see Whiting, 1971). In the post-Soviet countries, most of these tools that have a device-oriented role in the conduct of practice were
in common use until the end of the 1990s, while in the Western world they were used
until the 1970s, when women started to take pride in their inability to sew and mend. As most of these devices went into disuse, manufacturers stopped producing them, and sewing supply shops stopped selling them. Accordingly, before the recent
upsurge of mending practices, for decades, such devices were lying dormant in
museums, antique shops, flea markets or in the attics and basements of people's
homes. It is one of the reasons why most of the recently published books on mending advise against purchasing new mending devices. Instead, they recommend that
new menders begin building their mending kits (consisting of necessary tools, threads,
yarns, and textile scraps) by seeking out old mending supplies through the alternative channels of purchase (Montenegro, 2020; Fulop, 2020; Neumüller, 2019).
230 231
Figure 4.3. Hand-crafted mending tools by UK artisan Sarah Locklighting.
However, the supply of vintage materials and devices is limited to what was
produced in the past. Consequently, in response to the growing demand for
mending equipment, the production of mending devices has restarted (primarily in the Western world). In contrast to the mass production methods of the 20th
century, many of today's mending tools are either handcrafted in limited series
(e.g. by manual wood turning as exemplified by the UK artisan Sarah Locklighting— Figure 4.3) or produced by relying on digital fabrication (e.g. laser engraving and laser cutting, as exemplified by US designer Katrinkless). These alternative ways of producing mending devices reduce the need for mass manufacturing and
enable the local, on-demand production of mending equipment. Within such a
framework, the devices can be potentially created also directly by consumers, who can utilise the already existing infrastructure of maker places or digital Fabrication Laboratories (FabLabs), participate in both consumption and production of what is consumed (Campbell, 2005), and simultaneously take on the responsibility
for deciding whether the new devices are necessary for the development of their mending practices.
4.3. Mending materials in participants' narratives
After discussing how clothing repair infrastructures, devices and mending resources
have evolved over time in Western and (post)-Soviet societies, I will now explain how the material element constitutes the mending practices of four participant groups in this study. In doing so, I will rely on Shove's three-part material classification to illustrate a more detailed picture of seamstresses' services, formal and informal repair education, and tools and materials which are used in the course of the participants' practices.
4.3.1 Post-Soviet 'mothers': 'Our seamstress always aids [but if] there is a small hole, I can fix it myself'
As evidenced in section 4.2 of this chapter, within the general conditions of the Soviet scarcity, where people had to wait hours in queues to obtain modest and low-quality clothes conveying nothing, portnikhi [seamstresses] played an important role and had a special status of the 'cultural producer' (Vainshtein, 2000: 206). Therefore, relying on seamstresses' services was rooted in Soviet society, and such practices
have never ceased to be culturally relevant. Today, relying on the services of portnikh for repairing clothes is still a widespread occurrence, while sewing one's dresses by seamstresses is less common than it was in the past—today, dresses are sewn by
seamstresses only for special occasions, such as proms, graduations, or weddings: Our seamstress always comes to the aid when it is needed. For example, when we needed dresses for your prom [talks to her daughter]. I remember that we first tried to buy them in the shops. We spent the whole weekend looking for dresses, but everything looked just the same… So, we found some design
inspiration [online], and then our seamstress sewed our dresses. I remember that she even altered your [daughter's] underwear because the dress was
asymmetrical. And then, she also embroidered the dresses with beads. So,
first, she sewed the dresses and then also embroidered them. And still, it was
way cheaper than to buy the dress in the shop… But nowadays, my everyday clothes are never handmade. I just buy them in the shops… My seamstress
has her regular job now, and this is something that she does on the side. It is a sort of her hobby. So, I ask her to make clothes only for special occasions, and sometimes, but not so often anymore, when the fabric is particularly good, I ask her to do something new from the old clothes [Tamara, 50 y.o.].
As evidenced by Tamara's quote, like the practice of private dressmaking, transforming old clothes into new ones or upcycling with the aid of the seamstresses today is not as frequent as it was in the past. In contrast, during the Soviet years and the years of smeshchennykh devianostĭkh [displaced nineties] (from 1986 to 1999), upcycling was very common. Most of the time, upcycling that included minor re-styling and
re-design—'soft' upcycling—was enacted by people within domestic landscapes (see Goralik, 2022). In contrast, upcycling that was particularly arduous and required specific competences or equipment which ordinary people did not possess, was
done with the aid of the seamstresses. Such kinds of upcycling included major restyling and re-design—it was 'deep' (ibid.):
[During the displaced nineties] we repaired and pereshivali [made new clothes from the old ones] really a lot. Mostly for economic reasons but also because there were certain things that you simply could not throw away. For example, I never had a leather jacket [during the Soviet time], and then when these
jackets appeared on the market, I saved money and finally bought one. I wore it a lot, but at one point, the jacket lost its vneshniĭ vid—many of its parts were
slightly worn out, and also fashion has changed. But the material was still very good. So, of course, I brought it to my seamstress, who re-used the material and made a leather jacket for my daughter out of it. She also completely
modified the style. And then my daughter wore this new jacket with a lot of
pleasure because it was real leather, very beautiful… And recently, Valushka
also helped me with Valera's [husband's] jacket. It was too big and outdated, so she removed some material and changed the size and shape. Naturally, I do not deal with leather. It is not something I can do [Elena, 59 y.o.].
As we can see from the examples of 'deep' upcycling reported by Elena, the jackets
were transformed not because they were completely worn out or broken but because
'the fashion has changed' and because these clothing were seen as 'outdated'. Such
practices, therefore, are driven by self-expression and focus on changing the garment's style. In contrast, when complex clothing transformations occur due to material breakage and due to the desire to prolong the lifecycle of clothing without re-
styling or significant changes in design, such manipulations fall into the category of clothing repair. Marina reported one such example:
When I was young, quite some time ago, I remember that there was a repair
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method called perelitsovka [reversing of coats]. At that time, the coats were considered an investment. People wore coats for a very long time, 20 years or so. At one point, the material was worn out, and the coat needed to be
renewed. So, to make the coats appear new again, people used this method. But perilitsovka was not easy; you had to open all the seams and reverse the fabric so that the external surface would become internal. And then, sew all
the pieces back again, including the lining… That is why usually it was done in the atelier or by your seamstress [Marina, 65 y.o.].
The complex manipulations with clothing reported above are very different in their
nature; nevertheless, both examples highlight that the group of post-Soviet 'mothers' can distinguish between 'easy' and 'difficult' tasks. Accordingly, 'mothers' tend to undertake the 'easy' manipulations with clothing independently, while 'difficult'
manipulations are delegated to professionals. Although such categorisations as
'easy' or 'difficult' depend on many factors and can be subjective, school education provides aid in this regard. In particular, concerning clothing repair, as evidenced by the review of the school manuals for students (Shkil'ni Pidruchnyky, 2023), the
programs of uroki truda for girls [the labour education classes] include explanations (sometimes in an implicit way through gradual teaching) of what is 'easy'—melkiĭ [minor] and sredniĭ remont odezhdy [medium clothing repair]; and of what is
'difficult'—krupniĭ remont odezhdy [major clothing repair] and hudozhestvennaia shtopka [restoring repair].
As already illustrated in Chapter 1, hudozhestvennaia shtopka [restoring repair]
presupposes the complete restoration of the fabric to its previous state and requires
professional training, sophisticated mending techniques, years of artisan's experience and some specialised equipment such as magnifying glass lamps (see Korneeva,1989). This kind of clothing repair is never taught in the schools. Krupniĭ remont odezhdy
[major clothing repair] consists of repairing 'difficult' materials (i.e. high-performance
or particularly delicate fabrics, fur, leather et cetera), and repair of big and extensively damaged areas. Sometimes it presupposes significant changes in style or design
for the repair purpose (e.g. substitution of garment components). This kind of repair
also requires professional training and equipment (i.e. sewing machines, overlockers, equipment for working leather, fur, et cetera), and it is not taught in schools, either. However, students learn the basics of materials and garment construction, which allows them to understand the complexity of major repair manipulations.
Sredniĭ remont odezhdy [medium clothing repair] includes alterations and minor
changes in design or style for the repair purpose. Among the examples of this kind of repair are changing the size of the garment (e.g. by altering the waistband or
doing darts), preplacement of items' components (e.g. pockets, cuffs and collars),
changing the length and shape of the garment, and replacing the zippers. Finally,
melkiĭ remont odezhdy [minor clothing repair] consists of fixing the minor damages
which occur in the use phase (e.g. small holes, tears, open seams, snags or detached and broken fasteners). This kind of repair utilises a range of techniques, such as
sewing on the buttons, metal hooks and loops, restoring the loops or stitching new ones, repairing the buttonholes, reattachment or creating various belt loops and
straps, closing open seams, stitching open hems, re-seaming the cuff edges, and
different kinds of patching and darning. As evidenced by the wardrobe interviews with the post-Soviet 'mothers', the competences necessary to understand the
complexity of 'major' repair manipulations (e.g. basics of garment construction),
as well as the competences necessary to perform 'medium' and 'minor' repairs are usually taught in schools:
Well, most of my clothing repair skills I probably learned in school because we had the subject called trudy. During these housekeeping classes, we
were taught how to clean, cook, and mend damaged clothes with different
mending techniques. Then, we also made clothes. Naturally, we started with
simple things and later made more complex clothes like shirts and skirts. We
also learned how to knit. I remember knitting my first socks, a scarf, a beanie
and even the entire beautiful vest. So, now, for example, if it is a knitted item,
and there is a small hole, I can fix it myself, and I do not go with such things to my seamstress [Tamara, 50 y.o.].
The participants of this age group spoke about trudy classes with a lot of nostalgia and affection. Despite many years separating them from their school education,
post-Soviet 'mothers' still vividly remembered many details of the class content, the
outcomes of their school projects, and even the teachers' names. They emphasised
the importance of the subject, the importance of the gradual learning (which always started from easy tasks and then moved towards more complex approaches), and the importance of the teacher's role within the framework of acquiring the skills which later turned to be helpful for the well-being of their everyday lives:
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We had a wonderful teacher of trudy; she loved her job and transmitted all
her passion to us. She taught us just everything: to sew, mend and make our clothes. I remember that we started with aprons, then we made skirts, and
then we made dresses. And everyone was eager to learn and do the homework.
And we even wore the dresses which we had sewn. I still have the photos of me in that dress. My teacher helped me a lot, of course. She was such a good
teacher. Even though it was a really long time ago, I think I was in the 8th grade, and it was in 1969, I still remember her name—Yelena Andreyevna. The surname I do not remember any longer… And later in life, all these skills turned out to be helpful. I could sew clothes, alter them or repair them. So, yes, she was a wonderful teacher. And, of course, also my mother taught me many things. She was a professional seamstress [Marina, 65 y.o.].
Although the participants of this age group acquired most of their sewing and mending competences through formal education at schools, it is important to
recognise that family learning was also essential for shaping the development of
participants' sewing, mending and other craft skills. Usually, family learning begins in the early preschool age and within the familiarity of domestic spaces, where
parents, grandparents or other relatives of older generations transmit their wisdom
and knowledge to children. As reported by the post-Soviet 'mothers', such knowledge was related not only to the technical aspects of their relatives' sewing, mending and craft practices but also to their cultural heritage:
At home, we did a lot of sewing and mending. I guess I was a happy child
because my grandmother and great-grandmother were still alive [when I was a child]. Even if my great-grandmother at that time was already 85, I still
managed to see how they [grandmother and great-grandmother] made their clothes from hemp, how they soaked and broke the hemp, and how they
made their shirts then. My grandmother and mother also embroidered many rushnyky [traditional embroidered towels], pillowcases and bedsheets. My
great-grandmother also had a spinning wheel and did her own wool yarns
during wintertime. So, when it was too cold for outside activities, she sat down with her wheel and made yarns, and then with these yarns, she made socks and sweaters… They taught me all these things, and I am very grateful for that. But then technology changed, and when my grandmother died, my
mother gave this spinning wheel to the museum, and with that, the era of the
spinning wheel was somehow over [Tamara, 50 y.o.]. As Tamara continued in her wardrobe interview, when 'the era of the spinning wheel was somehow over', her family acquired a sewing machine, and she had a chance
to observe her mother utilising this new device within a domestic setting. Later, this learning was complemented within formal school education, where she (and the
other two participants of this study age group) learned to use more complex devices
such as sewing machines and overlockers. Although today, the post-Soviet 'mothers'' sewing equipment consists primarily of basic sewing threads, fasteners, and such tools as needles and scissors, knowing how to operate a sewing machine and knowing what can be done with this tool is considered important:
Here is my beautiful sewing box. It contains needles in different sizes. Usually,
I buy these sets with different needles, but they always disappear somewhere. Then, I also have a knitting needle, the threads, and a few buttons... I do not
have a sewing machine. I think the last time I used the sewing machine was in the school. We had ten sewing machines in the workshop. Five were manual, and five were powered by electricity, and we had overlockers. I think that if
I would sit in front of the sewing machine today, I would need some time to get used to it again, like an hour or two. But I would still be able to change a sewing machine needle, install the bobbin, and put the thread. I still
remember all these things. But generally, I think that knowledge related to
sewing machines is more useful in terms of machine possibilities, like what I can do with the sewing machine [Tamara, 50 y.o.].
I do not have a sewing machine, but I would like to have one, just not to bother Valushka with these small alterations. Because often when I buy
trousers they are too long and in order to do quality work, I bring them to her.
So, then I am sure that the results are always wonderful, the seams are perfect, and they look neat and professionally done. But I would like to have a sewing machine and to do these things myself. It is just that I do not manage to vykroit vremia [make time] for these types of activities [Elena, 59 y.o.].
As for the materials which are used up (e.g. threads, yarns, fasteners, and textile
scarps), similarly to Tamara, also Marina has only the threads in a few colours. In contrast, Elena still has a small material archive consisting of textiles, which she
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collected during the early 1990s when she began to travel abroad and work in
Germany. Today, these textiles are still utilised to sew new clothes for her and her daughter, but only for special occasions.
4.3.2 Post-Soviet 'daughters': 'As I started to work, I began to bring all the repairs to the seamstress'
Similarly to the post-Soviet 'mothers', the group of 'daughters' often relies on the services of the private seamstresses for making, upcycling, and repairing their
clothes. However, if 'mothers' have their own seamstresses, with whom they have a well-established relationship of trust, 'daughters' are less privileged in this regard. Throughout the Soviet history of private dressmaking, excellent and reliable
seamstresses with good reputations were not easy to find, and usually, they were chosen thoroughly by one's friends' recommendations (Vainshtein, 2000). Once the seamstresses were finally selected, the relationship between the client and
the seamstress usually took years to mature. This time allowed the seamstresses to get to know clients' tastes and bodies and, thus, provide a personalised approach to their clients' needs. Furthermore, during the Soviet time, people generally
had limited mobility and spent nearly their entire lives in the same places. These
circumstances allowed post-Soviet 'mothers' to maintain trustworthy relationships with their seamstresses throughout their lives.
In contrast, the age group of post-Soviet 'daughters', who grew up in the context of open borders and easy mobility, often moved to cities different to their origin due to career opportunities, education, or personal preferences. This mobility
did not leave much space for the establishment of relationships of trust with the seamstresses. Therefore, despite the abundance of clothing repair services and
private seamstresses in the post-Soviet landscape, the attempts of 'daughters' to
find a personal seamstress were unsuccessful, while the clothes which were made within such attempts were described as unsatisfying:
When I moved to Dnipro, I tried to sew a jacket by the seamstress which a
friend recommended. I guess it was for a wedding [someone else's wedding]. She took all the measurements, and I travelled to her place several times to try it on. And the fabric was very good, but it just did not fit well. I even did
not wear it for the occasion it was sewn for. And I do not understand what was wrong with it, she [seamstress] just did not feel me at all. So, later, I brought it to my mother's seamstress, who adjusted everything. She knew me very well
and she knew what I wanted exactly. So, if it is a matter of repair, it is relatively easy to find someone who can do it, but if it is something more personalised or more complex, I would say it is quite problematic [Marta, 24 y.o.].
The 'medium' and 'minor' repairs in principle do not require the same level of intimacy and trust as private dressmaking. Even so, most of the time, the participants of this age group continue to rely on their mothers' seamstresses even for less complex
repairs. However, since the 'daughters' live far from their families of origin, relying on the mother's seamstresses often means collecting a bunch of damaged clothes and shipping them to their mothers by post or waiting until they visit their relatives:
So, here is the most common issue which I have—jeans. They are always too long. These jeans my mother bought for my friend in Poland or in Italy, I do not remember where exactly. But they were too small for my friend, so she
just gave them to me, and they were too long for me, so the seamstress just
shortened them. I have a lot of long jeans, and then I have another problem: they are always big, like one or one and a half size bigger. So, at one point, I just collect, like, five pairs of jeans and bring them to the seamstress in Krivij Rih [city of origin]. I do not have my own seamstress, so I rely on my mom's seamstress [Ksenia, 26 y.o.].
Despite the fact that most of the time, this age group of 'daughters' rely on their
mother's seamstresses both for making, upcycling and repairing their clothes, the instances when clothing repair is urgent occur inevitably. These situations can
happen due to different circumstances, such as unexpected clothing malfunctions
before important events or damages that occur on clothes that are frequently used. In such cases, the search for the closest repair services occurs through social media
groups of the same housing complexes, which allows them to find the closest repair site and to get some advice from their peers:
These trousers were repaired in the local atelier. I had an accident at work. We had this folding table with this metal hook, and I do not know how, but I sat
on it and made a big hole, just right on the trousers seat, so I turned a band
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around my buttocks to get back home… Since I wear these pants all the time, I
did not want to wait until I went to Moscow… So, I just entered the group of our housing complex and found good recommendations… And you can see that the seamstress did a rather good job. She took a material from the internal
pocket and added another tiny pocket outside. Because I had an idea of how
it should be done, but I was also aware that my hands would not be able to do it in such a fine way. And it was not expensive at all, like 100 or 200 hryvnia [2,5 or 5 euro] [Figure 4.4] [Tania, 34 y.o.].
As evidenced by Tania's quote, similarly to their 'mothers', participants of this age group most of the time can evaluate their competences and understand what is
'easy' or 'difficult' to mend. Accordingly, they can distinguish between repair they can undertake themselves and repair which requires specific competences or specific equipment which they do not have:
These jeans were mended by the seamstress. Although I wore them carefully, they were worn out anyway. And when such kind of damage happens, it is always better to give them to professionals. This kind of damage usually
requires machine darning, and machine darning requires an extra material to reinforce jeans from within and a sewing machine with a specific presser foot [Marta, 24 y.o.].
Like their mothers, the 'daughters' acquired the competences of 'minor' and
'medium' clothing repair within the framework of uroki truda for girls [the labour
education classes]. However, unlike their mothers who talked about trudy classes
with affection and enthusiasm, vividly remembered the details of the program and
the outcomes of their projects, 'daughters' described a less enthusiastic perspective on their learning experience:
Yes, we had trudy classes at the school where we learned many things, like
fabrics, wool, silk. And I remember I even had an album with different fabrics
and stitches, which we learned. We did not have good workshops, but we had a few sewing machines, and we still made the apron, the skirt, and even the
dress. We did patterns, basting, put the zippers, we had all of that... But I did not see the point of learning all these things at that time, and I was not very
interested in repairing clothes myself… So, as soon as I finished my [university]
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Figure 4.4. Example of professional repair—an extra pocket created with inner pocket material.
studies and started to work and earn money, I began to bring all the repairs
to the seamstress... And slowly, I forgot most of the things I learned at school… Because when I have this interest in mending now, I know why I am learning,
and I will use this knowledge and remember everything. And during the school time, it was just a part of the check list [Tania, 34 y.o.].
I remember that these lessons were very boring, and most girls did not want
to learn about mending or care of clothes; they were almost ashamed to sew. Even the teacher was not convinced that this knowledge was useful for us. So, we learned something, but it was not as it was for my parents. My mom, for
example, was sewing and knitting her own clothes, and my father was working with wood; he made a wooden birdhouse. But we did not have all that, simply because we no longer had workshops [Marta, 24 y.o.].
As evidenced by these quotes, within the timeframe of ten years, the education of trudy classes has significantly changed. In the late 1990s, when Tania was in the
5th–8th grades and acquired the knowledge described above, trudy classes had a
practical nature, and students could still utilise the school workshops' equipment. In
contrast, Marta's experience illustrated that at the end of the 2000s, these classes became primarily theoretical, while the workshops did not exist at all.
This shift of the focus from practical to theoretical content and the deterioration of the workshop infrastructure illustrated by Tania and Marta aligns with what I
described in section 4.2 of this chapter. In contrast, the objectives of the school
manuals of the 5th–8th grades, which include acquisition of the 'easy' and 'medium'
repair competences, do not match to the reality of today's formal education. As
demonstrated by the teaching experience of Martha in the late 2010s, today, the students of trudy or trudove navchannia [in Ukraine] are barely taught even the basics of sewing:
Yes, there is information about all types of repair in the school manuals, but there are really a few manuals [given to the whole class]. For example,
compared to other subject manuals, such as mathematics manuals, which are given to every student, the trudove navchannya manuals are given to
one of three students. I remember from my teaching practice that sometimes there are no manuals at all, and the teacher has to download the manual in
PDF format and then build her teaching program upon the program of the
previous teacher. And there are really a few hours for both preparation and teaching. For example, I had 1.5 hours for teaching embroidery. What can
one teach in 1.5 hours? You have to gather children, give them time to gather all the necessary materials, explain the safety rules and so on, and suddenly
there are already 3 hours and not 1,5. Then, some teachers do not want to give sharp objects to children, even if the needles which are not sharp exist on the market. So, today, it always depends on the specific schools, if there are still
workshops and equipment, and on the teacher's initiative and passion for her subject. From what I could observe, it mostly looks like this: "So, today, guys,
we have a cross-stitch embroidery in the program, so here is your homework.
Go home, do it there, and then bring me the final outcomes" [Marta, 24 y.o.]. As we can see, today the students of trudy classes are primarily supposed to carry out the subject-related tasks themselves or with the aid of their relatives within
the domestic landscape. However, as evidenced by the narratives of the study
participants, even in the past, when teaching and learning of mending practices were more widespread within the home, not every child could rely on the family learning to acquire these essential skills and to develop one's interest for crafts: My mother never taught me how to mend. And my grandmother, neither.
None of them ever told me: "Come here, I will teach you, and then you will be able to do it yourself". My grandmother was also a professional seamstress
when she was young, and I even did not know about it before the wardrobe interview with my mother… I just think that learning these skills at home and at the school are two different things. But maybe they [mother and grandmother] just did not want to teach anyone [Tania, 34 y.o.].
I learned many things at school, but most of my mending knowledge comes from family learning. So, it was my mom plus my grandmother, plus the
school… Both my mother and grandmother were very inspiring, they just could do everything from anything. So, since the early childhood I was interested in sewing. But some families do not teach their children anything at all, and in
that case these classes are very important because then young adults are at least able to cook a simple meal, wash their clothes, or mend something… I
think we have a deficit of urokov truda today, and children do not learn many
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things at school. So, everything depends on whether the parents can teach their children or not [Ksenia, 26 y.o.].
These quotes illustrate the common narrative of this study group's participants, who recognise the importance of family learning and school education, which play
different roles in developing the overall set of clothing repair-related competences.
Family learning occurs in early age within the intimacy and familiarity of the domestic landscapes. It allows children to absorb family traditions and wisdom and cultivate
a general interest in craft and do-it-yourself culture. Later, within the school education, this initial interest is reinforced by gradual learning of more technical aspects of
clothing repair competences. Finally, family learning and formal school education
can be complemented by kruzhki [hobby groups], which aim at allowing children to delve deeper into their chosen craft.
As evidenced by the narratives of the study participants, family learning continues to have a pivotal role in the development of clothing repair related competences; the school classes of trudy and tekhnologiya still exist, but they have shifted their
practical emphasis to more theoretical approaches (partly due to the inefficiency of
the workshop infrastructure). Accordingly, formal school education plays a secondary role within the overall picture of the acquisition of mending competences, while learning, which in the past occurred within the framework of specialised hobby groups, no longer exists. In fact, only one of the post-Soviet 'daughters' has
mentioned this type of sewing and repair competences acquisition, which, as she explained, occurred exclusively due to the initiative of her dance teacher, who combined dance classes with classes for sewing, embroidery and mending:
When I was a child, I went to the dance school, and there we had additional kruzhok of sewing, embroidery and mending of our own costumes. So, until the age of 15 our teacher made the costumes, she made patterns and
everything, and we were supposed to decorate our costumes with embroidery and to maintain them, to mend them and so on. Later, at the age of 16 and 17,
we also made our own costumes, which we then utilised on stage… No, such a format was not common. I think that it was a peculiarity of our dance school, and it came from the initiative of our teacher, who taught us many things. I
even remember that on Wednesdays, we had a dance class plus kroĭka i shit'e [tailoring and sewing]; on Fridays, we had stage movement and embroidery;
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Figure 4.5. Example of participant's sewing kit containing only needles and threads.
on Saturdays, we had choreography, sewing, and complex repair. Moreover, I remember that we all were very engaged because we had this motivation to look nice on the stage. Each of us had an individual costume, and it was our
responsibility if the costumes did not look nice, if they were not well-decorated, and if we could not shine on the scene. And then all these classes were always exciting; I remember that we learned the traditional embroidery techniques
of each region, with their specific colours. And our teacher always brought all these books which explained the peculiarities of embroidery of each region.
And we had all the necessary equipment in the dance school workshop. Yes, it was incredibly cool [Marta, 24 y.o.].
As we can see, if within the context of school education, the trudy classes were
described as boring, teachers as unmotivated, students as lacking the motivation
to acquire sewing and repair competences, and workshops as lacking the essential equipment, within the context of kruzhki, the combination of dance and sewing
classes was illustrated as an engaging experience where the teacher was able to motivate students to acquire sewing and mending competences, and where the
well-equipped school workshop supported such learning. Unfortunately, today, such formats are no longer common, and general motivation in engaging with sewing and mending has begun to fade also in the post-Soviet context. Accordingly, the
group of 'daughters' primarily rely on the seamstresses' services. At the same time, within the domestic landscapes, they execute only 'minor' repairs, which do not require other than a needle and thread (Figure 4.5).
4.3.3 Western 'mothers': 'I repaired a zipper [which] might have cost almost as jacket itself… [but] I love this jacket'
In contrast to the post-Soviet 'mothers', who have their own seamstresses and
regularly rely on their services for medium and major repair, upcycling and sewing
new dresses for special occasions, Western 'mothers' not only do not have their own seamstresses but also never rely on repair services of any kind. When Marianne and Hanne were asked if they ever use repair services, the answer was concise:
'No, never'. Accordingly, both Western 'mothers' execute the 'minor', 'medium' and
sometimes even the major repairs themselves within the domestic landscape. The study of their wardrobes illustrated an array of examples of 'minor' repairs, such
as closing open seams, pulling snags, sewing on buttons, repairing buttonholes, patching, and darning; several examples of 'medium' repairs, such as doing the darts, changing the size and shape of the garment, and replacing the zippers;
and a few examples of 'major' repairs, such as machine darning and changing the zipper on the waterproof jacket:
I often get these small holes in my cashmere sweaters. I think it is from moth.
Because otherwise, I do not know why I would have a hole like this… So, in this
case, I just pick up the loops and close them… And then I always wear and tear my stuff on the elbows. I have very sharp elbows, apparently [laughs]… So, I
should start thinking when I knit to reinforce the elbows from the beginning.
But I never did. So, this was worn on the elbow. This one I absolutely love, but
it is very thin, and it wore very quickly. I mended [darned] it with the linen yarn
because linen is pretty durable… And then I have alterations. I make alterations which can make my clothes fit nicer. Like this one [dress]. I made these little
darts right after I bought the garment. I tried it in the store and thought I could make this work. It was pretty wide, too big. So, I made these classical darts in
the front and on the back. Because otherwise, I would need to rip everything, and I did not want to do it [Marianne, 57 y.o.].
The other day, I repaired Bernd's [husband's] jeans. They were totally worn out because he used them for fishing for years. It was his favourite pair of fishing
pants. So, I put a patch on it from the inside and then simply reinforced it with
the sewing machine… Ah, here, for example, I ordered this t-shirt online, which was way too big for me. So, instead of sending it back, I altered it, removing
20 centimetres… And on this jacket, I replaced a zipper because it is an Aldi
[waterproof] jacket, and Aldi jackets have poor-quality zips. They are also way
too cheap, but when I saw it [in the second-hand shop], the fabric was so nice, and I love this jacket. And when the zipper broke, I replaced it… I mean, the zipper might have cost almost as much money as the jacket itself [laughs].
However, the jacket is very comfortable, and I have not found a comparable
jacket, even from very expensive manufacturers. That is why I repaired it… So, yes, I do not find altering or repairing difficult [Hanne, 58 y.o.].
As we can see from the quotes reported above, Marianne and Hanne do not find
'minor' and 'medium' clothing repair difficult, and sometimes, they even engage in
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'major' repair manipulations. However, more complex repair of big and extensively damaged areas or repair of fragile, delicate, or high-performance fabrics is
something that participants of this study group are unable to do. At the same
time, they do not rely on repair services; thus, potentially, such clothes could be
discarded. Even so, Marianne and Hanne do not throw them away and store them in their wardrobes or their drawers for damaged clothes with the hope of repairing such clothes one day:
I have this beautiful dress. I bought it second-hand for a special occasion. It was when Helle, my friend in Sweden, became a professor. They celebrate it
intensively in Sweden, and she asked me if I could come to Gothenburg. So, I bought this [second-hand] dress online and wore it for the occasion. It was 6
or 7 years ago. But on that day, it just broke immediately, and I was very upset when it was broken. There were these tiny holes in a very thin fabric [organza], and you could see them because there was a bright pink layer underneath. And I tried to fix it, but it is quite difficult to fix something like that, if not
impossible. But I do not throw it away; the fabric is also so good, and I still hope that one day it can be restored [Hanne, 58 y.o.].
Earlier in this chapter, I illustrated how post-Soviet 'mothers' reuse the fabric of old clothes, which are still good for sending them to the village and engage in the
practices of 'deep' upcycling with the aid of the seamstresses. Post-Soviet 'daughters' rely on the seamstresses for 'soft' and 'deep' upcycling too, since they know that
their competences are insufficient for such complex manipulations with clothing. In contrast, Western 'mothers' do not upcycle their clothes when upcycling is
supposed to be 'deep', but rather prefer to leave their clothes dormant in the
wardrobes. At the same time, as evidenced by examples of the wardrobe studies,
these two Western 'mothers' often made clothes from the patterns for them and for
their children (when they were little). Thus, it is evident that their sewing competences are rather advanced. Nevertheless, dealing with very complex repairs or 'deep' upcycling, is not something that they can do themselves.
Thus, as we can see, also Marianne and Hanne can distinguish between repair,
which is 'easy' and 'difficult'. However, unlike post-Soviet 'mothers', Marianne and Hanne have not learned it in schools. Both Western 'mothers' reported that
håndarbejde [hand work] classes were part of their school education. During these
classes, they acquired the basic knowledge of working with textiles, materials,
colours, and various tools employed in the processes of hand and machine sewing, knitting, knotting, crocheting, fabric printing, and clothing construction. However,
mending, and other wardrobe maintenance-related skills, such as washing and stain removal, were not part of their school education.
As evidenced by the review of the school manuals for students (Digitale Læreplaner, 2023), before the 1970s, the programs of håndarbejde aimed at equipping the
students (both female and male) with the skills valuable in the home. Therefore,
acquiring the competences related to wardrobe maintenance and calculations of material consumption was a mandatory part of the school education. However, from the 1970s on, håndarbejde has evolved into the subject emphasising the
students' creativity and experimentation, and the importance was given to the
process rather than the outcome. The main goal was to allow students to fuel their curiosity related to textile crafts and to enable them to develop their projects
reflecting one's individual goals. Accordingly, the content of håndarbejde programs became flexible, and it was the teachers' task to prepare the open teaching
framework, which was then shaped by the dialogue with the students. It is how
wardrobe maintenance-related skills started to disappear gradually from school education in the Danish context.
In contrast, Cathryn—the Western 'mother' who does not mend her clothes—reported that mending, sewing, and clothes making were part of her school education, which she obtained in the US in the 1970s. Moreover, Cathryn also explained that
needlework was part of her family craft culture. Despite these factors, which could positively affect the acquisition of Cathryn's repair competences, she has never learned how to mend:
My mother always had a sewing kit. She even bought me a sewing kit, which was no good because I hated it. But she had a sewing kit, she mended, and then she also did a lot of needlework, and she would decorate things with
flowers and different stitches; I cannot even imagine. So, this stuff was done
by hand, and then she also had a sewing machine… And at school, which was in the 1970s, we had sewing, mending, and we had to make an A-line skirt.
But I paid someone to make my skirt. I took all my savings and paid one of my classmates, and she did this skirt for me. There was no way. I tried, I have got
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a sewing machine, and everything, and I was just like, and I had these pins,
which you use to rewrite the things from the pattern, and you cut it, and you pin it, no, are you kidding me? Too much, I cannot do it. I am not crafty. I do not want to do things with my hands [Cathryn, 65 y.o.].
Cathryn's narrative clearly illustrates the broken links between mending practice
elements. As we can see, in the 1970s in the US, the material element of mending practices, which could allow the acquisition of competences, was still in place.
However, the element of meaning has changed, and women started to be proud of their inability to mend. For this reason, Cathryn has never learned how to repair her
clothes, and today, she gets rid of everything less than perfect. In contrast, Marianne and Hanne did not learn how to mend in school because clothing repair was not
part of the håndarbejde program. However, at an early age, their relatives taught
them the basics of mending. Later, within the school education framework, Marianne and Hanne also acquired the basic knowledge of working with textiles, materials, colours, and various tools employed in hand and machine sewing, knitting, and
clothing construction. This knowledge and competences became relevant for these two Western 'mothers' when sustainability concerns started to be pronounced and began to permeate various aspects of Danish welfare capitalist society. Marianne
and Hanne were able to apply the acquired knowledge to the tasks of clothing repair and to cultivate their passion for sewing, mending, knitting and other crafts through years of learning by doing. Thus, today, they can rely on their advanced mending competences, which are supported by extensive material collections.
In the previous sections, we could see that the post-Soviet participants engage themselves only in 'minor' repairs. Therefore, their mending kits only contain
essentials—needles, threads, and scissors. Contrastingly, Western 'mothers' engage in more complex repair projects, which require specific competences and tools.
Since Marianne and Hanne consider sewing and mending their hobbies, acquiring the tools is seen as a possibility to develop their competences further. Therefore,
over the years, both of these Western 'mothers' have collected many sewing tools,
which range from sewing machines to all kinds of pins. However, for hand mending they utilise only needle and thread:
So, this is the part of the wardrobe with all my materials. I have three sewing
machines, which is a little bit over the top. And this one I use for mending. It is
over 35 years old… It is a very good machine, and it has this special foot… it is very good for mending… All kinds of pins. Pins are very important. And I have different kinds of pins. Depending on what I am doing… And then I inherited a lot; whenever one old lady died in my family or in my husband's family, I
would always get their sewing kits. I love sewing accessories, and then I would
sew bags and stuff like this which would fit my needs. And then I have all these small boxes, which I find comfortable. And obviously, rulers, cutting boards, and usually, I use these to have a more precise cut. All these items I have
collected because it was my hobby, and then I also use them for mending...
But I do not have dedicated mending tools. When I mend by hand, I literally
use only needle and thread, and sometimes I also use this [magnifying glass] [Marianne, 57 y.o.].
As for the materials which are used up, Marianne and Hanne have entire archives, which occupy dedicated parts of their wardrobes. These are composed of threads, embroidery floss, and yarns (all in natural fibres), a collection of fabrics, buttons,
and a variety of clothing spare elements such as elbow leather patches, pockets,
et cetera. Most of these materials were inherited from relatives or were purchased second-hand over the last decades.
4.3.4 Western 'daughters': 'My mom was very active with sewing and showed me all that, [so today] I mend, alter, and sew my clothes'
The narratives of the Western 'daughters' regarding the repair services are very
similar to those of Marianne and Hanne. Western 'daughters' do not have their own seamstresses and never rely on repair services of any kind. Even so, they know that such services exist. However, as they explained, in the Danish context, such repair
services remain invisible to the majority of the population, while the skills of tailors, who today limit their activities to repair, are not appreciated as it was in the past:
Yes, we have people who repair, but we call them tailors. They are educated to make bespoke clothing, but they end up doing things like this [repair] because people are not really using tailors anymore… There are not a lot of them, they are there, but especially the young generation does not know about them,
or they have this idea that it is very expensive… I think that these services are
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often combined with other kinds of activities as well. So, these people can be dry cleaners and tailors at the same time [Tea, 35 y.o.].
Similarly to those Western 'mothers' who obtained their school education in Denmark, also the Western 'daughters' Emilie and Tea acquired the competences of sewing
and needlework within the framework of Home Economic classes called håndarbejde [handwork]. However, both participants reported that such learning was very basic and limited to sewing and decorating small pillows, while knitting, crocheting, and tailoring were not taught at all. In addition, Emilie and Tea explained that the
subject was taught by utilising very traditional approaches, which did not leave much space for exploration or experimentation:
At school, we did basic needlework and sewing as part of håndarbejde, which means handwork. And everybody learns it. It is not gender separated. But we never did knitting or crocheting, but eventually, it would be part of that. I remember that we had to sew a pillow, which was easy because it was
a square. And then we would learn how to do an applique—how to sew
something on the top of the pillow. So, it was not really mending… And then
we had this teacher of Home Economics, who was very old, and she was very
old school, and she did not leave us much space for experimentation. We had
to do this perfect embroidery, which had to look the same on the front and on the back. And I was like: "mhh, mine is not like that" [laughs] [Emilie, 26 y.o.]. In contrast, Gerda, who obtained her school education in Northern Germany,
alongside learning how to do hand sewing and embroidery, also learned how to use a sewing machine and how to knit. At the same time, Jessica, who attended school in the US in the early 2000s, contrary to her mother and aunt who, in the 1970s, still had sewing and mending as a part of their Home Economics classes, did not acquire her sewing competences from school:
I did not learn any of my skills at school. It was not teaching us how to sew;
it was, when you are a small kid, you would get a board with holes in them,
and it is for training your hand-eye coordination. That kind of stuff. It is for the
body; it is not for teaching skills, sewing skills… And my mending skills, I did not learn them from my mom; she was a single mom, very busy. I think that it is
coming from my grandmother. She had an interest, and she basically showed
me the basics. And she gave me my sewing kit and would give us little craft
tasks. And she had a cabin in the kitchen, in the dining area, where she kept
the yarns and stuff. I just remember because, to me, it was like a picnic basket full of these fancy things. So, I feel like I took some things from my grandmom and then, sort of learned from trying [Jessica, 34 y.o.].
Similarly to Jessica, who spoke about family learning with much affection, recognising that this learning was important for the development of her mending practice,
Emilie, Gerda, and Tea described their profound fascination with the world of their
mothers' craftmanship and the rich tapestry of their do-it-yourself cultures. According to the Western 'daughters', these immersive experiences, which occurred at an early age within the familiarity of a domestic setting, not only equipped them with the
essential practical skills but also fuelled their curiosity and imagination, significantly shaping their sewing, mending and other craft skills:
Growing up, most of the time, I was with my mom, and she had two pretty
young kids, so even though we were really young, she wanted to include us in what she was doing. So, from an early age, I learned how to cook, how to do
laundry. And I was a very wild kid, so I would always break my jeans. Right on the knee, I would have huge splits or grass marks. And she would put these
very cute, heart-shaped patches so that they would last longer. And I remember that even when I was not doing it, I was with her while she was doing it. And
being there when she was working on it made me curious, and I was asking: “What are you doing?” So, she started to do her best to teach me. My mom
was very active with sewing and all kinds of craft projects, embroidery, knitting,
sewing, and she was showing me all that, and it was very inspiring… So, for me, it definitely comes from home, and most of the people I know, who embroider or knit, they all learned it from their moms. Because it disappears so fast. If
you do not teach kids, and they do not learn it at school, it is like, where would they learn from? [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
Where they learn, I partly described in section 4.2 of this chapter. Some people who still need to acquire their mending competences today learn the basics of mending within the framework of participatory workshops, which, however, are often limited in scope and time and are relatively expensive. Others began to learn clothing
repair techniques with the aid of various recent publications on mending. Others,
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again, started to rely on online resources, such as repair academies and courses
including video tutorials, which, however, were developed only during the last two
years. Before that, people eager to broaden their mending horizons (including the group of Western 'daughters') were primarily learning through YouTube tutorials. This learning approach, however, was criticised by Western 'daughters'. As they
explained, sometimes they were stuck at a specific point of the making process,
while other times, they missed the technical vocabulary and did not know what they should search for. Accordingly, they had to search for aid from the 'people who know', and most of the time, these people were their mothers:
Yes, sometimes you can just go on YouTube and search for what you need. But the point is that sometimes, one does not know what specific craft methods
should be applied to solve specific issues. And then there are many tricks, which
they do not explain, so if you are stuck, what do you do? I think it is always good
to have someone who can advise you on things like those [Gerda-Marie, 29 y.o.]. A lot of the sewing and mending vocabulary is pretty technical. So, if you have to search for something, you need to know what it is called. Because if you
search just mending, there are hundreds of different things which can pop up, but if you search for a very specific fibre or very specific type of damage, if
you do not know what the things are called, you do not know what to search for. For example, only recently, I started to work on a project, and I needed something specific. I tried to watch a YouTube video, but l could not
understand it from the video. So, I called my mom, and she explained what I was doing wrong. So, she is my personal masterclass [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
Moreover, the 'mothers'' examples of engaging in complex manipulations with
clothing, which were seen by the Western 'mothers' as hobbies and induced them to create extensive material archives consisting of threads, floss, yarns, fabrics, fasteners, and different tools, was very influential for the development of the
'daughters' material collections. Not surprisingly, Gerda, whose mother has a
particular fascination for buttons, collects buttons as well. Jessica, who as a child was used to seeing her grandmother's material archive organised in tin boxes
containing any sort of 'fancy things', today organises her mending materials in a
similar way. Thea, whose mother was sewing her clothes and costumes, used to hear the sound of the sewing machine since she was a child, and today, she prefers to
mend with this tool instead of operating with a needle. Finally, Emily, whose mother's wardrobe has a dedicated section which contains her numerous sewing tools of
any kind, has developed a particular fascination for tools as well. Emily's material
collection became so big that it could no longer fit in her wardrobe. Therefore, she
acquired an antique cabinet where she can store all her sewing devices, which have a sentimental value for her (Figure 4.6):
I have a sewing machine in my wardrobe, actually. So, this is my sewing
machine. She [sewing machine] does so much work for me. And it still has a
sticker on it, where I wrote: "Kiss me mom". So, my mom gave me the sewing machine and this sewing box with the stuff in it, like the basics, when I was
8 or 9. And she also gave me this small pin cushion, which she made for me.
Because I had an interest in sewing and loved to hang around and sew stuff on her machine. So, actually, she gave me my own machine… And then I
have all of my textiles, materials, and tools in here [in the cabinet]. I bought
this [cabinet] because I needed the archive for all my materials, so I bought
it with that in mind. It seems compact but it has a lot of space inside. It is also a monster to move [very heavy]. It has these doors, so nice. It came [from
the thrift store] with [only] four drawers, and then my dad, who is a carpenter, made them for me… This one is a seam measure, so it has standard seam measurements. So, when you have your pattern, you put it on your fabric
and draw around it. And then I have this one [seam ripper ring]; I bought it in
Japan, in a sewing store. It is a little ring, and it has a little blade. And also the small scissors, they are Japanese too. I love that there are also flowers on it
too. And then, this is chalk. This is like tailor chalk; I was obsessed with this as a
kid because it has a little roller in here, which makes noise. When my mom was sewing, I was like, I loved that sound, so I played around with this a lot. So, it has a lot of sentimental value, and it lives in my sewing box [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
As for the materials which are used up (e.g. threads, floss, yarns, fasteners, textile scarps, spare clothing components), similarly to their mothers, most of the time,
'daughters' purchase them in thrift stores or inherit them from relatives and friends.
However, if 'mothers' purchase only materials ready to use (e.g. floss, yarns, fabrics), materials of the 'daughters' also derive from the disassembled clothes which they
purchase in the thrift stores with the idea that some of the clothes parts (e.g. zippers, buttons, fabrics) can be reused for mending and sewing projects.
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As we can see, due to family learning and guidance of mothers who assisted the
Western 'daughters' through different stages of their mending practices, this group
of participants has a well-developed set of skills. They execute 'minor', 'medium', and often also 'major' repairs without the aid of professionals. They embark on the 'soft'
and 'deep' upcycling projects since they are not afraid to experiment with materials
and their clothes purchased second-hand. They even sew their clothes from patterns they make from disassembled, worn-out favourite items.
The wardrobe studies with this group of Western 'daughters' illustrated a rich repertoire of manipulations with clothing, which is very similar to the clothing consumption
practices which occurred during the Soviet times—almost every item in the wardrobes of Western 'daughters' is mended, adjusted, modified, or sewn from patterns.
However, as I explained in Chapter 3, the clothing consumption patterns of both
Western 'mothers' and 'daughters' illustrated in this dissertation are rather atypical
for the Danish context. In fact, recruitment of only four participants who mend on a
regular basis required several months. Thus, if in some parts of the post-Soviet context many people still today are engaged with clothing repair both within the domestic
landscapes and with the aid of the seamstresses, in Denmark, not many people mend their clothes, and even fewer people see mending as a creative practice.
To summarise, this section presented the analysis of material elements within the
mending practices of four participant groups in this study, and illustrated how repair services, formal and informal education, and tools and materials which are used up affect the mending patterns of these groups.
Firstly, all post-Soviet participants rely on their private seamstresses, who mend, upcycle, and occasionally sew their clothes. Both 'mothers' and 'daughters'
delegate all the 'medium' and 'major' repair to their seamstresses, while 'minor'
repair is done within the home. However, the study group of post-Soviet 'mothers' can potentially engage in 'medium' repair practices since they enacted them for many decades. At the same time, 'post-Soviet daughters' started to
delegate most of the 'medium' repair to the seamstresses from a young age and consequently lost most of their repair competences. In contrast, both
Western 'mothers' and 'daughters' never rely on repair services of any kind.
They engage in 'minor', 'medium', and sometimes even 'major' clothing repair themselves. In addition, they sew their clothes and upcycle them. However,
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Figure 4.6. Emilie's cabinet containing her material collection.
if Western 'mothers' do not engage in practices of 'deep' upcycling and their extensively damaged garments lying dormant in their wardrobes, Western
'daughters' are not afraid to experiment with their second-hand clothing, and they engage with 'deep' and 'soft' upcycling practices.
Secondly, all post-Soviet participants acquired their mending education through family learning and formal school education. However, if post-Soviet 'mothers'
acquired most of their technical competences of 'minor' and 'medium' repair at school, due to the inefficiency of today's school workshop infrastructure, postSoviet 'daughters' learned mending primarily within the home. In contrast, all
Western participants acquired their 'minor' repair competences through family learning and subsequently developed their competences through learning by doing.
Thirdly, the mending kits of all post-Soviet participants contain only mending
essentials: threads, needles, and scissors. In contrast, all Western participants
have extensive collections of tools, which range from all kinds of pins to sewing
machines. Furthermore, both 'mothers' and 'daughters' have extensive material archives, comprising second-hand threads, floss, yarns, fasteners, textile scraps
and spare clothing components. However, if Western 'mothers' acquire materials ready to use, Western 'daughters' often disassemble second-hand clothing to obtain materials for their mending projects.
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4.4. Chapter summary
This chapter introduces a three-part material classification proposed by
Shove (2016), which illustrates different roles that materials play in practice
and distinguishes between materials in the background—those which have an
infrastructural relation to practice; materials in action—those which are actively used in the process of doing (tools or devices); and materials which are used
up or consumed in the course of practice—resources. The main proposition of this framework is to illustrate how such slicing of material-practice relations is valuable in 'analysing the socio-spatial qualities of arrangements that make certain practices harder or easier to maintain' (Shove, 2016: 165).
In order to address my second research aim—to understand what kind of
infrastructures, tools, and materials which are used up facilitate the enactment
of mending practices—this chapter focuses on the transformation of the second
element of mending practice: material. It describes how clothing repair material elements have evolved over time in Western and (post)-Soviet societies from
culturally invisible to visible mending services, from school education to online
learning of clothing repair and from basic mending devices such as needles to digitally fabricated tools.
Finally, this chapter illustrates how the material element constitutes the mending practices of four participant groups in this study. The analysis is drawn upon Shove's three-part material classification and illustrates a more detailed picture of repair services, formal and informal education, and tools and
materials which are used in the course of participants' practices. In doing so,
it takes into account how 'minor', 'medium', 'major' and 'restoring' repair, 'soft' and 'deep' upcycling and making new clothes is distributed among amateur and professional menders in two selected contexts; and which devices and
materials (that are used up in the course of practices) are utilised in each case.
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5. MENDING COMPETENCES AND PROJECTS
5.
MENDING COMPETENCES AND PROJECTS
5.1. Dynamics of craft consumption
5.1.1
Craft consumption
5.1.3
Appropriation activities
5.1.2 Collecting activities
5.1.4 Framing craft projects 5.2. Spectrum of mending approaches
5.2.1 Categorisations of clothing repair 5.2.2 Seamless repair approach 5.2.3 Discreet repair approach
5.2.4 Expressive repair approach 5.3. Designing mending
5.3.1
Developing mending design strategy
5.3.2 Individual expressive mending projects 5.3.3 Marta's project 5.3.4 Emile's project
5.3.5 Ksenia's project
5.3.6 Jessica's project 5.3.7 Tania's project
5.3.8 Gerda-Marie's project 5.4. Expressive mending in
participants' narratives
5.4.1 At the beginning of this PhD project 5.4.2 Mending assessment 5.4.3 Planning
5.4.4 Pre-making 5.4.5 Making
5.4.6 At the end of this PhD project 5.5. Chapter summary
5.1. Dynamics of craft consumption
After examining the practice elements of meaning and material, I will now concentrate on the third practice element—competence. This chapter, therefore, will address my last research aim—to understand what competences are employed when mending
practices are enacted and what contributes to successful clothing repair. I will begin by introducing the dynamics of craft consumption, focusing on its main activities:
collecting, appropriating and assembling mass-produced items into personalised
objects. Then, I will illustrate different approaches to clothing repair: seamless, discreet, and expressive, and explain which competences each approach requires. Finally, I
will describe how the primary participants of this study navigated the complexity of
their mending projects and explain how they planned, began, made decisions along the way, which difficulties they encountered and how they overcame them. In doing
so, I will predominantly draw on the data generated within the two last stages of this research: two mending workshops and mending retreats in Ukraine and Denmark.
5.1.1 Craft consumption Consumption studies emerged as a sub-disciplinary field of sociology in the mid-1980s (Gronow and Warde, 2001). Initially, they concentrated primarily on the 'spectacular and visual aspects of consumer behaviour', the symbolic and semiotic significance of commodities and their role in constructing individual and group identity. At the
same time, the practices that were less flamboyant and visible were typically ignored
(Watson and Shove, 2008; Campbell, 2005). This unbalanced account of consumer behaviour was challenged by several authors who observed that a significant part
of consumption is 'ordinary' (see Gronow and Warde, 2001) and occurs 'as items are appropriated in the course of engaging in particular practices' (Warde, 2005: 131).
Within the general framework of 'ordinary consumption', 'craft consumption' (Campbell, 2005) is one of the plausible models which helps 'to establish general normalcy and ordinariness while, at the same time [allows] for individual variation, flexibility and interpretation' (Gronow and Warde, 2001: 231). This model rejects the images of
consumers which dominated the sociology of consumption for decades since such representations of consumers fail to capture one of the practice's elements—
competence, understood as 'skills implied in the use, integration and desiring of
items required for the effective accomplishment and performance of daily life' (Watson and Shove, 2008: 3). Within the framework of craft consumption, consumers are no
longer seen as rational actors who carefully allocate limited resources to maximise
utility, or as passive subjects manipulated by the market forces, or as self-conscious manipulators concerned primarily with creating or maintaining identity or lifestyle. Instead, craft consumers have a stable sense of identity and bring their 'skills,
knowledge, judgement and passion while being motivated by a desire for selfexpression' (Campbell, 2005: 23).
In this respect, craft consumption is similar to craft production, which involves
designing and making objects by hand in a skilled way (Harrod, 1995 in Campbell, 2005). However, there are some important distinctions between craft production and craft consumption. Firstly, craft consumption is undertaken by consumers
themselves, while craft production is undertaken by professionals. As we could see in Chapter 4, school education in the post-Soviet context distinguishes between
'easy' and 'difficult' repair tasks. Accordingly, the 'easy' manipulations with clothing
are supposed to be undertaken by amateurs within domestic landscapes, while the 'difficult' manipulations are supposed to be delegated to professionals (even if
today it is not always so). In the first case, the activities that employ consumers'
skills, judgement, and passion to modify design and make things that consumers
subsequently utilise fall into the category of craft consumption. In the second case,
similar activities undertaken by professionals fall into the category of craft production. Although within the framework of craft production, consumers might express their
preferences regarding the design or the materials which are employed in the process of clothing repair, it is still the case that the products are made by others and not by
consumers themselves. Thus, if we adhere to the definition of craft activity where the objects are 'made and designed by the same person' (Campbell, 2005: 23), these activities cannot fall into the category of craft consumption.
Secondly, as I explained in Chapter 1, craft production was seen by thinkers such as William Morris and Karl Marx as an ennobling activity and authentic expression of humanity, as opposed to the dehumanising processes of industrial production. In
contrast, Campbell's model of craft consumption is inseparable from mass production since it employs mass-produced goods as 'raw materials' utilised for the creation of
'new products' intended for self-consumption (Campbell, 2005: 28). Thus, in making a parallel with craft production, it becomes clear that craft consumption involves not only making the product but also collecting, appropriating and assembling
mass-produced items into personalised objects. Such activities justify the term 'craft
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consumption' and require specific cultural capital and competences, which can allow consumers to undertake such activities themselves (ibid.).
5.1.2 Collecting activities Collecting activity is a distinctive feature of craft consumption. It has been defined by Russell Belk as 'the process of actively, selectively, and passionately acquiring
and possessing things removed from ordinary use and perceived as part of a set of non-identical objects' (Belk, 1995: 67). As evidenced by this definition, in the
collecting activities, acquisition is a key process, and it presupposes acquiring the things which became obsolete within the context of the original or intended use.
Moreover, collecting involves forming a set of things—the collection. To become a
collector, however, it is not sufficient to possess a collection; the collector must continue to acquire unique additional things for that set. Accordingly, some collections can
grow over time (e.g. mending tools collections), while other collections concentrate
on upgrading rather than expanding the sets (e.g. collections of second-hand clothes or collections of materials which are used up).
As I illustrated in Chapters 3 and 4, the process of acquiring items which form a
collection can occur through different channels of purchase, such as swapping,
receiving hand-me-downs, and second-hand shopping. In contrast to the shopping of other ordinary products of use, which sometimes can be perceived as an 'odious task', the shopping of collectors is 'a treasure-hunt, an adventure, a quest, and a
delight' (Belk, 1995: 77). Furthermore, unlike ordinary shopping, collecting is mostly
an individual pursuit, which involves the element of competitiveness. That is because, money alone is insufficient to obtain collectables that other people desire as well
and 'the collector must be quicker, more knowledgeable, or simply luckier than other collectors in order to be successful' (ibid.: 69).
Thus, it is evident that this process requires certain cultural capital and competences to understand cultural norms, trends and personal styles that influence the creation of one's outfits, to envisage commodities as 'raw materials', to situate them within the conceptual or perceptual boundaries of the collection, to imagine how these materials can 'be employed in the construction of composite "aesthetic entities" and also to know what principles and values are relevant to the achievement of
these larger constructions' (Campbell, 2005: 36). This cultural capital is populist
rather elitist in nature. It is because a craft activity is located at the intersection of
folk knowledge and fashion. On the one hand, it requires practical 'know-how', which can be acquired through formal and informal education. On the other hand, the cultural capital of craft consumers is affected by the activities of designers and artists who tend to establish the current fashion. 'The point at which these two
influences intersect… represent[s] the "cultural middle ground" most commonly occupied by the craft consumer' (Campbell, 2005: 36).
5.1.3 Appropriation activities Once the objects are acquired and brought home, craft consumers usually engage in appropriation activities, which involve what has been called 'possession' and
'grooming rituals' (McCracken, 1990 in Belk, 1995). The 'possession' rituals are helpful within the process of overcoming 'the inherently alien nature of mass-produced
products and of assimilating them into consumer's own world of meaning' (Campbell, 2005: 29). Among the examples of such activities are trying on the clothes that
have just been acquired, creating the outfits by combining these clothes with those
which the individual already possesses or placing the newly acquired mending tools in the boxes, drawers or rooms containing other mending tools to see how the upgraded collection looks.
These appropriation rituals are then reinforced by the 'grooming rituals' (McCracken, 1990 in Belk, 1995), which involve such processes as washing, cleaning, and ironing
of acquired clothing or fabric scraps; cleaning, polishing, and sanding the mending tools or storing the acquired materials within one's wardrobe, drawer, or mending
toolbox. All these activities 'serve the same important function of helping consumers to appropriate standardised, mass-produced commodities to their own individual world of meaning' (Campbell, 2005: 29).
These activities necessitate a considerable investment of one's cultural capital and
competences. For instance, individuals should be able to know how to wash, remove stains, and iron different fabric types; know how to remove rust from the metal components of mending tools or how to sand wooden parts of the tools; have
competences in organising and storing materials, mending tools, and clothing in a
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way to maintain their quality and accessibility (e.g. correctly hanging, and folding clothing). All these processes serve as preliminary activities necessary to begin
framing one's craft projects and result in cross-practice connections, which are inextricably interwoven.
5.1.4 Framing craft projects The notion of 'the project' is central to craft consumption and practices. It can be
described as 'planned, temporally bounded episodes or sequences of activity resulting
in an observable outcome' (Watson and Shove, 2008: 9). Such sequences of activity are supposed to result in modification of the design of the product—'a crucial feature of any consumer activity that deserves to be labelled a craft' (Campbell, 2005: 30).
As evidenced by this definition, projects are a 'way of structuring otherwise boundless flow of daily life' (ibid.), and within the framework of projects the time is usually set
apart, tools and materials are selected, and they are assembled with the project in mind. From this perspective, firstly, the projects are the momentary conjunctions of tools, materials and competences that characterise the doing of craft activities.
Secondly, projects are 'made' by human actors who 'orchestrate' forces and 'condense diverse resources and energies around specific goals' (Watson and Shove, 2008: 10). As I explained in Chapter 4, tools and materials can 'configure' their users, and they
often do so, generating demand for specific forms of competence. For example, there are instances when a particular tool or material is purchased to prompt the craft consumer to acquire a specific competence. At the same time, there are other instances when consumers formulate their projects in function of the tools and
materials they already possess. Therefore, within the framework of projects, which are the outcomes of human planning and decision-making, 'tools, materials and associated forms of competence influence the range of what people take to be
possible, but they rarely drive the entire process of "project" definition' (Watson and Shove, 2008: 10).
It is so because there are also other dynamics at play. For example, some craft
consumers begin their craft projects by framing a well-structured design strategy aiming at achieving a specific vision. Other craft consumers are not driven by a
grand plan or design, fashion, or desire to materialise a modified image of the self.
Instead, their projects reflect the exigencies of everyday life and 'have to do with
pragmatic processes of engaging with… immediate physical environment and the
materials of which it is made' (Watson and Shove, 2008: 11). As illustrated in Chapter 3, participants of this study engage both in mending projects which primarily aim at extending the lifespan of the garment and are not driven by a grand plan or
design, and in mending projects, which acquire a meaning of creativity and selfexpression and require a strategy. These different approaches to clothing repair
require different competences, which I will illustrate in detail in the next section of this chapter.
Before moving into the terrain of different approaches to mending, I would like to
mention another important dynamic of craft consumption related to the exploratory nature of craft projects. Although some craft project processes go exactly according to plan, more often, the projects are unfolded in the course of manipulations with
objects. Therefore, they are not completed in the way they were envisaged and with the materials and tools which were initially selected with the project in mind. This is due to the complexity of coordinating the competences of humans, materials and
tools, the unpredictability of already existing structures (e.g. the existing clothes), and the need to adapt to the contingencies which arise inevitably within the process of doing. Experience removes some uncertainties. However, understanding what a
project involves and what tools and materials it requires is usually developed through 'an iterative process of doing, reflecting and adapting' (Watson and Shove, 2008:
11). These aspects will be illustrated and discussed in more detail in the final section
of this chapter through the project examples of the primary participants of this study.
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5.2. Spectrum of mending approaches
In the previous section, I introduced craft consumption, its dynamics, and its main
activities: collecting, appropriating, and framing craft projects. In Chapter 4 I also
explained that participants of this study engage in discreet and expressive mending projects themselves, while more sophisticated seamless and invisible mending is usually performed by professionals. Now, I will examine each of these three mending approaches in detail and explain which competences they require.
5.2.1 Categorisations of clothing repair Most of the literature on mending distinguishes between visible and invisible mending and utilises these as umbrella terms referring to both the difficulty level, the level of
visibility, and the overall approach to clothing repair. Yet, the classification of mending is more nuanced. As we saw in Chapter 4, clothing repair can be divided into four difficulty levels: minor, medium, major, and restoring. The 'restoring' and 'major'
repairs are typically carried out by professionals and fall into the categories of craft production and 'difficult' repair. They aim to restore the fabric or the garment to its previous state and make the repaired area appear seamless (as if it were never damaged or altered in any way).
In contrast, 'medium' and 'minor' repairs are usually performed by amateurs within the home and fall into categories of craft consumption and 'easy' repair. These
types of clothing repair are always somewhat visible as almost all amateurs lack
the advanced level of craftsmanship needed to achieve the invisibility of clothing
repair. Accordingly, when amateur mending aims at restoring the functionality and structural integrity of the item while preserving its original appearance as much as possible, mending becomes discreet. Although such an approach to repair is still
visible, it does not draw attention to the repair area as much as expressive mending, which intentionally highlights the repair by transforming the damaged areas into unique design features.
The three mending approaches illustrated above, as well as the main distinctions
related to the categorisation of clothing repair, are summarised in Figure 5.1. In the
following section, I will examine in detail the dynamics and competences necessary
to enable seamless, discreet, and expressive approaches to mending. Before doing so, it is important to mention that in order to choose the appropriate approach to
repair, individuals should consider their aspirations, abilities, and the amount of time they want to set aside for the project. To make such decisions, they should possess
meta-competences—'the higher order skills and abilities upon which competences
are based and which have to do with being able to anticipate, rather than with the ability to do' (Brown and McCartney, 1995: 49).
276 Figure 5.1. Categorisation of clothing repair.
5.2.2 Seamless repair approach Seamless professional repair involves some distinct activities and comprises specific sets of sophisticated repair techniques which usually are not utilised for amateur
mending. Although professional mending is not the focus of this PhD project, as we could see in Chapter 4, to understand what kind of repair can be done within the
domestic landscapes and what kind of repair should be delegated to professionals, it is important to know the possibilities of all clothing repair approaches. Moreover,
there are some commonalities in the dynamics of all mending approaches, and the phases of framing the craft projects are nearly the same. For this reason, I decided to examine the seamless mending approach in detail, and in doing so, I analysed three manuals targeting a professional audience: The Frenway System of French
Reweaving (Fabricon, 1954a), The Art of Invisible Reknitting (Fabricon, 1954b), and Hudozhestvennaia shtopka [restoring repair] (Korneeva, 1989).
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MENDING PROJECT FRAMING
Mending assessment Analysing the garment
Analysing the damage
Examining surrounding area
Planning
Materials
Choosing technique
Choosing devices
Pre-making
Mending-making
Finishing
Figure 5.2. The sequence of seamless repair projects' phases.
All three publications begin with instructions on how to set up the workspace since it is supposed to meet the demands of many hours of sedentary work. Particular
attention is paid to ergonomics, adequate lighting and arrangement of devices and
repair materials in the space. The knowledge related to technical aspects of materials (i.e. classification of fibres, types of yarns, types of structure and peculiarities of different fabrics) is considered essential for mending practice. For instance, Korneeva states that 'without a deep knowledge of materials, ability to analyse their construction,
characteristics, and quality it is impossible to learn how to mend' (1989: 4). The Fabricon manuals seem to agree with this statement even if they do not illustrate material matters in detail.
When it comes to the actual framing of mending projects, as evidenced by the manuals, the sequence of phases comprising professional clothing projects is always the same. The projects usually begin with an assessment, continue with planning, and with the phases of preparing the garment for the mend, mending-making and finishing. The sequence of these stages is summarised in Figure 5.2.
Mending assessment. As every garment and every damage is unique, mending
assessment—'the evaluation process that informs mending planning and guides the subsequent steps in repairing the damaged garment' (Jilevskaja, 2017: 10) is always a necessary first step of seamless mending projects. It consists of the analysis of the
garment (its colour, material construction and composition), analysis of the damage (its typology, degree, and position), and the analysis of the areas surrounding the damage, which might 'hide' more extensive worn-out areas.
Planning. After the mending assessment the mender is supposed to proceed with
the planning phase, consisting of choosing the mending technique and choosing
the appropriate devices. The spectrum of mending techniques suitable for a seamless mending approach is relatively vast, and it comprises repair treatments of restorative and major repair, outlined in Chapter 4. The choice of repair treatment always depends on several factors:
Firstly, it depends on material construction since reconstructions of knitted, woven, and non-woven materials require different techniques.
Secondly, it depends on the size of the repair area and the peculiarities of
materials, such as the thread count of woven textiles or the intricacy of the knit
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pattern to be repaired.
Thirdly, it depends on the fabric finish because some materials cannot be
restored with methods that do not allow recreating the original fabric texture with individual replacement yarns.
Fourthly, it depends on the availability of adequate quantities of replacement yarns in colours and textures compatible with the textile to be repaired. If
matching yarns are unavailable, then the yarns have to be either obtained from other textiles or dyed to match the textile to repair, which naturally increases the time of the overall repair process.
Finally, it depends on time available for the repair process and the desired
repair outcome, which should align with time required for the completion of the technique (which varies due to the mender's experience).
Every chosen technique then requires particular devices, whose choice also depends on the characteristics of the garment's material (e.g. reweaving is performed with the aid of a magnifying glass lamp and the needle of the size which matches the
diameter of yarn, while perelitsovka [reversing of coats] employs sewing machine, seam ripper, pins, and needles).
Pre-making. Once the technique and devices are selected, preparing the garment for the mend by cleaning out the damage is usually the next step. This may imply
ironing out folds, pulling out threads or trimming frayed edges, and it is dependent on the specificity of the chosen technique. For example, some of the mending
techniques (e.g. reweaving) presuppose cutting away damaged portions of original yarns so that they will not obscure the process of mending making, while other
techniques, such as side-weaving, presuppose that the damaged portion of the
original textile is not trimmed, since trimming can enlarge the damaged area and weaken surrounding yarns and consequently require a larger replacement patch (Fabricon, 1954a; Korneeva, 1989).
Mending-making. When the garment to mend has been cleaned out, the mender proceeds with the mending-making phase, which consists of applying a chosen
technique to the damage. The spectrum of all 'restoring' and 'major' repair techniques is vast, and each technique involves a distinct sequence of processes required to
restore the fabric. Illustrating the sequences of each technique is not the aim of this discussion since these mending instructions can be found in specialised literature
(see Appendix F2). What I would like to highlight here is that the manuals stress that the technique sequences should be rigorously followed. Otherwise, satisfactory results cannot be obtained.
Finishing. Finally, the last phase of the seamless mending approach usually consists
of pressing with the aid of a heavy press cloth moistened with water and placed over
the repaired area. The pressing activities vary due to the fibre content, the yarn, and the structure of the textile.
As we can see, the seamless repair approach involves many processes, and requires a vast set of competences, ranging from repair set-up competences to material
competences, mending assessment, pre-making and mending-making competences of different mending techniques and finishing competence consisting of pressing.
The acquisition of these competences requires years of professional training, while satisfactory results of seamless and invisible mending can be achieved only after years of practice.
5.2.3 Discreet mending approach Discreet mending is an approach to clothing repair which reflects the exigencies of
everyday life. Among the motivations for engaging in discreet repair can be the need to prevent the damage from growing further, the urgency to mend 'on the go' when
time for repair is limited, or the necessity to address wear and tear of basic clothing, which are frequently mixed and matched with various outfits, and therefore, should remain neutral and versatile. Such mending can also occur when the menders do
not mind the mend being visible but do not want it to be a feature, do not want to
draw attention to the repair positioned in 'uncomfortable' areas of the garment (e.g. the armpit or the crotch) or if the garment's fabric has a pattern or motifs which are
particularly rich. In order to achieve a repair outcome that does not alter the original design and appearance of the clothing item, discreet mending utilises additional
materials similar to the original materials of the garment in colour. At the same time, the composition of the additional materials does not necessarily have to match that of the clothing items (as in the case of seamless repair). Additionally, discreet mending projects differ from seamless repair projects in being less rigorous, and generally, they are not driven by a grand plan or design.
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Even so, discreet mending encompasses many processes. It is because, firstly, discreet mending falls into the category of craft consumption and, therefore, adopts its activities
of collecting and appropriating. Accordingly, garments, mending tools and additional materials are collected (often through alternative purchase channels) and then
appropriated first through 'possession' and later through 'grooming rituals' (McCracken, 1990 in Belk, 1995). As we could see in Chapter 3, participants' materials are usually organised and arranged within the wardrobes, drawers and spaces dedicated to mending supplies. At the same time, the organisation of the working spaces of
amateur menders does not necessitate ergonomic positions since this typology of repair usually does not presuppose extensive hours of work. However, adequate lighting is still considered important, as it is important for professional seamless repair. Naturally, all these activities, preliminary to repair, necessitate a set of competences, illustrated earlier in this chapter.
Secondly, since discreet mending aspires to render the final outcomes as invisible as possible, it adopts all the phases of seamless repair project framing. Accordingly, it
is supposed to begin with assessment (which can be done quickly and without much consideration) and continue with project planning, consisting of choosing an
appropriate mending technique, materials, and corresponding devices. The choice
of repair treatment, within the framework of the discreet mending approach, differs
from the choice of repair treatment of seamless repair not only because the discreet approach encompasses the treatments of minor and medium mending but also
because the techniques can be chosen without precisely knowing and following the material construction, material composition and finish. Even so, it does not mean
that discreet mending permits absolute freedom in the treatment choice, and some considerations should be made. For instance, the size of the area to repair may
indicate which techniques are more suitable than others, while the thread count
and yarn diameter of the additional materials should be similar to the material of
the clothing item; otherwise, there is a risk of compromising the garment's aesthetic consistency. Moreover, the mender should know how different materials generally
'behave' and avoid pulling tears together or patching the knits with wovens, as they have different elasticity.
Once the mending technique is selected, the mender usually proceeds with the choice of tools and additional materials whose characteristics depend on many factors,
such as the chosen mending technique, the availability of the mending devices and
suppliers, as well as the mender's preferences and abilities. For example, if the needle
weaving technique is considered appropriate for repairing a particular damage, the repair can be executed with the aid of the needle weaver, an embroidery hoop or
only with the needle and thread. The choice of devices may vary because some might not have a specific tool, find a specific tool not particularly helpful, or do not know how to use it. Also, the materials may be chosen due to the mender's preferences
and considerations, which can regard comfort (e.g. matching the weight of additional materials to the weight of garment material can avoid bulkiness of the mend), aesthetic (e.g. purposefully utilise the additional yarns of the same colour but of different diameters can create a particular surface), or environmental (i.e. matching the composition of the additional materials to the materials of the garment can facilitate eventual future recycling).
When the technique and the respective materials and tools are selected, the following phases of the mending process are pretty much the same as the ones of seamless
repair: the garment is prepared for the mend by cleaning out the damage, and it is mended by following a specific sequence of processes of the chosen technique. As for the finishing phase of the mending project, unlike seamless repair, discreet
mending does not necessarily presuppose pressing, even if the mender can choose
to do so. Thus, as we can see, although the discreet mending approach is considered less rigorous than the seamless professional repair, it still encompasses many processes of both craft consumption and craft production, and it requires a vast set of competences, illustrated above.
5.2.4 Expressive mending approach Like the discreet mending approach, expressive mending falls into the categories
of amateur mending and craft consumption. Therefore, it encompasses collecting and appropriating activities and comprises a vast set of techniques of 'minor' and
'medium' repair. However, in contrast to the discreet approach to repair, which deals with the exigencies of everyday life and aims at preserving the original appearance of clothing as much as possible, expressive mending aims at creativity and self-
expression and at transforming the damages into a striking part of garment design. As I discussed in Chapter 3, participants of this study do not prioritise this approach to repair, and they usually prefer to maintain the original appearance of clothing.
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However, when it is no longer possible to preserve an item's original appearance
due to the degree or characteristics of the damage, the menders engage in expressive mending projects.
As expressive mending is the most recent approach to repair, it is illustrated in an array of recently published books on mending (see Appendix F2). In principle, this approach to repair can encompass the main processes of more conventional
approaches to mending. It should begin with assessment and proceed with planning, pre-making, making, and finishing. Even so, only a few of these recent mending
publications briefly mention the importance of mending assessment, the phase of preparing the garment for mending and finishing (see Lewis-Fitzgerald, 2021;
Martin, 2021b; Neumüller, 2019). At the same time, they focus exclusively on re-
discovering traditional mending techniques and their making sequences. These
notions are then followed by an illustration of many project examples, which are
largely influenced by distressed aesthetics and are 'quite in love with imperfection and deconstruction' (Sekules, 2020: 2).
To obtain such imperfect and flamboyant repair outcomes, these recent books on
mending suggest to embrace 'anything goes mode' and 'experimend' by adopting techniques drawn from other crafts (e.g. embroidery, crochet, dyeing, felting, and knitting) and by utilising 'colours and materials that make your heart sing' (Lewis-
Fitzgerald, 2021: 9). However, these publications do not explain how one is supposed to choose colours, which are 'a big part of expressive mending' (Endery, 2021), and the area where the amateurs commonly lack confidence (Twigger Holroyd, 2013).
As for materials, in contrast to less recent publications on mending, which recognise the importance of technical material knowledge, the recent books prefer to focus on material aesthetics (i.e. textures, finish, et cetera), while technical aspects of
materials are not addressed at all (with the only exception for Lewis-Fitzgerald's book, which addresses this issue). However, as we will see later in this chapter,
technical material knowledge is essential for the contemporary manifestations of mending as well.
Thus, it is evident that these recent publications leave out some important components of contemporary mending practices and, at the same time, encourage the menders
to 'experimend'. Although the encouraging tone of these publications is undoubtedly necessary to motivate those who approach mending practices, it minimises the
complexity of the expressive mending approach. At the same time, if such mending
explorations are not supported by a set of necessary competences, they are 'unlikely to lead to functional or aesthetically balanced results' (Twigger Holroyd, 2013: 154)
and can conduce novice menders to make complex design decisions for which they
are not adequately prepared. For instance, such satisfying processes of experimentation can result in less satisfying mending outcomes, such as damaging the favourite
item even more, 'block' the mender from developing his or her mending practice
further, or render clothing unsuitable for wearing in public, condemning them to lay
dormant in wardrobes or even end up in landfill. Naturally, such mending consequences contrast with the overall idea of clothing repair practices, which aim to extend the lifespan of clothing. Even so, the recent publications on mending do not consider that within the framework of the expressive mending approach, there are many processes at stake, particularly when it comes to project planning.
As I explained in the two previous sections, the planning phase of a seamless approach
to repair is constituted by the choice of technique and devices, while the planning of a discreet mending approach also presupposes the choice of additional materials. This is because more traditional mending primarily depends on the garment's characteristics and damage. Therefore, the planning phase implies choosing
technique and corresponding tools, while the choice of the colour and material is
the same or very similar to those of the garment to repair. In contrast, the expressive mending approach depends not only on the garment's characteristics and the
damage but also on the chosen colours, additional materials, and their assembling. Thus, when the mending technique is selected, it can have myriad of variations.
Therefore, to obtain the desired results, expressive mending projects need a well-
structured strategy, which requires not only most of the competences of traditional mending approaches but also the competences drawn from the design field, such as visualising, sampling and reflection (Figure 5.3). These competences, therefore,
should be carried into the realm of mending and then transformed (to some extent) to become a part of 'new mending' practices. I will explore them in detail in the following section.
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Figure 5.3. Comparison of the competences required for seamless, discreet and expressive approaches to repair.
5.3. Designing mending
After illustrating the expressive clothing repair approach in detail and explaining what
mending and design competences and processes it requires, I will now explain why and how I developed a strategy for amateur mending design by merging the processes
usually employed in design with the processes employed in mending. I will then describe
how the primary participants of this study utilised this strategy and how it guided them in framing their expressive mending projects.
5.3.1 Developing mending design strategy The overall idea of merging the processes of design with the processes of mending was conceived in response to the narratives of the primary participants of this study, who, during the wardrobe studies, reported that expressive mending projects are difficult even for experienced menders and those with a design background. For example,
Jessica recalled several episodes where she tried to mend in expressive ways but did not succeed. As she explained, her mending ideas (vividly envisioned in her mind) were never the same when put into practice. Similarly, Gerda illustrated how she had to remend her 12-year-old sweater several times because she was never satisfied with her
expressive mending outcomes. In the end, she decided to repair the garment discreetly, mostly because of the fear of damaging the garment with her continuing attempts to improve the mend.
Thus, it was evident to participants of this study that to achieve the desired expressive mending results, the projects had to be planned. At the same time, it was also evident that the planning phase of more conventional mending approaches, constituted only by choice of technique and devices, needed to be revised to tackle the planning of expressive repair. However, as in the past, amateur mending was rarely linked to
design, it never occurred to the group's designers (Emile, Gerda-Marie and Marta)
that mending could adopt some design processes. On the other hand, non-designers
(Jessica, Ksenia and Tania) perceived design as 'a modern activity practiced more or less exclusively by a professional elite' (Pacey, 1992: 217). Similarly to the participants of Twigger Holroyd's study, Jessica, Ksenia and Tania 'lack[ed] the confidence, skills
and experience… required to generate ideas and translate them into practice, making complex design decisions in the process' (Twigger Holroyd, 2013: 153).
In light of the insights obtained from the discussions with the participants of this study
and by drawing inspiration from the doctoral work of Twigger Holroyd (2013), who was the first to propose applying the design process to the process of mending within
academic design research (although focusing specifically on re-knitting), I started to developed a strategy for supporting amateur mending design by merging mending
and design processes. I started by thinking about what processes are usually involved in framing mending projects (those illustrated in Figure 5.2) and what processes are involved in formulating design projects.
Within the framework of disciplinary design (i.e. fashion, textile, accessories, product, and communication), designers begin their projects by establishing the brief and then continue with 'iterative cycles of planning, sampling and reflection' (Twigger Holroyd,
2013: 40). The planning phase usually begins with gathering inspiration, which is then translated into as many ideas as possible and visualised through sketches, collages,
or other material compositions. Only then designers begin with small-scale prototyping
(i.e. sampling or making models in scale), which allows them to understand how chosen
materials, colours and adopted production methods work together. These small-scale prototypes are then tested, evaluated, and refined through other planning, sampling, and reflection cycles until the first satisfactory results are translated into full-scale
prototypes, which are again evaluated and refined. All these iterative processes allow
designers to experiment, make multiple errors, reflect upon them, and further develop their projects.
In contrast, the projects of amateur menders (as described in the publications on
mending) are characterised by linear processes, which begin with mending assessment
and continue with project planning (consisting of choosing techniques, materials, and
devices), pre-making, making, and finishing. Thus, the phases of planning and making do not include either gathering inspiration and translating it into mending ideas or
making the samples and reflecting upon them. Moreover, when it comes to the choice of additional materials and colours, which traditionally were not part of mending
practices, the recent publications on mending do not enable their readers to develop such skills. In contrast, designers have a well-developed set of skills in working with colours and materials (Ravnløkke and Kucher, 2021; Ravnløkke, 2019), which are developed through years of formal education and professional practice.
In trying to bridge mending and design approaches (Figure 5.4), within the framework of this PhD project, I first analysed mending practices of participants and existing
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Figure 5.4.Project framing of expressive repair.
Main project stages Design processes Mending processes
mending resources (both less recent and new (Appendix F2)) and then synthesised and visualised this knowledge through a series of design research artifacts, which
were employed during the participatory workshops with the primary participants of this study. Some of these design research artifacts were meant to illustrate already
existing mending knowledge related to mending techniques, mending tools, and their
application (e.g. mending spectrum (Appendix C6), mending samples (Appendix C7), mending toolkits (Appendix C4)). Other artifacts, such as the garment guide (Appendix C2) and Miró board (Appendix C8), were meant to support the development of participants' mending projects.
In particular, the Miró board, utilised by participants during workshop 3, guided the group through the phases of more conventional approaches to clothing repair:
assessment, pre-repair, and choosing mending technique; and the phase of planning,
consisting of gathering inspiration, choosing the colour, and choosing the additional materials. Since these planning activities traditionally were not part of mending
practice and are borrowed from design, I will discuss them in more detail before diving into participants' projects.
Gathering inspiration. Since 'the creative mind needs a constant stream of information that can spark new ideas and help to develop new ways of looking at existing ideas and products'
(Gaimster, 2011: 21), gathering inspiration is one of the essential design processes
(Rothman, 2016; Cassidy, 2011). It can be either 'easy' or more 'difficult' to grasp and
translate into design ideas (Twigger Holroyd, 2013: 158). The inspiration, which is 'easy' to grasp and translate—a visual inspiration—consists of the images or artefacts that can inspire with their colours, shapes, textures, materials, production methods or
practices they are part of. In contrast, inspiration, which is more 'difficult' to grasp
and translate into design ideas, consists of 'conceptual inspiration, such as a memory or intangible feeling' (ibid.).
In order to understand which inspiration could assist the development of expressive mending projects, before workshop 3, I asked the participants to gather both visual and conceptual inspiration (Appendix E2). The conceptual inspiration consisted of
one quote or one picture, representative of the wardrobe interviews with their 'mothers'.
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This material served primarily for the warming-up activity I had planned for the
workshop. Still, I hoped that examples of past practices and family narratives could inspire some of the mending projects. The visual inspiration I asked participants to
gather was of two types: inspiration related to mending techniques and inspiration related to the desired aesthetic expression. Since half of the participants were
unfamiliar with this process, I explained to the group that visual inspiration can
come from different sources (i.e. nature, art, design, craft, already mended garments, any object, shape, or colour combination) and suggested searching for inspiration in magazines, books, or participants' own photo archives.
Moreover, I shared with participants a mending inspiration board which I created on Pinterest—a social media platform widely used for inspiration and idea generation. The board I created for the group comprised five distinct sub-boards: techniques,
tools, shapes, colours, and mended garments. I hoped that sharing this folder with
participants would provide some initial inspiration for their projects within the framework of this PhD study and inspire participants to build and curate their visual collections over time. Although Pinterest was one of the several search options I mentioned, all participants collected their inspiration through this platform, explaining that they
found it accessible, easy to navigate, and engaging. However, as we will see later in
this chapter, this gathered visual inspiration did not turn out to help in the development of participants' expressive mending projects.
Choosing the colour. The participants of this study, particularly those who do not have a design background
(Jessica, Tania and Ksenia) lacked confidence in choosing the colours for their expressive mending projects. Accordingly, I decided to introduce to participants three different colour approaches: 🪡 🪡 🪡
Theory approach, which uses Itten and Munsell's colour theories to build a palette. Generative approach, which generates colour palettes from the given images.
Personal colour approach, which helps to identify a valorising personal palette.
As I outlined in Chapter 2, workshop 3 encompassed my presentation of the theory
and generative colour approaches (Appendix E3) and demonstration of their respective
digital tools (i.e. a digital version of the colour wheel, which allows the user to create different colour combinations; and digital colour generator, which allows the user
to extract colour palettes from uploaded images). When all participants joined the
Miró board and started to plan their mending projects, all of them enjoyed creating the colour palettes with the aid of digital tools. However, none of them in the end
utilised the palettes created with these two colour approaches. In contrast, the third colour approach—Armocromia, also called Colour Analysis—which was presented
by the guest lecturer Miccossi (who actively employs this colour approach within her
professional seamstress practice), was adopted by the majority of the group for their final projects. Since this colour approach is usually not utilised in design, I would like to explain it in more detail.
The idea of introducing this colour approach to the group arose following Emilie's wardrobe interview with her mother, Marianne. During the wardrobe study, Emilie observed that her mother's wardrobe collection was composed of items in very
specific colours and asked if there was a reason for that. Marianne explained that she always pays particular attention to the choice of colour in all spheres of her
daily life, and that she knows what colours suit her and what colours do not. Thus, when she chooses her clothes, she always keeps colour considerations in mind.
In the part of the interview that followed, Marianne and Emile engaged in a long
conversation on colour until the point when Marianne asked: 'Why do we talk about
colour if it is not mending?' and Emilie replied: 'True, it is detour', and they continued with other mending related conversations.
Although it was a detour, it caught my attention, also because at the time of the
wardrobe study (in 2021), Armocromia—a theory of personal colours— which by the
end of the 20th century went into disuse, has had its return, and was gaining momentum. The roots of Armocromia can be traced back to the early 20th century when Bauhaus
designers started to explore the psychological and emotional effects of colour. One
of the major Bauhaus exponents, Johannes Itten, in the 1920s, developed a concept of 'Four Seasons', which splits the colours into two macro groups (i.e. warm and cool)
and subsequently divides them into light and dark colours, resulting in four harmonised colour groups. Later, in the 1940s, Itten's idea was picked up and expanded by an
American artist and fashion theorist, Suzanne Caygill, who introduced the 'seasonal colour palette' based on an individual's natural colouring and developed a method of Colour Analysis. By taking into consideration variables such as temperature
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(referred to the undertone of the skin, which can be cool or warm), chrome (referred to the purity or intensity of a colour), value (also called tone, which can be light,
medium, or dark) and contrast (referred to the contrast between eyes, skin, and
hair), this method identifies a valorising personal palette, according to the physical characteristics of a person (Migliaccio, 2019).
As the Colour Analysis began to evolve, also the Three-Colour Technicolour—the
ground-breaking technology which captures red, green, and blue colour channels separately, allowing for more realistic and vibrant reproduction of colours—was
gradually introduced to cinema. As this technology advanced, colour films became
more common by the 1940s, and to enhance storytelling and create visually stunning productions, Hollywood costume designers started to utilise Colour Analysis in their practice. Thus, initially, this colour method was utilised by professionals in costume design, and it was not until the late 1970s that Colour Analysis gained widespread popularity also among the general audience due to the publications Colour Me a Season (Kentner, 1979 in Migliaccio, 2019) and Colour Me Beautiful (Jackson, 1986 in Migliaccio, 2019). These books significantly influenced clothing consumption
practices of the time, encouraging women to curate their wardrobes according to a specific colour palette, which allowed them to mix and match items that complemented each other (Migliaccio, 2019).
However, by the end of the 1980s, the fervour and widespread adoption of Colour
Analysis had diminished, and until the 2010s, this method of choosing colours went
into disuse. With the recent re-emerged interest in this colour theory, Colour Analysis began to evolve rapidly. It expanded beyond the original four seasons and evolved into more nuanced approaches that help determine individual colour preferences.
In some Western countries, such as Italy, for example, in 2017 was even established
the first institute of higher education, which offers numerous courses and Armocromia resources, such as specialised literature and kits which aid the colour analysis (see
www.italianimageinstitute.it). Additionally, if in the past, women went shopping equipped with their palettes printed on paper, technological advancements have allowed for virtual colour analysis. It is how Armocromia, or Colour Analysis, rapidly grew in
popularity, engaging thousands of people worldwide (Migliaccio, 2019). Thus, when
during the wardrobe interview, Marianne and Emilie engaged in conversation about personal colour approaches, I decided to learn more about the evolution of this
colour theory and interviewed an Armocromia expert. By the end of the interview,
alongside the information that helped me reconstruct this theory's recent development,
I also discovered my valorising colour palette. To my surprise, when I first opened my wardrobe after the interview with the expert, I noticed that all the garments I have
had for more than ten years and still actively use were of the colours of my personal
palette. I then thought that colours of clothes that suit personal characteristics might
be one of the criteria that affect the overall use phase of clothing, and that participants of this study could bring clothes in 'their' colours to the workshop. Accordingly, I made
this resource, comprising 13 pre-defined palettes with colours of the same characteristics of temperature and chrome, available for the group participants. I thought that it could be a useful tool for those who feel uncertain about choosing colours within
the framework of expressive mending projects. As we will see later in this chapter, most of the group members adopted this colour method.
Choosing materials. As for the choice of additional materials for the mend (i.e. threads, yarns, and fabric scraps), by drawing on specialised mending literature discussed in section 5.2 and on wardrobe interviews with primary and secondary participants of this study, I
identified the factors which can affect the choice of additional materials for the mend:
Design of the garment (e.g. the clothing item can incorporate material elements indicating what materials can complement the original design).
Chosen technique (as each technique requires the use of certain materials and excludes the use of other materials (e.g. a patch will require additional fabric
scraps and threads or yarns, while needle weaving will require only additional yarns)).
Desired comfort (matching the weight of additional materials as close as
possible to the weight of the garment material can avoid bulkiness of the mend, uncomfortable in use).
Use phase (i.e. (non)matching the composition of the garment to the composition of additional material can make the repaired item easier or harder to maintain
(e.g. if fibres of the garment and mend are matched, there will not be difference in shrinkage after washing)).
Desired aesthetics (e.g. purposefully utilising the additional yarns of the same
colour but of different diameters can create a particular surface, while combining
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materials with different finishes, such as shiny and matt yarns, can create a contrasting effect).
Own style and the style of the wardrobe (creating unexpected material
combinations can make mix and match with other clothes in the wardrobe difficult).
Environmental considerations (i.e. matching the composition of the additional materials to the material composition of the garment can facilitate eventual future recycling).
These considerations (in the form of questions) were included in the Miró board's
material section, allowing the participants to reflect upon their material choices.
The participants' individual work on the Miró board was followed by the workshop
on materials which included a group discussion. To facilitate this discussion I started
the workshop with Korneeva's statement that 'without a deep knowledge of materials, ability to analyse their construction, characteristics, and quality it is impossible to learn how to mend' (1989: 4). Then, I shared with participants some of the notions comprised in Textilpedia—a practical guide that equips designers with technical fabric knowledge (Fashionary, 2021)—such as fabric comparison and burn test
(useful to tackle the unknown composition of materials, purchased second-hand). My presentation then moved into sustainability terrain and comprised a brief
illustration of different stages of the product life cycle. At the end of the workshop, I invited the group members to fill their Miró boards with missing information and to express their preferences regarding materials they would like to utilise for their
expressive mending projects. I then collected and summarised this information in
the project booklets describing each participant's project's assessment and planning phases (Appendix C9); prepared material kits containing materials each participant had selected (Appendix C10); and prepared extra spare materials that would
facilitate the further iterative processes of planning, sampling, and reflection. With
this, the first round of participants' project planning was concluded, and the group was ready to translate their inspiration into initial mending ideas.
5.3.2 Individual expressive mending projects Having described the way in which I built the strategy for amateur mending design
and having explained how participants of this study undertook the first activities of
project planning, I will now focus on each individual project. In doing so, I will primarily draw on the data gathered during the 5th stage of research which included two
mending retreats and follow-up interviews with participants, and I will describe how the participants engaged in iterative cycles of planning, sampling and reflection, which difficulties they encountered, and how they overcame them. Finally, I will illustrate the final project outcomes of each participant.
5.3.3 Marta's project The item that Marta chose to repair expressively was a T-shirt, she bought second
hand three years before our mending retreat. At the moment of purchase, the T-shirt was new (with a tag), and it caught Marta's attention because of the unusual finish of the print and its material (100% cotton). However, soon after the purchase, the
item was damaged. As Marta recalled, at that time, her washing machine was out of order, and she had to do her laundry by hand. One day, when she was particularly busy, she delegated this work to a professional washing service, which washed the item 'with aggressive detergents and at the wrong temperature', washing out the
print (Figure 5.5). When Marta saw the damage, she was very disappointed, because she liked the T-shirt a lot. The damage was so big in size that it was impossible to
repair it invisibly. Therefore, Marta decided to store the T-shirt in her wardrobe with the idea of repairing it herself.
During the initial planning phase, when all participants gathered inspiration for their
mending activities, Marta was rather cautious in her choices. She selected the images of embroidered tone on tone surfaces and a colour palette, which comprised black (the main colour of the t-shirt) and additional beige and khaki colours, which were
generated from the images of architecture and interior design she liked (Figure 5.7). Her initial idea was to cover the central part of the print with a contrasting circle
patch in a beige colour, to cover other damaged print parts with khaki patches, and to finish her composition with the satin embroidery in black. Among the materials she selected, therefore, were black mouliné embroidery floss in cotton and the
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additional fabric scraps in beige and khaki colours, which she wished to be in cotton in consideration of future washes.
At the beginning of the second day of the mending retreat in Ukraine, when after
a short introduction, all participants started to visualise their project ideas, Marta, with her selected materials at hand and with her T-shirt on sight, began to sketch
her first ideas (Figure 5.6). As she was sketching, she soon realised that she did not want to cover the parts of the print which were not damaged. However, as these undamaged parts were in two shades of blue, Marta thought they could not be
harmoniously combined with the additional colours she had initially selected. Thus,
searching for a new colour palette, she started to examine the materials I prepared for the workshop. She was particularly inspired by bright pink cotton scraps and
decided that pink would be her new accent colour. To see how it would look on the
T-shirt, she quickly cut a bright pink circle from the available colourful cardboard to cover a central part of the damaged print. She then continued covering also other damaged parts with the brown cardboard pieces cut in the shapes of the print.
When the composition was ready (Figure 5.8), Marta was unsatisfied. She told us that something did not convince her, and she continued searching for the 'right' colour.
This time, her attention was caught by a bright neon yellow, which reminded her of
her black zip-up hoodie with neon yellow details. As she explained to the group, this hoodie was difficult to combine with other garments in her wardrobe since it was
the only piece that had neon yellow details. That is why she usually wore this hoodie combined only with other black clothes. Accordingly, creating a piece that could
perfectly complement the hoodie seemed to Marta to be an excellent idea. However, since this bright yellow was difficult to combine with colours other than black, Marta decided to find this colour among Armocromia palettes, which were part of the material kit I prepared for each participant (Figure 5.9). She then selected an
additional purple colour from a ready-made palette and, very satisfied with her choice, she was ready to mend.
As Marta was an experienced embroiderer, she knew that to maintain a consistent tension in the fabric, preventing it from becoming loose and ensuring that stitches were even, she had to utilise the embroidery hoop. Thus, she chose this mending
device and the needle suitable for the weight of the fabric. Although Marta knew how to obtain rigorous embroidery results, she had never broken the embroidery
Figure 5.5. Marta's washed-out garment.
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Figure 5.6. Marta's process of sketching.
Figure 5.7. Marta's visual inspiration.
Figure 5.8. Marta's cardboard composition.
Figure 5.9. Marta's selection of the colours.
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Figure 5.10. Macro detail of Marta's repaired garment and utilised materials.
Figure 5.11. Final outcome of Marta's expressive mending project.
rules in her craft practice. Therefore, she decided to be deliberately messy for the
first time and was determined to see what could happen if she embraced imperfection. Once she had chosen her materials, devices and mending techniques, Marta started her mendingmaking process. She was so engaged with her making that she barely noticed what was happening around her and continued to stitch even when our activities of the first day were over and the group started to prepare the dinner.
After the dinner, Marta continued to stitch. It was because she was impatient to see how her final project would look, and she did not stop stitching until her mend was finally done.
Thus, Marta was the first of the group to finalise her mending project. Even so, the next morning, she felt that her project was 'missing a final touch' and, therefore,
decided to make an outline of the print with the yellow neon thread. When this final touch was added, she ironed her t-shirt, and we took some photographs of the
t-shirt and materials she utilised (Figure 5.10). Afterwards, while the group continued to work on their projects, Marta, who was very satisfied with her mending outcome (Figure 5.11), immediately started to post the photos on Instagram and share them with her friends. The feedback she received both from her friends and from the group was very positive, and this appreciation pleased Marta a lot.
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5.3.4 Emilie's project Emilie decided to mend her old Indian dress, which she purchased second-hand six
years before our first workshop. This dress was in active use, and, therefore, its fabric became very thin and completely worn out, especially in the armpit (Figure 5.12). As
Emile explained, usually, at this point, when clothing items fall completely apart, she
disassembles them and tries to reuse the materials which are still good for her future DIY projects. However, in the case of this particular dress to which she was very
attached, Emilie decided to 'spend hours and hours, trying to do [her] best to fix it because [she wanted] to keep wearing it until the whole dress would become just one big mend'.
Given the general condition of the dress, Emilie knew that the only way to prolong its lifespan was to reinforce the most damaged parts with extra material and only then
start working on expressive embroidery surfaces. Therefore, during workshop 3, right after the mending assessment, she selected the mending treatments she would
utilise: patching, pattern darning and embroidery. Considering that most of the
clothes in Emilie's wardrobe are black, she wanted the mended dress to be neutral. Thus, by looking at the combination of the main material of the dress (black) and the embroidered details in ice grey, Emilie selected two additional purple colours
among Armocromia palettes, which she thought 'would pop up but not too much'
(Figure 5.14). As for the selection of materials, since the dress was 100% cotton, Emile wanted to have all additional materials (both fabric scraps and embroidery floss) of the same composition.
At the beginning of the first day of our mending-making retreat activities, Emilie
began her process with a meticulous study of the embroidered parts of the dress.
As the original embroidery was machine-made and consisted of a very fine chain stitch, Emilie thought replicating it would be too time-consuming. Therefore, she
decided to extend the original embroidery with the Sashiko technique, which would allow her to obtain similar embroidery shapes. Accordingly, she proceeded with
sketching to see how the extended embroidery shapes would look alongside the
existing composition (Figure 5.13). Then she also tried a Sashiko technique on a sample of intact fabric piece. In doing it she utilised a needle matching the diameter of the
floss and an embroidery hoop to stabilise the fabric. Afterwards, Emile concentrated on the study of colour. As she already decided that her main colours will be the
Figure 5.12. Emilie's damaged garment.
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Figure 5.13. Emilie's process of sketching.
Figure 5.14. Emilie's visual inspiration.
Figure 5.15. Emilie's colour sampling.
Figure 5.16. Emilie's tracing of the shape.
Figure 5.17. Emilie's pattern darning.
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Figure 5.18. Emilie's additional embroidery.
Figure 5.19. The final outcome of Emilie's expressive mending project.
same of the dress (black and ice grey), she wanted to add only one additional purple
colour. There were many shades of purple in the material archive, and to decide which colour she would select, she first reduced her choice to three colours and then made several samples, selecting an additional lilac in the end (Figure 5.15).
After these initial steps, Emilie continued reinforcing the worn-out parts of the garment, which were positioned in the armpit. In doing it, she first traced the shape of the
additional fabric on paper (Figure 5.16) and then transferred the shape to the fabric.
After cutting the shapes of the additional reinforcement pieces, Emilie initially attached
them to the dress with the pins and later with the basting stitch in contrasting colour, which allowed her not only to fix the additional material to the dress but also to
delineate the area to mend. She then continued with reinforcement by utilising the
pattern darning technique (Figure 5.17), which resulted in the surface Emilie envisaged. When both armpits were reinforced, Emilie continued with transferring the sketch of her embroidery design on the dress. She began her embroidery from the edges of
embroidery already incorporated into the design of the dress. These initial embroidery rows were very similar in shape to the original embroidery. As Emilie moved towards
the reinforced area of the armpit, the forms of embroidery started to change, reflecting Emile's personal taste (Figure 5.18). When the embroidery on the left side of the dress was finalised, Emile mirrored it to the right side of the clothing item. At this point the
making phase was over, and Emile did not engage in additional steps, such as pressing. As she explained, she generally does not iron her clothes since she is aware that it deteriorates the fabric and, for this reason, prefers to avoid it.
Although Emilie's project was very complex, she never got stuck. Each of her mending steps after a small reflection and discussion with the group gradually led to the next one until the project was finalised (Figure 5.19). Moreover, within the overall process of making, she always found time to assist other group members, both with advice and practical help.
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5.3.5 Ksenia's project All the damaged garments in Ksenia's wardrobe were already mended. Therefore,
when she had to select an item to work with during the workshops, she initially had
difficulty finding one. Then, she remembered the denim jacket she purchased secondhand many years ago (Figure 5.20). Although the jacket was not damaged in any
way, she did not wear it because 'it was boring and did not reflect her personality any
longer'. Thus, Ksenia decided to 'give this jacket a new life' by decorating it and adding a few bright colours to it.
During workshop 3, when participants chose the inspiration for their projects, Ksenia started to build her board with the picture 'representing her inner dreamlike realm'.
It was 'a door opening towards the immensity of the sea, with a pink cloud entering through it'. In line with the picturesque and imaginative atmosphere of the picture,
she then selected some photos from her trips and some images of repair techniques she liked. As Ksenia was particularly fascinated by the digital colour generator, she utilised this tool to create her colour palette, comprised of pink, blue, and green
(Figure 5.22). Ksenia's initial project idea was to add some decorative patches on
the back and on the sleeves. Therefore, she selected additional fabric scraps and embroidery floss in colours of her palette without paying attention to material composition.
At the beginning of the second day of the retreat, before starting the process of
visualising her initial ideas, Ksenia decided to analyse the details of her garment once again ('just to be sure [she was] not missing something'). In doing this extra
examination, she came across small stitching details in red, which she had not paid attention to previously (Figure 5.21). Thus, without any hesitations, she decided that
these details would be the new starting point of her design, also because, in comparison to the soft-colour 'romantic palette' she created during the workshop, red colour was more in line with her idea of decorating the jacket in a bright way. Since the main
colour of the jacket was blue, and the item already had some details in red, adding the third primary colour seemed to be a good strategy. To better understand how the colours will look together, as well as to understand colour proportions, Ksenia
made a quick colour sample on the piece of rigid cardboard she found in the material kit I prepared for her before the retreat (Figure 5.23).
Figure 5.20. Ksenia's 'damaged' garment.
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Figure 5.21. Ksenia's jacket details.
Figure 5.22. Ksenia's visual inspiration.
Figure 5.23. Ksenia's colour sample.
Figure 5.24. Ksenia's mending-making.
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Figure 5.25. Macro details of Ksenia's repaired garment.
Figure 5.26. Final outcome of Ksenia's expressive mending project.
Since the 'repair' that Ksenia had in mind was not particularly elaborate (she decided
to alternate some zig-zag back stitching between the twin seams with satin embroidery), Ksenia did not make any sketches or compositions. She selected the additional
embroidery floss of the same diameter as twin seam stitching and decided to utilise
the embroidery hoop and the needle of the right size. Afterwards, she started to work
directly on the garment (Figure 5.24), starting first with a pocket, to understand if the
idea she had in mind would be the same when applied to the garment. After adding the first row of stitches in red, she continued with the second row in yellow and filled the parts between the seams with a satin stitch. However, she found this satin stitch detail too rough in comparison to the delicate zig-zag stitching and decided to remove it.
Moreover, since the parts of the garment she was working on were particularly thick and rigid, the embroidery hoop continuously slid. Instead of aiding the process, it was hindering it. Therefore, Ksenia decided to remove the embroidery hoop and
continue only with a needle and thread. When the first pocket was ready, she proceeded with the sleeves decoration. She added red details on the right sleeve, and yellow details on the left sleeve. By the end of the first day of work, Ksenia's project was
almost concluded, and she was missing only a few minor details, which she planned to finalise the following day.
However, in the late evening, she got a flu, and decided to go home. A few days
later, when she felt better again, she concluded her expressive mending project by adding some extra embroidery details on the pocket. She took pictures of the final outcome (Figure 5.26) and its details (Figure 5.25) and sent them to me.
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5.3.6 Jessica's project Jessica defined her mending style as 'guerrilla mending'—a quick and rough mending which allows her to wear her clothes again. Before participating in this PhD project,
she tried to mend expressively but she never managed to materialise mending ideas she had in mind. Therefore, learning how to plan and visualise her mending ideas
was one of her motivations for participating in this study. Over the course of several
months, Jessica was constantly mending and was enthusiastically sharing one mending
project per week with the group. As the time to commence the final expressive projects approached, Jessica was thrilled.
For her final mending project, she chose to work on a very old H&M dress purchased second-hand four years before our first workshop. This dress was mended by Jessica
many times, particularly on the seams, which kept ripping any time Jessica 'put [her] hand too deep in the pocket or pulled [her] dress down when [she] needed to adjust it'. These open seams were constantly repaired as they came. However, this time,
Jessica faced another problem—dark stains all over the dress that appeared after washing (Figure 5.27). As these stains were positioned in a very visible part of the
dress, Jessica was unsure how to deal with them, especially because the fabric of the dress was patterned.
As it was difficult to understand the extension of the damage due to washing wrinkles, before starting to work on the mending assessment, Jessica decided to iron the dress. When the ironing revealed the number and extension of the stains, it became clear to Jessica that to cover the damaged areas with an additional material, which she wanted to blend into the pattern, she had to plan her mending rather carefully.
Although Jessica usually paid little attention to the composition of materials she
utilised in her mending projects, after our discussion on sustainability, she decided
to match the composition of the dress (100% cotton) with the composition of additional embroidery floss and fabric scraps. Moreover, since the pattern of the dress was
particularly rich and contained many colours, Jessica thought adding more colours
would result in a non-harmonious solution. Therefore, she studied the colours of her
dress and decided to utilise beige (the main colour of the garment), black (the colour
of the outlines of the pattern and the colour of clothing she combined with the dress), and yellow, blue, and pink, which were the colours of the pattern elements (birds)
(Figure 5.29). Since the design of the clothing item already suggested to Jessica the
Figure 5.27. Jessica's damaged garment.
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Figure 5.28. Jessica's material for patching.
Figure 5.29. Jessica's replication of the original pattern colours.
Figure 5.30. Jessica's rounded patch.
Figure 5.31. Jessica's study of the pattern.
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Figure 5.32. Macro details of Jessica's repaired garment.
Figure 5.33. The final outcome of Jessica's expressive mending project.
'way to go', she felt that she did not need additional inspiration for her project. At the beginning of the first day of the mending retreat in Denmark, Jessica started her process of visualising ideas by taking photos of her dress and drawing on the
images by utilising the drawing tools of her cell phone. As some of the stains were
positioned in the armpit (and were less visible), and some of the stains were positioned on the chest (in the most visible part of the dress), Jessica thought that she needed
two different mending solutions. Accordingly, she decided to cover the stains of the armpit with patches of colour matching the dress (Figure 5.28), and in doing so, she
utilised a blanket stitch to prevent future fraying. As the patches covered some parts of the pattern, Jessica embroidered the missing pattern parts (by replicating the original colours and shapes) on top of the patch (Figure 5.30). Afterwards, she
continued with the stains on the chest. Making rounded patches in this part of the dress seemed inappropriate since Jessica envisioned that the patches could look
like nipples. Therefore, she decided to study the rhythm of the pattern and add some
additional pattern elements where they were needed to cover the stains. She cut the birds out of cardboard and started to place them on the dress in search of a proper
position (Figure 5.31). When she came across the solution where 'two birds were looking
at each other', Jessica was satisfied with this symmetry and decided to do additional patches in a shape of birds (Figure 5.32).
When the round of 'bird' patches was done, Jessica was not entirely convinced with
her second solution. However, after trying the dress on and after receiving appreciation
from Gerda-Marie and me, Jessica said that 'it look[ed] actually better than it was in [her] head' and that she 'just needed a bit of flexibility to accept the patch in such
a visible and awkward place'. At the end of the retreat, Jessica was happy not only
because she made her dress wearable again but also because, for the first time, she managed to plan her project and made her 'mending look intentional' (Figure 5.33).
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5.3.7 Tania's project Tania decided to work on a 'family project'—a pair of her husband's summer shorts, purchased new during the family summer trip. Tania's husband, Dima, fell in love
with this item due to the unusual hue of beige (his favourite colour) and the fabric
(100% cotton). He wore the shorts a lot and washed them after every wear. Thus, the shorts started to tear on the back pocket seams. As soon as the first tear appeared, Tania mended it by pulling the tear together with a whip stitch (Figure 5.34). To her
surprise, the repaired tear was torn a few days later, and the damage was bigger this time. As she wanted to please Dima, instead of delegating the work to professionals, she continued to mend the shorts herself, each time utilising the same technique,
each time trying to make the mend more solid by adding more stitches and each time hoping that issue would be solved. Despite her mending attempts, the tear
kept growing in size. Even so, it never occurred to Tania that she had to change her mending tactics, and thus, she blamed the fabric for being of 'awful quality'.
When during our first workshop, the Ukrainian participants and I discussed the spectrum of existing mending techniques, Tania realised that she was mending the shorts with the wrong technique. Among the techniques suitable for repairing the shorts, there
was needle weaving, and Tania decided to utilise it for her expressive mending project.
During that workshop she made her sample on an intact material scrap. Then, in the phase of gathering inspiration, Tania was drawn by the images of the seaside and
included in her colour palette beige (the colour of shorts), blue, petroleum green and
orange with the aid of Armocromia palettes (Figure 5.36). As for the choice of materials, since, according to Tania, these shorts were wearing out so quickly because of their composition, she thought to use more durable synthetic materials.
For the final retreat Tania brought three garments: her husband's shorts, the colour bled white tank top, and the intact vest that she wanted to decorate. Since Tania
imagined the process of mending the shorts to be easy and quick, she thought that after mending the shorts, she would also mend two additional garments. However, when all the participants began translating their first mending ideas into sketches, cardboard compositions, colour samples, et cetera, Tania was hesitant to start.
When I saw Tania's hesitation, I asked her if she was unsatisfied with the choice of her materials or if she was unsure how to begin. Tania replied that she wanted to explore other mending possibilities.
Figure 5.34. Tania's damaged garment.
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Figure 5.35. Tania's cleaned-out damage.
Figure 5.36. Tania's visual inspiration.
Figure 5.37. Tania's reinforcement.
Figure 5.38. Tania's outlining of the mend.
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Figure 5.39. Macro picture of Tania's repaired garment and utilised materials.
Figure 5.40. The final outcome of Tania's expressive mending project.
Four hours after the beginning of the workshop, Tania was ready to mend. She decided not to 'waste time' on visualising her ideas or making samples, and started to mend
directly on the garment, selecting the needle and the embroidery hoop. A few minutes later, she asked me to help her put the embroidery hoop on because the damage was surrounded by layers of pocket fabric and the hoop was sliding. We opted for mending mushroom. After looking closer at the damage, I suggested to Tania to
begin her process by removing the old mend and by analysing the damage's real
size. Tania hoped to cover the old mend with the new one and she found this step
laborious and unnecessary. After some hesitation, she decided to rip her initial mend. When the damage was revealed and cleaned out (Figure 5.35), Tania was shocked by its size, and not knowing how to deal with it, asked the group for advice. We
suggested putting a reinforcement layer to stabilise the damage and only then
needle weave. Tania began with the patch but without fixing the additional fabric
to the shorts with the pins. It resulted in sewing the patch to the pocket. Therefore,
Tania had to rip her work and restart again (this time by using the pins) (Figure 5.37). She also took the needle of the smallest size, which was unsuitable for the weight of the fabric. In the process of pulling the needle through many layers of fabric,
the needle broke. We then chose the right needle, and Tania made the patches on both legs of the shorts. After that, she drew an outline of the mend on the shorts
(Figure 5.38) and was ready to mend. However, she realised that all the participants almost completed their projects, and to optimise time, she first used a very long
thread, which, in the process of stretching the warp, got entangled. Then, in a rush, Tania also completely forgot about the mending mushroom, which was supposed
to stabilise the fabric and control its tension. It resulted in overstretching the warp.
Tania was stuck and did not know how to proceed. I intervened to loosen the warp.
When the warp was finally stretched on both legs (with the aid of the mending mushroom this time), Tania was tired and decided to continue with her project the next day.
The process of interlacing the warp and the weft seemed to Tania too long. Thus, she decided to 'overcome the obstacle' by doing a loose weave, which required less time for its completion. During the process of making, Tania needed to be constantly
reassured that she was doing okay. After receiving much encouragement from the
group, Tania finalised her needle weave on the left leg of the shorts (Figure 5.39). Then, she decided to continue with the damage on the right leg at home and focused on
the mending assessment and planning of the other garments she brought to retreat.
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5.3.8 Gerda-Marie's project Before participating in this PhD project, Gerda-Marie primarily mended with the aid
of a sewing machine, engaging with very complex repair projects, which can fall into the category of 'major' clothing repair. At the beginning of our collective mending exploration, Gerda-Marie discovered various hand-mending techniques she had
never utilised before. Among the techniques she liked the most was needle weaving, and since she was eager to master this particular repair treatment, she engaged in
many independent projects and needle-weaved her sweaters, purses and even canvas shoes. She also tried to apply this technique to the socks (Figure 5.41). However, she utilised the thread, which was oversized in diameter; therefore, the mend became
very bulky and uncomfortable to wear. Moreover, she did not study the colours for the mend and utilised the colours which she had at hand. Thus, although the mend was
supposed to be covered by the shoe, she confessed to us that 'the colour combination [she] chose was irritating [her] eye' every time she put the sock on. For this reason,
she decided to mend these socks once again and brought them for a final retreat. Gerda-Marie was particularly attached to these socks. She bought them seven
years ago in a fair-trade shop, and since then wore them a lot. Although the socks were rather old, they did not lose their appearance and looked almost as new. One of the main reasons why Gerda-Marie liked these socks were their colours
(Figure 5.43), and in order to preserve them, she always washed the socks on low temperature with delicate detergents. However, no matter how carefully Gerda-
Marie treated the socks, they inevitably wore out with time; they had holes in the
heels, while the material surrounding the holes became very thin. Thus, in choosing the right technique, she took into consideration both her previous experience with needle weaving (applied to these socks) and the characteristics of the damage. Ultimately, she opted for the darning technique since, in contrast to needle
weaving, it blends better into the fabric and allows for flexibility much needed in that area of the sock.
As the original design of the socks had very neat colour blocking, Gerda-Marie
thought that it indicated a very neat mend that should follow the straight lines of these blocks. She decided to utilise the additional materials in colours similar to
those of the socks and therefore selected yellow (to follow the yellow parts of the
sock) and terracotta (to follow the lines of this colour). The diameter of the threads
Figure 5.41. Gerda-Marie's damaged sock.
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Figure 5.42. Gerda-Marie's sampling.
Figure 5.43. Colours of Gerda-Marie's original clothing item.
Figure 5.44. Gerda-Marie's sampling.
Figure 5.45. Gerda-Marie's mending.
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Figure 5.46. Macro detail of Gerda-Marie's repaired socks and utilised materials.
Figure 5.47. The final outcome of Gerda-Marie's expressive mending project.
this time was closer to that of the item, and the composition of additional threads
(cotton) was almost the same as the one of the sock (cotton and elastane). She also
chose the needle corresponding to the diameter of the thread and mending mushroom, which allowed her to mend on a flat surface.
Afterwards, Gerda-Marie started the preparation for the mend. She did it by patiently
ripping the old mend and by cleaning out the area to repair. In doing so, she told us that, although many people do not like making and unmaking the mends, she saw it as a part of the process and an opportunity to modify her outcome at any time.
Thus, she 'enjoyed this process of noticing', and it was what she liked about mending the most. As she wanted this mend to be particularly neat, and as the area surrounding
the damage was mainly worn out, Gerda-Marie thought that making and unmaking directly on the clothing item could damage the sock even more. For this reason,
before mending the sock, she decided to make a sample on the additional piece of the fabric, which had the same knitted structure and similar weight. To understand
how the material would behave in the process of making, Gerda-Marie also made a hole in the fabric scrap and started to darn meticulously.
After obtaining a very satisfactory sample (Figure 5.44) and after 'auto-approving'
her 'mending plan', Gerda-Marie was finally ready to mend (Figure 5.45). She started slowly and meticulously with the series of horizontal parallel running-stitch lines, first in yellow (on the yellow line) and then in terracotta (on the terracotta one). She then continued with the vertical line of stitches, and when she approached the hole, she interwove the threads until the hole was completely filled. In the end, she secured
the thread by interweaving and hiding the excess thread into the weave. Although mending two socks required two entire days of retreat, the matter of time did not concern Gerda-Marie at all since she was enjoying the slow process of mending.
She was also very satisfied with her final outcome(Figure 5.46) and wore the socks straight away (Figure 5.47).
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5.4. Expressive mending in participants' narratives
In the previous section, I explained that expressive mending is the most complex of
all amateur mending approaches since it requires competences that go beyond the competences of traditional clothing repair. To study the complexity of expressive
mending, I developed a strategy for amateur mending design by merging design
and mending processes. I also illustrated how the primary participants of this study
utilised the developed resource and how it guided them through the stages of their project development. Now, I will concentrate on the analysis of amateur mending
design and its characteristics. In doing so, I will rely on the framework of expressive mending projects (Figure 5.4) and discuss each of its stages in detail.
5.4.1 At the beginning of this PhD project At the beginning of this PhD project, both post-Soviet and Western 'daughters' were primarily engaged in discreet mending projects. Yet, the reasons for prioritising this approach to repair differed. As I explained in Chapter 3, post-Soviet 'daughters'
associated mending with necessity and considered it a 'boring' activity rather than an opportunity for self-expression. Therefore, most of the time, they relied on the
seamstress's services and less often mended at home, executing only 'minor' repairs
in a discreet manner. They did not know that expressive mending existed and did not know the possibilities of this type of clothing repair:
And I did not know that it is possible to turn the stains into such beautiful
design features and that there is a whole movement of visible mending. And, in fact, it is so logical that now I wonder how it passed me by [Tania, 34 y.o.].
Not engaging in mending projects which go beyond basic stitching and constantly
delegating more complex repairs to professionals led post-Soviet primary participants to believe that mending was easy and that their mending competences were rather
advanced since they learned how to mend first within the home and later at school. However, as we could see in section 5.3, when it came to the development of their
expressive mending projects, being unable to evaluate their own competences (as
in the case of Tania's project) resulted in choosing approaches for which the participant was not adequately prepared.
In contrast, Western participants prioritised a discreet approach to repair because it
reflected the exigencies of everyday life and because they constantly engaged in
somewhat elaborated mending projects and knew that expressive mending is more difficult and time-consuming in comparison to more traditional clothing repair.
Moreover, the Western participants were aware that engaging in expressive mending without planning increases the possibility of damaging the garment. Finally, Emile,
Gerda-Marie and Jessica knew that expressive mending can make the clothing item less versatile within the framework of the overall wardrobe:
I like colours, and I do not wear only black or only grey or beige. So, if I am
also adding something on top, you know, like if I am going with a wild mend, I feel that it can be too much. Then, I would need to be very careful when
wearing the item. Like, if the mend is very visible, I would need to be careful with the rest of the outfit, so that it is not too much because I like a bit of a cleaner look [Gerda-Marie, 29 y.o.].
In addition, if post-Soviet participants were convinced to have a well-developed set
of mending skills, Western participants (who engaged even with major clothing repair) constantly felt that their skills were underdeveloped. For this reason, they were very eager to acquire additional mending competences, and as soon as they learned
something new, they immediately put the acquired knowledge into practice. Within
the overall duration of their participation in this PhD project (for almost a year), they engaged in a myriad of independent mending projects and shared them with the
group. It is because they saw mending as their hobby and as a relaxing activity, which was in contrast with the mending perception of post-Soviet participants, who, at the
beginning of our common mending exploration, saw mending as a 'boring' and even as a 'waste of time' [Tania, 34 y.o.].
5.4.2 Mending assessment Although the mending assessment is important for all mending approaches to repair, participants of this study recognised that it becomes particularly relevant within the framework of expressive mending, which presupposes the alteration of the original
design. Participants' projects highlighted that in order to understand how to alter the
design, they first had to analyse the existing design of the garment and only afterwards plan the additional design. Participants explained why they found this approach to
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repair particularly complex. It was not only because this approach to mending takes into account many variables but also because it is very different both from more traditional approaches to clothing repair and from design:
When I think about design, I think about it as a sort of blank page. In design,
you are more flexible; you have many choices, and you can plan and decide where you want to place a particular element. But [expressive] mending is different because you start with something that already exists and then
change it. So, you do not have all these choices; you do not have a blank
canvas where you can add all these beautiful things. So, with mending, it is a lot harder, I think, because it has a certain position. Then, the damage has a specific shape, and also the garment has a specific design. I think that it takes a way more creativity or flexibility to accept that [Jessica, 34 y.o.].
As we could see in section 5.3, the garment design analysis was crucial for formulating participants' projects. After meticulously studying the elements of the clothing items (e.g. embroidery, print or pattern), all the participants (except Tania) adopted the
strategy of extending the original design, which was a starting point in the formulation of the participants' individual projects. Also, the material structure of the garment
played an important role since it indicated to participants 'the way to go' (e.g. as in
the case of Gerda-Marie's project, where the structure of the knitted sock indicated
the technique and material she had to utilise to allow elasticity). As for the composition of the garments, most of the time, participants tended to match the composition of
additional materials to that of the garment to mend. In some cases, it happened for environmental reasons (as in the case of Emilie's, Gerda-Marie's and Jessica's project); in other cases (i.e. Marta's case), the composition was matched in consideration of future use (i.e. how the garment will be washed, ironed, et cetera). However,
understanding the garment's composition was an uneasy endeavour because most of the garments did not have the tags any longer or had tags which were faded.
At the same time, all the participants (except Emilie) had difficulty to recognise the materials by touch :
This one [dress] does not have the tag any longer… I often cut the tags off
because I do not like the feeling. So, usually, if it is on the neck, I cut the tags off [Jessica, 34 y.o.].
There is a tag on this one, but it is completely faded but I would guess that the material is cotton… Usually, I can recognise materials by touch [Emilie, 26 y.o.]. Here, I used some leftovers of the fabric, which I bought second-hand. I
thought it was natural fibre, but when I finished the project and was ironing the piece, it melted here. And there was suddenly the huge hole, and I was like: "Seriously?" [Gerda-Marie, 29 y.o.].
When it came to the analysis of the damage, the actions and narratives of all
participants except Tania were very much aligned with the actions of professional clothing repair described in section 5.2. The position, degree, typology, and
surrounding area of the damage affected the choice of techniques, materials,
devices, and overall approach to repair. For instance, the position of the damage
indicated the desired comfort, while the degree, typology of the damage and the extension of the worn-out surrounding area indicated the appropriate repair treatment and materials to utilise:
So, here, the area dictated how much bulk could be added to the mend for
comfortability on the skin. I could not add a lot of material in the armpit and make the mend bulky because it would be uncomfortable to wear… And
regarding the size of the damage… the damage was large, so I had to work
with patching and reinforcing from the inside first. So, the size of the damage affects the mend a lot. But also how worn-out the surrounding fibres are,
because the tear was small, but the area of wornness was larger… So, yes, I
think this initial assessment step really helped to structure the overall mending project [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
5.4.3 Planning The project planning phase of the participants' project included gathering inspiration, choosing the colours, additional materials, techniques, and mending devices. Gathering inspiration The main inspiration for the participants' projects derived from the garment design.
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Ksenia was guided by the small garment details, Emilie by the shapes of embroidery, Marta worked on the existing print, Gerda-Marie followed the colour blocks of her
socks, and Jessica extended the pattern of the fabric. At the same time, gathering
visual inspiration did not turn out to be helpful. All the participants appreciated the
activity and found it engaging. However, none of them used this kind of inspiration to formulate their projects. In contrast, conceptual inspiration, deriving from the stories of individual garments, turned out to be a valuable resource for mending design.
For example, when Tania had to gather the inspiration for her 'family project', she
concentrated on searching for images related to the shapes of the sand (the colour of the garment), but when she collected the photos, they 'conveyed nothing' to her and she had difficulty in translating this visual inspiration into her design ideas. In
contrast, when she started to plan the mending for the tank top, which she brought to the final retreat, Tania took inspiration from the garment related memories. As I was curious to know more about this clothing item, I asked Tania to tell me: where
and why she purchased it, what life experiences and memories were connected to
this clothing item, why it was so precious to her and why she had never got rid of it, despite the fact that it was damaged many years ago. This questions reactivated
Tania's memories of when she and her husband travelled to Europe for the concert of one of their favourite music bands and led her to think how the music of this particular band makes her feel and dream. Thinking of dreaming led her to an
image of the dream catcher, and she saw in the tank top print (night flying moth in
a circular frame) 'the central element of the dream catcher'. Suddenly she was very excited. She took the paper sheets and started to sketch her ideas (Figure 5.48),
forgetting that the retreat was over and that only a couple of hours ago, visualising ideas for her was a 'waste of time'.
Choosing the colour Choosing the colour was the most challenging part of project planning. Even the designers of the group (Gerda-Marie, Emilie, and Marta), who were familiar with different colour theories and approaches, and constantly worked with colour in their design practice, had a difficulty to choose appropriate colours for their mending projects. As I already explained in section 5.3, before the mending
exploration undertaken within the framework of this PhD study, group designers
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Figure 5.48. Tania's conceptual inspiration.
never thought of applying design's iterative processes to mending. That is why
Gerda-Marie for example had to re-mend her garment several times because the colour combination she had chosen and immediately applied on the garment
was 'irritating her eye', while Marta was rather cautious in choosing the additional
colours, saying that 'choosing the wrong colours could ruin the garment'. She also pointed out that the colours should be chosen in relation to material, since 'every
colour reflects differently on different materials'. Nevertheless, once they were able to link the choice of colours to design's iterative processes (which were so natural
to them), they engaged in making colour samples and compositions, and through several iterations overcame the 'mending colour issue' [Marta, 24 y.o.]. Even so,
during the process of colour sampling all of them utilised ready-made palettes, recognising that 'having this resource at hand in the process of choosing the colours was useful' [Gerda-Marie, 29 y.o.].
As for non-designers of the group (Tania, Jessica and Ksenia), choosing the colours
was even more difficult, as they were not used to utilise colours in their professional practices, nor in their clothing repair projects. Therefore, they felt that they lacked
the colour competence and did not know how to choose, combine, and talk about colour. In fact, when Tania, Jessica and Ksenia had to comment on colour, they
often paused, felt silent or did not have a 'right word' for expressing themselves: My dress had a very rich pattern, so I just tried to use the colours which were already on the dress. But if I had to choose… I think I do not feel… like I am…
I am really bad a choosing colours… like accent colours… and I do not really know how to combine them. I think that I do not have the skills for that… I
always need advises of people whose style I like. So, I think that if I was trying to embellish something, in visible mending, like a black shirt or something, I would come here, to the [Armocromia] booklet. Because I do not really know what to choose… I am so unsure of myself when it comes to colour [Jessica, 34 y.o.]. Nevertheless, the non-designers of the group were very inspired by the world of
colours and said that although choosing colours was difficult, it was also the most
exciting and rewarding part of the process. Moreover, all of them expressed the wish to develop their colour competence further and recognised that having resources which facilitate such a learning process was important for them:
I really enjoyed choosing the colours. It was the best… the most enjoyable part of planning. It was finally so easy to choose the right colours, to see the whole
spectrum organised in those palettes and to choose from them… to see which colour goes well with another colour. For example, with the shorts, I would not be able to add the orange and petroleum colour myself. And with the tank
top, without your suggestion not to use more than four colours at a time, I think that I could use all colours of the spectrum at once and would decrease the
overall aesthetic quality of the mend. So, yes, there are certain rules that one
should follow, and there are all these colour processes… It is not like you learn
all that from one day to another, so the development of these colour competences is definitely what I, and other menders who are new to these processes, should concentrate on [Tania, 34 y.o.].
Choosing material In choosing the additional materials for the individual projects, the participants of
the study were guided by several criteria already outlined in section 5.3 (i.e. the design of the garment, chosen technique, desired comfort, desired aesthetics, the maintenance of the garment, own style, the overall wardrobe, and environmental considerations).
For instance, the material choices of each participant were affected by the garment's
design, the desired aesthetics, and the participant's style. In addition, Marta, GerdaMarie, and Emilie also considered the future use (e.g. how the garment will be
washed), while Emilie and Gerda-Marie also paid attention to the desired comfort. As for the environmental considerations, this point was particularly controversial.
For example, some participants (i.e. Gerda-Marie and Emilie) always paid particular
attention to the additional materials for the mend. Therefore, in their mending practice and within the framework of this PhD study, they chose the additional materials for their mending projects only in natural fibres in consideration of the future use (e.g.
washing) and consideration of the end of the material life cycle. They explained to
the group that natural fibres biodegrade more easily, while clothes made of mono-
materials can ease potential future recycling. Although the lack of facilities that can process discarded clothing is an obvious limitation, they believed that in the future, such facilities would be widespread:
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All the stuff I buy [second-hand] is of natural fibres, like cotton or linen. And I would mend all of them with cotton or linen thread unless it was silk. Silk
should be mended with silk. I feel like I stopped buying polyester stuff. The
only things I buy in polyester are party dresses because I know that I would
not wear them so often, and then I also do not have to wash them so often.
So, I can live with that. But if it is an everyday item, I would buy only clothes in
natural fibres. So, yes, it has something to do with washing. Washing polyester is not so great for the environment [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
I always pay attention to the fibre, and I always pay attention to its origin. It
is because of sustainability. I also studied design, so I appreciate it when the garment is 100% cotton or wool, like only natural fibre. I really like wool, for
example, because it has so many nice properties and I do not have to wash
it so often. So, when I mend, I mend clothes with the same materials because I want my clothes to stay mono-material. One day, when they fall completely apart, they will need to biodegrade or to be recycled… Yes, there are not so
many recycling facilities today, but in the future, they will be widespread. That is why we should start having a sustainable mindset already now [GerdaMarie, 29 y.o.].
In contrast, Tania did not believe that the choice of additional material for the
mend can make any difference in terms of sustainability because, as she explained, individual contributions 'in the world of "plenty" where recycling facilities do not
exist… are just a drop in the ocean'. Thus, she generally preferred polyester clothes
and never paid attention to the additional materials for the mend. In line with this,
her material choice for her mending project was guided primarily by the colours she liked and the aesthetic expression she wanted to achieve:
I would not bother with the choice of material; I do not really care what
additional materials I am going to use… Actually, I think that I would prefer
to choose polyester. Because I think that these pants keep ripping because they are 100% cotton… Using polyester on cotton is not an issue for me. I
believe that polyester is better than cotton. It lasts longer, and it is also very
easy to wash and dry… It does not make any sense to me to try to match the material. It is like, I am trying to recycle the trash, and then I see how they
put everything in the same container. Or I see some people who prefer not
to fly, and then the planes fly empty anyway. Also, the cotton production has some issues. So, given the whole picture, I do not think that the microplastic that comes from my washing makes any difference. Buying less, yes, it can
make a difference, but not choosing the polyester thread for the mend… It is just a drop in the ocean, and I do not see it as a contribution to a better environment [Tania, 34 y.o.].
Finally, in their mending practices, Jessica, Marta and Ksenia usually utilised the
materials they already had. Before taking part in this PhD project, they never saw the additional materials for the mend from the environmental standpoint, and
their choices were primarily guided by the practicality of what they had at hand
and by considerations regarding the colour which had to match the colour of the
garment to mend. However, after the discussions with the group, they were eager
to learn more about sustainability and tried to match the composition of additional mending materials to the materials of their clothing items:
Most of the time, I use what I have at home, like the threads in basic colours:
black, white, and grey. Because in theory, it would be important to think about the proper materials to use, but then, in practice, I use just what I have. But
I did not know, for example, that polyester is plastic and that it is so harmful
to the environment and water. I am really not used to thinking in these terms. But now, when I choose my clothes and the materials for mending, I will pay attention to this [Marta, 24 y.o.].
I always use what I have in my sewing box, and I have the materials in, you
know, in basic colours, like black, white, red, yellow, and blue. And then, when I have to mend, I would choose whatever is the closest colour. But I never
thought about the composition or the type of the thread. If it was cotton or
polyester. I never considered where my clothes ended up. My logic was, like, I am rescuing clothes from the used shops, and I just imagine that they would sort of die with me, not in the grave, but I mean, by the time I am done with
them, they are not going back to the used shops, they probably will go to the
trash. But I never thought of polyester as plastic. I just thought that it was artificial or something. But then, plastic is recycled, and there are these numbers, like
five or whatever [resin identification codes]. So it is simple to recycle like that.
So, also threads and clothes could have the numbers. Then it would be easier,
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I think. But now, most of the garments have these mixed materials, so, eventually, how are you going to recycle that? I think that this is the future of mending.
Because mending is a kind of preserving but also the overall culture of choosing durable pieces and choosing fabrics, even if they are from thrift stores. But I am not there yet [Jessica, 34 y.o.].
Choosing technique Ksenia, Marta, Jessica, and Emilie chose the repair treatments for their projects
intuitively, relying on the techniques they used more often in their mending practices. On the one hand, these techniques were suitable for the material construction of the garment to mend and to the size of the damages. On the other hand, these
techniques reflected what Emile called participants' 'comfort levels' with techniques: I think that the techniques are always the same, but the reason why we mend so differently is because people have different comfort levels with those
techniques. I feel pretty confident with doing pattern darning, but I do not
feel comfortable with needle weaving. So, for similar damages, I would go for
pattern darning, whereas you would go more with needle weaving because it is based on how proficient you feel [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
Using familiar techniques resulted to 'be safe' [Ksenia, 26 y.o.]. In fact, none of these projects went in an unexpected direction, there were no nasty surprises, and all of the projects reflected menders' levels of engagement with practice. For example,
Ksenia engaged with the project, which was 'easy'; she had to deal with a garment that was not damaged, and she also chose the basic stitching technique. Marta's and Jessica's projects were more complex, and these participants had to make
multiple decisions along the way. Even so, they were dealing with damaged print
and stained fabric, respectively; the fabric of their garments was not torn, and they used minor repair techniques. In comparison, Emilie's project was more complex because she had to mend the garment, which was so worn out that it could be
potentially thrown away. Thus, her project involved the study of the items' worn-out
parts, additional reinforcement, and stitching. However, Emilie was used to dealing with such complexity and effectively accomplished her project.
In contrast, due to the fabric construction and typology of the damage, Gerda-
Marie and Tania had to select techniques they were unfamiliar with. As I previously
explained, throughout this PhD project, Gerda-Marie was practising needle weaving, which is very similar to the technique she utilised for her final project at the end
(darning). Moreover, before trying a new technique on the sock, Gerda-Marie first
engaged with sampling, and in order to understand how the damaged fabric would
respond to the treatment, Gerda-Marie made a hole in a sample. Therefore, she was adequately prepared to adopt this technique, and the process and final outcome
were very satisfactory. At the same time, Tania, who did not study the damage and tried needle weaving only once on the intact fabric, had a lot of nasty surprises in
the mending-making phase. Therefore, both the overall process and the final outcome of the project were rather disappointing for her. Even so, both Tania and Gerda-Marie
learned a lot from this experience and increased their competence and confidence, extending the range of their possible future projects.
These significant differences apart, what was common both to those who intuitively
utilised the techniques they were familiar with and to those who chose the techniques
which were new to them is the issue of mending vocabulary. None of the participants
of this project had a well-developed mending vocabulary; they had difficulty expressing themselves when it came to more technical terminology and often called the techniques with the wrong names. At the same time, as Emilie pointed out, developing such competence is important if one wants to advance in mending practice:
If you have to search for something, you need to know what it is called. Because if you search just mending, there are hundreds of different things which can
pop up. But if you search for very specific fibre or very specific type of damage,
if you do not know what the things are called, you do not know what to search for [Emilie, 26 y.o.].
Finally, during the workshop discussions with the group, Jessica and Gerda-Marie
made some further reflections regarding the application and gradual learning of mending techniques, which other participants found important as well:
I think that knowing the names of techniques is certainly important, but it would also be useful to know when it might be appropriate to use the technique, like when you are repairing the sock, darning versus patching, versus embroidery
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and so on. And this is the knowledge that I have gotten during this [PhD]
project, so that it was very useful to me. Because having an overview of the whole spectrum of mending techniques is important but it is not only the technique itself; it is also where to apply that technique [Jessica, 34 y.o.].
Before taking part in this project, I did not even know that there are so many mending techniques. What I liked a lot is that in Ukraine, you [post-Soviet
participants] can gradually learn them at school. I think it is so important to
start from the simple things and then, step by step, learn more complex things. I wish I could have it as well [Gerda-Marie, 29 y.o.].
Choosing devices As for choosing devices, this was the less challenging part of the participants' project
planning. All participants (except Tania) were able to select the needle of the appropriate size and the devices (i.e. embroidery hoop or mending mushroom), which facilitated the mending-making process. In line with what I already described in Chapter 4,
participants said that the experienced mender does not necessarily need the devices
which aid in controlling the tension since it can also be controlled manually. Therefore, the only essential devices were the needles in the right size.
Even so, during our exploration, it emerged how mending tools can prompt the
mender to acquire competence and confidence in using the tool adequately. For example, it happened with the speed weaver, which was included in the toolkits I provided to all participants of this study. My intention in providing these tool kits
was to study whether participants employ the tools in the process of making, how
they do it, and eventually, understand what difficulties they can encounter. As none of the Western participants was familiar with this specific tool, they were eager to
understand how the tool works and what can be done with this tool. Therefore, they started to learn, and very soon, from their initial curiosity towards the tool, their
attention shifted towards the mending technique. And as we could see previously in this chapter, Gerda-Marie and Jessica tried to improve their needle-weaving
competence throughout the study. At the same time, participants recognised that mending tools can be particularly important for those who approach mending for the first time:
I think that for the beginner, it is very helpful to have these tools because then,
for example, you can see the separation of the threads, and it is easier for them to follow the weaving structure and to control the tension [Jessica, 34 y.o.].
I think that for those who begin, it is important to have an initial tool kit. Because having everything at hand can prompt them to learn. For example, I love having the tools, whether these are screwdrivers or whatever. It makes me feel a bit more advanced in practice, like you already know what these tools are for, how to use them, and it increases your level of consciousness. It gives you
the confidence that someone already thought about making all these tools,
about all these mending processes, so I can learn how to do it as well because I know where to start from [Tania, 34 y.o.].
5.4.3 Pre-making Before participating in this study, Ksenia, Jessica, and Tania had never prepared their garments for the mend and did not see this step as a part of the mending
process. When it came to the final projects, Jessica and Tania had to include pre-
making into their overall process, while Ksenia did not have to, as her clothing item did not necessitate preparation. As we could see in Jessica's project description, ironing the dress helped her to see all the stains, which were not visible on the
wrinkled fabric. Also Tania had to iron both the shorts and her tank top to make
the damages more visible. In addition, Tania had to trim all the threads around the tears. Although initially she was reluctant to include this preparatory step into her overall process, retrospectively, she recognised that this step was important:
When I ironed the tank top, I saw stains that I did not know even existed. So, it really helped me to see the problem I had to deal with. Now, I understand
that it is a part of the process. Also, with the shorts, I thought all those threads
had to be utilised in the mend, that it was just a part of the fabric, and it never crossed my mind that they obstructed the view. But when I removed them, I saw the damage in a different light [Tania, 34 y.o.].
For Marta, Emilie and Gerda-Marie, the process of preparing the garment for the mend was not new. Gerda-Marie and Marta always ironed the garments before
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mending-making since they knew that it could allow them to see the damage better.
They also pulled out the threads and trimmed the frayed edges when the technique required this additional step. At the same time, Emilie only trimmed the obtrusive threads since she never ironed her clothes.
5.4.4 Making This stage of participants' expressive mending projects involved visualising, sampling,
and mending. As I explained in section 5.3 before taking part in this project, participants
were often unsatisfied with their mending outcomes and sometimes had to re-do the mends several times. Thus, when I proposed to the group applying design processes of visualising and sampling to mending, this idea was welcomed enthusiastically:
I think trying to visualise the project is a great idea because I often face this
problem: I want to create something, but I do not know how it will look in the future. And I do not want to waste time for bad results, or I am afraid to do
something wrong. And imagination is very important in this thing because you need to picture the final thing you want to get and with that, I have a little problem at the moment, so I would be very happy if I could overcome this issue [Ksenia, 26 y.o.].
Normally, I am doing just guerrilla mending. Like, I just quickly grab the needle and thread and then quickly repair clothes, mostly with the same technique,
just to be able to wear my clothes again. Now, I am actually starting to plan my mending, which I think is the main competence, this idea that there is a whole process which allows you to materialise what you envisioned at the beginning [Jessica, 34 y.o.].
To allow the group members to visualise the ideas in their own ways, I provided them with a selection of colourful cardboard, paper, drawing materials (i.e. pencils, pens, markers), rigid cardboard for colour sampling, paper tape and a vast collection of second-hand threads, yarns, and fabric scraps. As we could see in section 5.3, all group members visualised their ideas in different ways; they sketched, made
cardboard compositions, colour samples and played with materials by placing
them on the garment or by combining them. None of these visualising approaches
was considered more useful than other approaches since each of them reflected
the exigencies of individual projects and aided participants in visualising their first ideas. At the same time, having a variety of materials in this stage was considered
essential, and the post-Soviet members of the group recognised that if they wanted to engage in expressive mending projects in the future, like Western participants, they had to build material collections which could allow such explorations:
It was important to have all these materials at hand. The collection you put
together was very nice, and I think that most of my inspiration came from this
collection. I enjoyed playing with different materials and their textures, touching and combining them. I think that my previous mending was affected by the availability of materials I had, like only threads in basic colours, so all my
mending was very basic… Now, I will build my collection as well [Marta, 24 y.o.]. If visualising was embraced by all the group members, when it came to sampling, only Emilie and Gerda-Marie engaged in this activity. As I already anticipated in
section 5.3 (through Gerda-Marie's example), the designers and non-designers of
the study group had a very different approach to iterative cycles of mending-making and their conceptualisation of time dedicated to this stage of the project. Once the designers could link mending practice with design iterations, they engaged in long
material explorations, perceiving this phase as a part of the process. In fact, Emilie
undertook a long exploration of colour and meticulously studied how she can extend
the existing embroidery (by doing her sample); Marta studied her colour combination
and composition by doing several cardboard mock-ups, while Gerda-Marie invested several hours in making a satisfactory sample before beginning to work on her sock. Thus, time was perceived as 'part and parcel of the experience of practice' (Shove
et al., 2012: 129) and as rewarding activity supposed to gradually lead to the desired outcome:
I spent more time preparing for mending, planning, and sampling than actual mending. But I know that it usually takes time… And then, I start to plan and
try, and as soon as I decide what I want, I just keep going. And I actually enjoy this part of noticing [reflection], like: 'ok, there is something I do not like about it, and I want to change it'… Some people find this part of mending super
annoying, but it is just a part of the process, so it does not feel hard. It is more like: 'ok, I have an opportunity to change it if I want to' [Gerda-Marie, 29 y.o.].
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In contrast, the non-designers of the group did not sample. During the group discussion, Ksenia and Jessica recognised that sampling could be a useful activity; however, in the process of making, they obviated this step by saying that the typology of the
damage of the clothing items they brought to the retreat did not necessitate sampling, and that visualising their ideas through sketches, collages and colour samples was
sufficient for them to be confident enough to start working directly on the garment. As their projects were not particularly elaborate, they went according to the plan
and without unpleasant surprises. At the same time, Tania, who decided to skip the sampling phase, considering it 'a waste of time', had some nasty surprises at each step of her making:
When I started with the shorts, I expected my mending to be very quick because it seemed to me that it was impossible to do something wrong with that kind of project. So, I thought that making the samples was too sophisticated and
time-consuming. But then, in the making, I had issues with the needle, material, the length of the thread, and tension. And when I opened the old mend, I was
shocked by the size of the hole. And I had to repeat some steps several times… And it took me so much time. So, now, I understand that mending is difficult
and that you can read all the possible advice in the books, but if you do not
try it yourself several times, you cannot really understand how to deal with the
issue… And then, I thought that I would do it quicker once I practised a bit, but no. It will always take time; if you want to do it rigorously, it will take even more time and patience… But there are so many other things in life. How can one find so much time for mending? [Tania, 34 y.o.].
It was very evident, therefore, that while other group members (particularly designers) time was conceptualised as a part of the practice, Tania conceptualised 'time as a finite resource for which the practices compete' (Shove et al., 2012: 127). From the
beginning of the project, she had difficulty seeing mending as a creative and rewarding practice and constantly brought the issue of time to the discussion. Thus, when she
engaged with her 'family project', which proved particularly time-consuming, complex and challenged Tania in many ways, I was concerned that the complexity of this
particular project could hinder the future development of Tania's mending practice. To my surprise, at the end of the mending retreat, Tania decided to begin her tank top project. This time, however, after our initial discussion, she had a completely
different approach; she was engaged and seemed to forget the issue of time and
enjoy the process of exploration. When I asked her what has changed between this project and her 'family project', she said that:
With the shorts… I just wanted to quickly make them nice for my husband… But many things were just new to me… And this time, the project [tank top]
felt more personal, and I felt like it lit this spark in me. Considering everything we discussed, I already knew the techniques and the logic behind such a
process. And this algorithm, which you answer and which leads you to make
the decisions. So, I started to think about the overall process as the possibility
of making my clothes better… Mending is difficult, but it is also very interesting and rewarding. It takes time, and it will always take a lot of time, but before, I saw mending as taking time from myself, and now, I see it more as a time for myself. It can be combined with listening to my favourite music, audiobooks,
or time spent with my friends. And it will be a leisure time which makes me feel creative. And then, I will also associate the repaired clothes with literature, music, or other nice moments of my life. I think I will never mend invisibly
again, at least not the garments that can be mended visibly [Tania, 34 y.o.].
5.4.5 At the end of this PhD project After actively participating in group activities and discussions on mending, design,
and sustainability, and drawing inspiration from different cultures of clothing repair
as well as various approaches employed by both designers and non-designers within
the group, each participant successfully completed their individual projects, recognising that their expressive mending competences have considerably evolved in the course of the study. The analysis of the participants' narratives related to their projects and the analysis of final individual interviews have shown what can contribute to the successful completion of repair projects aiming at altering the original garment design by transforming the damaged areas into unique design features.
Firstly, expressive mending competences should be built upon the competences of traditional clothing repair and cannot exclude the stages of mending
assessment and planning, as well as it cannot exclude the knowledge related to materials, devices and mending techniques. As the participants' narratives have pointed out, such knowledge should be not only descriptive but also
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prescriptive (e.g. when and why specific materials, devices and mending techniques can be applied).
Secondly, design competences related to colour, visualising, and sampling, and
design's iterative processes of planning, making and reflection, can adequately prepare the novice expressive menders to deal with the complexity of this
mending approach, minimising the risk of damaging favourite items, rendering clothing unsuitable for wearing them in public, or blocking the menders from developing their mending practice further.
Thirdly, expressive mending competences should be developed gradually, beginning with a minor and moving towards a medium difficulty level of
mending. Such progression can allow the development of the mender's metacompetence—the higher order skills and abilities upon which competences
are based. Meta-competence can enable the menders to evaluate their own
competences and choose an appropriate approach and difficulty level for their clothing repair projects.
Finally, in contrast to more traditional approaches to clothing repair, which
conceptualise time as 'a finite resource for which the practices compete' (Shove et al., 2012: 127), the expressive approach to mending conceptualises time 'as a
part of the practice' (ibid: 129). Mending resources, which link mending to design and sustainability, as well as second-hand material archives, not only can
facilitate mending explorations but also contribute to conceptualising mending as a practice intertwined with creativity, joyful engagement with clothing and sustainability, extending the range of possible slow fashion practices in which the mender can participate.
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5.5. Chapter summary
This chapter introduces the dynamics of 'craft consumption'—a model of
consumption where out of a desire for self-expression, the things are designed, made, and utilised by the same person (Campbell, 2005)—which comprises such activities as collecting, appropriating and ensembling mass-produced items into personalised objects. The main proposition of this model is to
capture one of the practice's elements—competence—understood as 'skills
implied in the use, integration and desiring of items required for the effective
accomplishment and performance of daily life' (Watson and Shove, 2008: 3). In order to address my third research aim—to understand what competences are employed when mending practices are enacted and what contributes to successful clothing repair—this chapter focuses on the third element of
mending practice: competence. It describes how a more recent expressive
approach to mending has emerged alongside more traditional approaches to clothing repair (i.e. seamless and discreet) and illustrates which processes and competences each mending approach encompasses.
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In order to study the complexity of the expressive approach to repair, which
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requires competences going beyond the competences necessary to enact
more traditional mending, I developed a strategy that merges the processes usually employed in design with the processes employed in mending.
Afterwards, this chapter describes how the primary participants of this study utilised this strategy in framing their expressive mending projects and how it guided them through the main project stages of expressive clothing repair: assessment, planning, making and reflection.
Finally, this chapter illustrates how the competences constituting the expressive mending practices of the primary participants of this study have evolved in
the course of this PhD study by utilising the developed resource. The analysis
is drawn upon the framework of expressive mending projects (Figure 5.4), and it discusses each of its stages in detail, illustrating what can contribute to the
successful completion of repair projects aiming at altering the original garment design by transforming the damaged areas into unique design features.
6. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
6.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
6.1. Contributing insights
6.1.1
Purpose of the study
6.1.2 Aims of the study 6.1.3 Key insights 6.2. Implications of the work
6.2.1 Theoretical implications
6.2.2 Methodological implications 6.2.3 Practical implications 6.3. Avenues for future research
6.3.1 Limitations of the study
6.3.2 Suggestions for future work
6.1. Contributing insights
In this concluding chapter, I will interpret the findings of this PhD study and discuss the
implications of this work. I will begin by discussing the contributing insights generated through this PhD project. Then, I will address the work's theoretical, methodological,
and practical implications. Finally, I will acknowledge the limitations of the study and will suggest avenues for future research.
6.1.1 Purpose of the study As I explained in Chapter 1, this research was driven by a desire to address (un)
sustainability in the fashion sector. Inspired by the recent mending upsurge and by a growing interest in repair studies across various academic disciplines (Graziano
and Trogal, 2019), I embarked on the exploration of clothing repair and identified
a variety of discourses on the subject. All of them were contradictory and revealed
multiple knowledge gaps. To address these gaps and understand what constitutes
mending resources, I studied why, what, and how people mend within the domestic landscapes in two different contexts: Western and (post)-Soviet. The two specific
contexts were chosen because I found the opposition of the Western world, defined as a 'throwaway society' (Baudrillard, 1998 [1970]), and the Soviet world, defined by sociologists as a 'repair society' (Gerasimova and Tchouikina, 2009) to be a
fascinating dichotomy, which could reflect contrasting consumer behaviours and provide a nuanced understanding of the complex interplay of different practice elements and their impact on the practice under study. I was driven by the idea
that the larger 'barrier' to mending could be linked to a general lack of systemic
provisions needed to support the practices of clothing repair. Therefore, through the lens of practice theory, which sees practices as linked to larger social and material structures where context and practice are co-constituted (Shove et al., 2012), and
by adopting a bricolage methodology, which combines wardrobe studies (Fletcher and Klepp, 2017) and participatory textile making (Shercliff and Twigger Holroyd,
2020), I carried out a comparative research study involving a group of participants from Denmark—to represent the Western perspective on clothing repair—and Ukraine—to represent the (post)-Soviet context.
6.1.2 Aims of the study I specified three aims of the research. In this section, I will revisit them by outlining my findings.
Aim no1:
to understand how mending practices are conceptualised in Western and post-Soviet contexts
In Chapter 3, I explored how the old connotations of mending practices were shaken off and how they started to change from necessity to conscious consumption, from
the interstices of domestic life to the public sphere, from rigour to imperfection, and from invisibility to cultural visibility. To get a nuanced understanding of different
cultures of clothing repair, I examined how a broader set of clothing consumption patterns of four groups of study participants affect their mending practices. I
concluded that although the Western participants of this study associate mending
with creativity and sustainability, within the broader Western context, new mending
meanings reside alongside the old ones. In contrast, in the post-Soviet world, mending meanings have not changed, and clothing repair practices are still associated with necessity. These different conceptualisations of mending are reflected by different approaches to clothing repair. Post-Soviet participants, who, before taking part in this research project, wanted to hide or camouflage the repaired areas, mended exclusively in a discreet manner, while the Western participants engaged both in discreet and expressive clothing repair.
Aim no2:
to understand what kind of infrastructures, devices, and
materials facilitate the enactment of mending practices In Chapter 4, I illustrated how material elements of mending practices have evolved over time in Western and (post)-Soviet societies, from basic mending devices such as needles to digitally fabricated tools, from school education to online learning
of clothing repair, and from culturally invisible to visible mending services. I did so
by slicing the material-practice relations and by illustrating the different roles that
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materials play in practice. I concluded that although some material elements (i.e. repair devices and materials) remained relatively stable (as in the past, the only
essentials for amateur mending are the needle and thread, while professional repair requires specialised equipment and material archives), the repair infrastructures
constituted by repair services and repair education have changed. Today, they are
not entirely efficient either in the Western context or in the post-Soviet one. Even so, their examination allowed me to understand what the efficient repair infrastructure
should comprise and how different difficulty levels of clothing repair can be distributed among amateur and professional menders.
Aim no3:
to understand what competences are employed when mending practices are enacted and what contributes to successful clothing repair
In Chapter 5, I illustrated which processes and competences are involved in seamless,
discreet and expressive approaches to clothing repair. I also described how I developed a strategy that guided the primary participants of this study through the main stages of their expressive mending projects. The exploration with the group helped me to
understand which competences this recent approach to mending requires and what can contribute to the successful completion of repair projects aiming at altering the original garment design. I concluded that firstly, expressive mending competences
should be built gradually and upon the competences of traditional clothing repair; secondly, that design iterative processes could adequately prepare the novice
expressive menders to deal with the complexity of this mending approach; and
thirdly, that mending resources, which link mending to design and sustainability,
not only can facilitate mending explorations but also contribute to conceptualising mending as a practice intertwined with creativity and sustainability, extending the range of possible slow fashion practices in which the mender can participate.
6.1.3 Key insights As outlined in the previous section, the key insights of this PhD study are the nuanced understanding of different cultures of clothing repair in Western and post-Soviet
contexts, the repair infrastructure elements allowing for labour division between
amateurs and professionals, categorisations of clothing repair and its differentiation from other mending-related practices, and the processes and competences required for enactment of mending. In this section, I will interpret these findings, explaining
how they address knowledge gaps within the field of fashion and sustainability and how they are supported by other studies.
Insight no1:
The nuanced understanding of the cultures of clothing repair in Western and post-Soviet contexts
This research presents the first foray into amateur mending practices within domestic landscapes in the (post)-Soviet context by comparing them with Western clothing repair practices. As I explained in Chapter 1, although the repair practices of the
Soviet 'repair societies' are so rich and not distant enough to be forgotten, critical
studies of capitalism are not very popular in the post-Soviet landscape (HSE, 2022;
Degot', 2000), and the academic literature on the topic is scarce. The present study, therefore, began to fill this knowledge gap, providing a nuanced understanding of (post)-Soviet culture of clothing repair that prior research has overlooked.
Studying mending practices of different age groups in two different contexts through the lens of practice theory and Gurova's 'concepts of clothing consumption' (2015)
allowed me to understand how the macro characteristics of Western and post-Soviet societies at different historical periods affected individual clothing consumption
practices of purchase, use and disposal of fashion objects. As I illustrated in Chapter 3, the consumption patterns of the groups of post-Soviet 'mothers' and Western 'daughters' are consistent with the patterns of consumption temporalities distinguished by Gurova (transitional (from permanent to fast) and slow, respectively). These temporalities
defined participants' cultures of clothing repair. Post-Soviet 'mothers', who used to live in the Soviet repair society, which was characterised by scarcity, still associate
mending with necessity. In contrast, Western 'daughters', who live in a time of ecoanxiety, associate mending with sustainability. Despite these macro differences,
both participant groups assign high quality to clothes and do not replace clothing
easily. Therefore, they mend absolutely everything, and mending for them is prioritised.
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In Chapter 3, I explained that although Gurova has distinguished four temporalities
of clothing consumption: permanent, transitional (from permanent to fast), fast and
slow, within my analysis another transitional temporality (from fast to slow) has emerged, which was characteristic to the group of post-Soviet 'daughters', aged 20–35, and
the group of Western 'mothers', aged 50–65. The consumption patterns of these two groups did not fit in any of the temporalities distinguished by Gurova since they
included the characteristics of both fast and slow temporalities. As we could see,
the group of post-Soviet 'daughters' acquired a lot of clothes, had rather extensive wardrobes containing many clothing items, and did not value durable clothes or
natural materials, while at the same time valued their clothes, cared for them, and
mended them if necessary. The group of Western 'mothers' did not buy a lot of clothes
and valued timeless design, superior craftsmanship, premium materials, and meticulous attention to detail. They associated mending with sustainability and creativity and
mended their clothes. However, mending for them was not prioritised, and only the
favourite and not easily replaceable clothing was mended, while other clothes were
easily replaced with identical items. Thus, it was evident that the consumption patterns of these two participant groups presented traces of fast and slow temporalities but in distinct ways.
The peculiarities of clothing consumption patterns of these two groups can be
explained by the dominance of the fast rhythm of consumption, which characterised the formative periods of the group participants. As I explained in Chapter 3, the consumption patterns of each group of participants were defined by their
'formative period' of adaptation to adult life, during which the representatives of one generation assimilate comparable value orientations, which are reproduced throughout their entire lives (Yaltina, 1998). I also explained that each concept of
clothing consumption results from the interaction of temporalities' macro factors (type of society, the institutional conditions, the economic conditions, and the
development of retail markets) and micro factors (individual clothing consumption practices of purchase, use and disposal of fashion objects) (Gurova, 2015). The
formative period of the Western 'mothers' (Marianne and Hanne) occurred in the 1980s when environmental concerns were brought to the foreground and began
to permeate various aspects of Danish capitalist society—macro characteristics of
the slow temporality. At the same time, some of the individual clothing consumption practices were those of the women who, by the 1970s, started to take pride in their inability to mend—micro characteristics of fast temporality. In contrast, in post-
Soviet countries, the transition to the market economy occurred only in the early 1990s, and the fast rhythm of consumption arose only in the middle of the first
decade of the 20th century. Thus, during their formative period, the post-Soviet
'daughters' experienced the impact of open boundaries, the growing market,
freedom of choice and the impact of the internet—the macro characteristics of
fast temporality. In addition, this group of participants experienced some of the
practices of the socialist economy (inherited from their relatives of older generations) and some sustainable consumption practices brought from the West (e.g. second-
hand shopping and swapping)—the micro factors of the slow temporality. It is how the consumption patterns of these two groups of participants include the macro and micro characteristics of both fast and slow temporalities of consumption in distinct ways. These combinations result in transitional temporality (from fast to
slow), which was not distinguished by previous studies. Although the existence of
this additional temporality challenges the previous studies, at the same time, it has important implications, which will be discussed in section 6.2.
Insight no2:
The repair infrastructure elements allowing for labour division between amateurs and professionals
The present research is among the first studies on infrastructures of clothing repair. As I explained in Chapter 4, the ways in which various infrastructures configure,
sustain or change what people do have attracted little academic attention and
analysis (Shove, 2016), more likely because when infrastructures function, they are
'taken up into the culture [and] absorbed into background' (Mau, 2003 in Graham,
2010: 7). It might explain why the Soviet repair infrastructure remained invisible and why the few previous studies on repair culture of the Soviet world did not explore how infrastructures and practices co-evolve. In contrast, the inefficiency of the
Western clothing repair infrastructure remained invisible due to the overall cultural invisibility of mending practices, which were of little academic interest before the
recent mending upsurge. The research undertaken within this PhD study started to fill this knowledge gap.
As I explained in Chapters 1 and 4, the Soviet repair infrastructure was composed of the network of state repair services, the network of seamstresses, whose work
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was not regulated by the state, the school education, and the after-school hobby
groups called kruzhki, which prepared the consumers to tackle minor and medium repairs themselves. The first two rounds of wardrobe interviews with primary and
secondary participants in the post-Soviet context confirmed the existence of such infrastructure, which at first glance appeared to be efficient and allowed me to bring attention to the Western repair infrastructure, which otherwise could be overlooked.
However, the further in-depth exploration of mending undertaken with the whole
group of primary participants and the additional interview with a Ukrainian seamstress revealed that the post-Soviet repair infrastructure today is not as efficient as it
was in the past. As we could see in Chapter 4, the content of the trudy classes at
schools became prevalently theoretical, partly due to the inefficiency of the school
workshops. Thus, although clothing repair, in principle, is taught in schools, in practice,
pupils are no longer taught how to mend. Furthermore, with the advent of the market economy in the post-Soviet landscape, the meaning of craft and resourceful clothing consumption practices has changed. Accordingly, the after-school hobby groups
associated with creativity during Soviet times gradually disappeared. As for the repair services and the services of private seamstresses, these still exist in some parts of
the post-Soviet landscape. They are culturally visible, efficient and still economically affordable. However, if in the past, the seamstresses were considered the 'cultural
producers', who had an individual approach to the client's needs and sewed unique
dresses, made new dresses from the old ones, altered and repaired them, today the seamstresses mostly make small alterations and execute all kinds of repair (also the minor and medium ones, which in the past were executed within the domestic landscapes).
This change in seamstresses' practices and the change in the division of labour between amateurs and professionals can be explained by the fact that sewing
dresses by seamstresses is no longer economically convenient as it was in the past. As the interviewed seamstress pointed out, expenses such as utility bills and
professional equipment maintenance are growing. Therefore, to compete with the economic affordability of mass-produced consumer goods, they would need to
sew new dresses at almost no cost. Accordingly, today, most private seamstresses
have other primary jobs and make, alter and mend their clients' clothing alongside their regular jobs. At the same time, consumers who do not see the craft practices
as rewarding and are not taught how to mend in the schools tend to delegate even minor repairs to professionals. These findings suggest an inappropriate division of labour between amateurs and professionals, which, as we could see in Chapter 5, results in the gradual loss of consumers' mending knowledge and competences. Furthermore, it results in devaluation of the role of seamstresses, who find
themselves executing minor repairs that are not only not particularly interesting for them but also are not profitable enough to sustain their business.
These results suggest that this element of the (post)-Soviet repair infrastructure is
gradually deteriorating since the 'old school' seamstresses cannot dedicate themselves entirely to their seamstress work, while young generations do not see this profession
as rewarding and profitable and, therefore, choose other professional paths.Although similar studies of the post-Soviet clothing repair sector do not exist, and although
the post-Soviet repair sector is hardly comparable to the Western one, these findings are consistent with the Norwegian study of Laitala et al., which illustrated that many repairers 'are struggling with slim margins' and that there is no appropriate division of labour between amateurs and professionals (2020: 11). However, although the
study of Laitala et al., recognised the importance of such a labour division, it did not detail how this division could be made. In contrast, the present study has provided a detailed description of specific repair treatments belonging to each of the four
difficulty levels categories of clothing repair, explaining how these might be distributed among professionals and amateurs and how such knowledge can be acquired within the school education framework.
As for the Western clothing repair education in schools, in contrast to post-Soviet
education, which has evolved relatively homogeneously in all post-Soviet countries, the education of Home Economics in different Western countries has evolved very differently. In some Western countries, it had disappeared by the 1970s, while in other countries, such as Scandinavian ones, it shifted its focus to creativity and sustainability. However, the studies of Autio et al. (2021), Fife et al. (2021) and
Gisslevik et al. (2019) have shown that Home Economics teaching in Scandinavian countries prioritises the sustainability of food and cooking, while consumption of
clothing receives less attention. These results were consistent with the narratives of the Western study participants, who did not find the classes of håndarbejde [hand
work] useful for the development of their clothing repair competences, stating that they were able to develop their mending skills independently due to the mending
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knowledge acquired within the home. At the same time, the Western participants of this study embraced mending with a particular openness and creativity and were
willing to dedicate a consistent amount of time to the development of their mending practices. Such attitude towards mending can be explained by the peculiar approach of the Danish textile school education, which emphasises sustainability, creativity, self-expression, and design processes, which are relevant for the development of the competences of expressive clothing repair.
Insight no3:
Categorisations of clothing repair and its differentiation from other mending-related practices
Although differentiating mending from other mending-related practices and
providing their definitions and categorisations was not among the aims of this PhD study, the present research has helped delineate significant differences between
mending and upcycling, as well as providing the nuanced categorisation of clothing repair. As I explained in Chapter 1, there is a general lack of agreement regarding what processes constitute mending practices, and often, researchers who study
clothing repair do not clarify how they define it (Durrani, 2019; Laitala and Klepp,
2018). At the same time, to represent the practice accurately by both the researchers and those being researched, it is crucial to be clear about the definition of the practice, as well as what the practice encompasses.
Accordingly, at the beginning of his dissertation, I explained that this research
uses the terms 'mending' and 'clothing repair' interchangeably, defining them as
an informed action that stops material degradation, re-establishing a function of clothing that was damaged or broken. I also explained that most of the research
on mending distinguishes between visible and invisible mending, utilising these as umbrella terms that refer to both the difficulty level, the level of visibility, and the overall approach to clothing repair. Arguing that the classification of mending is
more nuanced, I classified mending in terms of its visibility (i.e. visible and invisible
mending), its difficulty level (i.e. minor, medium, major and restorative repair), and approach to clothing repair (i.e. seamless, discreet and expressive mending).
The category of expressive clothing repair, which presupposes the modification of
the garment's original design, is the one which comes very close to the practices of
clothing upcycling, which transforms something that is no longer in use into a product of higher value than the original one. In Chapter 4, I explained that upcycling can
be 'soft' and include minor re-styling and re-design, and it can be 'deep' and include major re-styling and re-design (Goralik, 2022). I also explained that although expressive mending and upcycling may utilise the same techniques and intend to change
garment design, the substantial difference between the two is that upcycling does not necessarily presuppose clothing damage while mending presupposes the material damage of breakage.
The difference between these practices can be explained by the fact that they
encompass different processes and require different competences. As I explained in Chapter 5, expressive mending encompasses mending assessment, planning,
pre-making, mending-making, reflecting, and finishing. In contrast, upcycling, not
having damage, excludes the stage of assessment. In addition, upcycling may not require the pre-making phase (consisting of cleaning out the damage), while the
planning becomes less important since working on an intact garment is less 'risky' and can more easily lead to balanced results.
The difference between mending and upcycling processes, as well as the ease of achieving the desired results, became evident within the framework of the study
participants' projects. As we could see, Gerda-Marie, Emilie, and Tania worked on broken garments. Therefore, their projects were particularly complex and rather
difficult to complete successfully without mending assessment, planning, visualising, and sampling. Jessica and Marta worked on garments which did not have material breakage but were still damaged with stains and a washed-out print, respectively.
Accordingly, although their projects were less complex, they still required assessment, planning, and visualising. In contrast, Ksenia has chosen to work on an intact clothing item, and as we could see, the assessment and sampling were not necessary for the
successful completion of her project. She has encountered only a few minor obstacles within her project, and these were easy to overcome.
Although Ksenia herself has considered her project to be a mending project, in light of the processes and competences employed within the framework of her project
and in consideration of the upcycling definition provided by Goralik (2022), it can
be said that Ksenia's project falls into the category of 'soft' upcycling and not mending.
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Gerda-Marie's project represents another example of blurred boundaries of
categorisations of clothing repair. At first glance, her project could fall into the
category of discreet mending approach since she decided to match the colour
and composition of the additional materials to the materials of the clothing item.
However, a closer examination of her project process and outcome reveals that the mend is not entirely discreet since, in some parts of the mend, the colours do not
match. Moreover, Gerda-Marie has employed the processes and competences of
an expressive approach to repair, and therefore, she considered her project to be
an expressive mending project. It is consistent with the definition of this approach to repair, which I provided in Chapter 5.
Such distinctions and categorisation align with some previous research on clothing repair, such as the one of Durrani, who said that the difference between mending
and other mending-related practices depends on whether 'the garment was broken or damaged prior to being worked upon' (Durrani, 2019: 24). At the same time these distinctions contrast with research of Twigger Holroyd, who includes embellishment
with duplicate stitches and adding extra elements on intact garment into her reknit
spectrum (Twigger Holroyd, 2019). Thus, for Twigger Holroyd, in order to be repaired, the garment does not necessarily have to be damaged physically, as mending or,
more specifically, re-knitting can be utilised to create a new style, extending in this
way the use phase of the clothing item. The differences like these confirm that there is a general lack of agreement regarding what processes constitute mending
practice. At the same time, the present study has shown that understanding what processes mending practices comprise, as well as having consistent terminology,
have implications not only for the research on clothing repair but also for mending education and learning.
Insight no4:
Processes and competences required for enactment of mending
By studying the actual processes of mending and not only the outcomes of such
processes, this research has provided a nuanced understanding of the dynamics of mending practices and competences needed to enable clothing repair. As I
discussed in Chapter 5, most of the recent non-academic publications on mending (Appendix F2) depict mending as a linear process. At the same time, as we could
see through the examples of participants' projects, due to the complexity of
coordinating the competences of humans, materials and tools, the unpredictability of already existing structures, and the need to adapt to the contingencies which
arise inevitably within the process of doing, mending projects are exploratory, and they unfold in the course of manipulations with objects.
This finding is consistent with Watson and Shove's exploration of DIY home
improvement projects (2008), which illustrated how project plans are disrupted
and diverted in the course of 'doing'. Similarly, Twigger Holroyd (2013), who studied
the processes of amateur reknitting with a group of participants, has illustrated how amateurs negotiate with already existing items of knitwear and how the processes of this negotiation most of the time result in a change of the project plans. Also, Durrani, who studied how individuals mend within the framework of communal repair events, has stressed that clothing repair is 'a complex problem-solving creative practice' comprising iterative processes (2019: 118).
It should be mentioned, however, that these authors have examined particularly
complex projects. Watson and Shove provided such examples as renovating attics, changing old gas heaters, or moving radiators (2008). Twigger Holroyd has
described very complex manipulations with knitted clothing, such as unravelling
the existing garments and reknitting some of their parts by extending the original design (2013). Durrani has shown examples of participants' expressive mending projects, which saw the menders engaged in iterative processes of analysing,
ideating, experimenting, and making (2019). Such processes of project framing are
very similar to the ones of expressive clothing repair, which I illustrated in Chapter 5. At the same time, in Chapter 2, I also explained that before diving into the complexity of expressive repair, during the mending session of the 5th stage, participants worked
on their discreet mending projects. Although these could not be sufficiently illustrated in the limited space of this dissertation, these projects allowed me to compare the processes employed in discreet and expressive clothing repair. It became evident that less complex manipulations with clothing do not necessarily presuppose
iterations since in projects with limited complexity, the problem and solution often emerge almost simultaneously, and the coordination of competence, materials,
tools, and the existing structure of the garments is more predictable. This limited complexity often leads to the projects being completed as they were envisaged.
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Even so, saying that such processes are linear would be inaccurate since the employed processes also depend on the menders' experience. For example, it is rather difficult to complete a complex expressive mending project without a proper assessment and iterative processes of 'doing, reflecting and adapting' (Watson and Shove,
2008: 11); however, an experienced mender who dealt with a similar project before
can succeed in such an endeavour. At the same time, reattaching a button or closing an open seam, which in principle does not require a careful study or any iterations, can present some nasty surprises if the mender engages in such processes for the
first time. These results suggest that the nature of mending projects of any scale is not only explorative but also transformative since each of its processes increases
the mender's confidence and competence, affecting the future mending processes and the range of what the mender can do.
As we could see in Chapter 5, the range of what menders do to enact mending
practices is vast and these activities require a vast set of competences. Contrary to most non-academic publications on mending, which see mending competences as those utilised while accomplishing clothing repair projects in real-time, the
present study, which saw participants mending practices as linked to larger social and material structures, illustrated how mending practices are connected with
other practices (e.g. second-hand shopping, design, other maintenance and craft
practices and practices of disposal) and how these practices condition each other mutually.
For example, mending, second-hand shopping, other maintenance practices (i.e.
laundry, ironing, hanging, and folding clothes), and practices of disposal are united by shared elements of meaning. As we could see, some of the study participants associate all these practices with sustainability, and therefore, they buy secondhand damaged clothes which can be of low quality, broken or damaged due to
environmental considerations. They also try to avoid purchasing synthetic materials since they know that such materials in use have implications for sustainability, or in
consideration of the disposal phase, they try to keep their garments mono-materials when they mend. Also, the design practice and other craft practices, such as upcycling, knitting, embroidery, crocheting and tailoring, share the element of meaning with mending practices since participants of this study perceive all these practices as creative.
At the same time, these craft practices and mending also share material elements
that have an infrastructural relation to practice, which bring all these craft practices together to allow their mutual influence. As I explained in Chapter 4, within the
framework of the Ukrainian school education these craft practices are supposed
to be taught in concomitance with mending practice. At the same time, also repair services play an essential role within the overall infrastructure of clothing repair as
well as mending devices, since having or not having these material elements affects the distribution of competence between amateurs and professionals and between humans and non-humans, respectively.
Finally, mending and all these practices share the competence element since the
above-mentioned activities result in the patterns of craft consumption, which have inextricably interwoven cross-practice connections. As we could see in Chapter 5,
the broad category of mending competences range from collecting competences, to appropriating, to workshop set-up competences, to meta-competences, and to
actual mending competences. This study has shown that although it is important to
distinguish between different practices and processes and competences involved in them, at the same time it is also important to recognise that these distinct practices
produce elements on which other practices depend. According to Shove et al. (2012), when such interdependencies happen, practices collaborate to reproduce more
extensive complexes in which these involved practices have a part to play. In line
with the research of Shove et al., the present study has shown that mending practices
do not exist in isolation but collaborate with other practices by utilising their elements. Recognising such dynamics has important implications for clothing repair theory and practice, which I will discuss in the next section.
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6.2. Implications of the work
In the previous section, I interpreted the main findings of this PhD study and explained how they fill the knowledge gaps in the field of fashion and sustainability. Now, I will
discuss the theoretical, methodological, and practical implications of these findings and explain how they can inform future research in the field.
6.2.1 Theoretical implications This research has introduced a novel transdisciplinary approach that brings
together different cultural perspectives and disciplines to study clothing repair to
address fashion unsustainability and catalyse transitions towards more sustainable futures within the sector. Such an approach was not previously undertaken by
studies on this topic. As I explained in Chapters 1 and 2, although in the past design and social sciences were considered separate endeavours, it has been recognised that tackling such complex issues as unsustainability implies transgressing the
disciplinary boundaries (Odabasi et al., 2022; Yee and Bremner, 2011). Therefore, to provide a more integrated analysis of clothing repair, the present study
brought together design and social sciences to study how the transition towards
sustainability in fashion can be made without prioritising either agency or structure. By applying the lens of practice theory, which places the unit of analysis onto people's
practices rather than on individual perspectives on practice, and by shifting the focus from mending barriers to one of clothing repair resources, this study followed the
trajectories of practice elements, allowing us to understand how everyday mending practices of study participants are intrinsically connected to broader social and
material contexts. The present study has demonstrated how bridging social sciences and design, on the one hand, can generate knowledge on structures (which include
dominant cultural assumptions and discourses, institutional and economic conditions, the rules prevailing in economic chains, and physical and knowledge infrastructures) (Shove et al., 2012). On the other hand, it can generate knowledge on practice
resources, which can directly lead to actions. Such resources, however, are not to
be understood as blueprints or templates setting out what to do but rather as an open-ended possible configuration of an issue that challenges or enables future
explorations relevant to promoting transitions in practice (Fuad-Luke, 2020; Shove et al., 2012).
Furthermore, as we could see in the previous section, the present study has challenged
Gurova's theory of consumption temporalities, allowing me to distinguish a transitional
temporality (from fast to slow). This temporality was characteristic of two participant groups of this study. At the same time, it can be considered a prevailing temporality in both studied contexts. The idea of this additional temporality of consumption is
plausible both in consideration of another transitional temporality (from permanent to slow) distinguished by Gurova (2015) and in consideration of Shove, Trentmann, and Wilk's statement that transitions from one temporality to another are not
characterised by the 'wholesale shifts' (2009: 4). Recognising that this additional
temporality exists, as well as recognising that its boundaries are fluid due to different combinations of macro and micro characteristics is important for those who study
transitions towards sustainability in fashion. It is because this temporality allows us to understand the general consumption pattern of temporality, while at the same times sheds light on evolving landscape of clothing consumption practices.
Thus, as we can see, zooming intermittently in and out on the ordinary practices of clothing repair and studying them through a transdisciplinary lens by shifting the
focus from mending barriers to one of clothing repair resources can be revealing for design research, design practice and social sciences, which aim at expanding the
knowledge in fashion and sustainability field. How these insights can be utilised in
the research process is then a question of methodology and is linked to the second implication of this work.
6.2.2 Methodological implications As I explained in Chapter 2, conducting the study through the transdisciplinary lens required the development of a tailor-made methodology, which could allow me to
both frame the issue (with a group of participants), understand the contexts where
the issue had to be addressed, and subsequently, allow me to study how the present state of the issue could be re-oriented towards a desirable sustainable future.
Consequently, I employed a novel Eco-Social Design research approach, which is
transdisciplinary and combines both social sciences and design research methods.
It resulted in an 'undisciplined' methodology which adopted the wardrobe methods and participatory workshops employing design research artifacts.
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The wardrobe method was employed to understand the current state of the
mending practices in two different contexts, both on the micro level of individual practices and the macro level of the types of societies with their economic and institutional conditions. Asking what kind of garments participants mend, what motivates them to mend, how they learned to mend, what kind of repairs they
do themselves and what they delegate to professionals, and what materials and
equipment they utilise proved to be very effective in providing a rich body of data. This data revealed in-depth personal insights regarding the individual garments, which, at the same time, were tied to larger material totalities, such as wardrobe systems, complex of mending practices and the infrastructure of clothing repair.
Moreover, as I explained in Chapter 2, the wardrobe studies were conducted with
two different participant age groups. This allowed me to understand how mending practices in two different contexts have evolved over time.
However, as I explained in Chapter 2, accessing the wardrobes of the age group of 'mothers' presented some difficulties. Because in my pilot studies I found out that 'mothers'' wardrobes are difficult to access, I thought that asking the 'daughters' to conduct the wardrobe studies with their relatives of the older generation
independently, without my presence and in their own timeframes, would help to
overcome the time issue I have encountered previously. This did not prove to be
as efficient as I had hoped, since the 'daughters' have encountered similar issues related to the limited time availability of 'mothers' as well. Furthermore, I had to
wait several months before obtaining the data. Thus, although this stage provided
sufficient data to allow the comparison between the mending practices of two age
groups, I do not consider it to be particularly effective since I had to invest time into preparing resources to guide participants through this stage and then had to wait
several months to obtain the data which was not particularly rich. Therefore, in the
future, I would not ask participants to perform such kind of tasks independently but would conduct the wardrobe studies myself; I believe that this would allow me to
obtain richer data by linking the wardrobe studies' conversations and registrations
to the observations of the physical space of the wardrobe and the contexts in which they are placed.
As I anticipated, gathering, preliminary analysing, and comparing the rich body of
data obtained within wardrobe studies allowed me to understand the study contexts and participants' mending practices. At the same time, it became apparent that
more information was needed regarding some of the emerging categories (such as the use of personal colours, the distribution of labour between amateurs and
professionals and different approaches to clothing repair). Accordingly, I conducted two additional expert interviews (with an Armocromia expert and a professional seamstress), which helped me to gain the information I was missing to proceed
with the subsequent stages of the research. Although these additional interviews
were not planned at the beginning of the study, I believe that they were a valuable
adjunct to the main methodology. As for the different approaches to clothing repair, I decided to study them in detail within the framework of participatory workshops with the group.
Switching the focus from garments which were already mended to the garments which had to be mended, and thus focusing on the processes utilised in framing
the projects proved to be very fruitful since it allowed me to study and compare the processes, materials, and competences necessary to enable different approaches to clothing repair as well as to understand which difficulties the menders can
encounter within such processes and how they can overcome them. Moreover,
researching with the same group of participants over an extended period of time
allowed me to see how the participants conceptualised their practices before the
group exploration, during participatory workshop activities and after the projects were completed, and thus, to understand how the participants' practices have
evolved. Furthermore, researching with the same participants allowed me to share my tentative findings and reflect upon them with the group after each research
stage. This has enriched my research, as I constantly received valuable feedback
from the participants and gained a more nuanced understanding of their practices. As I explained in section 2.2, creating an open and trusting atmosphere with and
among the group participants was one of the aims of my methodology. I thought
that such a research approach, including interpersonal interactions, could increase the possibility of engaging the group of participants over an extended period. At
the beginning of the research process, I was concerned that keeping participants
engaged on a voluntary basis for such a long time could be an issue. However, as
we could see, the participants' involvement exceeded my expectations. The primary participants not only actively took part in all research stages and were willing to
continue our common exploration even after completion of the project but also self-assigned to themselves the roles which facilitated the research process and
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lightened my load. As they explained in their final interviews, it was because they appreciated a role which I assumed as researcher-facilitator-participant and the multicultural experience I created where conviviality played an important role.
Conviviality proved to be an essential element of this methodology since it allowed
the establishment of trust with and among the participants and created an experience
that nurtured the participants' sense of community and well-being. Thus, as I hoped, the participants did not feel as if they were part of a research project and were studied but rather as if they were part of a small community where individuals
shared the same interests, values and personal stories. As I explained, the conviviality
moments were carefully planned and incorporated into every stage of the research. However, through the research project, I learned that the conviviality moments
should not occur in the same physical space as the research activities since these informal conversations and interactions can last longer than anticipated and,
therefore, can interfere with the timeframe of the scheduled workshop activities. For example, on the occasion of our first workshop in Denmark (when all of the
Danish participants met for the first time), I planned to begin our day with one of
such moments of conviviality, thinking that it could allow the participants to know
each other better and to facilitate the transition towards the actual research activities. However, the conviviality moments and workshop activities were planned to be in
the same room. As a result, participants were so engaged in informal conversations
that switching them into research mode was an uneasy endeavour, and the workshop was delayed by an hour. As this experience provided valuable insights, before the first workshop in the Ukrainian context, I invited all participants for breakfast in a
café, and afterwards, we went to the library where the research activities took place. This allowed me to respect the workshop time schedule, and we covered all the
workshop activities on time. Thus, for the rest of the research process, when possible, I always separated the formal and informal activities, and in the future, I will always do so.
In summary, I believe that the overall research design proved to be successful, both because it allowed me to generate rich data which addressed the research aims and because it engaged the participants over an extended period of time. As I
described in Chapter 2, there is a lack of well-established methodologies in design research, and design researchers often have to build their own 'undisciplined'
methodologies by drawing on knowledge from other disciplines. By adopting an
open research framework of Eco-Social design, which considers the indeterminate nature of design and focuses on larger and more complex societal issues, the
present project provided an example of how such 'undisciplined' methodologies
can be built. I hope this example can be helpful for design researchers working in
transdisciplinary ways which combine design and social sciences in the future. Even so, as I explained in section 2.1, adopting such methodologies requires the ability to grasp theoretical and methodological understandings of different disciplines
without losing sight of design disciplinary focus, and thus, it has practical implications for design education, which I will discuss in the following section.
6.2.3 Practical implications In the following sections, I will discuss the practical implications of this work by
gradually broadening the perspective from the impacts this project had on the evolution of participants' clothing consumption practices to implications this
research can have for design practice and design education, to implications for policy making regarding the infrastructure of clothing repair.
Implications for participants' clothing consumption practices As I explained in the previous section, engaging with the same project participants for an extended period of time allowed me to understand how their mending
practices have evolved in the course of the project. In section 5.4, I described in
detail how participating in group activities and discussions on mending, design, and sustainability, and drawing inspiration from different cultures of clothing repair as
well as various approaches employed by both designers and non-designers within the group, each participant's mending practice has evolved significantly. Post-
Soviet participants have discovered the expressive approach to repair and have changed their perception of practice (from boring to an engaging and creative
activity). Western participants became more aware of how many competences are
required for mending and this made them even more proud of being able to mend. The designers were able to link design iterative processes to mending. The non-
designers acquired design competences and recognised that they could design
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their projects. All participants learned new techniques and acquired new knowledge on materials, colours, and project planning. However, the project's impacts on the
participants' practices do not end here since developing the mending competences prompted participants to reflect upon other mending-related practices as well. Throughout the whole dissertation, I illustrated how clothing repair practices
collaborate with other clothing consumption practices, mutually influencing each
other. The connections of mending with practices of clothing acquisition, disposal
and other practices of use became particularly evident during the phase of wardrobe interviews. These connections later emerged also during the workshops. In contrast, the connections with design and other craft practices became particularly evident during the group activities. Although discussing such connections with the group was not initially planned, such conversations arose spontaneously in response to
the garment guide, garment data sheets and garments brought to the workshops.
The participants engaged in vivid discussions related to clothing design, clothing
production, second-hand shopping, clothing maintenance practices, the practices of disposal, and the recent revival of crafts. Each participant contributed unique insights related to sustainable clothing consumption, which generated other participants' responses and critical reflections, engaging the whole group in conversations on sustainability.
For example, Jessica, who brought to the first workshop her son's pants, observed
that children's clothes are designed with sustainability in mind (e.g. the parts which
wear out quickly are reinforced in advance, while the size is adjustable and thus, the garment can grow with the child), and expressed a wish for similar design features in her garments as well. This insight prompted other participants' responses, and
the group started to talk about sustainable garment design. Gerda, who brought to
the workshop her very old H&M sweater, noticed that the knitted techniques utilised (which were easier to unravel and reknit) were not common in industrial production any longer. Emilie, whose mended garment collection (reported in data sheets)
consisted almost exclusively of garments purchased second-hand, brought up the
issue of second-hand shopping, and the group engaged in conversations about the options of second-hand purchase, providing a nuanced spectrum of second-hand possibilities. Marta talked about the importance of proper clothing maintenance,
bringing to the foreground issues related to laundry, drying and ironing. Tania, who particularly appreciated synthetic clothes, allowed the group to examine synthetic
materials critically. Finally, Ksenia shared with the group her experiences of bringing the clothes which lost their vneshniĭ vid to the village and, thus, engaged the group in a discussion on clothing disposal.
These group conversations, which arose spontaneously during the workshop activities, have enriched the research, illustrating the interplay between clothing repair and
broader consumption practices. The different perspectives brought by each participant allowed the group not only to get an overview of the vast complex of sustainable
clothing consumption practices but also to examine the sustainable aspects of each mending-related practice in detail. As the project progressed, participants started to notice that alongside the evolution of their mending practices, also their other
mending-related practices started to change. By the end of the project, I felt that
the group had a general consensus of how sustainable clothing consumption might look like and that this research affected not only their mending practices but their consumption patterns as a whole.
Implications for design education and practice
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In Chapter 1, I illustrated how realising that design is partly responsible for the
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proliferation of unwanted things and unsustainable consumption patterns has
resulted in the emergence of the Design for Sustainability (DfS) field (Ceschin and
Gaziulusoy, 2016). Initially, DfS focused on the design of sustainable products and later began to address larger societal issues, which are increasingly complex and
interdependent (Fuad-Luke, 2020; Manzini, 2015; Thackara, 2006). Dealing with
such complexity inevitably implied the transgression of disciplinary boundaries and led design to adapt, combine, and create new connections with other disciplines (Yee and Bremner, 2011).
The present doctoral study is an example of such disciplinary boundaries' transgression, and it has shown how transdisciplinary studies can impact design research, design
education, and design practice. Conducting a study through a transdisciplinary lens
allowed me to deploy established research methods but also to develop new design research artifacts which helped me to address the questions which go beyond the
realm of the established disciplines. At the same time, it required the ability to grasp different theoretical and methodological understandings, which according to Yee
and Bremner, necessitates 'intellectual clarity of [the disciplines'] ontological and epistemological bases and an evaluation of whether it is sympathetic to [the researcher's] epistemological framework' (2011: 6).
Thus, in order to embark on the transdisciplinary study, the researcher has to be 'an accomplished bricoleur', familiar with the processes and methods of various
disciplines (ibid.). Otherwise, as Kincheloe points out, such a 'daunting task cannot be accomplished within doctoral training' (2001: 681). At the same time, expecting
a novice design researcher to be an accomplished bricoleur is unrealistic and may set unattainable standards since developing such skills is a gradual and evolving
process that naturally takes time. Therefore, it is essential to provide novice design
researchers with adequate support and resources which can aid them in navigating the landscapes of transdisciplinary design methodologies.
Accordingly, there is a need for more standardised approaches that have been
tried and tested (rather than studies that only challenge the boundaries of established methods). Moreover, there is also a need for educational programmes which can
adequately and gradually prepare new generations of designers, who see themselves
not only as designers but also as design researchers willing to use design to address
complex social, economic, and political issues by drawing on existing knowledge
and by employing both design research artifacts and the 'written word', which sits more 'neatly in academic traditions' (Yee and Bremner, 2011: 2).
As we could see in Chapter 1, recognising that design needs to re-evaluate its identity and role in society gradually led design research, practice, and design education,
'an area traditionally slow to respond to the zeitgeist [the defining spirit or mood] of the times' (Yee and Bremner, 2011: 8), to consider the four sustainability dimensions (i.e. economic, ecological, social, and institutional (Fuad-Luke, 2009)) and to
integrate courses on sustainability at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels. Moreover, it has been recognised that design as a discipline (a body of knowledge consisting of activities, approaches, and methods) is a 'meta-discipline' (Yee and
Bremner, 2011: 5), which, in order to perform its function constantly needs to draw from many other fields (Fuad-Luke, 2009). Accordingly, today, many design
educational programs (at different levels) incorporate into their curricula the
courses of sociology, anthropology, and economics. The aim of such courses is not
to transform designers into sociologists, anthropologists, or economists but to allow
new generations of designers to be familiar with as many disciplines as possible and to be adequately prepared not only for carrying out design research but also to carry out alternative design practices (ibid.).
Throughout this dissertation, I have provided numerous examples of such alternative design practices, and we could see how designers use their transdisciplinary design competences and their ability to synthesise understandings of present and past
societal conditions in order to design a better future world. Some designers design mending educational platforms, others design mending services, and others
again organise mending workshops or mend on-demand. All of them, in one way or another, place clothing repair within a broader context of sustainable clothing
consumption and transmit this knowledge to their users, participants or customers, shaping their overall clothing consumption patterns. The knowledge generated through this PhD study (e.g. on the categorisations of clothing repair and the
competences and processes required for enabling its different approaches, as well as materials and tools utilised within such processes), on the one hand can inform
such alternative practices further. On the other hand, this knowledge demonstrates
how design education can benefit from establishing a better dialogue with clothing consumption studies, particularly those that address the ordinary aspects of everyday life.
Implications for policymaking Although the focus of this PhD study was on amateur mending practices, they were always examined in relation to larger societal structures, many of which were and
are sustained and reinforced by the state. In Chapter 1, I illustrated how, in contrast to the Western post-industrial capitalist approach to economic organisation, the
Soviet economic system was regulated by the state's effective 'repair strategy', which aimed to shape the production and consumption patterns in all socialist states. To
make such a strategy possible, the Soviet system promoted homemaking practices as a form of consumption pleasure, adjusted the content and the publication
number of women's magazines and books for housekeeping, and developed a
repair infrastructure constituted by numerous repair services and formal education (Golubev and Smolyak, 2013; Gerasimova and Tchouikina, 2009).
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Not everything went according to the plan since some of the introduced reforms proved to be unsuccessful. Even so, as I explained in Chapter 1, these strategic
efforts to provide the elements of which the desired ways of consumption could be made led to the popularisation of sewing skills, allowed to recruit many practice carriers, influenced the ways in which the practices relate to each other and
enabled consumers to acquire and gradually develop the competences necessary to enact a series of interconnected clothing consumption practices. It can be said,
therefore, that the state's intervention and the repair infrastructure that was developed allowed the successful transformation of collective conventions rapidly and on a societal scale. As we could see through the dissertation, the effects of the Soviet 'repair strategy' proved to be enduring, and today, they continue to influence
the ways in which consumers engage with mending and other mending-related practices within the post-Soviet landscape.
The idea that daily lives can be planned on such a scale, with such precision, and
so effectively is undoubtedly intriguing. However, similar strategies would be rather difficult to adopt in contemporary societies, where the state has a limited ability
to control individual consumer practices and the consumer's ideological visions of
the good life (Shove et al., 2012). Nonetheless, as we could see in Chapter 3, today, in the Western context, mending practices often acquire the meaning of creativity and self-expression, and the number of people willing to engage with clothing
repair practices is growing, as is participation in clothing repair events (Diddi and
Yan, 2019; Keiller and Charter, 2019; Durrani, 2019). At the same time, the number
of non-academic publications on mending has also increased. These changes imply that mending is becoming more normal as more people are willing to participate in clothing repair practices.
Thus, if we compare the Soviet's strategic efforts to provide the elements enabling
clothing repair practices (i.e. promotion of homemaking as a form of consumption
pleasure, mending literature targeting amateurs, and repair infrastructure) with the elements enabling mending in contemporary Western societies, it becomes even
more clear that the material element of infrastructure is not (or no longer) in place, and needs to be (re)built. Such massive interventions (e.g. building workshops in every school and a network of professional repair workshops) are undoubtedly
resource-demanding. At the same time, as Shove et al. (2012) point out, investments in infrastructure do not necessarily guarantee that mending will capture new
carriers. Even so, by investing in clothing repair infrastructure, by re-integrating mending teaching and learning into school education and by shaping the
distribution of requisite elements, governments can reproduce versions of normal and acceptable ways of life, increasing the chance that more rather than less sustainable consumption patterns persist and thrive.
In the discussion of her doctoral thesis, Durrani, who studied amateur mending
practices in communal repair events, suggests that in addressing larger structural
changes, policymakers could work in close collaboration with citizens and designers to 'strategize policies that support informal local platforms in which designers and users meet to collectively work towards pro-environmental action' (Durrani, 2019:
124). As the present PhD study provided knowledge on amateur mending practices and the elements of repair infrastructure, as well as illustrated numerous examples of emerging mending-design practices, I would go a step further by suggesting
that such local platforms could include not only informal but also formal learning, as they could provide the workshop infrastructure which otherwise would have to
be built in every school. Moreover, such configurations could also include generic
repair services, which execute 'restoring', 'major' or 'medium' expressive repair of any kind of clothing (and not only of clothes of specific brands) and provide consultancy to consumers on how to address 'minor' and 'medium' repairs themselves.
Such local platforms, which promote local solutions to the global ecological problems of textile waste, should be supported by policy frameworks and local municipalities, which can play a pivotal role in fostering sustainable practices at the community
level and beyond. The supportive policies might include regulatory measures that encourage the establishment and development of these platforms, the provision of permanent spaces and financial incentives for the development of repair
infrastructure, which can regularise mending and other mending-related practices. Finally, as I discussed in the previous section, today, new generations of designers are willing to address complex environmental issues, and thus, they increasingly
engage in alternative sustainable design practices. On the other hand, the repair
industry faces a lack of competent personnel, which is difficult to recruit (Laitala et
al., 2020). At the same time, Home Economics is no longer taught in many Western countries, and when it is taught, teachers 'claim that their educational background is insufficient for their role as sustainability educators' (Autio et al., 2021: 16). The
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development of such localised platforms, therefore, could provide meaningful
employment opportunities for new generations of designers, who could bring their skills, passion, and knowledge (relevant for promoting transitions in sustainable clothing consumption practices), and at the same time provide the repair and educational sectors with competent personnel.
6.3. Avenues for future research
After interpreting the main findings of this PhD study and discussing the implications of this work, it is now time to conclude this dissertation by acknowledging the
limitations of this study and by illustrating the spectrum of possibilities for future research.
6.3.1 Limitations of the study Although this research provided fresh insights into the practices of clothing repair
and studied the practice in-depth, I do acknowledge that the research was affected by the particulars of its research design and the participant sample. Therefore, there are some limitations to the study. The most obvious limitation is that the
research was context-specific, and it was conducted in two countries (Denmark
and Ukraine). Even so, as we could see, not all participants were born and raised in these countries (i.e. Jessica was born and raised in the US, Gerda-Marie was
raised in Germany, and Tania was born and raised in Russia). Nevertheless, they
lived for an extended time in the primary contexts of the study and assimilated the
context-specific consumption patterns, which did not differ significantly from those of other participants. For this reason, on the one hand, the obtained results cannot be regarded as generalisable for these specific countries, while on the other hand,
having these variations within the group allowed me to make a broader comparison of the evolution of mending practices in Western and (post)-Soviet contexts.
Another obvious limitation is the size of the sample; the analysis was based on the experiences of eight primary and six secondary participants. Accordingly, their
experiences cannot be regarded as generalisable. However, this limitation is common to all qualitative studies that aim to gather textured information relevant to the
phenomenon under investigation and support the depth of analysis. Therefore, I believe that the size of the sample was one of the strengths of this study since it
allowed me to reach the desired level of detail, create the desired dynamics within the group, create an open and trusting atmosphere, and engage the participants over an extended period of time. I think that it would not be possible with a larger
group of participants. Moreover, allowing the group to bond closely and continuously interact through the social media platform between the organised group activities allowed me to gather additional data, enriching the overall research.
Finally, although the study call was open to participants of both genders, as we
could see, all the participants of this study were women. To represent the consumption patterns of an overall specific context, the experiences of both genders should be
included. However, this limitation is common to the overall fashion and sustainability field. Most of those who are researched and most of those who do such kind of
research are women, and although we all (regardless of gender) wear clothes and engage in practices of purchase, use and disposal (even if in different ways), the studies of the field rarely address the gender issue. Within the framework of this
study, the gender issue came to the foreground as all participants described the
clothing consumption patterns of their brothers, fathers, husbands, or boyfriends within the group discussions. They asked why men do not engage with mending
(even if technically, those who are surgeons, for example, are able to sew the human skin and, therefore, would be able to sew on textiles). Furthermore, the participants
of this study even taught representatives of the other gender how to mend (sharing
with the group their experiences). Even so, the data regarding the gender issue was
limited, and more importantly, there were no male participants within the group who could provide the male perspective and allow the expansion of such discussions.
Therefore, the gender issue could not be discussed within the framework of this PhD. Nevertheless, although the mentioned weaknesses regarding the context, sample
size, and gender limit the generalisability of a study's conclusions, they also present a foundation for future research.
6.3.2 Suggestions for future work I would like to conclude this dissertation by looking forward and outlining the
possibilities for future research. As I explained at the beginning of this dissertation, studies on clothing repair are somewhat limited, and currently, there are many
knowledge gaps. Although the present research has started to fill some of them, there is a great scope and need for further work investigating clothing repair
practices on different levels. Starting with the generalisability limitations of the
present study, which I outlined above, future research could involve a larger and
more diverse sample in terms of age, gender, and mending expertise. In addition, as the conceptualisations of mending may vary significantly from country to country, it would be fruitful to study and compare these variations not only in different countries in the West and the East but also in the North and the South.
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Other suggestions regard the future study of clothing repair infrastructure. As I
explained in the previous section, studying mending practices in relation to larger societal structures inevitably led to the exploration of repair services and repair
education on different levels. The repair services were examined mainly through the
participants' narratives and the additional interview with a seamstress, and the present
study has shown that there are a variety of repair services: formal and informal, those linked to specific brands and the emerging online services. However, their exploration was very limited, and there is a great scope for future research on the topic.
Furthermore, in the previous section, I mentioned that the repair sector lacks
competent personnel and suggested that new generations of designers could make
their contributions in this (re)emerging area. At the same time, many designers today lack knowledge of clothing repair, and therefore, repair should be integrated into design education. How it can be done is as complex as the question itself since,
on the one hand, such education could prepare designers for working in the repair
sector (which needs personnel). On the other hand, it could prepare designers willing to design for easier repairability within more traditional industrial domains. In this last case, drawing the parallels between the education of fashion and industrial
designers (which has a longer history of DfS, a wealth of sustainable design approaches and a strong focus on the life cycle assessment of the products) could be one of the possible and challenging research paths.
As for the education of amateur clothing repair, within the framework of this study
it was examined through the participants' narratives and the analysis of the school manuals. Future studies could expand such an approach further by infusing it with ethnographic observations in schools, expert interviews and interviews with the
schoolchildren and their parents. Moreover, as I explained in Chapter 4, the education of Home Economics has evolved very differently in different Western countries. This calls for researching the subject of Home Economics and its variations in different
cultural contexts. In addition, as we could see, the formal school education of trudy classes in the Soviet context was integrated with afterschool hobby groups, which
over time have lost their relevance and almost do not exist in the post-Soviet landscape. At the same time, in recent years, the Western world has seen the emergence of
alternative educational sites, such as tech parks, which integrate school education
with teaching of robotics, nanotechnologies and electronics, among others; FabLabs and bio-FabLabs, which today often collaborate with schools in teaching biology;
and Textile Prototyping Labs, offering workshops to illustrate to the students a range of textile technologies and their possibilities. These sites could be studied to inform the development of localised repair platforms, which could combine both repair
services and repair education and could lead us a step closer towards the clothing repair infrastructure for all.
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APPENDICES
421 421
APPENDICES
A
Recruitment and consent document
A1
Project invitation letter
A3
Project consent form
A2 A4
B
Wardrobe interviews documents
Wardrobe interview (WI) guide
B3
WI with secondary participant
B4
Design artifacts
Project information sheet
B1
B2
C
Project timeline
WI with primary participant Mending data sheets
C1
Mending probes
C3
Datasheets
C2 C4 C5
C6 C7
C8 C9
Garment guide
Mending toolkit Damages map
Mending spectrum Mending samples Miró board
Individual booklets
C10 Material kits C11
Materials selection
D
Workshops 1 & 2 documents
E
Workshops 3 & 4 documents
D1
Transcription of workshop 2
E1
Workshop script
E3
QR link to presentation workshop 3
E2 E4
F
Mending session & retreat documents
Expert interviews documents
QR link to presentation workshop 4
F1
Individual mending booklet
F3
Transcription of final interview
F2
G
Assignment for participants
Selected mending books
G1
Transcription of interview with
G2
Transcription of interview with
seamstress
Armocromia expert
A. Recruitment and consent documents
A1. Project invitation letter
Dear Tea,
As you might have heard, I am currently working on my PhD project at Design School Kolding. This research focuses on sustainability within the fashion sector, which in the last several decades was dominated by fast rhythms of low-quality production and disposal of fashion products, causing environmental and social disasters. Fashion touches us all since we all wear clothes. And I believe that each of us can challenge this system and make a significant contribution within our individual choices. For me, the act of repairing our clothes extends to the act of caring for the environment, and by mending our garments, we can reduce our impact on the planet and express our gratitude to the people who make our clothes. Moreover, mending our beloved clothes can help us express individuality and connect us with people who have similar values. So, what is mending? There is an ambiguity around the term, and I am often asked what mending actually means. Mending means repairing something that was previously broken or damaged, and there are many things we can mend—for example, objects, clothes, and relationships. But in the context of this project, we will explore clothing repair. Today, there is an increased interest in the practices of mending, but unfortunately, not so many people are repairing their clothes. You are one of them, and I am very grateful for getting in contact with you. Your knowledge is precious, and I hope you will participate in my PhD journey. Together, we will explore what meaning mending acquires, why people mend, how they do it, and how they feel wearing mended garments. We will also explore how today’s practices differ from those from the past and how mending might look in the future. The exploration will take place during the whole 2021 year and will require approximately 20 hours of your time or more (if we decide so). The project will be divided into five stages. We will begin with the exploration of your wardrobe and your mended garments at your home. Then, we will continue to work with the group of 12 people, six from Denmark and six from Ukraine) and together, we will explore the possibilities of clothing repair. Curious? Then, I will tell you more when we meet.
I look forward to meeting you in person and starting our exploration 🙂 Iryna
A2. Project timeline
Denmark
Ukraine
1st stage
1st stage
Wardrobe interview
Wardrobe interview
2 hours
2 hours
Where? At your place (in the wardrobe).
March
2021
analysis
Workshop techniques & tools
When?
From 10th to 16th of June.
2nd stage
analysis
Wardrobe int. with older generations
2 hours
Where? At home of your relative of older generation (in the wardrobe)
April
3 hours
The aim of this stage is to understand what you mend (typologies of the garments and damages) and how you mend (what techniques, tools you use).
June
2nd stage
What?
What?
You will conduct this wardrobe interview with one of your relatives of older generation on your own (I won’t be there). The structure is similar to the wardrobe interview we did together at your place. The aim is to have insights on how traditional mending differ from today’s practices and how we can be inspired by examples from the past.
When?
From 16th to 27th of June.
analysis
3rd stage
3rd stage
Wardrobe int. with older generations
Workshop techniques & tools
2 hours
3 hours
426
individual work & analysis
What?
During this first workshop, all the participants from the Ukrainian context will meet for the firts time. During this stage we will work on the first components of the spectrum: typologies of the damages, mending techniques and tools.
When?
11th of July.
July
May
Where? At my place or in co-working.
individual work & analysis
4th stage
individual work & analysis
Workshop Colour theories, materials, & design process
3 hours
What?
This workshop will focus on colour theories, materials of the garments and additional materials we use during the mending process, as well as the design process we will apply to the planning of mending projects.
When?
September (date to define).
SeptemberO
Where? Online.
individual work & analysis
5th stage Collective archive & finalising the spectrum
3 hours + Where? Online (for now). During this workshop, all the participants from Denmark and Ukraine will meet to share their mending experiences and will build the collective archive of individual mending projects. As well as finalise the spectrum.
When?
October (date to define).
rOctober
What?
427
A3. Project consent form
Информация для участия и форма письменного согласия В рамках текущего проекта PhD в школе дизайна Колдинг в Дании я, Ирина
Кучер, провожу исследование, состоящее из пяти этапов, подробно описанных и
иллюстрированных в информационном листе (приглашении), которое ты получила. Процесс включит в себя посещение твоего дома, дома твоего родственника старшего поколения, серии воркшопов, а также онлайн встречи с другими
участниками этого проекта. Для этого я прошу разрешения делать фото, аудио и видео записи и согласится со следующим:
Я прочитал(a) и понял(a) предоставленную мне информацию Я понимаю цели и процесс исследования Я понимаю что могу покинуть проект в любой момент до его завершения Я понимаю как будут использованы собранные данные и согласна с этим Я предпочитаю оставаться анонимным(ой)
Дата Имя участника Подпись
Исследователь
Ирина Кучер PhD fellow
Lab for Sustainability
Design School Kolding +45 91 33 30 06 ik@dskd.dk
A4. Project information sheet
Participant information sheet
Title: Mending Futures Organiser: Iryna Kucher Period: March 2021 - March 2022
1. Introduction Dear Participant, You are receiving this statement and consent form because you have indicated that you would like to participate in a research project that explores mending practices as a personal response to the overwhelming problems of fast consumption and waste within the fashion industry. In this form, you will find details about the project that will allow you to make an informed decision about your participation. 2. Purpose and aims The purpose of this study is to compare domestic mending practices in Western (Danish) and PostSoviet (Ukrainian) contexts to understand how Ukrainian and Danish everyday mending practices aim to prolong the clothes’ use phase and how these different ways of care can integrate each other. This project will examine the following: How mending practices are interpreted across places and time How mending competences are developed and what skills they comprise What kind of materials and infrastructure facilitate the development of these practices. 3. Ethical procedures According to ethical procedures for academic research, participants must explicitly agree to be part of the project. Furthermore, participants must understand and agree to how the information they provided will be used in this research. This form is necessary to ensure that you understand the purpose of your involvement in this study and that you agree to the conditions of your participation. If you wish to withdraw from the project at any stage, you can do so, and you do not need to give any reasons why you no longer want to participate. However, if you withdraw from the project, I will assume that you agree for me to use the data I have already collected unless you state otherwise. -1-
428 429
4. What does participation in this research involve? The project will be divided into five stages, described in the provided project timeline. It will require approximately 20 hours of your participation, distributed throughout the following year. Since the project involves a small number of participants, you are asked to commit to all the sessions. The dates of the sessions will be defined according to the group’s needs. 5. Data treatment The nature of this research project means that many types of data will be gathered, including: Personal data Audio and video recordings of the wardrobe interviews and workshops Video recordings and screenshots of the online workshops Photographs taken during all stages Mending projects of each participant This data will be used and shared in different ways:
Personal data (such as your address, email, and phone number) is confidential and will not be disclosed to anyone.
Audio and video recordings will only be shared internally within a group of researchers of the Sustainability Lab at Design School Kolding who agree to preserve the confidentiality of the information. They will not be shared in public.
Quotes from the audio and video recordings, screenshots, and photographs of the workshops and your practical mending samples and final mending projects will be used in research outputs, such as conferences, academic publications, and written PhD thesis.
You can choose whether you want to remain anonymous or not. From March 2021 untilthe completion of this PhD project, the information collected will be securely stored in my computer and the DSKD OneDrive, which is password protected and one-user access. After the conclusion of the PhD research, the information collected will be permanently destroyed. 6. Contact If you have any further questions or concerns about this research, please contact:
Iryna Kucher Design School Kolding ik@dskd.dk +4591333006 -2-
B. Wardrobe interviews documents
B1. Wardrobe interview (WI) guide
432 433
B2. Transcription of WI with primary participant
WI with Tania Blokhina | 10.06.2021 | Kyiv, Ukraine | [In Russian]. 00.00.00
[Information sheet, consent form, introduction of participant]
00.03.36 [IK]
Почему ты ремонтируешь твою одежду?
00.03.39 [TB]
Если я что-то покупаю и мне это нравится, если оно портится мне жутко обидно. Ну и я понимаю, что если я покупаю, то я поощряю потребление. То есть некоторые вещи мне нравятся, потом пойти купить новую немножко не честно. Но если это что-то что не поддается восстановлению, то я выкину. Ну если уж очень какая-то старая футболка и там уже одна дырочка, вторая, третья, то я выкину. Ну какой в этом смысл? Или пущу на половые тряпки или положу рядом с мусорником, чтобы забрали те, кому это окей. Вот такая у нас переработка.
00.04.30 [IK]
Мне кажется что мы уже можем начинать с гардеробом по той схеме которую я ранее описывала.
00.04.37 [TB]
На самом деле, те с которыми что то сделано, их не так много. [открывает шкаф]
00.05.06
[фото напротив гардероба]
00.05.12 [TB]
Я помню обстоятельства покупки каждой вещи. Это нормально вообще? У меня миллион вещей, и я могу сказать, вот это я купила в таком-то магазине, при таких вот обстоятельствах. И я могу сказать, вот это шопинг терапия, а вот это был хит сезона.
00.05.46 [IK]
А что с шоппинг терапией?
00.05.52 [TB]
Иногда мне ничего не нужно, но я прихожу посмотреть и вижу что все это у меня есть и я понимаю что мода в этом сезоне точно такая как три года тому назад, это все у меня есть, я просто достану из гардероба. Я просто дошла до такого момента что я уже не вижу ничего новенького. Иногда, очень редко, вот какие-то вещи, которые я прям вот думаю, я хочу желтые брюки, я ищу самые лучшие брюки, которые найду и целенаправленно их ищу. Но иногда я знаю, что какое-то новое платье это просто психологически себя поддержать. Какие-то сложности на работе, что-то такое. То есть для меня важно хорошо выглядеть. Вот пандемия, я перестала покупать, не по тому, что я перестала ездить в торговый центр, я перестала одеваться. Если я несколько раз надела вещь, она становится не такой новой. Когда я перестала все одевать, получается одно платье я одеваю раз в год, оно опять становится такое новое. И его опять хочется одеть и как бы в новых вещях я не нуждаюсь. Я уже думаю кому-то сдавать, кому нужнее.
00.07.13 [TB]
Первая проблема это та, что когда-то я что-то покупала, и теперь я понимаю, что я куплю это качественнее. Мне хотелось какой-то жилет, тогда это было лучшее что я могла найти, а потом я нашла идеал, вот мой идеал жилета. Так что все остальное можно уже выкидывать, ну так по- хорошему, раздать. Но мне особо некому раздавать.
00.07.41 [IK]
Ты знаешь, что в Киеве есть такой магазин, который называется «Ласка стор» и ты можешь отдать туда одежду, которую ты не используешь больше и они ее перепродают и выручку отдают на благотворительность. И несколько лет назад они расставили по городу контейнеры, в которые ты можешь слаживать одежду. Потом они это все пересматривают и продают.
1
00.08.14 [TB]
Вот мой идеал, это когда я точечно кому-то даю. Мы пробовали делать что-то такое как бук кроссинг, это когда ты обмениваешься своего размера вещями и у тебя обновляется, и ты понимаешь, вещи у меня хорошие, качественные, но мне хочется, чтобы кто-то носил и был такой вау, я буду носить это каждый день. Ну мне обидно просто если это какаято хорошая вещь и она проваляется и особо никто ничего от нее не получит. Какой-то человек, который мечтал о желтых брюках, а мне они больше не интересны. Но я такого не нашла, и оно у меня будет висеть никому не нужное.
00.08.56 [TB]
Это у меня брюки, сданные в местное ателье. Дело было так, они очень классные, прям по фигуре, тоненькие и я села на работе. У нас есть стол, такой складной, он был убран и там был такой штырь, я на него села и просто продырявила здесь вот так вот. Возвращалась я домой с повязкой, какую-то рубашку навязала. У меня была идея сделать из шорт что-то. Я понимала, как это сделать, но понимала, что мои руки этого не сделают. Я сдала это в ателье, это было 100 или 200 гривен, вполне норм. И мне сделали вот такую штуку.
00.09.48 [IK]
Они взяли ткань изнутри?
00.09.52 [TB]
Я просто сейчас смотрю что либо они отрезали задние карманы, либо его не было. Но откуда-то она взяла [эту ткань]. Ну у меня такая идея, например один из карманов зашить и взять ткань. Причем она сделала, я еще так на нее посмотрела, как будто это еще один карманчик.
00.10.21 [IK]
Такая аккуратная работа.
00.10.23 [TB]
Вот, я понимаю, что я бы так не сделала, а брюки были классные, мне нравились. Так, сейчас я достану джинсы. Вот с джинсами вообще такая интересная тема, они вытираются. И тоже есть такие джинсы, которые тебе нравятся, и ты в них готов ходить, но они вот перетерлись. И это делают, наверное, в Киеве тоже. Мама знает хорошее ателье, где штопают джинсы просто.. Это в Зеленограде, ну просто считай в Москве. Вот так вот она делает, это просто самая лучшая штопка. Я так не умею. И это стоит где-то тысячу рублей, а в принципе джинсы можно купить за две тысячи рублей, но если тебе нравятся, и они сидят по фигуре, то оно того стоит. У нас, например был разговор с сестрой в апреле, когда я приезжала. И она такая, я сдаю свои джинсы чтобы они заштопали, чтобы не было дырки на коленке. Я говорю, господи, выкинь и купи новые, зачем? Сколько стоит это дело? Ну она говорит, тут тысяча, а так 2500. Удивительно, но я была анти.Ну по мне если джинсы ну совсем уже долго, я бы скорее купила новые. По тому что мне еще надоедает что-то такое прям носить. В чем прикол, так как у меня этих джинсов до фига, и я одену то такие, то такие, то такие, это типа норм. Я просто человек, который любит разнообразие. Но вот я знаю, что у сестры две пары джинс, на ее бы месте, я бы купила третье, четвертые, просто разнообразнее. Плюс они там, я не знаю, под разные, прямые некоторые, в некоторых удобно в поезде ехать, я стараюсь взять разные фасоны, разные цвета.
00.12.32 [TB]
Это кроссовки, которые сделаны ужасно. Дима поставил 1 на амазоне. Ну у меня есть фотка с дыркой кстати, я могу прислать тебе фотку с дыркой а здесь, как я заштопала. Это была моя работа. Это были клевые кроссовки, лучшие клевые кроссовки и все такое, им было полгода, когда они порвались. Что я делала плохо, я играла с ними в волейбол,
2
434 435
что может быть не совсем правильно. Но проблема в том, она прям видна, что у них здесь есть такая вот штучка, а с верху они очень тоненькие. Ну и короче у меня сначала маленькая дырка, потом она разрослась. Они стоили больше 100 долларов, до 150 наверное. И предыдущие оасиксы я носила 5 лет, пока в них дырка не образовалась и ничего не сделаешь. И я такая, полгода? Вы серьезно? Как это так? Поэтому я зашила, все отлично и нормально. Они беговые, их делают все тоньше и тоньше, это у них какой-то челлендж. Видимо они дошли до места х, где все рвется.
00.14.15 [TB]
Это вагабонд, они такие прикольные и удобные. Я покупала их на распродаже, и больше не могу нигде их найти. И поэтому, когда они порвались, я их тоже собственноручно заштопала. Но я не знаю сколько они продержатся, по тому, что такая ткань, что я боюсь, что они будут менее устойчивые.
00.14.47 [TB]
И носки, ну носки, я просто аккуратно зашиваю дырочки вот так вот. Но в какой-то момент меня уже начинает бесить, по тому, что есть носки, которые рвутся и рвутся. Есть те, которые ты носишь, и они не рвутся. И если ты их один раз их починил, второй, то я скорее выкину и куплю какие-то новые по тому, что это просто невозможно. Ну вот когда-то я только тем и занималась что штопала носки, только носки. Ну я просто думала, что это совсем не интересно. Я могу отремонтировать красивые носки, если вот они такие симпатичные и мне жалко их выкидывать. Вот здесь вот я штопала.
00.16.31 [TB]
У меня еще есть такое, вот одни порвутся, и я их складываю отдельно в какой-то пакетик, а потом под настроение, под какой-то сериал или что, я сажусь и штопаю, когда их много. По тому что больше всего бесит все это разложить, ради вот такой дырочки. Я иногда даже заставляю себя выкидывать носки. Я уже такая: «ты уже купила пять новых пар, да выкинь ты уже».
00.17.14 [TB]
Ну еще трусы есть. Ну чаще всего, когда уже трусы рвутся, они уже настолько разошлись что я выкидываю.
00.17.24 [TB]
А если не штопка, а ты меняешь как-то вещь? Вот у меня есть такая придумка. В мечтах у меня есть, это как знаешь ожидание и реальность. Я покупала юбку, и она стоила 200 гривен, несколько лет назад. В общем, я хотела голубую юбку и у нее был какой-то универсальный размер, я купила, это еще была какая-то ярмарка, это был украинский производитель. Я просто возьму и сделаю вот так. Я выбрала себе эти красивые штуки, но оно так не работает, я не знаю. Я сделала это так, с блузкой оно классно смотрится, а потом я сделала улучшение, но честно, так себе. Мне кажется, что какая-то хорошая швея придумала бы лучше.
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00.18.45 [IK]
Ну оно все равно работает.
00.18.50 [TB]
Да, в принципе это работает, но я представляла себе это иначе. Знаешь, проблема еще, это ожидания. Я бы сказала, что я все равно одевала бы сверху какую-то кофту, чтобы это не было видно.
00.19.15 [IK]
Ты вручную пришила эти петли?
00.19.17 [TB]
Да, да. Машинки у меня нет. Еще такой совет, не покупать вещей не по размеру, которые ты потом собираешься отдать в ателье. Это плохая покупка, ты всегда ищи то, с чем не надо ничего делать и все такое.
00.19.17 [TB]
У меня есть такое что хочется вещь сделать оригинальнее. В общем фантазия у мня есть, но реализация иногда хромает. Ну Ну мне кажется, что показать мне больше и нечего. А если не штопка, то может что-то еще?
00.20.57 [IK]
Ну возможно у тебя есть что-то что переделывали из одной вещи в другую?
00.21.18 [TB]
Это есть у Оли, ей переделывали джинсы и из них шили юбку. Мне вот укорачивали платье, но его еще нужно найти. Тут весь шкаф наполнен одеждой, потому что Димина одежда это вот столечко, вот тут на полке немножечко футболок и шорт.
00.21.41 [IK]
А у Димы есть что-то отремонтированное?
00.22.02 [TB]
Диме я часто зашивала джинсы, вот именно когда там еще можно зашить, но мне кажется, что те мы уже выкинули. Когда еще есть возможность вот что-то подшить, то я еще делаю это. Но когда там уже все по второму разу, не реально.
00.22.48 [IK]
А есть какие нибуть вещи которые тебе на заказ шили?
00.22.56 [TB]
Я не шью вещи на заказ, это, наверное, долго и дорого. Если мне что-то хочется, я скорее буду ждать, пока кто-то сделает что-то подобное. Ну то есть, если мне захотелось желтые брюки, я понимаю, что где то, я их обязательно найду. Нет смысла нести ткань, и у меня нет такого, что мне понравилась ткань, сделайте мне что-то из этого. Я не мыслю такими категориями.
00.23.23 [TB]
Вот это платье, оно было очень длинным. Оно прям было в пол. Оно не было прям такое бальное, и я поняла, что его нужно укоротить чтобы оно было прям такое кэжуал. И укорачивали мне в ателье. Ну тут прямо идеально все сделали.
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00.23.57 [IK]
Ну да, все отоверлочили так хорошо.
00.23.59 [TB]
Да, ателье здесь прямо во дворе. И еще здесь есть какие нибуть швеи, которые работают на дому, и их все советуют. Ну ты просто залезаешь в группу местного жилого комплекса и ищешь там хорошие рекомендации. У нас это есть, это прям такая интересная индустрия.
00.24.34 [TB]
Вот тоже брюки, которые стоили очень дешево, они были по поясу немного велики, и это переделывала мама. Нет, наоборот, они мне были маловаты, и их реальная застежка была вот так, и для меня это было очень сильно, и мама сделала мне застежку поближе.
00.25.02 [IK]
А мама у тебя шьет?
00.25.05 [TB]
Мама не шьет профессионально, но она может что-то хорошо заштопать. То есть, я ей объясню, чего я хочу, и она сделает. Она умеет. Мне кажется, что это такой пережиток того времени когда нужно было уметь что-то заштопать, а не покупать новое.
00.25.27 [TB]
Еще было платье, но оно у меня осталось в Зеленограде, оно было тоже не дорогое. Просто вещи, которые дешево стоили, это когда я тратила большой бюджет и если я понимала, что вот платье, допустим там 200 гривен, я немножко в него вложусь и сделаю из него то что хочу, то я брала. Сейчас уже я такого не делаю, по тому, что я могу купить себе не за 200 гривен, а за 1000, я могу себе это позволить.
00.26.13 [TB]
Был у меня такой сарафан, что я сделала? Я купила его на какой-то распродаже, по тому, что там на подоле было еще какое-то пятно, я его закрыла кружевом. Я сходила, подобрала кружево и таким образом я закрыла пятнышко и это был отличный летний сарафан.
00.26.35
[разговор о развитии инфраструктуры микро-районов]
00.30.17 [IK]
Ты обращаешь внимание на состав тканей?
00.30.20 [TB]
Да, мне больше нравится мерять, по тому что я знаю что бывает хорошая синтетика. Но иногда я не меряю, и покупаю онлайн, и бывает, что я такая, блин, я бы не купила его если бы пощупала. Вот такие ситуации мне не нравятся, поэтому…
00.30.40 [IK]
А что ты подозреваешь под классной и не классной синтетикой?
00.30.46 [TB]
Как оно к телу. Вот это, например, это чистая синтетика, но она прикольная к телу, она не электризуется, она очень приятная. Плюс у меня еще много спортивной одежды, тоже можно одеть 4 человека одновременно. Вот это 95% полиэстера и
5
5% эластана, но очень классное. Там специально такие ткани, которые впитывают. То есть не советуют покупать хлопковые ткани для физических нагрузок, по тому, что они сразу намокнут и ты сразу остынешь или что-то еще. Еще юникло, ты знаешь, я просто фанат базового гардероба и все такое. У них есть эйризм серия, я не знаю куда деть все лифчики, которых у меня скопилось, грубо говоря 20 штук. Я взяла один, мне так подошла модель просто идеально.
00.32.24 [IK]
А есть магазин или ты онлайн покупаешь?
00.32.26 [TB]
Я в Москве закупаюсь. Так же мы брали мне в Берлине, по тому, что Диме, все-таки нужно мерять. Но сейчас мы уже приблизительно начали понимать размеры и начали покупать онлайн.
00.33.30 [IK]
А есть у тебя интерес к блошиным рынкам, секонд-хенду, обмену вещами?
00.33.35 [TB]
Мне секонд-хенд не нравится. Я знаю, что это, наверное, какой-то психологический момент. Сейчас вот, например, если я свои вещи сдам, они хорошего качества, и я там их мало носила и что-то еще. Ну не знаю, мне кажется, что люди сдают в секонд хенд то, в чем есть какой-то скрытый дефект. Ну вот секод-хенды мне кажется, ты идешь туда за большими брендами, ну вот тебе важно купить какой-нибудь Max Mara, который теперь на 70% дешевле. Мне в принципе это не так уж принципиально. Я лучше возьму на эти же деньги какую-то новую. Для меня это какой-то показатель.
00.34.40 [IK]
Мне кажется, что отношение к секонд-хенду меняется. Раньше секонды в основном были визуально другими. Все в кучах, люди должны там рыться, ну а теперь есть больше разнообразия, ну во-первых есть винтаж, есть те, которые супер брендовские, комиссионки. Вот в Дании прямо очень много комиссионок и там не только одежда, но и разные предметы интерьера и там так приятно находится, ты ходишь там, все разложено, все вещи висят на индивидуальных вешалках, все расставлено красивенько. И там столько вещей интересных и не обычных. Конечно имеет большое значение как это все представлено.
00.35.34 [TB]
Да, это очень важно. Я вот иногда прихожу в какие-то дисконтные магазины и понимаю, что, если бы они то же самое развесили, как будто бы это новая коллекция, красиво, я бы вероятно купила бы. А когда они вот так все в куче, они как будто бы уже второго сорта. Мне кажется, что наслаждение от того, как все красиво представлено это тоже часть процесса.
00.36.24 [TB]
Да, я вот хотела сказать, что у того же Uniqlo, есть вот такие офигительные майки, которые я вот просто ношу и мне больше ничего не нужно. Они так классно все впитывают. Мне просто не нравится на голое тело одевать какую-то одежду. Ну, потому что не вся она приятная. Я не очень часто стираю, не то, чтобы, я была грязнулей, нет, Я одену какую-то вещь и в следующий раз, я смогу одеть ее через неделю, через две, и постоянно ее стирать мне не хочется, она и портится и все такое. Вот Дима, он одевает один раз футболку и вечером он отдает ее стирать. Я не настолько потею, наверное, плюс я одеваю какие-то маечки в низ, поэтому одеть несколько раз, это нормально, поэтому я уже как-то оцениваю, что допустим уже пора постирать.
00.37.30 [IK]
[О том как стирка и сушка синтетических материалов влияет на окружающую среду]
00.38.36 [TB]
Вот например говорят что джинсы нужно стирать раз в несколько месяцев. Я так примерно и делаю.
00.38.40 [IK]
[О том как глажка разрушает структуру ткани]
00.38.50 [TB]
Ой, я прям могу уже начинать ставить галочки в том как я экологически потребляю. У меня тоже есть отпариватель, потому что я ненавижу гладить. Я плохо глажу. У меня мама просто бог глажки. То есть у меня не получается даже если я хочу. У меня будут все равно складки. Я переворачиваю на другую сторону – складки, переворачиваю обратно -
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складки. Я бросила это дело, я взяла отпариватель и это настолько классно. И плюс если не совсем чистая одежда, и там просто складочка, и утюгом нельзя, потому что он, наоборот, этой грязи поможет впитаться. А отпаривателем можно, наоборот ты эту одежду немножко освежишь. Это называется интуитивное экологичное потребление.
00.39.50 [IK]
Танюш, а ты мне расскажешь, как ты училась в школе ремонту одежды, в чем состояла суть программы?
00.39.56 [TB]
В школе у нас была система, сначала мы изучали ткани. Брали там шерсть, шелк. У меня был альбом, в который мы вклеивали разные ткани. Мы учились делить разные стежки: иголкой назад. Раньше, когда у меня было меньше денег, я намного больше все делала сама, даже обрабатывала разболтанные края. Нас и этому учили, я это умею делать. Потом мы делали фартук, потом, по-моему, была юбка и потом, помоему, платье. Наверное, это было целое полугодие, и вот это была неделя, чтобы сделать выкройку, неделя на то, чтобы сделать наметки, наметочный шов, молнию вшить, и у нас всему учили. Рукоделие это прям было. И потом была готовка. А мальчики что-то там мастерили, табуретки.
00.41.39 [IK]
[О том как в уральской школе стерлись гендерные различия на уроках труда]
00.43.20 [TB]
Штопать Димину одежду мне нравится, это проявление заботы. Для меня не проблема если Дима скажет «я не буду штопать носки». Ну он как настоящий сенсей, он умеет драться, но не дерется. Если нужно будет сделать, он сделает, может не так ловко, как я, конечно. Мне просто кажется, что это не сложно. Я даже ему вязала шарф и шапку. Меня бабушка учила, и я ему вязала. Ну часть того, что мне хочется что-то улучшить в одежде, это привести мой какой-то творческий момент.
00.44.32 [TB]
У меня еще были в детстве, тогда еще были плохие джинсы. Я не знаю, у тебя была такая проблема что джинсы стирались, краска стиралась, выедалась? Ну это значит ужасная московская погода. Ну тогда у меня была одна пара джинс, наверное, это все комплекс детства, когда у меня не было одежды, а теперь я наконец-то могу позволить ее себе. Ну была у меня одна пара джинс, и начал разедаться весь цвет и видно было, что она такая прям вся. И я придумала сделать полоски ткани — вот так вот, прямоугольные. Я нашла ткань не дорогую и в общем-то вшила ее. В моих представлениях это казалось круче. Мне в итоге не очень понравилось, я ходила так, это было оригинально, действительно такой вот мой проект детства, и потом, как-то даже сестра моя в них ходила, и кто-то заметил, типа: ты сама это сделала? Кто-то оценил вот эту вот задумку, находку того, что как-то усовершенствовать вещь в каком-то этом ключе. Но в основном не все ценят.
00.45.57 [TB]
Бывали случаи, что если какая-то дырочка или что, то я думаю какую-нибудь аппликацию сделать. Ты в принципе делаешь это по тому, что нужно исправить какую-то дырочку. Тебе бы не пришло в голову забацать какую-то аппликацию, но из-за необходимости, получается клево. У меня есть кофта, она тоже в Москве. В общем, я ее купила, она прикольная такая, синяя, как кардиган. Потом я заметила, что у нее здесь некрасивый стежок. Сначала я дико расстроилась, а потом я там приколола брошку. И такая она из янтаря, мы ее в Варшаве покупали, она такая в виде бабочки. И я ее постоянно одеваю, вижу ее и постоянно думаю: как хорошо, что там был стежок, я даже не придумала бы что так можно сделать.
00.46.57 [TB]
А еще у меня есть, я острым концом кольца зацепила стежок кофты юникло, такой красивой, оранжевой. Я так расстроилась, мы были на рождественых каникулах в Праге и весь вечер я была такая: господи, что я наделала. А там получается просто такой стежок и осталась такая полоска. Я привезла маме, я не знаю как, у нее просто золотые руки, она просто ее как-то так вытянула и сейчас, так как я сфоткаю это место, ты поймешь, что там что-то было. Но в целом там просто вот такая полосочка, ты ходишь, и она даже не видна. Все исправимо.
7
00.47.56 [IK]
... Ну есть у тебя какая-то эмоциональная привязанность?
00.48.02 [TB]
Ни ко всей. Вот я думаю, я зафоткаю всю одежду и предложу подруге выбирать. Если она мне скажет: «хочу это платье», а я не хочу его отдавать. Ну скажем, есть какие-то вещи, которые я легко отдам, а есть какие-то которые для меня важны. Ну вот это мне прямо нравится, потому что оно мне к лицу. Есть какие-то вещи, которые прямо классно зашли мне.
00.50.02 [IK]
Что ты имеешь ввиду? Фасон, цвет?
00.50.29 [TB]
Я даже не знаю, в основном есть какие-то бренды, в которых мне многие вещи нравятся, я захожу за новыми какими-то идеями.
00.50.39 [IK]
Какой самый старый предмет твоего гардероба?
00.50.47 [TB]
Самый старый и я его еще ношу? В основном, я раньше покупала более дешевую одежду. Ну в общем у меня получается так, это на самом деле тоже интересно, когда у меня первые заработки были, я писала в институтскую газету. Там одна статья стоила сто рублей. В принципе это были нормальные деньги, особенно когда у тебя их нет. Если я хотела себе что-то купить, я смотрела, например. Юбка стоит 400 рублей, это 4 статьи, ну я перебьюсь. Я просто понимала, чего мне это стоит и либо я перебивалась, либо искала что-то подешевле, либо понимала, что эта юбка мне прослужит долго. А когда я начала лучше зарабатывать, и я могла купить юбку и за тысячу, и за две тысячи. Вот так вот росло и качество. Где совсем некачественная одежда, вот fast fashion, я не одеваюсь там. Мне даже Zara не нравится. Какие бы я ни покупала вещи, они были плохими, они вытягиваются. Ты их один раз постираешь и дырочки появляются, но в общем оно не качественное. И я уже пришла к тому, что я лучше куплю что-то базовое, но качественное на какой-нибудь распродаже. Или украинский бренд, когда я понимаю, что они не накрутили тут просто за то, что они так называются. В основном я плачу за ткань, а не за название.
00.53.07 [TB]
Получается, что в начале я покупала дешевую одежду и многие вещи я уже выкинула, по тому, что они не выдержали действительно время. Не знаю, выдержат ли эти, по тому, что в чем еще прикол? У меня было мало вещей, и я носила их часто. Вот, например, у Димы, он каждый сезон обновляет себе все ботинки. У него одна пара на сезон. У меня, наверное, пар 6 кроссовок, и из них, наверное, 3 спортивных, ботинок масса, разных цветов, под разное какое-то настроение, или каких-то балеток или что-то еще. И получается, что мне не нужно их часто менять, по тому, что я их ношу один за другим, то одни то другие и они служат дольше. Я люблю разнообразие. Вот если мне скажут, 10 лет ты можешь купить 10 пар или купить сразу 10, я куплю сразу 10. Это те же деньги, но я смогу вот эти под одно надеть, а эти под другое.
00.54.17 [IK]
[о ремонте обуви и ремонте текстильной обуви]
00.58.12 [TB]
Я зашиваю эти шорты, наверное, уже десятый раз, оба кармана. Это Юниклошные брюки, но я не помаю почему они так плохо носятся. В общем здесь рвется всё и мне уже надоело.
8
440 441
00.58.46 [IK]
Знаешь чего оно рвется? Это зависит от структуры ткани, эта ткань не эластичная. Ты вот когда тянешь, оно продолжает рваться.
00.58.52 [TB]
То есть не тот размер?
00.58.54 [IK]
Нет, это не та техника.
00.59.01 [TB]
Я вот беру и с разных сторон стягиваю.
00.59.05 [IK]
А вот по тому, что не нужно стягивать. Здесь наоборот нужно создавать дополнительное пространство способом переплетения нитей.
00.59.10 [TB]
Я знаю, что штопка это не то же самое что зашивание, да, это ты создаешь дополнительное пространство. Я не знаю этой техники. А ты меня научишь?
00.59.15 [IK]
Конечно. [о разных техниках]
00.59.54
[о формировании вкуса и стиля] [о черной одежде]
01.10.08 [TB]
Да, мы говорили про Диму и его вкус. Получается, что я не умела одеваться, что у меня не было возможности даже выбрать. Ну что там, где урвали, и это все не сочеталось и было не красивым, а потом я подружилась с девочкой, у которой был вкус и деньги, и она могла прям одеваться как хочет. И мы с ней ездили на шоппинг, и я прямо училась этому, типа как лучше, что лучше взять, как это скомбинировать, примерно в студенчестве. И это мне очень помогло как то подбирать одежду и одеваться интересно, но этого было недостаточно. Потом я еще страдала от какихто дурацких покупок, чего-то что мне не идет. А у Димы был такой вкус, он обычно носил рубашки и брюки, а джинсы появились позже, в основном были конечно брюки. И я допустим теперь знаю, что ему нравятся рубашки и что я могу купить ему на новый год. Но задавал тон он.
01.12.55 [IK]
[о формировании вкуса и стиля]
01.14.12 [TB]
Ну у нас это выглядит так: сначала футболки становятся домашними, но на каком то этапе понимаешь что даже для домашнего использования они не пригодны. Ну дома тоже не хочется ходить уж слишком, ну если это дырочка, а все остальное норм, а если это уже вытянувшаяся одежда, то мне не очень приятно. Мы перед пандемией как раз сходили и купили домашнюю красивую одежду, я так кайфовала. Сначала меня жаба душила, потому что это стоит как нормальное платье. То есть я могу купить какое нибуть платье и ходить в нем дома, но это какие-то такие вещи расслабленные. Я работала из дома большую часть времени и до пандемии, у нас был офис, но я там ездила два три раза в неделю, когда мне было удобно. И я такая, да, подумала, а почему бы не надевать классную одежду дома, и мы закупились как раз в марте, началась пандемия. Я так хорошо одевалась дома и это составляло часть какой-то… В общем я теперь не рассуждаю так что «ой, эта растянувшаяся футболка пойдет мне в домашнюю одежду.» Я просто подумала: «блин, я что не могу себе позволить дома выглядеть вот так вот красиво?» В такой одежде можно выйти и за какой-то чашечкой кофе вниз и это будет выглядеть достойно. Я шучу, что я както пошла купить хлеб с утра и я реально одела какое-о такое красивое платье,
9
ну в этом вся я, ну вот для меня красиво одеться это какой-то ритуал. Мне вот нравится, когда мы с Нэйтоном идем гулять, у меня так много сарафанов скопилось, и у нас была летом неделя сарафанов. Я каждый раз встречала Диму в парке с работы в каком-то сарафане и как-то его обыгрывала. У меня даже был такой челлендж, я иногда встречаю такие, типа: «возьмите одну вещь и носите ее каждый день, но по-разному ее обыгрывайте.» Чтобы понять как можно комбинировать вещи, и да, это работает, ты включаешь такую креативность и думаешь что можно сделать.
01.17.56 [TB]
Я еще вспомнила, у меня есть туфли, которые я обшивала кружевом, но их нужно найти. Подожди минуточку, я их сейчас найду. Это были такие базовые туфли, и я подумала: «это слишком базовые туфли для меня, я придумаю что-то поинтереснее. Опять-таки задумка была мне кажется интереснее чем получилось. Мне кажется, что это мне делали в обувной мастерской по моему проекту. Там еще такие мужики мастера: «вы уверенны?» На самом деле не все проекты заканчивались хорошо, я просто пытаюсь вспомнить. Ну там чаще всего какая-то вещь, которую уже нужно подправить, но я могла сделать и хуже.
01.22.30 [IK]
Вот это кстати интересно что ожидаешь одно а получаешь совсем другое. Любая практика, то ли это вышивка, то ли это вязание, они нуждаются к подготовке: ты выбираешь материалы, паттерны, и только потом начинаешь вязать. Если у тебя что-то не получается, ты возвращаешься обратно, вяжешь дальше. И люди этому уделяют очень много времени. То же самое с шитьем, а с ремонтом одежды, почему-то люди не воспринимают это как какой-то креативный процесс. А я вот хотела у тебя еще спросить, ты несколько раз говорила, что тебе не хочется вытаскивать все вещи, для того чтобы что-то одно отремонтировать. А чем ты пользуешься?
01.24.01 [TB]
Я хотела тебе показать, как выглядит мой набор для шитья. Тут имеется в виду что бывает так что ты прокрастинируешь какую-то задачу. Я не знаю, недавно я заполняла налоговую декларацию, и я тянула до последней недели. Я это сделала, наверное, за пол часа, то есть я больше времени потратила на вот эти мысли: «нет, я не буду это делать сегодня.» Вот, у меня тут все такое красивое, ну есть еще другие мотки ниток, ну такой, типа китайский наборчик. Здесь есть все цвета, которые я ношу и которые нужны чтобы ремонтировать. Вот, здесь у меня остатки кружев, которые я использовала. Я вспмнила еще одну вещь, которую я ремонтировала.
01.25.11 [TB]
Мне очень понравилась эта ночнушка, но она была, наверное, не для моего объема груди и я ее ушивала. И еще бретельки были длинными, я вспомнила что это была бретелька, которую я с одной и с другой стороны, обрезала. То есть раньше я могла еще купить вещь, которую еще нужно было доделывать, я больше этого не делаю, по тому что я просто могу доплатить и подождать чего-то еще.
01.26.05 [IK]
А тебе мама это все прививала? Вы вместе шили, что-то делали?
10
442 443
01.26.10 [TB]
[Параллель шитье – приготовление еды]
01.27.40 [TB]
Мамa умела штопать, но она никогда не показывала. Вот я хочу приехать и действительно у нее расспросить как она это делает, по тому, что у нее это классно получается. Но это никогда не было, давай я тебя научу, и ты сможешь делать это сама. Я недавно, я просто люблю рефлексировать, я думала о том, что некоторые вещи, услуги, мне нравятся, когда я могу попросить кого-то, и я чувствую свою какую-то уязвимость и этим людям надо помочь. Например, Дима вкручивает лампочки, я не лезу в это, пусть он почувствует себя мужчиной и вкрутит для меня лампочку. И так же я маме отвожу вещи на починку до сих пор, ей это нравится, она такая: «что у тебя есть, а давай я это постираю», ей это нравится это ощущение что она что-то делает для меня. И я позволяю ей это делать.
01.29.37 [TB]
Было так, когда я решила Диме связать шарф, то я такая: «бабушка, научи меня вязать.» Но она правда плохо обучала, она как-то: «ну вот ты делаешь так, так, и так.» И ты делаешь, а там столько вопросов. Умение обучать это конечно талант. И быть терпеливым. Вот когда у кого-то не получается и ты такой: «ах ты, балда, ну я же все тебе объяснила.» Это конечно ужасно, это демотивирует. Я, конечно, справилась, там была самая простая вязка, но она научила меня вязать, но не научила меня как заканчивать. Ну то есть она показала: «вот так делай, делай» и все. А уже в Киеве я заканчивала последний этот и я не знала как правильно узелок сделать, куда его деть. В общем, иногда были такие смешные ситуации.
01.30.31 [IK]
[о том как училась шитью дома]
01.33.18 [IK]
[о втором этапе - интервью с мамой]
11
B3. Transcription of WI with secondary participant
WI Emilie & Marianne | 31.05.2021 | Aarhus, Denmark.
00.00.00 [E]
[Setting up equipment]
00.00.12 [E]
Hello, hi mom.
00.00.14 [M]
Hi baby.
00.00.15 [E]
Is it ok if we do it in English?
00.00.16 [M]
Yes.
00.00.17 [M]
Okay, but just say everything in Danish when you do not have the right word for it. So, these are the things I talked to Iryna about that a lot of the vocabulary around mending is very local. So, we have a set-up. We are at my relative’s place. It is a wardrobe interview that we will conduct by ourselves with our relatives. The aim of this wardrobe interview is to understand how and if traditional mending techniques differ from today’s repair practices and how we can be inspired by examples from the past. So, start by a brief introduction of your co-explorer.
00.00.59 [E]
Name?
00.01.00 [M]
Marianne.
00.01.01 [E]
Age?
00.01.02 [M]
57
00.01.03 [E]
Place of birth and current location?
00.01.06 [M]
I was born in Greenland, and currently located in Aarhus for quite a while.
00.01.14 [E]
Professional background and occupation?
00.01.17 [M]
I am professionally trained as an architect. I finished school when I was pregnant with you, so it was 27 years ago. I teach in an international school, and I teach little children in primary school.
00.01.44 [E]
How did you learn to mend? And where?
00.01.49 [M]
The first thing I remember. Are that all of my socks, they always got holes in them. Honestly, I was not wearing socks at all when I was a child when I was around 5 years old. Because I used to live in Bangkok, Thailand, and I never wore socks.
00.02.03 [E]
Too hot for socks.
00.02.04 [M]
Too hot for socks. And then, when I moved to Denmark, first time in my life, I started wearing socks, and they always got holes in them. On the little toe or on the heel. I mean, the most common places. And then, my mom taught me how to mend socks. And we were using the darning mushrooms. So I started darning my own socks, but I was not very good in it. I was around 6 years old, and the darns were just very lumpy and uncomfortable to wear.
00.02.52 [E]
I know this because you told me this story many times that you hate this. You hated wearing socks.
444 445
1
00.02.56 [M]
I did, especially when they got so lumpy from my darning then. So, actually, at this time and age, I do not mend my socks. I throw them away and buy new ones. That’s what I do. Because I have a very bad...
00.03.13 [E]
A complicated relationship. [laughs]
00.03.15 [M]
To darned socks. Yes, definitely.
00.03.17 [E]
Did you also have it at school? Did you learn it at school?
00.03.21 [M]
No, not really. We had a needle work at school, but we did not learn how to mend really.
00.03.30 [E]
I do not think I did, either. I think that it is something I picked up from you and also learning by doing it. So, why do you mend today when you do mend?
00.03.44 [M]
When I mend, I mend clothes which I really like to wear. Actually, I have just got two pairs of blue jeans right now where, you know, the knees have split open but everything else in the jeans is good, so I am going to mend them. Right now, they are in the laundry downstairs. But I would mend them. And also I mended your jeans a lot when you were a child. You always…
00.04.13 [E]
Split them because I was playing. I just remember, like, falling on asphalt, you break your jeans no matter what.
00.04.21 [M]
Yes, exactly, you were falling from the trees and stuff like that, so you would also rip them.
00.04.27 [E]
Yes, I remember the heart-shaped patches that you made for my jeans. So, I would like to take a picture of you with your wardrobe. So, we are going to open up your wardrobe, which is open. Then I would ask you to take out the stuff which has been mended or needs to be mended or something that you have altered for fit also if you do not have a lot of mended items.
00.05.06 [M]
Well, I do not have a lot of mended items but I have a lot of things that need mending.
00.05.10 [E]
So, let’s take them out and create little piles by type of damage, so, is it wear and tear, or is it a stain?
00.05.21 [M]
Oh, stains also? Mostly it is wear and tear.
00.05.26 [E]
So, let’s make that, here.
00.05.28 [M]
It is always on elbows. I wear and tear my stuff on the elbows. I have very sharp elbows, apparently. So, I should start thinking when I knit, to reinforce the elbows. But I never did. From the very beginning. So, this is worn on the elbow. This one I absolutely love but it is very thin, and it wore very quickly, and it is American vintage, and actually, their stuff does not last long.
2
00.06.28 [E]
But is it a fast fashion brand or is it a nicer brand?
00.06.32 [M]
It’s supposed to be a nicer brand, actually, but I always find that their things rip a lot. So, it is on the elbows and holes on the body. But I am going to try to mend it and make a statement out of it. But I still do not know how to do it because it is a little bit challenging, I think.
00.07.04 [M]
And then when you have cashmere sweaters, you’ll often have these little holes, I think it is from moth. Because otherwise, I do not know why I would have a hole like this in a garment. But the strange thing is that I have never moth in all my yarn. Because I have a lot of nice fibres.
00.07.36 [E]
Oh yes, all of these are fibres.
00.07.40 [M]
This is fabric [on the left], and these are yarns over there. So, sweaters, knitted sweaters, but as I say actually, home knitted sweaters are not as durable as sweaters that you buy in the shop.
00.08.03 [E]
Do you think that it is because you use natural fibres?
00.08.07 [M]
I only use natural fibres.
00.08.09 [E]
And you never use mixed fibres?
00.08.10 [M]
No. Never. Not when I knit myself.
00.08.12 [E]
But have you found that wool sweaters that you knit would last, not as long as the pure wool sweaters that you bought? Or do you just not buy wool sweaters anymore?
00.08.25 [M]
This is a cashmere sweater. Maybe, it is 100% cashmere. Or it is cashmere and wool bland, I am not sure. It is pure cashmere [looking at the tag]. But usually, the garment that I buy, I have bug holes in them. It is kind of strange because I thought that the things you buy in the shop they were somehow treated and they would make them resistant too.
00.09.10 [E]
Do you also have moth holes in sweaters you knitted?
00.09.15 [M]
No, I do not think so. It happened only one time, and I threw away the whole thing because there were larvas and eggs in there.
00.09.25 [E]
Infected.
446
3
447
00.09.26 [M]
Yes.
00.09.27 [E]
So, these are holes, and these are wear and tear, right?
00.09.28 [M]
Yes. [both looking at the piles]
00.09.45 [M]
And also, my very beloved old old dress. This one. I absolutely love this one. The colour is off right now, and I do not know what happened here, maybe it is just, but you can dye this.
00.10.06 [E]
Is it that the colour has gone off?
00.10.09 [M]
No, here is also wear and tear. It is ripped in the seams.
00.10.17 [E]
And it is in armpit. It is like mine; I also have this damage a lot.
00.10.22 [M]
Maybe I have a very toxic sweat.
00.10.25 [E]
My theory is that it is a combination of humidity from your armpit but also the deodorant which gets into the fabric.
00.10.34 [M]
Yes, I do not know why. But it is right next to the seam. It has ripped.
00.10.37 [E]
But it is not the seam that has split. It is like the fabric. I find it a kind of hard to mend when that happens.
00.10.55 [M]
But I am just, I am also always a little bit unsure what works best because I do not want it to look lumpy.
00.11.11 [E]
So is it more about to make a mend comfortable rather than invisible?
00.11.16 [M]
You might also use it for, you know… And I was reading the book ‘Mending matters’, whatever it is called, the Japanese techniques. Sashiko. So, you know, you could make some kind of decoration. I am not going to make a decoration on this one. But I am going to reinforce it in the armpit. But mending does not have to be invisible.
00.11.45 [E]
Because I often go for an invisible mend but it is also because I wear mostly black, so it is pretty easy to make invisible mends.
00.11.53 [M]
Yes, this one [dress] can be pretty invisible, and it is under the arms, so…
00.11.58 [M]
But this one it is like square, and it is under the chest, so would you do that decorative?
4
00.12.09 [M]
No, I would not. Also, because I mended this a lot of times, because I get these little holes. And I am so curious what is it really.
00.12.18 [E]
So, what do you do? Do you pick up the stitches and close them?
00.12.21 [M]
Yes, that what I would do in a knitted garment.
00.12.28 [E]
But it is the good thing about knit, that you can gather it.
00.12.33 [M]
Exactly. Now, this one is striped, so it is a bit different but if it is all one colour, I can try to make a decoration.
00.12.47 [M]
Now I started to mend this one (blue sweater) with the linen yarn, because linen is pretty durable. I am not sure that it is going to work but I started to do this.
00.12.57 [E]
Ooooh, but this is very much sashiko. And is this the elbow then?
00.13.05 [M]
Yes, this is the elbow.
00.13.08 [E]
It looks nice.
00.13.10 [M]
Do you think so?
00.13.11 [E]
Yes, I think that it looks very cool.
00.13.13 [M]
Maybe I should do it on the other elbow as well.
00.13.18 [E]
It reminds me the patchwork technique we saw yesterday. The Korean one. Like, because it has this grid system.
00.13.26 [M]
Botabi? Bogagi? Whatever it is called. [bojagi]
00.13.34 [E]
Wear and tear also here, and I guess that it is wear and tear also here.
00.13.38 [M]
It is, definitely. And then also my jeans downstairs. And then this little summer hat.
448 449
5
00.13.41 [E]
Oh no.
00.13.43 [M]
This is also wear and tear thing.
00.13.45 [E]
But how long does this have been in action for?
00.13.50 [M]
I bought it for your brother when he was around 6 or 7. And he is now almost 30.
00.13.58 [E]
It has been through some summers.
00.13.59 [M]
It has. The sun tenderized the fabric but it has been worn so much and maybe the sweat from the head maybe.
00.14.16 [E]
Would you mend this then?
00.14.17 [M]
I will.
00.14.18 [E]
How do you do it, do you think?
00.14.20 [M]
A very visible mending. Like a patch, and then make it decorative.
00.14.29 [E]
So would you do the separate patch and put it on or would you do like you weave the patch?
00.14.36 [M]
I am not sure yet. You know, mending it is not something that I can do easily. It will stay here for quite a while. This also needs to be mended [shirt], and I love it.
00.14.50 [E]
So, is it your projects drawer? The stuff that needs to be mended.
00.14.59 [M]
Yes, and it is also armpit, and it is also fabric rip right next to the seam. Because the seam is quite strong, it thins out, and it is also and there is some strap under the arm. It is part of the body that you move a lot. So, it is also worn and torn [puts the shirt into the heap]. Usually, I do not throw out my things, except for socks. I do not buy a lot of clothes. All the clothes I have collected it has been over 40 years.
6
00.15.39 [E]
Do you have like stain stuff?
00.15.42 [M]
I do, it is usually oil. Like this one [dress]. I did not wash it yet.
00.15.59 [E]
Will you try to stain remove?
00.16.00 [M]
Yes, I will. Usually I get out my oil stains. You know, this is from cooking.
00.16.14 [E]
If I did not wear so dark, I would have a lot of stains. All my clothes are dark.
00.16.24 [M]
When I was in India the last time, it was New Year’s eve, and I was wearing my white silk shirt because it was New Year’s eve and it was a bit festive, and I got a terrific stain when I had a fest bite. A classic. But I think that I got it out. I used some tape to lift the powder off, and I did not see it. It was right in the front. Maybe you will see it a little bit there.
450
00.17.18 [E]
Can you point it because I do not see it.
00.17.20 [M]
Maybe it is just the lighting; I am not sure, let’s go to the window.
00.17.22 [E]
I cannot see it, so it is quite impressive.
00.17.32 [M]
And this is silk, so you cannot use all of the [stain removal] treatments.
00.17.36 [E]
No, you have to be gentle. But you are not a clumsy person, I think. I feel like I spill daily.
00.17.52 [M]
I do not. I spill, like, when I wear, you know [pointing to the white shirt]. But then I have darker colours.
00.18.03 [E]
I mean, your wardrobe also uses a lot of dark, like navy blues. Is there a reason why you specifcally use those colours?
00.18.13 [M]
Because my hair is grey, almost white, so every time I choose the clothes, I think: what colour is it? What shade is it? Because sometimes my hair just blends into it too much.
00.18.30 [E]
Oh you have new hair cut?
7
451
00.18.31 [M]
Yes, I did.
00.18.32 [E]
Me too.
00.18.38 [M]
This is [white shirt] not snow-white, but I think that it is ok, especially in the summertime because I have a little tan. And it kind of blends with my hair, but I think that it is ok.
00.18.51 [E]
Not at all, because I think that it is because it has a bit of creamy white.
00.18.57 [M]
Yes. And also this one, which is actually kind of strange colour [warm grey]. It is very open on the front, so I always wear a top underneath it. So, I would wear, not a black because it would be too harsh because this. But this is beige.
00.19.27 [E]
I think that the ones are kind of difficult are the pinks. Like powder pink, which Tea wears a lot.
00.19.38 [M]
Oh, yes, but she has completely different skin tone. This one I think that I can wear with my hair but it also has this black decoration. And it breaks up the colour.
00.19.51 [E]
So more greys and less pink.
00.19.54 [M]
Yes. But it is also not mending.
00.19.58 [E]
No, this is de-tour. So, you have mostly wear and tear damages.
00.20.07 [M]
Yes, and this one, you know, I wear it for around 5 years, and I had a hard time to actually mend it. I do not throw it away because I love this dress. It is a perfect summer dress.
00.20.20 [E]
So, this is your motivation for mending it because you would like to wear it longer.
00.20.24 [M]
Yes, that is the only reason. Because this, at this time it was not expensive. It was not cheap but it was not expensive. It was not that fancy as it is now. So it is not because it is a precious item but it is a precious item in use.
00.20.43 [E]
Yes. And then you have alterations, because I know that you make alterations which can make it fit nicer. I do that a lot also.
00.20.54 [M]
Oh, yes. Good point. This one. I did these little pleats in the front and on the back.
8
00.21.24 [E]
So, more flattering or more functional?
00.21.26 [M]
Both. So, it functions as a dress but it was pretty wide up here, too big. So, when I did the pleats and you can see it here. I am not actually sure if they are called pleats.
00.21.50 [E]
They are called darts.
00.21.51 [M]
So, a classical dart. Because otherwise I would need to rip everything and I did not want to do it.
00.22.04 [E]
So, was it something you did right after you bought the garment?
00.22.08 [M]
Yes.
00.22.12 [E]
So, you tried it in the store and you were like: I can make this work.
00.22.15 [M]
Yes. Exactly. And I did it with another dress as well. Here I did not make them all the way down.
00.22.48 [E]
So, where do you find mostly, where you have to make alterations?
452
00.22.52 [M]
Tops and dresses. Around the neckline, because I am very short and I have a bust. So, sometimes I have to make them fit on my bust and then it is too big on the shoulders. Usually, I buy things that have a kimono sleeve or a raglan sleeve because I can make them fit better.
453
00.23.26 [E]
I know that you buy mostly more expensive closing items with the motivation for keeping them for a long time. You do not thrift.
00.23.37 [M]
No, I am not very good in it. I would if it was something very special, like the velvet kilt I gave you, it thrifted from shopping in New York.
00.23.54 [E]
But it is now how you buy your clothing?
00.23.56 [M]
No.
00.23.57 [E]
I know that you buy mostly expensive clothes, but I also know that you buy like basics, like high street brands, like tank tops and stuff like that.
00.24.07 [M]
Tank tops I usually buy from brand that are cheaper but not cheap.
00.24.17 [E]
So, these cheaper items, would you choose to buy new instead of mending?
00.24.24 [M]
I use them till they are absolutely rags and then I use them for polishing my windows.
00.24.31 [E]
And then you turn them for making rugs.
9
00.24.33 [M]
Yes, I do, I turn them into rugs.
00.24.36 [E]
But you do not spend time mending them.
00.24.40 [M]
It is not worth it.
00.24.41 [E]
So, if they have tears, you do not mind because they are like layers underneath, not visible?
00.24.49 [M]
Usually my tank tops are only visible in the front area. And it is usually under the armpit or open seams. I do not think that it is nice to wear broken clothes but I do it sometimes.
00.24.51 [M]
I think that everybody does. I do. Can you show me some of the tools which you use when you do mend?
00.25.19 [M]
Sewing machines obviously. Yes, I have three sewing machines. Which is a little bit over the top. This is only a straight stitch machine, and I use it for clothing.
00.25.34 [E]
So, you do not use it for mending?
00.25.35 [M]
No, I actually use this one. It is over 35 years old. It is a very good machine, and it has… It means that it will transport the fabric from the feed dots. So, it is very good for mending.
00.26.25 [E]
You do not hand mend?
00.26.26 [M]
I do. Knit, I would always hand mend. And then literally I have needles and threads. I bought this yarn, this is linen. Since I told you, it is pretty durable. And then I would just use needle and thread because I do not… Sometimes, I would use this one [magnifying glass].
00.27.16 [E]
It is a very good point. I mean I would need it as well at some point. I am not there yet but.
00.27.18 [M]
Especially when I do embroidery, or when the stitches are very-very small. Then I would use it.
00.27.53 [E]
Do you do applique on your clothes ever? Like embroidery or needle work?
00.28.01 [M]
I did it on your jeans when you were little. I did it when I was young. But not anymore. Do you know what? I also had always to mend your clothes and I have never mended your brother’s clothes. Is it not interesting? Except from the summer hat.
10
00.28.27 [E]
I do not know; he was also a tumble child.
00.28.30 [M]
He was but has never had holes on his knees or something. And then I have these, classical elbow leather patches. That I took out from something. I think actually that these are thrifted. And obviously, rulers, cutting boards, and usually I use this to have a more precise cut. All these items I have collected because it was my hobby, and then I also use them for mending.
00.29.24 [E]
You don not have dedicated mending tools.
00.29.28 [M]
No. All kind of pins. Pins are very important. And I have several different kinds of pins. Depending on what I am doing.
454 00.30.17 [M]
This is my little toolbox, and I have this box. This used to be tabaco box. My dad smoked tabaco when I was a baby, and this box is that old. And then I inherited a lot, whenever one old lady died in my family or in my husband’s family, I would always get their sewing kits. I love sewing accessories, and then I would sew bags and stuff like this which would fit my needs. And then I have all these small boxes, which I find comfortable.
[sent after WI]
11
455
B4. Mending datasheets
WI | Gerda Marie | 14.03.2021 | Kolding Name
Gerda Marie
Age
29
Nationality (lives in)
Danish & German (lives in Kolding)
Professional background
ID & Sustainability
Occupation
ID designer
Reasons of engagement with mending
Second-hand shopping
Profile description Half Danish and half German. She grew up in Northern Germany but spent all the summers in the family-owned cottage close to Aalborg during her childhood. She lives in a collective in Kolding with three flatmates. Gerda has an industrial design background, and after completing her master’s studies in Denmark, she works as a product designer with a small start-up in Copenhagen. She loves sewing, knitting, and has been buying second-hand clothes all her life. That is how she started to mend and re-design her clothes.
456 457 Climbing Trousers (G1) Brand
Nihil
Age of the garment
4 years
Duration of possession
4 years
Provenience and purchase
Professional climbing shop / present
Frequency of use
Very often (for climbing)
Reason why you like it
Fit / Comfort
Structure
Woven
Composition (fibre)
97% cotton, 3% elastan
Position of the damage
Back seam
Nature of the damage
Open seam and wear and tear
Solution
Patch
Quote: Climbing trousers need a fabric that is more abrasion-resistant. So, at the beginning, there were like small parts, where the seams were open, and then I started to attach the fabric on top, but then it really quickly broke. I found this fabric to attach but then it started to open again, so I have decided to put an even bigger piece here. And then, when I had the first patch, then I put two parts that actually fit even better to the pattern. So it can really go in here. It has more movement. I think that for this reason it was broken before because it did not have flexibility.
Climbing Trousers (G2) Brand
Nihil
Age of the garment
4 years
Duration of possession
4 years
Provenience and purchase
Professional climbing store
Frequency of use
Very often (for climbing)
Reason why you like it
Fit / Comfort
Structure
Woven
Composition (fibre)
97% cotton, 3% elastan
Position of the damage
Knee
Nature of the damage
Tear
Solution
Patch on both knees, so it looks symethric
Quote: And now the next thing that is broke is this part, and I am not sure yet how I want to fix it, because I do not have enough fabric. Because I like it here when it looks like a part of the trousers. So, people usually even do not notice that I have repaired it myself. It is just. But for this part I do not feel comfortable if it is like patch, because I think that it reminds me of trousers I had as a kid, where there were always these super ugly patches underneath, you know [laughs].
458 459 Climbing Trousers (G3) Brand
Me’rn
Age of the garment
8 year
Duration of possession
8 years
Provenience and purchase
Outdoor store
Frequency of use
Very often
Reason why you like it
Many compliments, light, comfortable.
Structure
Woven
Composition (fibre)
94% Nylon, 65 Elastane
Position of the damage
Leg
Nature of the damage
Hole
Solution
Internal patch & Sashiko
Quote: There was a small hole. I put some more fabric inside to secure it also. But I am not sure it is enough.
Climbing trousers (G4) Brand
Me’rn
Age of the garment
8 years
Duration of possession
8 years
Provenience and purchase
Outdoor store
Frequency of use
Very often
Reason why you like it
Many compliments, light, comfortable, durable
Structure
Woven
Composition (fibre)
94% Nylon, 6% Elastan
Position of the damage
Waistline
Nature of the damage
Fit
Solution
Blanket stitch
Quote: These, for example, I have had them for 8 years, and they are losing a lot of colour but they are super good. I think this was the colour they had before. I am really surprised that it is not breaking. But I had to do them a bit thinner, it was getting a bit wide. I did it wrong because I cut it off but now I think that I would not cut it off anymore because I can always open it. These are the things that you learn through the process.
460 461 Bra (G5) Brand
Samsøe & Samsøe
Age of the garment
3 years
Duration of possession
3 years
Provenience and purchase
Small store in Bremen
Frequency of use
Very often
Reason why you like it
Colour, Shape
Structure
?
Composition (fibre)
? Probably synthetic
Position of the damage
Breastline
Nature of the damage
Fit
Solution
Additional element / altering
Quote: And since I started climbing actually, I have got more mussels on the back, so, for example, all the bras are not fitting me anymore. You know, you can have these extra things that you can put in between, if it is like too tight, and so I was using these at the beginning. I think that it is, in general, a problem for women who climb, because it is often than that women have a very wide back but of course the breast do not grow with the back and all these wide bras they do not have small cups.
Top / Bra (G6) Brand
?
Age of the garment
> 6 years
Duration of possession
6 years
Provenience and purchase
Second-hand shop
Frequency of use
Depends
Reason why you like it
Practical but it is not favourite
Structure
Knitted
Composition (fibre)
Knitted
Position of the damage
Breastline
Nature of the damage
Fit
Solution
Patch /Altering
Quote: First the bra was too big, so, I tightened it in the sides. Then after climbing some more years and gaining more mussels, the bra did not fit anymore, so, I opened the seams and had to attach some xtra fabric / elastic band. I should not have cut it in the beginning, then it would ve been easier to make the bra bigger again.
462 463 Swimsuit (G7) Brand
?
Age of the garment
From the ‘80s
Duration of possession
4 years
Provenience and purchase
Second-hand store
Frequency of use
Often
Reason why you like it
Style
Structure
Knitted
Composition (fibre)
? something synthetic
Position of the damage
Breast
Nature of the damage
Shape
Solution
Altering
Quote: And this one is the swimsuit, which I found in the second-hand shop. I love it but it is such an old shape, and this part looked really weird, it was like, the boobs were sticking out, [like Madonna style], exactly. So, it was super weird, so I just did them more round. I love it. It is a mixture of swimsuit and hipsters underwear. I am so glad I found this one.
Top (G8) Brand
Monki
Age of the garment
> 4 years
Duration of possession
4 years
Provenience and purchase
Second-hand shop
Frequency of use
Often
Reason why you like it
It is airy but I preffered the old colour
Structure
Knitted
Composition (fibre)
100% cotton
Position of the damage
Front
Nature of the damage
Stain
Solution
Dying
Quote: And this one I did not like the colour before, and this, you can see here are these spots, I guess because the colouring did not go everywhere in the washing machine, like the same amount or something. I mean, I like the colour of the shirt but it did not. This one was really white and turquoise stripes, and you do not see them anymore. But the threads are still white because they are made from polyester, and the garment was cotton. And I do not know what to do with it now.
464 465 Top (G9) Brand
Mango
Age of the garment
16 years
Duration of possession
16 years
Provenience and purchase
Present / Bought new
Frequency of use
Very often (in the past)
Reason why you like it
Back then: fancy style (pattern + colours)
Structure
Knitted
Composition (fibre)
? cotton
Position of the damage
Front
Nature of the damage
Hole
Solution
Not yet
Quote: This one was an old top that I have got from a friend, and I was super happy about it but it had these payettes all over, and I felt like I was too old for this, so I wanted to take them off, which was a super long process, and then at the end it still has all these holes, and I feel like I am so sad. I am regretting that I took them off but on the other hand, I did not wear them anymore because of them.
Top (G10) Brand
Mango
Age of the garment
16 years
Duration of possession
16 years
Provenience and purchase
Present / Bought new
Frequency of use
Very often (in the past)
Reason why you like it
See (G9)
Structure
Knitted
Composition (fibre)
? Cotton
Position of the damage
Shoulder
Nature of the damage
Fit
Solution
Blanket stitch / Altering
Quote: And I have been wearing this one so much. I have got it when I was 15 or 16, so it is like 15 years old. It was a present. I was in the shop and at that time for me, it was too expensive, and my friends saw that I really wanted it and they gave it to me as a birthday present. When I have got it, I was wearing it so much because I was comfortable with it, and now it is more because of these memories. I do not wear it that often because it is too colourful and it looks like a teenage thing but I cannot get rid of this.
466 467 Dress (G11) Brand
Marie Lund Copenhagen
Age of the garment
> 6 years
Duration of possession
6 years
Provenience and purchase
Second-hand store
Frequency of use
Only for special occasions
Reason why you like it
I like the colour beige / light rosè
Structure
Knitted back, woven front
Composition (fibre)
cotton back(?) / viskose front (?)
Position of the damage
Sides
Nature of the damage
Fit
Solution
Blanket stitch
Quote:
Skirt (G12) Brand
Self made
Age of the garment
> 3 years
Duration of possession
3 years
Provenience and purchase
Found on the street
Frequency of use
Not so often
Reason why you like it
Fun colours, long skirt shape
Structure
Woven
Composition (fibre)
?
Position of the damage
Waistline
Nature of the damage
Fit
Solution
Altering
Quote: In Bremen, in my home town in Germany, there is a tradition, that if they do not want to have their stuff any more they just put it outside on the streets, so others can take it. And there was this skirt. And the person sewed it herself and she sew it in a super rough way and I think that the person wanted to have this side outside because down here it was wrapped another way around. But when I found it was inside out and I preferred this side much more. And it was also way too big and too long and I made it shorter and took something out from the side.
468 469 Skirt (G13) Brand
Gaia Alha
Age of the garment
3 years
Duration of possession
3 years
Provenience and purchase
Bought new
Frequency of use
Only in summer
Reason why you like it
Material
Structure
Woven
Composition (fibre)
100% Viscose
Position of the damage
Seam
Nature of the damage
Open seam
Solution
Blanket stitch & Running stitch
Quote: I bought it new and it was way too long, so I made it shorter, I did it with the sewing machine afterwards. I was on the holiday and I did not have any tools, so I just cut it with some nail scissors and kept it open, so it was really, like super rough and ugly but I also kind of liked it, that it was kind of flattering. It is nice to the skin, and I bought it in Spain when it was so hot and I did not have any. I was not prepared for that hot weather, it was good to have this one. It starts to open again, and this one looks like it was down there because the thread was opening.
Trousers (G14) Brand
Armed Angels
Age of the garment
5 years
Duration of possession
5 years
Provenience and purchase
Bought new in a fair trade shop
Frequency of use
Very seldom
Reason why you like it
Design, looks classy
Structure
Woven
Composition (fibre)
100% Lyocell
Position of the damage
Waistline
Nature of the damage
Fit
Solution
Altering
Quote: This one was a new pair of trousers that I bought and the problem again was that it was too wide here. So many people do not realise that I actually attached it. It was a very hard decision for me to sew on it because it was from the fair trade shop. So it was, like super expensive and I have bought it for work, because there we had to look neater, so it was a hard decision for me to attach these, and I also made it in a way that I can take it off then.
470 471 Jumper (G15) Brand
Blus Bas
Age of the garment
2 years
Duration of possession
2 years (gift from Grand mother)
Provenience and purchase
Bought new
Frequency of use
More in winter
Reason why you like it
Present from my Grand mother, colour
Structure
Knitted
Composition (fibre)
100% wool
Position of the damage
Everywhere
Nature of the damage
Holes
Solution
Do not know yet
Quote: These are things I did not repair yet, but I want to repair them. Oh, this one is wool. I hope these are not moths, and also the way this hole is open. I have to put it in the freezer to be sure.
C. Design artifacts
C1. Mending probes
Mending probes
Developed upon
Introduced at 3rd stage
Workshop 1 & 2 _ activities no 2-5
the data gathered during the wardrobe interviews of the 1st stage.
Artifact aim
Mending probes were designed according to the overall aim of the stage: to explore the group’s mending experiences and understand which competences are utilised when mending practices are enacted.
Design considerations
The probes contained a series of artifacts: a garment description guide, a mending toolkit, and mending data sheets, which were associated with the workshop’s activities.
Aesthetic means & details
Explained in each design artifact description.
Link to the artifact(s): damages map and mending spectrum.
C2. Garment guide
Garment guide
Introduced at 3rd stage
Workshop 1 & 2 _ activity no 2
About your garment Brand How old is this garment? How long do you own it? Photo
Where was it produced? Where did you get it from? How often do you wear it? Why do you like it? How do you feel when you wear it? What is the composition (fibre)? Where is the damage? Nature of the damage? What caused the damage? Why do you want to mend it?
474 Developed upon
the data gathered during the wardrobe interviews of the 1st stage.
Purpose & aim
It had the purpose of guiding participants through the second activity of the workshop, which aimed to break the ice, to get to know each other better as humans and as menders and to define the values we had in common.
Design considerations
The guide, containing the same questions as the wardrobe interview guide, served to create the continuity between the stages and had a practical scope to suggest to participants which aspects of garment description were relevant for our mending exploration.
Aesthetic means & details
The graphical representation of the photo frames on the sheet was meant to remind me to take pictures of the participants’ clothing items.
Link to the artifact(s): mending data sheets.
475
C3. Datasheets
Data sheets
Introduced at 3rd stage
Workshop 1 & 2 _ activity no 3
Dress (J3) Brand
H&M
Age of the garment
Unknown
Duration of possession
4 years
Provenience and purchase
From a friend
Frequency of use
Often
Reason why you like it
Lightness
Structure
Woven
Composition (fibre)
100% Cotton
Position of the damage
Front
Nature of the damage
Hole
Solution
Whip stitch
Quote: I think that it has a hole right now actually, somewhere. It is not a nice mending. That’s why I like mending that you posted because I thought that we can mend it nicely. And here we have got like a hole.
Developed upon
the preliminary analysis of each wardrobe interview, which was carried out by combining the interview transcripts with the photographs of registrations of clothes’ form, material, condition, respective mends, and tags. These were synthesised and visualised in physical datasheets structured according to the wardrobe interview guide (Appendix B1).
Purpose & aim
Facilitate the third session on the workshop – mapping the damages.
Design considerations
Each datasheet contained a macro picture of the damage and corresponding mend on the front side. On the back side, it had the most significant participant’s quote describing the clothing item and the table containing technical garment information.
Aesthetic means & details
Each datasheet contained the first letter of the participant’s name followed by a progressive number. These numbers linked the datasheets to the workshop activity - mapping the most common damages. They were meant to be written on the stickers provided within the envelopes and placed on the map.
Link to the artifact(s): garment guide, damages map.
C4. Mending toolkit
Mending toolkit
Introduced at 3rd stage
Workshop 1 & 2 _ activity no 5
476
Developed upon
the analysis of the mending tools, documented in various publications, found in online flea markets, on social media and in participants’ homes. The photographs of these tools were printed and categorised according to typology and function. Then different tools typologies were analysed typologically (by studying the form, function, components and materials). This analysis was complemented by analisis according to the sustainable design cards (Hasling and Ræbild, 2018).
Purpose & aim
On the one hand, the artifact represented a synthesis of analysis of the old times mending tools. On the other hand, it had the practical purpose of aiding the mending-making activities of the project’s 3rd and 5th stages.
Design considerations
It included three 3D printed mending tools with interchangeable components, the selection of polyester threads, cotton yarns, linen fabric scraps, and the selection of the needles, corresponding to the weight of fabrics.
Aesthetic means & details
Different tactile surfaces and bright orange or yellow colours aimed to create an association with the hand tools such as hammers or screwdrivers, usually produced in the combination of orange and grey or yellow and grey. Moreover, the colours had the function of being recognisable within the chaos of the working process.
Link to the artifact(s): mending spectrum.
477
C5. Damages map
Damages map
Introduced at 3rd stage
Workshop 1 & 2 _ activity no 3
Developed upon
the data gathered during the wardrobe interviews of the 1st stage.
Purpose & aim
It aimed to gather all the participants’ mends to provide the group with an overview of the most common damages, to open a dialogue on where and how the damages occur, and to provide a synthesis of all participants’ mending data sheets. Moreover, it aided me in analysing the activity of the workshop by visualising it graphically.
Design considerations
The map included illustrations of different clothing items found in participants’ wardrobes. During the workshop, participants transferred the information contained within the mending data sheets to the map by writing the numbers of each data sheet on the stickers and placing them on the map’s illustrated clothing items in the exact location of the damage.
Aesthetic means & details
On the one hand, the mapping resulted in a simple visual representation of the most common damages found during the wardrobe studies. On the other hand, it contained rich information since every sticker linked to the details of each data sheet.
Link to the artifact(s): mending data sheets, mending spectrum.
C6. Mending spectrum
Mending spectrum
Introduced at 3rd stage
Workshop 1 & 2 _ activity no 4
478 Developed upon
the data gathered during the wardrobe interviews of the 1st and 2nd stages, mending books and tools analysis. The spectrum was drawn upon the reknit spectrum developed by Amy Twigger Holroyd (2013), who has showcased a range of possibilities to rework open-knitted garments.
Purpose & aim
This design artifact had the purpose of facilitating the fourth activity of the workshop, where from the previous activity of mapping the damages, the group moved into a discussion on how these damages can be treated, and with what techniques and tools.
Design considerations
The mending spectrum I developed illustrated the typologies of the damages corresponding to the range of mending techniques and their short description (on the left). The space in the middle of the spectrum was blank, indicating that the topics related to colour and materials would be explored during the following workshops. Moreover, the spectrum included an overview of different mending tools categorised according to their functions.
Aesthetic means & details
The techniques and tools presented in this overview were found during the wardrobe studies and within mending books (Appendix F2).
Link to the artifact(s): mending data sheets, damages map, mending toolkit.
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C7. Mending samples
Mending samples
Introduced at 3rd stage
Workshop 1 & 2 _ activity no 4
Developed upon
an overview of the mending techniques found in mending books, both those published in recent years and the encyclopedias published during the Soviet time (Appendix C2).
Purpose & aim
The mending samples I developed, firstly, aimed to enable the understanding of the terminology used in the spectrum. Secondly, they aimed to illustrate different ways of engaging with mending practice, which emerged during the wardrobe studies.
Design considerations
The samples represented different ways of engaging with mending practice, including seamless, discreete, and expressive mending approaches.
Aesthetic means & details
The samples representing different mending approaches were developed on fabrics of three different colours. To give a visual continuity of all design artifacts, both colours of the fabric of the samples and the additional material of the mends utilised the colour palette I designed for the overall research project.
Link to the artifact(s): mending spectrum.
C8. Miró board
Miró board
Introduced at 4th stage
Workshop 3 _ activity no 5
480 Developed upon
the preliminary analysis of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd stages.
Purpose & aim
The artifact aimed to facilitate participants’ activities in the 4th stage, exploring how the damages and mending treatments are assessed and how the choice of colour affects the expressive dimension of mending.
Design considerations
The board included templates for each participant’s mending project and was designed to allow the group to reflect upon our choices when assessing the mend.
Aesthetic means & details
Each template was subdivided into four main parts: Mending assessment, which consisted of a series of questions aiming to direct participants to reflect upon their understanding of the damage, the garment’s material, and the choice of mending technique; Choosing the colour. In this part of the board, participants found the summary of the workshop’s presentation and were invited to select the colours for their mending projects with the aid of the three tools for creating colour combinations; Creating an inspiration board, which comprised a visual presentation, consisting of colours, images, text, and samples of objects in a composition. It aimed to convey a general idea or feeling about participants’ mending projects; Choosing materials, where participants were invited to think about what materials they would use for their mending projects (both discreete and expressive) by considering the results of the mending assessment and choices of colour.
Link to the artifact(s): individual booklets, material kits, materials selection.
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C9. Individual booklets
Individual booklets
Introduced at 5th stage
Mending retreat _ activity no 1
Developed upon
the preliminary analysis of each Miro board template was carried out by combining the workshop transcripts with the participants’ processes registered on the Miró board. These were synthesised and visualised in physical booklets structured according to the Miró board template.
Purpose & aim
These airtifacts aimed to summarise participants’ individual mending paths undertaken so far and to open a discussion on how each step of the mending assessment contributed to the development of mending projects.
Design considerations
The booklets (Appendix F1) illustrated the essential steps of the participants mending paths: pre-repair (preparing the garment for the mend); mending assessment (including analysis of the garment, analysis of the damage, and examination of surrounding area); and the activities of gathering inspiration, choosing the colours, choosing materials and choosing mending devices.
Aesthetic means & details
The last pages of the booklets were meant to depict participants’ finished mending projects and were left blank, encouraging participants to pursue their mending explorations. The booklets were compleated after the 5th stage and resulted in an array of mending approaches, which are illustrated and discussed in chapter 5.
Link to the artifact(s): miro board, material kits, materials selection.
C10. Material kits
Material kits
Introduced at 5th stage
Mending retreat _ activities: all
482 Developed upon
the data gathered on Miró board (in the part of the participants’ project templates entitled ‘choosing materials’, where participants were invited to think about what materials they would use for their mending projects).
Purpose & aim
Material kits had the practical purpose of providing necessary materials for mending-making activities.
Design considerations
The kits included the booklets summarising the colour approaches discussed during the 4th stage of the project and printed pallets of Armocromia colour theory; the cardboard and paper adhesive tape for making proportion and mending samples; and the selection of threads, yarns, and fabric scraps, corresponding to the materials selected by each participant.
Aesthetic means & details
Each kit included extra textile scraps matching the main colour of the garment. They were meant to be utilised for making mending samples.
Link to the artifact(s): individual booklets, miro board, materials selection.
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C11. Materials selection
Materials selection
Introduced at 5th stage
Mending retreat _ activities: all
Developed upon
an overview of all materials selected by participants.
Purpose & aim
The purpose of materials selection had the practical purpose of providing extra materials for mending-making activities. Moreover, by providing this selection, I wanted to explore whether participants would stick to the materials they selected during the activities on the Miró board or whether the variety of additional materials would inspire participants to undertake different mending paths.
Design considerations
Materials selection included threads, yarns, and fabric scraps (both synthetic and natural); additional tools such as needles, scissors, seam reapers, pins, and magnifying glass; paper for making the sketches and pens; colourful cardboard for mock-ups, extra cardboard for mending and proportion samples.
Aesthetic means & details
Most of the provided threads, yarns and fabric scraps were purchased in second-hand shops in Denmark. They came both under the material form of the fabric scraps and under the form of full garments which were disassembled. In cases where the composition of the material was unknown, the burning test was carried out to determine if the fabric swatch was made of natural or synthetic fibres. This information was provided on each fabric sample.
Link to the artifact(s): material kits, miro board.
D. Workshops 1 & 2 documents
D1. Transcription of workshop 2
Workshop 1 | 'Conviviality of mending' | 29.04.2021 | Kolding, Denmark.
00.00.00
[Welcoming arriving participants, coffee time, informal conversations]
00.45.54 [I]
[Introducing aims of the project, aims of the session and main activities]
00.51.51 [I]
[Distributing mending probes]
00.52.14 [J]
Did you already come out with the name? 'Conviviality of mending'?
00.52.17 [I]
No, that is the name of the session. The name of the project I think might be mending futures [...]
00.53.27 [J]
Yes, it also about building practices towards the future [...]
00.55.27 [I]
I just made these mending sheets. There are some researchers saying that people mend only high-quality clothes. Our research does not really agree with that. Through our wardrobe interviews, we saw that all of you buy more and more second-hand clothes, and a lot of the clothes you buy are not always super high quality. But that does not mean that we cannot prolong their lifespan. So, for that reason, I wrote the brand here. I would like us to start analysing the garments you brought along today. If you want, we can start doing the presentation of our garments one by one, so we listen to everyone’s story.
00.56.44 [I]
[Starting the round of garments description]
00.59.48 [E]
I can go next. I brought a long shirt, which I love and wear all the time. But, unfortunately, it has a lot of damages in the armpits. I have mended the other side. So that is like one more practical mend I have to do, and then I would really love to see if I can, with embroidery thread just close these gaps. I love these embroidered details.
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01.02.18 [G]
It is already made for mending, actually. It already has all these rich details which can be replicated [...] This is the t-shirt I was talking about from the workshop. One girl, just cut this. We had a workshop with some teenagers, and they were supposed to make bags out of shirts. And one girl just decided to cut it like this, and then she noticed that it was not so nice. She was actually super unhappy with her bag. She just left it behind, left the pieces behind. And I was like: actually, it is quite nice. So this part is from another t-shirt.
01.05.16 [J]
It is such a nice way to reuse old t-shirts. If you have two and do not use them [...]
01.08.36 [E]
So there is a tag on this one, but it is completely worn out, so I do not know which brand it is. How old is it? I would put eight years. I think that I bought it while I was at school. I bought it in the thrift shop, and it was already quite used. Some of these (seams) were like popping up. I was looking for the material tag in it, but there is none. So it also remains a mystery. I wear it all the time, heavy rotation. Why do you like it? I think that I look very cool in it, like elegant. I feel pretty powerful. It is very feminine, but it also has like 'you do not fuck with me' sort of vibe. What is the composition? It is the cotton linen, that is for sure. Quite light.
01.10.32 [I]
And how do you know it?
01.10.37 [E]
It is like texture recognition.
01.10.44 [J]
And when you say cotton linen, you mean that it is a blend of cotton and linen?
01.10.46 [E]
It is a weaving method called linen.
01.10.56 [J]
I thought that linen was a material coming from linen plants.
01.10.58 [E]
But it is a weaving method, and it is one which looks like a grid, where something like this. It is like interwoven.
01.11.16 [G]
So is it knit or is it woven?
01.11.18 [E]
I think it is woven.
01.11.27 [I]
This one is woven. This one is woven as well. But I do not understand what do you mean by linen woven.
01.11.39 [E]
It is like, it is like ahmm, it is like a grid, you can see it.
01.11.56 [J]
It is so funny because we call linen only a material.
01.12.03 [E]
Or maybe I am just translating wrong.
01.12.10 [G]
Because I know that the materials are divided into woven, non-woven and knitted.
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01.12.26 [J]
I think that there used to be a big linen factory if not in Kolding, at least in this region, I think, and one of the living museums shows processes. There is a guide which shows that there was 10 square meters of linen plants to make one full linen shirt.
01.12.45 [E]
I am sorry. I am using the wrong word. You are correct; linen is a material. What I am thinking about is canvas weaving. I just do not know the right word in English.
01.13.00 [I]
It is actually interesting because the vocabulary of mending somehow is so forgotten that people call some techniques in some way, while others attribute to the same techniques different names. There is great confusion in the language of mending techniques, so it is also interesting issue in general.
01.13.30 [J]
I think that it is important to learn what this canvas is and stuff. I feel that the stuff tears so differently. Some of the stuff is like: I can't wear before I mend it because it just keeps growing. While other things it is like: well, it is pretty safe because I can wear it with the hole forever, like jeans.
01.13.53 [E]
It is called… in Danish... but is like canvas woven, you can have it in silk, or cotton, or...
01.14.12 [J]
So, when they just say canvas, they mean... that they do not mean the material.
01.14.28 [J]
That is why they say cotton canvas.. the one you use for painting.
01.14.34 [E]
But it also has no stretchiness. That is also why the seams pop. There is no elasticity. The way it is woven does not allow the stretchy. It has no movement, like that type of waggle but there is no stretch, and that’s why the seams pop.
01.14.56 [I]
This kind of damage [in the armpit] was in every wardrobe. I was watching the documentary about the DIOR's clothes construction. In their early stages, they used human models instead of mannequins. And they used these small pins and studied the shape which could allow movement. So, it is just interesting in connection with this type of damage. Then, of course, if the material is not flexible, it breaks. But somehow, the movement is no longer a priority in garment construction.
01.15.54 [E]
I think that there is also the construction. Because you can see that this one has raglan sleeves like you see that it goes from the armpit towards the neck, instead of having the cap sleeve. So, I think that it allows it to sit more nicely. I think that it gives me more movement.
01.16.24 [J]
I noticed that some sweaters have the seam, like down here, and for a while, I would not wear it because I hated the idea that it is a drop shoulder, but now, I am kind of into this. But, at first, I did not understand it. I thought it was, like measured wrong.
01.17.56 [G]
So, actually, I have the same damage in the armpit, and it is very common for my clothes. The brand is H&M, and I remember that we were talking about only mending high-quality clothes, and then I realised that it is just H&M, and I still want to mend it, and it is also quite old, I think that when I bought it, I was like 16 or 17, so it is at least ten years old. And it has been used so much. So, I just used it a lot when I got it, and both my younger sisters also used it for years, and it survived, and it went back to me again. And it already had some damages before, and it was repaired before, so it is always this part that is breaking. But here, it is also starting to get into the fabric, the damage. So, how old is the garment? It is the same (10 years) because I bought it new at that time. I cannot see where it was produced because the tag is gone. I do not wear it often anymore because I wanted to repair it, and it was just in my box for three years now or something. But back in time, I wore it a lot, so maybe it is becoming this type of garment again.
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Why do I like it? I think that at that time I bought it in the boy's area, and for me, as a teenager, it was really special to buy in the boy's area. I also was a bit smaller, so it was a bit oversized. I found that it was cool, and then there was something like it was my style at that time. And now I would say that it is more like a cosy style. I also like the green colour. How do I feel when I wear it? I guess I have to find it out again. Composition? I think that it is 100% cotton, and it is surprising. But maybe back in time, H&M was a bit better in the composition. The nature of the damage is wear and tear. I want to mend it because, I think that it is also nice that it has a story of being in the family, so I kind of want to bring it back again.
01.21.49 [I]
But I did not see it before.
01.21.52 [G]
No, because it was stored in the box.
01.21.54 [G]
It was stored in the box.
01.21.56 [J]
I also have a bag that was stored, and I am going to find it because it has all the things to mend. Before I moved to Kolding, I was supposed to mend them, and I brought them with me because I thought that eventually I will, but then I did not. It makes me think about phenomenology and object ethnography, but this idea that your goal is to bring it to life. You do not know how it works, but you are going to find it out. It is like a revival. There is a series on a PR radio station which is called: 'everything is alive', and it is a little podcast, like 10 minutes, and in every episode, there are actors that are having probe conversations from the perspective of an object. So, what does it feel like to be a lamp pollen? So they talk about their life, and it is like: 'oh, this guy leaning against me, and he kissed the girl'. So, I just think about your sweater that it was just so much in the box, and now you bring it back again.
01.23.11 [E]
It is also like every family heirloom, or it was just a purchase? Do you know what I mean? Someone purchased it once, and then it passed from person to person, and it became an heirloom like this is already an heirloom. Both of your sisters wore it.
01.23.31 [J]
What makes it great is that it is just H&M. I also have one sister that is two years older and one who is two years younger, and I shared clothes with both of them. So if I won't wear their clothes, then I trust them with my clothes, and it is the hard thing because I am so attached to things.
01.24.46 [E]
I have an older brother, and I would wear all his clothes. I would wear, like, cool cargo shorts with a cute dress over. But my younger sister is so much younger than me, and my style was just not fashionable to her. So, I never had to borrow my clothes to my siblings, but I had all of them. It was so nice, like a luxury position.
01.25.20 [I]
Actually, I would like to see your brother's wardrobe because you said that he has such a style.
01.25.30 [E]
I do not know how to describe it to you, it is like 90s' trash. That is how he looks all the time.
01.25.44 [I]
[On gender issue]
01.28.04 [J]
And also, how do men come into mending? Would it be an idea to have them through the person, like a recruiter, wife or sister or whatever, like, bring them along and then see what they
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do? I just remember that my grandpa has never been in handicrafts, and he could not darn his socks, and when he was in the military, and they we checking if everything was fine with the uniform, he put a shoe polish where the sock broke, so they could not see that there was a hole in his sock. And then my brother, it was very popular in the 90s' to wear very baggy pants. So he would buy the sizes which were too big but then were too long too, so he would use a rubber band around his ankles and then troop over the shoes. So you could not see the rubber bands because they were kind of under the fold. It was called a ballooning short. 01.29.30 [I]
This story reminds me of the tights. In the beginning, the nylon fibre was very resistant, and afterwards, the planned obsolescence was introduced... And I find it very interesting that in all the post-socialist countries, like, I remember that my aunt was using nail polish to stop the holes which were growing. And trying to use them forever, and once they were not using the tights anymore, they were keeping the onions inside. So, yes, it is just incredible how far the West went.
01.31.28 [J]
That would be something that I would like to mend because I have so many tights.
01.31.32 [E]
That is the one thing I cannot mend. I have like wool tights I use in winter.
01.31.35 [J]
And those are indestructible.
01.31.40 [E]
Yes, that is what I mean but nylon tights, if they are gone, they are gone.
01.31.47 [J]
I do not care about fashion very much, so I wear socks under the tights just to keep them longer. Because my feet break them somehow. But also during the second world war, there was a shortage of nylon for uniforms, so women would use special paint in the seams, like painting their legs, so they looked like they were wearing tights.
01.32.22 [E]
My grandpa told me about his sister putting coffee grounds on her legs to colour them and then she took her airliner pencil and did the stripe.
01.32.34 [J]
It reminds me of women in prison because they would also use coffee to get a tent. Well, it is my turn now, but after hearing how much you love clothes, I feel very stupid because I even did not bring mine. It is my son's. Because I have mended most of what I have, and I did not think about stains. But he just asked me today: 'please save them' because he likes them. They are ripped on the knees, and there are grass stains right now, which will wash out. These stains do not wash out, but he does not mind the stains at all. He is 11. The brand is H&M, of course. Where was it produced? I do not want to know. Bangladesh. Where did I get it from? Red Cross.
01.34.35 [I]
What is the difference between the thrift and second - hand shop?
01.34.39 [E]
A second-hand store can also be a vintage store. And thrift store is always, like, donation based.
01.34.45 [J]
I think that it is correct. I would say that second-hand is broader. Because it can be consignment as well because it is where they would say: 'we are going to pay you 10 % in general'. Or you give them the items, and each of them has a unique tag, and when it sells, you get money in your account. Yes, second-hand is pre-owned but thrift shops are the things which people are giving away.
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01.35.20 [E]
And they are also cheap ones too.
01.35.46 [J]
In Denmark, they just call them reused boutiques, which is funny because it does not really give you more information. I realised that I only say used shops now because of living in Denmark. I never say thrift shop because a lot of my Danish friends associate thrift shops, and it felt like too cultural, so I just say used shops.
01.36.50 [E]
I also think that it is cultural. I also call it going thrifting. It is when you go to all of the thrift stores in the area.
01.37.00 [J]
Because where I come from, not San Francisco, where I grew up, you really have to go to every shop to find something. Because 90% is from the 80s’ and it does not fit you. And in Denmark, they just throw out such nice things. I still have a skirt; it is from some fashion brand. I do not know fashion, but Gucci is the one I know about, so it is like Gucci, but it is something else.
01.37.44 [E]
Big brand.
01.37.45 [J]
And my friend, actually, it was my Danish friend, she was visiting me in San Francisco, and it was 2 dollars, and it was very fancy at school. But it is also now I am too fat in my belly to wear it. But I still have it because I feel like it is the fanciest thing I own.
01.38.05 [E]
You can make darts. It can be fun. Like this pair of shorts, I found. I was like: 'I do not fit this. But what I am going to do, I am going to buy them anyway, and then I am going to take off all of the seams, a few mmh'. Now I fit them, but I cannot sit down in it.
01.39.06 [J]
When my mom was growing up, it was in the 70s'. She was always trying to wear us from the 70s' when we were going to school. And we were like: 'noooo'. There were really high-waisted jeans, and she would use the … to pull the zipper up. If you try to do it with the jeans today, it will probably break. So, I cannot answer some of these questions. How often does he wear it? About once a week because he loves them to scouts. Why I like them for him it is the tight ankles because he is a very daydreamy kid, and so I like things that do work of keeping off the weather or whatever because he won't remember to do, so I love these on him. I do not know how he feels when he wears them. The fibre, I would say, is cotton. Yes, it is 98% cotton. And elastane. The damage is on the knees.
01.40.23 [E]
Is it a seem that ripped or is it a fabric?
01.40.25 [J]
It is a tear. And I think the nature of the damage is that he is just too big for them. Because before, they were not worn out very much, and then he just ripped them both in the same week, and it is because he has not been wearing these much because of Corona, and the scouts have been closed because of Corona. So it is the nature of the damage, growing. I mend it because it has been requested. My husband has that box. We talked about it. It is 90% my husband's clothes. And he is like: 'would you just prepare these for me?' And I am like: 'sure', and then he waits for three years. A lot of kids' pants have these reinforcements, but I looked here, and it is just a fashion reinforcement. But I thought, I could reinforce them, I can patch them.
01.42.07 [E]
Speaking about that, I was decorating baby clothing. His name is Anton. But on the inside [shows reinforcement]. Is it not nice?
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01.42.37 [J]
That what we usually would use to patch on the outside.
01.42.38 [E]
Yeh, I was so fascinated by that.
01.42.53 [J]
When we did an interview, we talked about kids' clothes, and they are so much more practical. They think about wear and tear, they think about design for lasting, like my son has a jacket, and it was sewn with the elastics like this, so my son gets older, he can adjust it. And they also have one of those bands which he can adjust [...]
01.53.23 [I]
Another thing that I have been doing after all the wardrobe interviews is doing these data sheets. I did not do these mending data sheets for myself yet. I have to do it as well with my clothes, but for now, I will improvise. So, I did all the pictures which we did during the sessions. Some information about some garments is quite exhaustive, and some information is still missing. And I would ask you to complete these cards, but also, if you do not know the answer to some of the questions, it is absolutely ok. What I would like to do now, and these cards can help us, is to map the damages. So, here you can see that I put some small numbers, and then you have your own colours with these small stickers, and we can map them all together just to have an overview of the most common damages. And then this number will lead to your card, which explains the damage in detail.
01.55.55 [J]
I did not see it (the map of the damages) when I came into the room.
01.55.58 [E]
Because it is in pallete with the room.
01.56.03 [J]
It is so clever, I love it. It is fun.
01.56.04 [I]
You can also draw or write on the map, write and add whatever you want.
01.56.15 [I]
Let's also bring my clothes now. For the stains, I have these. I have one of them here, and I do not know how it happened, and also, it continues here, so it is like a continuation of the stain. I have to clean it from the bubbling, but I just like the fit. I think that it is like XXL or something like that, and it is quite long but not too long. I love it in winter, but this stain is just disturbing me.
01.59.17 [J]
I am just looking at the care put in all these cards. I am just in love with the whole project. It is so great.
01.59.23 [G]
It is a lot of work.
01.59.38 [I]
And here I was removing the tag and I cut also the shirt.
01.59.40 [J]
Is there anybody else have shoes that they are mending? I feel like I have just covered the entire thing with stickers.
01.59.58 [G]
Do you also have a bra? [on the map]
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02.00.00 [I]
No, but you can draw it.
02.00.03 [G]
I should draw it?
02.00.10 [I]
We can just draw something like that [Iryna drawing the bra]. And then you have the closure here, right? Well, it looks almost like a bra, my drawing [laughs].
02.00.30 [J]
Oh my God [taking the card of the pants], these are the pants before they fully ripped.
02.00.55 [I]
And then I have these pants, but it is more altering. They had such a big belt band here, so I decided to remove it, and I did these nice stitches here, but then suddenly, it became too loose. And I cannot wear it anymore.
02.02.20 [J]
When I came to Denmark, all my pants were just with the tears across, and I had never thought about whether it was proper or not. And my friend thought that I liked that style. And she was taking pictures in Red Cross, like: 'would you like to have these?' And I was like: 'Noooo, I am not into it.' So I think that it is cute, but I just do not like it.
02.02.20 [J]
When I came to Denmark, all my pants were just with the tears across, and I had never thought about whether it was proper or not. And my friend thought that I liked that style. And she was taking pictures in Red Cross, like: 'would you like to have these?' And I was like: 'Noooo, I am not into it.' So I think that it is cute, but I just do not like it.
02.02.47 [E]
It is very funny. It is like a style statement.
02.02.50 [J]
Yes, I really like my pants to be hole, I just keep them ripping.
02.03.02 [I]
I also have these white jeans with the stain on the butt. I think that I sat on something and now I cannot remove it.
02.03.04 [J]
I also have the dress with the butt stain from whatever, chips and I do not know what to do.
02.03.18 [I]
I do not know either, I think that these I will mend tone on tone. To put here something colourful might be wierd.
02.03.32 [I]
[Mapping activity]
02.12.10 [I]
Jessica, I wanted to show you my attempt to mend these [socks]
02.12.12 [J]
Oh this is tough because it is very thick [referring to the shoe]
02.12.16 [I]
No, I mean the socks. I really like the blend of this material, and I wanted to do like matching [to the shoe], black and this [pink], but then I looked at my clothes and all the things I have, and they always have these clear geometric shapes. So with this one, I did not succeed, but I have a lot of these socks, and they always have the same issues. So I was thinking of doing it black and then only with one line, like one of the shoes.
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02.13.00 [J]
It could also be a nice idea, to test which parts touch the ground and where it wears out faster.
02.18.07 [E]
I have a shoe issue, but I never mend my shoes myself. Like, how my shoes break, it is never in the material. It is a sole which becomes unglued.
02.18.10 [J]
I have shoe glue, which gives you cancer, it is like very toxic, and it is what we used to glue the soles back on.
02.18.15 [E]
I am used to take them to the shoe shops, even though it is expensive.
02.18.20
[About shoe repair]
02.24.16 [J]
I wear broken or mended things, and I do not care, but if there are things which are too fancy or like giving a certain image or message that I do not want.
02.24.32 [E]
I feel like this very much as well. I had to downsize my wardrobe a lot. I do not want to have things which I could not potentially wear every day. You know what I mean? I think that it is such a shame to have a lovely dress which you wear once every five years.
02.25.05 [J]
For me, it is not that the dress is too fancy for wearing it every day. It is more...
02.25.12 [G]
Maybe too posh.
02.25.14
[Discussion on discreete appearance]
02.30.10 [I]
Basically, I somehow categorised what we have there, one by one, and then you can start to see what are the common damages. What we have, often clothes, need to be reinforced. They have holes, tears, frays, and open seams. And then we have stains, and all the techniques here can be used for embellishment.
02.31.02
[Discussion around mending spectrum and basic mending techniques ]
02.32.12 [I]
Just yesterday, I was listening to the panel discussion on mending, and a lot of people just want to mend clothes which are not even broken. It is kind of cool to have mended clothes now.
02.32.51 [I]
So, for reinforcement of woven, I choose this technique which is pattern darning. And for the knitted garments, here is this technique which follows the loops of the knitted structure. It is called swiss darn. Then it can also be a machine darning. And for the holes, there is needle weaving, which is basically can be done in a simple way or if you are using the pattern, from here you can really open up the whole universe of combinations… [Explaining all the techniques one by one].
02.36.51 [J]
This reminds me about how doctors are making, you know, prepare the scars [...]
02.39.10 [E]
What is stitching on the skin if not mending people?
02.39.18 [J]
I was talking with my husband about it because he studied medicine. I am like: 'you could mend clothes', and he: 'it is a completely different technique'.
02.40.26 [I]
It is interesting why some of them have almost a psychological resistance to mending.
02.40.36 [E]
It is feminine, for now.
9
02.40.54 [I]
Well, there are also those who want to engage with mending. But some still see it as a highly feminine practice, and how can we overcome this barrier?
02.41.04 [E]
That’s why there are these books like knitting for men. But why knitting for men would be different than just knitting? It is like trying to engage with men.
02.41.16 [J]
It can be something more. Because my husband cooks and he cleans, I do not do any housework. So he does all that stuff, and I do all the repairs. It is sort of where we flip-flop. He does not do any repairs; he even does not do a bike repair. But he could do it. So, I do not think he has a feminine resistance to it but has zero interest. It does not intrigue him at all.
02.41.40 [G]
I think that it is also that we, as women, have to get them engaged. Because maybe sometimes they feel like. I am sewing a lot, but then I noticed that maybe they wanted to learn. Now actually, I taught three guys how to sew. But at the beginning, it was almost like: 'oh no, I will never do it as well as you do it'. And I was like: 'it is not what it is about'. And maybe because it is that they want to do it perfectly and really well, but then they see that many women, apparently, can do it, and maybe it is also scary, I do not know.
02.42.25 [I]
Yes, this thing about perfection; I was listening about one social project with elderly people involved in it. And they had to embroider. And they were super resistant because they were taught to do it in a perfect way, and they were saying: 'we are old now, and we do not have the same flexibility in our fingers'. And it took a lot of time to convince them, and the results were incredibly beautiful. But there was this resistance, and probably here is also this resistance from the males.
02.43.15 [E]
Well, I was taught, back in the days, that the back side of embroidery should just be as neat as the front side. And if you have to embroider in that way, it would be a nightmare.
02.43.48 [G]
But who taught you that?
02.43.52 [E]
Our teacher at school.
02.43.54 [I]
I also remember from school that the back side of a cross stitch has to be precisely the same as the front. And when you start, you do not do a knot. You leave some thread, and then you weave it in the structure of embroidery.
02.44.21 [J]
We did it with knitting as well. It is fun about perfection. I took a wood workshop for four years, and in wood, it is all about perfection. So, yes, I would like to know why there is this culture of non-mending for men.
02.44.55 [I]
Maybe for the Middelfart sustainability festival, we can all come there and bring a male with us.
02.45.35 [G]
It should be the dating date. I can teach you mending. OMG, it would be such a cool event.
02.46.01 [J]
And how do you involve participants for that?
02.46.04 [I]
Local population will come there. It will be advertised everywhere in this region, I think.
02.46.11 [I]
[Discussing gender issue]
02.47.43 [J]
I do not know how to call it but it is how I mend a lot of things, with this stitch.
02.47.53 [I]
It is a blanket stitch.
494 495
10
02.47.55 [J]
Yes, blanket stitch, I use that a lot. Often, when I am mending, I do not have a lot of different threads, so. I like how you did it double here, but I do not know how to do it.
02.48.20 [I]
In the following days, I will share some materials with you. There is now a recently launched project in Nederlands called the 'Repair Academy', and it is very nice because there are all the basic stitches online. And also, my Pinterest folders with all the techniques and stuff that I have been collecting for years, so it would be a common resource for all of us [...] So, this spectrum is under development; also, in Ukraine, we will see what kind of damages they have and what techniques they use [...] And on the right side, I started analysing the existing tools, starting from this old darning tool produced in the Soviet in the 60s'.
02.51.27 [J]
When you showed me this tool before, I did not really get what it does.
02.51.29 [E]
I saw the women on Tik Tok using it to make a needle weave darning in a skirt. I have never seen it before, and when you showed it to me, I was: 'I know what it is'.
02.52.19
[Talking about different mending toos illustrated on the spectrum]
02.58.10[I]
In the beginning, I was thinking of using certain kinds of tools for certain damages, but honestly, I find mushrooms the most versatile tools. And some people find comfortable this lady [indicating the darner]. And for embroidery, this one may be a bit too tiny, a really super small thing, yes. Now we will try some basic techniques.
02.59.30[I]
Ah, and this, I started to explore a bit of needle weaving. This is a classical needle weaving technique, but I started to use different schemas and did it with one thread, two, and three. To see how the aesthetics change. Of course, if you do it with a thin thread, you invest more time, and it is nice to see how it is evolving. This one seems almost like swiss darn, aesthetically.
03.00.43 [all]
It seems very interesting. [Discussing the possibilities of technique]
03.07.25 [I]
[Iryna showing different mending examples from her mending collection on Pinterest]. In textile art, there are so many inspiring examples. And this girl studied at Eindhoven academy. And her final project was about mending, and now she runs her mending studio in Oslo. And she mends only high-quality clothes. And if she is mending with blue, she matches this garment only with blue clothes. But this example of Cilia Pym, an artist and mender, looks great, but if you have all the garments which look like that, is it not too much? [...]
03.08.34 [I]
The colour is a relevant issue for mending. And what things should be mended with the same colour, and what not? And also, this example, it is the embroidery on wood, but the shapes and colours are very interesting. So, I feel like there is a lot of space for exploration. As all of you said in wardrobe interviews if some of the clothes are basic, there are no different colours, and the shapes are not complex, maybe it is easier to have some sort of decoration on it.
03.09.35 [J]
Yes, and the idea of symmetry. [Inspired by Delpozo image]. So, if you do not want just the random hole here, you can make it look like it has been designed.
11
03.09.43 [E]
That’s why I would usually turn to Sashiko, which is pretty similar to this weaving technique. You might be interested in popping down in Kathy’s textile store. And she is really into Sashiko. And she showed me, it was a denim item, and I do not remember if it was a jacket, but it was basically only Sashiko. It was fully mended. You could not see the original. It is similar to this speed weaving technique. It comes from the same idea of fixing with gold, so if you fix it with gold, you make it very obvious but beautiful. And Sashiko, you would usually make a contrast in colour, so it is like, I mend it, and therefore, it is beautiful.
03.11.02
[All trying different techniques and tools]
03.17.19 [J]
It is also interesting to know what words they [grandmothers, mothers or relatives of older generations] have in their mending vocabulary. Because I feel like even in English, I have lost some of the words, some of the words I do not know. Like you say: 'everyone calls it darning,' but I would call everything knit because I do not know any other words for it.
03.17.42 [E]
A lot of the vocabulary I have is pretty technical, but it is also completely coming from my mom, who is like a nerd about textiles. She lived in New Jersey and San Francisco for many years. And she teaches in an international school.
03.18.32 [I]
[Iryna showing the clothes care tools: pilo shaver, steamer, and the brush.]
03.27.23 [I]
Apparently, it has nothing to do with mending.
03.27.30 [J]
I think that it has something to do with mending because it is also about mending and care. I am a mender, but I am not so much a carer. Because I buy used things and I just use them, and I don’t like to be fussy if I get dirty or break them. Because I just mend it afterwards, you know. But now I am starting with. My friend gave me his precious thing, and it is a wool coat, and I saw the moth hole or something. So, now I want to figure out how to mend it because I want to take good care of it because I normally do not have expensive things.
03.28.05 [E]
The great thing about wool is that it has oil in it. So that’s why you do not have to wash it.
03.28.20
[Talking about wool properties]
03.33.06 [J]
I do not know if it is a thing in Denmark, but in the US, if you buy penny liners or something, when you buy a box of penny liners or pads or tampons, they come with a funny little purse, like a discreete way of keeping your things. So, I have one of those, and I keep my tools there, and it is very flat, and it has a zipper in front of it instead of having it on the side. I did not show you that. I will show it to you the next time. I will show you my shoe mending kit, which is the plastic bag where the Danish vegetables come in, and it is just full of rubber in it because when I also walk, and I see the really good piece, which can be a sole for that shoe, I pick it up. I will show you my garbage mending kit.
03.34.09 [E]
This is a new addition [to the mending tool kit Emilie has]. I recently acquired this lovely kit. Well, I have a little bag, but it is too small for when I do wool because wool takes up more space. This is now the travel kit for this project. And the next time when I have a bigger project, it cannot fit in this tiny bag.
03.34.37 [J]
It is also interesting what people keep. We have, you know, these Danish cookie tins, and in the US, those are reused to keep sewing things. But I went to an engineers' workshop in Milano, and there was one, and I was like: let me guess, here are a lot of buttons and stuff. And they were: mhhh, no, these are just cookies. And I was like: 'WHAT?' I thought that it was a universal thing, and they keep cookies in it.
12
496 497
03.35.12
[Talking about traveling mending kits]
03.44.20 [E]
I am so excited to try this weaving technique.
03.44.27 [J]
Now we try on the garments or on the scarps?
03.44.30 [I]
Do you want to try it directly on your garments or?
03.44.35 [E]
I just did not want to mess it up before giving it a try.
03.44.40 [I]
I just did these scraps for this purpose, just to try on these before trying it on your garments.
03.44.51 [I]
[All trying different techniques and tools]
03.59.20 [I]
[Wrapping up and talking about next steps]
13
E. Workshops 3 & 4 documents
E1. Workshop script
Workshop 3 | Script | 'Designing mending projects' | 17.10.2021 | at 10.a.m. | Online.
Activity
Description
Length
Time
Introduction
• •
Program of the day Update on research. Main findings of the 1st stage [second-hand consumption related to mending, two-levels repair infrastructure, different levels of engagement with practice]
15 min
1000 - 1015
About WI with older generations
The aim of the 2nd stage was to understand how traditional mending techniques differ from today’s mending practices and how and if we can be inspired by examples of the past.
30 min
1015 - 1045
15 min
1045 - 1100
10min
1100 - 1110
15min
1110 - 1125
• • • • •
What were your main findings? Do the techniques differ? Do motivations differ? Did you find something which inspired you? How was the overall experience?
Warming-up activity: Each participant shares with the group her experience from the 2nd stage by answering one or several questions [5min x 6px]. Elements of mending design
Showing updates of mending assessment: levels of engagement and typologies of the damages. Illustrating the process of assessment: • • •
• • •
Description of the garment [done within previous workshop] Mending data sheets [done within previous workshop] Pre-repair phase [trimming and ironing] Making an assessment: understanding material of the garment and the nature of the damage Gathering inspiration Understanding aesthetic expression Choosing the colour Choosing materials and tools
Break Choosing the colours
Theory. Introduction to the colour theories: Itten & Munssel (chroma, value and temperature) Tool: Colour Scheme designer: https://colorschemedesigner.com/csd-3.5/ Inspiration. You can find an image, material, object which appeal to you and create your own colour palette. Tool: COOLORS (explore palettes or generate your palette from an image): https://coolors.co/
1
Armocromia. Introduction of the personal colours theory by GM. How do we understand which colours suit us and valorise our characteristics?
30 min
1125 - 1155
10 min
1155 - 1205
45 min
1205 - 1250
The colours of the same palette have the same characteristics of temperature [undertone] and chrome [intensity], and therefore they are coordinated. Suggested approach: you can make armocromia analysis to understand your palette or you can use the matching colour approach by taking the colour of the garment and trying to understand to which of 13 palettes it belongs to and figuring out what are the colours matching to your garment [whether they are of your palette or not]. [15 min presentation + 15 min discussion] Break Initiating mending projects. Miró boards.
Home assignment. Choose 3 images related to aesthetics expression and 3 images related to techniques which you can use for your mending project. Assessment. Each participant makes an assessment of the garment and the damage by answering the questions on miró board. Choosing the colour. Each participant trying to answer the following questions: How do you usually choose colour(s)? Which colour choice approach intrigues you? Why? Start creating the own inspirational board on Miro.
Final remarks
And update on the following steps
NEXT STEPS
Materials
LCA. One of the approaches to facilitate decisions regarding the choice of materials for mending [threads, yarns and additional fabrics for patching] can be choosing the additional mending material by matching it with the material of the garment. Thread count. What is thread count? Why is it relevant for mending? Strength of the fibres. Table of the fibres characteristics. Choosing the fibres according to its abrasion resistance, strength and elasticity.
2
500 501
10 min
1250 - 1300
E2. Assignment for participants
Assignment
During our next workshop, we will start planning our mending projects. We will talk about the process of expressive mending: how we do assessment, how we prepare the garment for the mend, how we choose colours, and how we gather inspiration. To prepare for this workshop, I would ask you to do two tasks. Task 1: prepare for sharing your wardrobe interview experience. We will start our day with the warm-up activity, where each of you will share how you experienced the wardrobe interviews with your relatives. In order to prepare for this activity, please select one picture or quote representative of the process and send it to me one day before the workshop. This picture or quote will help to answer one or several of these questions: What are your main findings? Do the mending techniques differ? Do the motivations of the menders differ? Did you find something which inspired you? How was the overall experience? Task 2: gathering design inspiration. To start building your mood board, you would need to gather some inspiration. Please arrange your inspiration into two groups: (1) mending techniques and (2) aesthetic expression, and select at least 3 pictures for each category. The mending techniques can be those you already know, the ones you have discovered during the wardrobe interviews with your relatives of older generations, techniques from the mending spectrum, or from our shared Pinterest folder “mending futures”. Please select at least 3 pictures of different techniques or variations of the same technique which you think might be suitable for your garment to mend. The inspiration for the aesthetic expression might come from different sources. It can be related to art, design, craft, already mended garments, or any object, shape or colour combination. You can select the pictures that inspire you from our folder, or you can find the inspiration that comes from magazines, books, or your own photo archive.
Bring your inspiration sources to the workshop! See you on Sunday 🙂
E3. QR link to presentation of workshop 3
502 503
E4. QR link to presentation of workshop 4
F. Mending session and retreat documents
F1. Individual mending booklet
My mending project project by Marta Bielkina
17.10.2021
506 507
Black T-Shirt with damaged print
Brand
PIMKIE
Age of the garment
3 > years
Duration of possession
3
Purchase
second-hand (new)
Frequency of use
often (before the damage)
Reason why you like it
print and material
years
0
Quote: У нас рядом с домом есть прачка и ты сдаешь вещи и человек сам стирает твои вещи и сам заправляет стирку. Я так поняла, что там они используют достаточно
агрессивные моющие средства и высокую температуру. А тут 30 градусов всего лишь и видимо вот эта вот поверхность велюровая, и там креп не был настолько стойкий, и когда я открыла пакет, я увидела эту футболку я очень расстроилась, ну по тому, что она очень прикольная.
1
508 509
How do I start? Asses the problem. “Every mend and every garment is unique - the assesment prepair is very important and you really need to understand the fabric before you begin the repair, so take a moment to inspect the damage and the true effect it has had on the garment. This is where you can decide on the right material and figure out what tools you need”. Molly Martin
Relevant for the mend Not relevant for the mend
Step no 1 Assessment Garment Colour
black
Element(s)
print (blue, yellow, orange, pink)
Construction
knitted
Composition
100% cotton 3
Damage Typology
washed out print
Size
extensive
Position
in front
Surrounding area Extension Degree
2
not worn-out
510 511
Step no 2 Gathering inspiration (techniques, esthetics, colour)
Choosen colours: beige, black, khaki Colour method: generative approach Colour digital tool: colour picker
4
5
512 513
Step no3 Choosing techniques
Size of the damage
Extensive damage
yes
Small damage
no
Need to create extra material
no
Need to cover extensive area
yes
Techniques for wovens
no
Technique for knits
no
Technique for non-woven
no
Material finish
Creates particular finish
no
Difficulty level
Minor
no
Medium
no
Familiar technique(s)
yes
Unfamiliar technique(s)
no
Requires a lot of time
no
Does not require a lot of time
no
Damage typology
Mat. construction
Comfort level Required time
Choosen techniques: patching and satin embroidery.
Pattern darning is a type of embroidery that uses parallel rows of straight stitches of different lengths to create a geometric design.
Swiss darn wear & tear
is a way of embroidering a stitch that looks like a knit stitch therefore perfect to work on knitted fabric.
Machine darning Mending by machine works best on nonstretch, woven fabrics, and is most successful on linear tears.
6
Needle weawing is a thread structure that creates a mesh across fabric. A “loose weaving” of thread appears as a grid.
7 Invisible reweaving is a sophisticated weaving method consisting in rebuilding the fabric of a damaged garment.
holes Patching repairing with a piece of cloth or other material used to strengthen a torn or weak point.
stains
embelishment
What else?
Fagotting stitch The stitch joining two edges. Alternatively baseball stitch, fishbone stitch or other joining stitches.
514 515
Step no4 Choosing additional materials
Garment design Choosen technique
Desired comfort
Maintenance
Aesthetic express.
Wardrobe system
Environmental con.
Relevance of original material
no
Relevance of other material lements
no
Technique requires additional threads
no
Technique requires additional yarns
no
Technique requires additional floss
yes
Technique requires additional scraps
yes
Technique requires other materials
no
Important to avoid bulkiness
no
Important to match material weight
no
Important to match thread diameter
no
Possible shrinkage during washing
yes
Possible melting during ironing
no
Possible colour bleeding
no
Surface (different thread diameters)
yes
Surface (different fabric weight)
no
Surface (different materials)
no
Finish (shiny and matt threads)
yes
Finish (shiny and matt scraps)
no
Should be standing out peice
yes
Should be more neutral peice
no
Mix & match with specific garments
no
Garment should stay mono-material
no
Choosen materials: embroidery floss and scraps in cotton.
8
9
516 517
Step no5 Choosing mendinh tools
Fabric's weight
Thread's n°
Needle's n°
Very lightweight (silk, batiste, organdy...)
100-80
1
Lightweight (cotton, linen, lyocell...)
80-60
1, 2, 3
Lightweight wool and Mediumweight silk
60-40
4, 5, 6, 7
Mediumweight
40-30
8, 9, 10
Heavyweight
30-10
11, 12
Choosen tools: embroidery hoop and needle.
10
11
518 519
F2. Selected mending books
Banner, 2022 (USA)
Noguchi, 2022 (UK)
Misumi, 2021 (USA)
Martin, 2021 (UK)
Collingwood-Norris, 2021 (UK)
Klepp and Tobiasson, 2021 (Norway)
Rodabaugh, 2021 (USA)
Edwards, 2021 (UK)
Lewis-Fitzgerald, 2021 (Ausralia)
Eggenburg, 2021 (USA)
Fulop, 2020 (USA)
Khounnraj, 2020 (UK)
520 521
Montenegro, 2020 (USA)
Sekules, 2020 (USA)
De Leo, 2020 (Italy)
Mullett-Bowlsby, 2020 (USA)
Misumi, 2020 (USA)
Neumüller, 2019 (USA)
Clay, 2019 (UK)
Noguchi, 2019 (UK)
Harper, 2019 (USA)
Harper, 2019 (USA)
Gordon, 2018 (Russia)
Rodabaugh, 2018 (USA)
Campbell, 2018 (Russia)
Jilevskaja, 2017 (Russia)
Gordon, 2016 (UK)
Campbell, 2016 (UK)
Suhinina and Chabanenko, 2005 (Russia)
Korneeva, 1989 (USSR)
522 523
Erzenkova et al., 1988 (USSR)
Goldsworthy, 1979 (USA)
Simons, 1979 (Italy)
Zuikova et al., 1967 (USSR)
Blinov et al., 1959 (USSR)
Fedorova, 1958 (USSR)
F3. Transcription of final individual interview
Final individual interview with Tania Blokhina | 26.01.2022 | Kyiv, Ukraine | [in Russian].
00.00.00 [IK]
Какие у тебя были ожидания от проекта когда ты его начинала? И почему ты решила принимать участие в проектe?
00.00.15 [TB]
Ну, вот, я могу на русском говорить, да? Ой как хорошо! Мне нравится узнавать что-то новое и мне нравятся креативные процессы. Это интересно, вот это вот все вязание. Я вот, например вязала Диме шапку и шарф и мне просто хотелось подарить ему что-то уникальное, сделанное собой и идея того, что ты ремонтируешь вещь, что ты учишься что-то делать руками, это классно. И я думала, что у меня мама умеет штопать, по тому, что она носки зашивала или что-то подобное, а оказалось, что нет, и это так клево, то есть получается, что я даже владею большими навыками и могу сделать больше, возможно помочь ее одежде. И вообще мне нравится, то есть я всегда пыталась придать уникальность вещам и этот процесс никогда не оправдывал ожидания. То есть я представляла себе такой идеальный проект, начинаю делать, а оно не получается. В общем, мне всегда не хватало навыков. То есть, есть фантазия, но не хватает навыков. И поэтому я подумала: вау. И при этом, шорты изначально не были... а когда ты начала спрашивать, какой конкретно проект, я вспомнила про шорты, то есть, это не то что я такая, ой, мне нужно 500 вещей починить, я скорее хотела научится, а тут еще оказалось, что еще и нужный проект.
00.02.51 [IK]
И потом, почти что по окончанию, твои ожидания, они встретили реальность? Как тебе весь процесс всего проекта и как ты думаешь, как он тебя обогатил с культурной точки зрения? Что ты для себя возьмешь из этого проекта?
00.03.23 [TB]
То, что мне понравилось, что вроде бы, по мимо штопки, для которой проект и предназначался, появились какие-то новые идеи. Я не думала, что пятна можно было так дизайнерить, и я рада, что я наконец сделаю что-то с майкой, которая лежит у меня уже почти 10 лет, и я не знаю, что с ней делать, я никак не могу ее выкинуть и тут, блин, так классно, я не могу придумать что делать. Мне кажется, что ты зажгла во мне вот эту вот искорку. Теперь, мне не нужно советоваться с тобой по каждой вещи. Я уже понимаю, как нужно думать, какие есть техники, и, если что-то вдруг завтра я сделаю затяжку, пятно и так далее, я не буду переживать, я подумаю, что это возможность сделать с этой вещью что-то интересное. Так что это пригодится в любом случае. И вот я не умела штопать, а теперь я знаю как, и оказывается это так красиво и интересно. Это не просто вот эта вот штопка носков невидимая, когда ты, наоборот, хочешь что-то скрыть, а ты, наоборот, показываешь это. Я даже не знала, что существует целая индустрия, посвященная этому. И она действительно настолько логична, что я просто думаю, как это прошло мимо меня. Я читала одну книгу, британский, помоему автор, и она говорила, что во время второй мировой войны, в Британии выпустили целую брошюрку даже. То есть, у них было все для этого. Как мы правда это все потеряли, фаст-фешн. Так интересно, что кто-то продумал это еще тогда, когда это было необходимостью, а сейчас это воспринимается как осознанное потребление. Я очень довольна, я вот даже не думала, что это будет настолько классно. И этот загородный домик, где так уютно, комфортно, и я тоже переживала, что там будет языковой барьер или еще что-то. Что я не смогу так спокойно общаться, а оказывается, что нормально. То есть мне было очень комфортно. Но я поняла, что штопка, это сложно. Я думала, ну вот так, так, так, ну все, я поняла. Ну нет, пока ты не сделаешь это несколько раз сам, ты ничего не поймешь, и потом я подумала, я научусь и буду это делать быстро, а ты говоришь: нет. И я удивилась, а потом я начала делать и поняла, что наоборот я захочу делать это более качественно, а значит еще более скрупулезно. То есть со временем, для меня это будет еще больше времени, но мне просто будет больше нравиться результат. Кстати, Дима похвалил шорты, хотя я там накосила, а он говорит: все отлично.
00.06.01 [IK]
А как тебе обмен опытом? Ты думаешь, что люди из Дании научились чему-то из украинской культуры ремонта, а люди из Украины подхватили что-то из их культуры?
00.06.30 [TB]
Вообще было интересно, что разные культуры, и даже получается, что кто-то из Германии, из Америки, не просто Дания – Украина, а мульти-культурно. Мне скорее
1
вообще понравилось общаться о культуре, не только про вот этот процесс ремонта, потому что ты вообще подобрала вот таких вот людей. Эмили, у нее просто руки золотые, она просто все делает, то есть, она и до тебя все умела делать. И как она подходит креативно ко всему, то есть, здесь есть чему поучится. Не любая бы датчанка принесла бы столько интересного. А вот именно такой человек, вот мы общались, что у нее и мама умеет, что ей это все передалось по наследству. Вот это же не типично для Дании, мне кажется.
00.07.15 [IK]
Нет.
00.07.16 [TB]
Да, то есть очень классно, что собрались именно люди, которым есть чем поделится. Вот мне интересно, что ты создала такую домашнюю атмосферу, ты была таким же членом команды, как и все. Ну а вот такие методики, типа: я дизайнер, у вас есть возможность поучится у меня? Ну работает ли это?
00.07.50 [IK]
[О роли исследователя]
00.11.51 [TB]
Мне кажется, что все успешно, кто хотел, тот взял от тебя все, ну и вот я очень довольна. Для меня это просто очень классный опыт. И я даже таксисту рассказывала, вот мы ехали, а он такой разговорчивый, откуда вы? Что делали? А я говорю, у нас здесь проект. Я тот человек, который хотел получить от твоего проекта максимум, и я получила.
00.15.49 [IK]
В общем, по поводу проекта и по поводу шорт, для тебя было открытием, когда ты распорола все?
00.16.02 [TB]
Когда мы с тобой распороли. Я офигела. Я вообще не представляла. Это знаешь, это как если у тебя в руках молоток, то ты все видишь, как гвозди, то есть, я думала, что любую дырку нужно просто сшивать, а это неправильно. Мне просто открылся целый мир того, что это невозможно. Плюс оно рассыпается и на других местах, то есть я не понимаю, чего я добивалась тем, что я туда 15 швов наношу, а потом: Дима-то снова протер! Ну, конечно. И если бы мне кто-то сказал, здесь нужно штопать и я бы не знала, как и учится этому с нуля, я бы, наверное, сказала: давай выкинем просто эти шорты, по тому, что я не буду учится штопать ради шорт. Я бы научилась штопать для чего-то такого, чего-то большего.
00.16.58 [IK]
А когда я у тебя на Миро борд спрашивала: перед тем как ты приступаешь к штопке, ты готовишь каким-то образом вещь? И ты ответила, что ты только стираешь одежду. После этого опыта у тебя как-то поменялось мнение о том, как нужно готовить одежду?
00.17.29 [TB]
Да, точно да, даже то, мы ты отгладили майку, и мы начали видеть все проблемы, ну то есть да, я понимаю, что это процесс. Я просто думала, что это часть ткани я могу ее использовать, ну ты просто правильно убираешь лохмотья, которые уже не нужны и ты видишь повреждение уже иначе. Изначально я даже не понимала в чем разница структуры ткани и как от этого зависит штопка. Даже вот эти книги, которые говорят: никогда не пытайтесь взять и эту дыру сжать, по тому, что вы получите новую проблему. То есть это прям было среди таких восклицательных знаков, среди того, чего нет смысла делать.
00.18.49 [IK]
А как ты можешь объяснить то, что не смотря на то, что у нас в школе все равно есть эти уроки, на которых тебя обучают и разным тканям и так далее, все равно, люди которые это не развивают и этим профессионально не занимаются, они это забывают?
00.19.10 [TB]
Ну, я забыла, я это не применяла. Я помню свой альбомчик, помню, что нужно поджигать и видеть, что за ткань, помню уток и как называется другая нитка? Смешное название, я его запомнила для кроссвордов. Ну, по факту, я это не применяла. Я знаю стежок иголкой назад, я знаю, как обметывать. Я знаю такие вещи, которые потом повторила для себя гдето. А то, что ме не пригождалось, ну допустим, штопать носки. Зашивать носки, которые тянутся, я могу и так. И все, я даже сомневаюсь, что штопку нам не преподавали. Может я болела в этот период, может что, ну мне кажется, что ее просто должны были давать. А для меня это просто темный лес.
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00.20.19 [IK]
Ну, по идее, в программе она есть, как бы. Ну то, что интересно, это то, что в общей программе должно быть какое-то минимальное что-то о материалах, все равно, мне кажется, a из-за того, что люди это не практикуют и не используют, они это забывают. Потом еще такой вопрос, я заметила, что есть связь между тем, что чем больше люди покупают в секонд-хенде, тем больше есть вероятность того, что они будут штопать. По тому, что те вещи, которые покупают в секонд-хенде, они не боятся на них экспериментировать. Ты тоже считаешь, что ты бы экспериментировала не на всем, а на том, что тебе не жалко потерять или испортить?
00.21.12 [TB]
Хороший вопрос, по тому, что я понимаю, что лучше я не сделаю и я понимаю, что штопка, это мой единственный выход. С футболкой я тоже понимаю, что я не испорчу ее больше. А вот жилет, это совершенно другое. Это дорогая мне вещь, я одевала ее может раза четыре, и я сознательно хочу потерять девственность с ней и начать экспериментировать с вещами. Это не супердорогая вещь, она утилитарная, я думаю, что я смогу вернуть все обратно если я не так какие-то нитки там зашью. То есть мне бы хотелось попробовать, набить руку. Ну а как еще я смогу это делать на более дорогих вещах? Есть такие вещи, к которым я приросла душой, но я стараюсь не иметь таких вещей. Это как со свитером, в котором у меня была зацепка и я просто ходила пол дня и страдала, а потом я подумала, ну и что, это вещь.
00.22.36 [IK]
Вот еще был такой вопрос: считаешь ли ты что нужно смотреть на то, какого размера у тебя повреждение? И каким образом он может повлиять на сам процесс ремонта?
00.23.19 [TB]
Я тут имела ввиду именно шорты, они лучше не становились и потом еще рвались и соотвецтвено я понимала, что мне нужен был какой-то новый подход. То есть нужно сделать радикально другое, попробовать как бы, ну все, пробовать все и все тот же метод, это бессмысленно. Но сейчас, на фоне всего того, что мы обсудили, я понимаю, этот алгоритм, на который ты отвечаешь и попадаешь в нужные места. То есть в зависимости от размера дыры, ты выбираешь тот способ мендинга, который тебе подойдет, то есть техника будет разная, и где-то нужна подкладка, где-то она не нужна, и то есть, ты даже не сделаешь незаметную штопку, по тому, что это что-то большое. И ты такой: окей, я готов что здесь будет новая заплаточка, и, кстати, когда штопка не поможет, нужна заплатка, вот.
00.24.24 [IK]
А важно, где находится повреждение? Если оно, например находится под мышкой или в паху или? Как оно могло бы повлиять на твой выбор ремонта?
00.24.38 [TB]
Ну под мышкой, я бы не заморачивалась с выбором цветов, и сделала бы незаметно, а здесь мне хочется именно подчеркнуть именно уникальность вещи, сделать что-то заметное, броское, набить руку на вот таком, чтобы люди видели, спрашивали, смотрели, так что да. Ну, еще зависит от того, если какой-то однотонный свитер, то, здесь можно себе позволить себе что-то такое яркое и неожиданное, какой-то элемент. А если это и так перегруженная вещь, то возможно даже что-то незаметное или что-то такое, смотря где.
00.25.34 [IK]
Потом по поводу шорт именно, когда ты выбирала способ штопки именно, цвета и так далее. Почему ты решила именно на этих шортах сделать не ремонт тон в тон, а решила сделать что-то декоративное.
00.25.55 [TB]
Мне понравилась идея декоративной штопки, мне кажется, что я вряд ли буду, когда нибуть штопать незаметно. Ну разве что, если это такие места, где нет смысла. И если ты делаешь яркую вещь, наоборот будут думать, что у тебя там дырка, если оно не логично. А тут, мне действительно захотелось, чтобы фантазия разыгралась, и я придумывала бы какие-то необычные вещи. Тем более, что это семейный проект, то есть хочется его закончить на какой нибуть необычной ноте, а не просто: вот, я заштопала наконец-то. Это было бы неправильным завершением такого сложного проекта. Хочется что-то такое яркое и запоминающееся.
00.26.35 [IK]
А что ты подхватила с наших воркшопов, где мы говорили о материалах, онлайн, когда у нас было о цвете? Что для тебя было самым интересным?
3
00.27.03 [TB]
Цвето-типы, ну, то есть я до них так и не дошла. Я хочу все проверить, зайти на сайт, ты оставила презентацию, я ее сохранила. И как будет время и вдохновение, я этим займусь. А вот эти вот буклетики, они самые интересные, по тому, что чаще всего, вот эти вот онлайн ресурсы, я просто такая: закладочка. И никогда не возвращаюсь, а вот когда я могу полистать, мне нравится пощупать. Я все так же покупаю печатные книги, хотя это тоже не отвецтвено. Так что мне хочется использовать цветовую палетку, причем я видела эти колор серкл, но я их не брала, по тому, что я не знаю, как ими пользоваться и сейчас мне бы хотелось больше в это погрузится. Знаешь, что мне нравится? Что вы такие: вот это подходит, а вот это нет несмотря ни на какие палетки, но к этому вы пришли по тому, что вы это видели, смотрели, как это, насмотреность и так далее. Мне бы тоже так хотелось, а не это вот: сейчас я посмотрю цвета, а знать их. Мне так же понравилось, это наши разговоры, когда ты говорила, что все в черном модельеры и я подумала: вау, это же действительно такой базовый цвет, это действительно очень интересная база, а я ее игнорировала, из-за того, что она скучная, хотя это элегантно, красиво, но ты говорила, что он идет не всем.
00.28.32 [IK]
Да, он идет не всем. По тому, что по этой же теории персональных цветов, он идет не всем. Есть такое заблуждение, что черный и белый идут всем, но на самом деле, он идет совсем не многим.
00.28.47 [TB]
Ну, да, я имею ввиду эти цвета именно как базу, а потом их разбавлять чем-то еще.
00.29.05 [IK]
А что тебя вдохновило на проект, именно на шортах? Во всех твоих эстетических выборах, что было твоим вдохновением?
00.29.05 [TB]
Ну, я знаю, что это летние шорты, и они такие, бежевые и я могу придумать все что угодно. Я люблю темно-синий цвет и мне захотелось оранжевого, я вот свитер купила тоже, ну, короче, я начала добавлять какие-то яркие акценты в гардероб и мне показалось, что вот такие яркие акценты будут интересными. Изначально я придумала сине-оранжевый, а потом в палетке нашла еще бирюзовый и мне цепляют глаз вот такие вот оттенки и мне хотелось поиграть с ними, вот как-то так. У меня куча синей одежды, так что я могу реально сказать, что мой гардероб состоит из темно-синей одежды.
00.30.04 [IK]
То есть, ты выбирала цвета из этих персональных палеток, правильно?
00.30.09 [TB]
Да, я взяла, что бежевый это основа, дальше мне нравится темно-синий.
00.30.28 [IK]
Как ты материалы выбирала, ну, тебе было интересно подобрать, какой был твой критерий выбора материалов?
00.30.36 [TB]
А материал, это нитки?
00.30.41 [IK]
Нитки, дополнительные заплаты под низ.
00.30.41 [TB]
А, ну ты мне подсказала заплату. Я даже и не думала, что под низ мне что-то понадобится, а потом, оказалось, что да, такая дырища. Да в общем, критерии, я помню, я пришла в Леонардо, этот большой магазин, и там у них куча мулине, и я такая: что делать? Я спросила у консультанта: я вообще ничего не понимаю, но хочу понять. Ну она мне сказала: ну вот, есть шерстяные мулине и хлопковые, и вам нужны хлопковые. Так что, тут я полагалась на то, что посоветуют, и в общем-то, я думала, что сама подберу себе все эти цвета. Если бы не твои материалы, то я бы пришла в магазин и сказала, не самые дешевые, не самые дорогие, а вот такие, хорошие. И в принципе, иголки они мне тоже, посоветовали и я помню я говорю: мне нужно для ниток мулине. А мне говорят: не нитки нужны, а что вы будете делать? Я говорю: штопать. И они такие, вот: возьмите вот это.
00.31.54 [IK]
Ну вот, допустим, было бы для тебя преградой, то, что ты знаешь, что у тебя шорты 100% хлопок, из натуральных материалов и тебе вдруг нравится эстетично, какой-то материал, который синтетический?
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00.32.06 [TB]
Нитки например?
00.32.06 [IK]
Нитки, или материал, который ты подлаживаешь под низ, тебя бы это остановило или ты бы сказала: нет, все равно, я использую материал синтетический, только по тому, что он мне нравится.
00.32.20 [TB]
Я бы так сказала, то, что эти брюки 100% хлопок, это не значит, что все должно быть 100% хлопок. Я думаю, что они рвутся именно из-за того, что они 100% хлопок. Поэтому, использовать на хлопке синтетику, для меня не проблема. А вот знаю, что синтетика бывает очень классной, даже наоборот лучше, чем хлопок. Не мнется или вот, например, спортивная одежда, господи, синтетика, это так классно, это, ты ее постирал, я повесила ее над ванной и на утро она уже высохла. Классно.
00.32.52 [IK]
А как тебе вся наша дискуссия по поводу синтетических материалов. Ну, это все началось с Герды и меня, что мы выбирали материал под материал, то есть если это хлопок, это будет с хлопком, если это лен, то это будет со льном. И что при стирке синтетического материала идет очень выброс микропластинка в воду и так далее. Тебя это не смущает?
00.33.25[TB]
Нет, ну я понимаю, что хлопок там тоже есть при изготовлении свои нюансы. Ну, при уровне загрязненности в Украине, когда я пытаюсь сортировать мусор, а потом я вижу, как мусоровоз складывает все в одну кучу и ты такой: ну и зачем я это делал, да? Или, когда люди не летают на самолетах, а потом оказывается, что самолет пустой ездит и ты понимаешь, что твой микро-пластик в стираной одежде ничего не меняет особо. Ну, не покупать очень много, чтобы не было излишнего потребления, это да, но хлопок или синтетика, для меня это настолько, я не вижу своего вклада в экологию.
00.34.18[IK]
Как ты считаешь, инструменты для ремонта, грибки, пальца и так далее, нужны? И как тебе, ну во время твоего проекта, ты заметила, что без инструментов ты не могла нити натянуть или что-то еще?
00.37.01[TB]
Во-первых, мне очень понравилось, вот этот вот кит, который ты нам подарила, то есть, вдруг раз, и у меня ест все. Опять-таки, в чем, был ступор, мне кажется, штопки, что возможно, я даже не имела всех инструментов, а идти и покупать и все такое, для меня, может быть, был какой-то барьер, и когда это все под рукой, это классно. Но, вот грибок, я до сих пор не поняла, ну че-то у меня с ним не получилось. Ну, может, из-за того, что это шорты, ну, когда я это все натягиваю, оно все у меня как-то съезжает. Не знаю, может дело было в шортах. Но в целом, мне нравится, что все это существует и люди продумали все за тебя и сказали, что и как делать, и это классно. Мне всегда нравится, когда у тебя есть набор инструментов, то есть, у тебя есть такой профешнал кит. То есть, ты не просто по дому хлопочешь, а у тебя есть набор отверток. Так и здесь, у тебя есть набор, и ты знаешь для чего эти инструменты, как ими пользоваться, и это повышает твой уровень, твое самосознание. Уверенности в себе, что ты сделаешь все что угодно, по тому, что ты знаешь с чего начать.
00.38.10[IK]
А еще такой вопрос: твой совет, тем кто будет начинать штопать? Делайте то, то, то и не делайте то, то, то.
00.38.25[TB]
Во-первых, нужно набраться терпения.
00.38.28[IK]
А вот, да, с терпением был интересный момент, что ты вчера говорила, что у тебя иногда бывает, что не хватает терпения, что тебе нужны перерывы и ты не можешь так долго допустим сидеть.
00.38.38[TB]
Да, ну, по тому, что, возможно, опять-таки ожидания, что это будет быстро, а получается, что это не только долго, но и если ты хочешь хороший результат, то будет еще дольше. И у меня вот, например не получалось делать. Может, опять-таки материал я выбрала и так далее, но я делала как можно тоньше все эти стежки, и у меня все равно не получалось, и я не представляю как еще тоньше сделать. А, кстати, у меня была еще толстая игла, потому что на тонкую у меня не влезла нитка, или что-то такое. И я такая: хорошо, беру такую. И с
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ней тоже есть нюансы, что ты сделаешь очень тоненькие рядом с друг-другом дырочки. Так, что делать, что не делать? Ну в общем да, набраться терпения. Я даже не знаю, я с удовольствием читала в книге, вот эти все заметки, ну прям нюансы какой-то штопки. Ну все что я читала, это было типа: ну да, Ира это говорила и так далее. Но я уверена, что просто вот так вот ты к этому не придёшь. И иногда я могу забыть какие-то моменты. Ну вот натягивать ткань, или нитку и так далее. Но ты это должен почувствовать, и книги этого тебе не скажут, то есть здесь уже нужен опыт и сноровка и выбор цветов, основа. И вот был момент, эти длинные нитки, что нужно было разбить на две. Вот сейчас это кажется настолько очевидным, вот, а тогда мы даже не подумали. То есть на будущее, я уже знаю, какие ошибки не повторять. Про натягивание, про подготовку какую-то и то есть основа, которая должна быть частью рисунка. Ну как-то вот так. И более того, я бы это делала, слушая аудио книгу, или что-то такое. Ну не терять время, по тому, что я пойму, что это займет несколько часов. И у меня есть, например интересная книга послушать, это прям отлично сочетается, и я буду чувствовать, что я творю и еще так интересно провожу время. И у меня это будет ассоциироваться с какой художественной литературой, эта вещь. Или там тоже скажем, слушать какую-то музыку для определенного настроения. И это не значит, что штопка это будет все, чем ты будешь поглощён в этот момент. Ты можешь общаться с друзьями, слушать музыку или аудио книгу, думать о своем, мне тоже нравится этот момент. Я иногда хожу гулять просто чтобы побыть с собой и продумать какие-то вещи в вот такой вот спешке, мы просто не успеваем подумать, переработать мысли, а это отличный, медитативный процесс.
00.41.50[IK]
А сами компетенции дизайна, мудборды, выбирать цвета, материалы, это каким-то образом на твой проект повлияло?
00.41.59[TB]
Мудборды было интересно, но мне кажется, что то, что я потом туда добавила, не сильно потом помогло. Вот правила выбора цветов очень классные, по тому, что в итоге я понимаю, что классно сочетаются цвета и я бы бирюзовый сама не придумала, и ты бы посмотрела у профессионала палетку, и подобрала нужный цвет. Это то, на чем стоит ориентироваться, пока у тебя нет такой насмотренности и собственной компетенции. И вот иногда, ты сэмплс давала, вот такие вот красивые картинки, и я понимала, что, как ты говоришь, у них ушли годы на то, чтобы придумать какой-то разброс пикселей на свитере, вот. То есть, ты к этому не придёшь за момент, поэтому нужно смотреть что делают другие и пытаться ну может повторить или что-то придумать. Но, у них всегда будет лучше, чем у тебя и нужно этим пользоваться. Ну в плане цветовой гаммы, нужно придерживаться каких-то правил, или как ты говоришь: не больше 4-х цветов. Я бы сейчас здесь намалевала, с футболкой, а действительно я бы сделала ее более вызывающей. Ну мне кажется, понизила бы ее рейтинг и качество, чем оставаться в каком-то монохроме интересном, и добавлю акценты.
00.43.25[IK]
Спасибо тебе огромное.
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G. Expert interviews documents
G1. Transcription of interview with seamstress
Interview with seamstress - Elena | 05.07.2021 | Kryvyj Rih, Ukraine | [in Russian].
00.00.00
[Introduction]
00.03.38 [EA]
Ну, люди ж от бедности штопали, от бедности перешивали с большего ребенка на меньшего. По тому что у людей не было финансов. Сейчас уже, в наше время, люди перешивают, по тому, что нет как таковой моды и нет какого-то конкретного стиля, есть футболка или мужской пиджак, мы его тут отрезаем, делаем под пояс, можем сюда джинсовую ткань пришить и получается хай-тек. Так что сейчас, никто ни на какой конкретный стиль не сосредотачивается. То, что одел в том и пошел. Тут латки, а туда тесьму, поднашивали и…
00.04.38 [IK]
Ну, разница в том, что раньше ничего не было, а сейчас, экологический кризис и они, эти практики из прошлого возвращаются. И в прошлый раз, когда мы встречались тут с мамой, вы начали рассказывать, что тяжело везти этот бизнес. На самом деле, это очень важно понять, вот какие проблемы. Вот вы говорили о том, что люди покупают очень много онлайн, потом они больше не шьют.
00.05.11 [EA]
Да, да, да. Вот этот труд, который индивидуальный. Вот портная индивидуально, берет с первой примерки вещь, и мы ее там меряем 2–3 раза и один мастер за эту вещь отвечает. У нас нет потока, у нас нет бригады, у нас мастер отвечает за одну и ту же вещь. Но, проблема в том, что вот эта вот индивидуальность, вот эти затраты, которые, аренда, налоги, заработные платы, коммуналка, вот это все. Это все закладывается в одну вещь и получается, что ценовая политика пошива индивидуального намного дороже, чем заказать онлайн. В интернете идет масса, масс пошив. Сделали одно лекало, запустили две-три вещи, два-три размера себе, разбили и все, по звоночку заказали и вот только вот такая модель и все. И человек ее получает, она стоит 200 гривен, она ее одела, а она на нее длинная, она ее не будет отсылать. Пришли к нам, а у нас 200 гривен только укоротить низок. Поэтому и тяжело, и люди все равно понимают, что кто-то получил, да ладно я потихоньку и длинненькую сношу, может она постирается рас 5 или 10 и она подскочит. Но ценовая политика остается 200 гривен, а здесь закладка идет, вот почему еще тяжело вести бизнес, вот. И минимальная заработная плата поднимается, налог поднимается, ничего для малого бизнеса не упрощается, а это все нужно закладывать в себестоимость. Вот, поэтому еще тяжело и плюс еще и корона свое сыграла. Ну она, помоему, свое во всем мире сыграла, это не только наш бизнес плачет. Но мы знаем одно, то, как было раньше, уже не будет никогда. Может и будут вот такие фабрики массового пошива. Швейные фабрики, объемные. Может эти будут выживать еще. Вот. А вот так индивидуально, мне кажется, уже никто шить не будет.
00.08.21 [IK]
Получается, что сейчас люди больше переделывают?
00.08.24 [EA]
Kонечно.
00.08.25 [IK]
Не шьют больше индивидуальные вещи?
00.08.26 [EA]
Ну вот был выпускной вечер, и у меня не было ни одного выпускного платья. Такого вообще не было. И у меня даже не было вот этих подгонов. Допустим мальчиков, приносят, родители купили костюм, брючки, и там, где-то нужно прийти вшить. Уже это отпало. Может быть, при магазинах сидит человек и там если он покупает, там при нем это уже делают.
00.09.07 [IK]
Tак это есть такие сервисы сейчас при магазинах?
00.09.09 [EA]
Ну да, вот, например мужской магазин «Виват», «Воронина» магазин. Вот ты покупаешь костюм в магазине и тебе нужно рукава укоротить или низок укоротить, и там в магазине сидит человек, который его выполняет. Вот я думаю, почему у нас уменьшилось потому,
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что мы практически работаем на базе своих клиентов. Вот у нас допустим есть 20 человек, постоянных и вот пришло там, новый год. Пум, пум, пум, по кругу они все прошли, пускай хоть по одной там вещи, по одному платью или по одним брюкам, человек покупает, а потом, до кого мы пойдем? А мы пойдем до Лены, и Лена сделает, да. Или тай май, или 8 марта, пум, пум, пум, по кругу все проходят. В принципе залетных у нас нет, таких вот, с проходняка.
00.10.06 [IK]
И долго у вас уже эти клиенты, на протяжении долгих лет, да?
00.10.09 [EA]
Kонечно, это мы здесь уже 10 лет, а мы ж еще около моста работали, в трикотажке, в Элеганте, там тоже 10 лет. И та база клиентов ушла с нами сюда. Кто-то уходит, кто-то уезжает, много уехало и в Израиль, и в Киев уехали наши заказчики. Ну человек 7–8 уехало таких платежеспособных. А вот эта масса осталась практически. Пожилых вообще нет, вот пенсионеры к нам вообще не ходят, по тому, что для пенсионеров, подбить брюки 150 гривен, для них это дорого.
00.10.52 [IK]
Hу конечно, с пенсиями, которые у них.
00.10.54 [EA]
Да, по тому, что пенсия, это просто, они смешные, и люди-пенсионеры, они прожили еще в то время, они знают цену той вещи и они будут носить до дыр или они ее вообще покупать не будут. Так как и постельное белье, у них там есть 2–3 комплекта, и им начхать на это цветное. Будут люди приходить нестандартные, у которых вес, рост, или вот вчера женщина пришла, вот она выписала по интернету купальник, а купальник не соответствует ее росту, по тому, что по интернету она ж не может померять купальник. И вот теперь его надо и расширить и вот здесь вот надо его разрезать [режет], вставить сюда, по тому, что она по росту не идет, и вот эти вещи вот, ремонтами так и будем заниматься. По тому что оно, человек с закрытыми глазами вот купил, а теперь это нужно сделать на нее и человек теперь приносит теперь свои брючки, ласинки старенькие и с ласинок уже будем подгонять, мерить. Но это тоже не дешёвое удовольствие, это тоже индивидуальный подход, который стоит.
00.12.19 [IK]
Hу, то, что оно стоит, оно должно так быть. Ну постепенно, люди начинают приходить к тому, что, по крайней мере там, что эту работу нужно ценить, за нее нужно хорошо платить, и как важна вообще роль портных, людей, которые этим еще занимаются. По тому что на самом-то деле, оно все исчезает.
00.12.49 [EA]
Tак оно исчезает не только в этой профессии. Оно и в строительстве исчезает, и в плотничестве. По тому, что как таковых ПТУ, которые существуют сейчас, вот которые дети выпускаются, вот учатся в ПТУ, самородков нет. Никого. Вот выпустили 15, 18 человек, дети не приходят работать в ателье, по тому, что я, как работодатель, я не могу ей заплатить ту заработную плату, по тому что она ко мне приходит, она ноль приходит, она приходит, а у нее базы вообще никакой нет, а мне нужно сидеть ее обучать. Это мне надо сколько времени, чтоб ей показать, как встрачиваеться замок в гульфик. Она не знает как.
00.13.26 [IK]
A чему их учат там?
00.13.27 [EA]
Hу учат, они учат, дети ходят, но самородков нет. Тот который действительно что-то хочет научиться, то тот придёт и тот знает как. А те приходят, ото, о там отсидели, отлистали, и ушли. Ей надо просто корочка какая-то, диплом. Вот она его получила, положила в ящик и все. И стаж там посчитался, если они там его считают тот стаж. А приходят сюда, а мне ее учить некогда. Чтоб мне с нее вылепить мастера хорошего, это мне надо два года, чтоб мне ее научить тому, что каждый узел обработки, и надо его прокручивать и вот что она у меня заработает? Хоть бы 1000 гривен заработала, хоть бы.
00.14.20 [IK]
Hу, там тоже приблизительно такая же ситуация, ну, интерес появляется у молодых, ну так, в домашних условиях шить, а как профессию, ее никто не выбирает, и потихонечку, ну я в Дании не знаю, как обстоят дела, я же тоже туда приехала в пандемию, а в Италии,
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они потихоньку, потихоньку все исчезают, а новые не появляются. А Вы говорили про фабрики. А у нас еще какие-то фабрики существуют?
00.15.41 [EA]
Фабрики существуют те, которые шьют форму военным, шьют форму милиции, медицинскую форму. Это же идут фабрики, Луцкая фабрика, Киевская, Харьковская, ну вот такие массовые, Днепра. Вот такие фабрики масс пошива есть. Или как у нас фабрика, рядом, где мама вот работает, швейная. Но сейчас ее просто Германия выкупила, и она туда поставила свои потоки, и они работают, вот они работают, шьют массово джинсы. А наша рабочая сила. Пожалуйста, они там делают брендовые вещи. А маленькие цеха, такие как «Андре Тана» цех, они есть по всей Украине, вот он и у нас в Кривом Роге есть «Андре Тана», нашего знаменитого кутюрье. Вот, там тоже делают вещи.
00.16.45 [IK]
А мне мама рассказывала такую вещь, и мне не понятно вообще, то ли это было, то ли этого не было. Потому, что она мне рассказала, что когда-то, еще при советском союзе, были эти спец-цеха, которые разрабатывали одежду, которая была недоступна народу, и для экспорта в другие страны. В общем, они создавали специальные коллекции для экспорта, а потом приходила какая-то продукция из других стран, которая поступала на базы, распространялась среди элиты и че-то там еще оставалось в магазинах.
00.17.20 [EA]
Я такого не слышала. Честно, я такого не слышала. То, что касалось нашего города и нашей фабрики, у нас, когда была фабрика, индивидуального пошива, это «Швей Пром» и вот эта фабрика была трикотажной, и это было объединение, там у нас было 56 или 57 ателье по городу, совместных. То у нас на фабрике был экспериментальный цех, где разрабатывали модели, где разрабатывали, было конструкторское бюро, были, отдельно цех пошива, где, здесь конструкторы разрабатывают, здесь швейники отшивают, одевают на маникены. У нас были манекенщицы, они собирали всех заведующих, закройщиков ателье, с каждой точки. И нам на подиуме показывали новые новшества. Нам, как закройщикам было сложнее. Журнала на то время тоже сили мили не было, и они сами разрабатывали, придумывали эти модели и нас, нам такие малые курсы показывали, как они будут на модели, что куда закладывалось, какая конструктивная линия и вот у нас такое было. Может где-то в каких-то республиканских домах моделей, они что-то придумывали и отправляли заграницу. Ну, поверь мне, с заграницы, все уже приезжали одетые. И с той Болгарии, и с Италии и с Чехии. И приезжали все оттуда одетые и в 60-е года. По меху, да, советский союз тогда был по меху, он и сейчас, до сих пор работают меховые производства, хотя мех уже практически отошел. Уже кроме славян его никто ни носит.
00.19.41 [IK]
Понятно, а есть еще такое, как вы говорите, что пенсионеры носят до последнего.
00.19.50 [EA]
До последнего, носят такие вот вещи. Ну вот такие уже подертые, и она тут стоит, у нее ручки трусятся: пожалуйста сделайте. То мы ей делаем, мы даже с нее деньги не берем и пусть идет себе. И даже в ущерб своему времени, оборудованию, просто человеческий фактор.
00.20.10 [IK]
A нет таких, которые помоложе и тоже носят до дыр?
00.20.15 [EA]
Hет.
00.20.20 [IK]
Я еще вот хотела у Вас спросить о том, что вы говорили, как Вы видите будущее? Что будут какие-то мастерские при магазинах и какие-то маленькие.
00.20.37 [EA]
Маленькие, Ирочка, вот такие маленькие. Пускай даже это будет продуктовый магазин и с ними там человек, там 5 квадратных метров и они приходят за продуктами, и он знает, что у него тут есть швей пром, маленькая такая, мини мастерская. И пока она ходит по магазину, она там пришла пуговичку на полотенчико пришить или петличку на полотенчико кухонное.
3
00.21.10 [IK]
А что у вас еще пуговку пришивать приходят?
00.21.11 [EA]
Kонечно и пуговку пришивать приходят.
00.21.12 [IK]
А что, сами не могут?
00.21.13 [EA]
Hет. И пуговку приносят, и маленькую, маленькую дырочку, такую маленькую, ну, там действительно, где футболка, просто футболка, даже когда в машинном барабане, когда прокручивают, и там чуть-чуть там этот самый. Все, приходят и мы ремонтируем.
00.21.32 [IK]
А как вы убираете вот эти дырочки маленькие на футболках, ну там же как их убрать, они начинают распускаться?
00.21.50 [IK]
А, так вы вручную?
00.21.51 [EA]
Kонечно вручную. Машинкой нет, по тому, что, если ее в пальце запялить, эту дырочку, она ж вся разойдется. А так вручную.
00.22.05 [IK]
И как люди реагируют на то, что это столько работы, и за нее надо платить хорошо.
00.22.06 [EA]
10 гривен дырочка.
00.22.07 [IK]
Bы что?
534
00.22.20 [EA]
Ир, смотри, вот футболка, вот дырочка, вот дырочка, вот дырочка, а вот тут была дырочка, она пробная, мы ее зашивали. Здесь ее уже нет, просто уже идет как бы уплотнение, ну, как узелочек, вот она с изнанки. А теперь смотри, я тебе еще вот так ее показываю, вот ее уже нет. Но с изнанки она выглядит уже с узелочком, но с лица ее уже нет. Ну человек, она видит, что эта футболка, она еще такая, ну вот этот шовчик.
535
00.23.48 [IK]
Я не думала, что вы такие ремонты делаете. Я думала, что такими ремонтами люди сами занимаются дома.
00.23.52 [EA]
Hет, люди безрукие.
00.23.53 [IK]
А почему они стали безрукими? У нас же все-таки еще должны быть какие-то уроки в школе.
00.23.58 [EA]
Hу, я должна тебе сказать, что ей чтобы это сделать, ей нужно пойти и подобрать точно нитки, потом у нее дома есть иголка? Эта иголка не подходит. Ты видишь вот эту дырочку, и чтобы петли состыковать, нужно такую тонкую иголочку, ну человек, который даже может пришить пуговку себе, он как зашьет, то будет здесь вот такой вот грендель. Понимаешь? Так что вот такие тонкости практически люди сами не могут сделать. А вот
4
такая дырочка, ее практически невидно, но ее-то надо красиво сделать. Понимаешь? Те вещи или те вот дырочки, которые протерлись, здесь распарывается оверлочечек, и подбирается одна стороночка рукавчика. То это практически...
00.25.00 [IK]
Да, я нашла книжку старую, художественная штопка, и там так рассказывается хорошо.
00.25.06 [EA]
Hет трудов, в школах сейчас нет преподавания девочкам. Ну есть, ну их же никто не учит, а если еще плюс, вот это онлайн, то кто их будет учить? Кто их будет учить пришивать пуговку? Да никто!
00.25.23 [IK]
Я смотрела программу, и там у них конкретно и все виды штопки, и кройка и все. Ну, может, это так выглядит все в книжках, а в реальной жизни возможно никому ничего не надо.
00.25.39 [EA]
Hикому ничего не надо. Люди, которые в 50 лет, они приходят пришить петелечку, вот. Или люди сейчас уже перешли к такому, что пусть этим занимаются специалисты. Я пойду лучше, заплачу и все.
00.25.59 [IK]
Ну это тоже правильно.
00.26.02 [EA]
Ну самые элементарные вещи, элементарно пришить пуговку или пришить на кухонное полотенце петелечку, извини меня, ты можешь вот теми нитками уже, ну как есть, дома, правильно? Ну это логично.
00.26.14 [IK]
Hу Вам ведь тоже, наверное, не совсем интересно пришивать петлички?
00.26.20 [EA]
Та нам по барабану. Пусть платит! Если она хочет, и она ногами топочет, что ей это нравится и влюблена в него 150 раз, как твоя мама в ту кофту, пляжную. Я говорю ей: Наташа! А она мне: ну, это последний раз! Пожалуйста, нашиваем туда еще какие-то эти самые. Ну сейчас еще много используется кружева. Даже если вещь маленькая, мы их обтачиваем какими-то кружевами или поставить на сетку, чтобы оно не светилось, или на основную ткань. Или ну вот это вот, немножко, как бы такое веяние, чуть что, можно кружево. И щас же люди не заморачиваются, есть вставки по бокам, нет, ну, главное, чтобы она влезла, и чтобы было комфортно и все.
00.27.00 [EA]
[...] там, в Израиле, и заказчики, они так и говорят: там, где в Израиле работают в магазине наши Украинки, или наши славяне, ну вот русские, те делают вообще безукоризненно. Та школа, которая заложена в ателье в то, советское время, те вылизывают от и до, а там, те, которые шьют там – это мрак. И действительно, когда она сюда приезжает, она говорит: Лена, от посмотри, как можно похабно вот так вот делать, из натурального шелка, делать низ брюк, где оверлок все зажимает, и там, где нужно действительно тонкой иголкой, тонкой ниткой, на натуральных тканях, там есть специальные, идет иголочка там 75я, идет ниточка самая тонкая, чтобы она этот шелк не стягивала. А они там фигачят сороковкой нитками, тут оверлок весь стянут. И тут она приезжает, и мы это все переделываем. И она говорит: боже, это уже мы с закрытыми глазами все забрали и пошли. И вот она говорит, что там, те, которые нашей нации, те делают хорошо. Та база которая была, но сейчас, на сегодняшний день, молодежь, та которая учится, оно не будет той обработки, хотя зайди сейчас в интернет, любой узел обработки, который ты введешь там, ну для горловины допустим, роликом, и там от и до конца тебе расскажут, под каким градусом, 45 градусов, как надо вырезать вот эту полосочку, как нужно ее заутюжить, как нужно ее приметать. Но это же надо руками чувствовать, это же надо руками приметать и надо знать, как ее приметывать эту полосочку, где, на каком участке груди ее нужно подсадить, или где-то под проймой нужно сделать легенькую посадку самого изделия. А эту полосочку надо подтянуть. Это в интернете, никто ничего не рассказывает. Это все уже с практики, оно годами выработано.
00.29.24 [IK]
Hу, это значит, что это важно проходить практику с людьми, которые...
5
00.29.52 [IK]
Hу ее надо любить.
00.29.53 [EA]
Да, да, вот если ты ее любишь, и ты в ущерб своей семье, в ущерб твоей, то да.
00.30.01 [IK]
Hу да, как можно ей вообще заниматься если она тебе не нравится?
00.30.09[EA]
Конечно. Ну печально, печально конечно, что люди...
00.30.13 [IK]
Я не ожидала такого от школы, по тому, что я думала, ну и по себе я смотрю, я, конечно, не помню, какие у нас там были труды в школе, ну чему-то нас учили, ну как-то меня еще бабушка многому учила.
00.30.33 [EA]
Конечно, была база, были какие-то фартучки, какие-то рубашечки, какие-то снежочки, мы знали как. Ну сейчас дети вообще это не проходят.
00.30.39 [IK]
Я разговаривала с одной исследовательницей из России, а у нее дочка только закончила школу, и она говорит: я не знаю как, но моя дочка как-то проскочила все это в школе или у нас этого не было. А я говорю... официальная программа, школьная, там если ее почитать, то там просто бакалаврат дизайна, а не уроки трудов. Там расписано все от А до Я, и каким это образом, люди умудряются проскочить? То ли официально это есть, а не официально этого нету? Какие-то проблематики есть и в образовании школьном тоже, по тому, что, если посмотреть в книжке, там все есть и было и остается. Ну наверное это както не так преподают, может учителям не интересно. Они скажут: почитайте конспекты и все, на этом мы закончили.
00.30.45 [EA]
Hу может, они это домоводство просто делают сквозь пальцы.
00.31.47 [IK]
... ну а на западе интерес растет к рукоделию.
00.31.48 [EA]
Hу может быть. А вот у нас будет утихание. А может и наоборот.
00.31.53 [IK]
У меня другая теория, что допустим, вот я была в Киеве, и сейчас возвращаюсь, и там прямо целое движение с нашими украинскими дизайнерами, с отвецтвенной модой.
00.32.03 [EA]
Может быть, может мы здесь сидим в провинции, и мы этого не слышим, мы не в таком социуме. А там в больших городах, где действительно, у нас же город, где люди потихоньку уезжают, выезжают.
00.32.22 [IK]
Нет, там прям началось движение, я только посмотрела документальный фильм, называется «спалах», и они рассказывали про модную индустрию после этой жевтневой революции, как у всех заиграло самолюбие и как все дизайнеры начали активно продвигать вперед украинскую моду. И их, кстати сейчас знают во всем мире. Там есть одна дизайнер, которая вообще начала в секонд-хенде покупать материалы для продукции. Типа: что вы нам свой секонд-хенд шлете? И она начала перешивать и обратно туда отсылать. Да, так что там в Киеве очень большое движение, и у меня такая теория, что здесь это будет развиваться быстрее чем там, по тому, что здесь еще есть знания, хоть какие-то. По тому что там вообще ноль.
00.33.08 [EA]
Может быть...
6
536 537
G2. Transcription with Armocromia expert
Interview with Armocromia expert - Giuditta | 28.05.2021 | Online | [in Italian].
00.00.00 [IK]
[Introduction] ... questa cosa c’era già ed ora è riapparsa.
00.04.27 [GM]
Questa cosa è nata con i primi film a colore. Non c'era tutta la post produzione. Ad esempio, in 'Via col vento', quando la protagonista doveva sembrare malata, la vestivano con i colori che la facevano sembrare malata, perché ti cambiano proprio i colori del viso. E invece quando doveva essere in salute la vestivano con i colori giusti, per farla illuminare, farla sembrare più radiosa. In pratica si mimetizzano i difetti e si illumina l'incarnato.
00.05.13 [IK]
E questa Rosella Migliaccio, che ha fondato la Image Institute?
00.05.24 [GM]
Non ha aperto l'istituto da tanto. È diventata famosa perché è stata la prima ad averla portato in Italia su larga scala. Infatti se cerchi dove insegnano l'armocromia, quello è, non c'è altro. Non è che è stata lei ad averla inventata, lo ha solo portata qua e poi è brava a vendersi.
00.06.03 [IK]
Mi interessa che basi ha questa cosa, da quali studi nasce, come hanno sviluppato le stagioni, la divisione dei colori.
00.06.20 [GM]
Ti mostro le presentazioni che faccio durante le sedute dell'armocromia e vediamo tutto.
00.06.36 [IK]
Questo colore mi illumina o mi scurisce?
00.06.41 [GM]
Questo colore ti sta molto bene.
00.06.49 [IK]
Io mi sono autoproclamata Winter qualcosa e non dovrebbe essere in mezzo al winter questo colore, però mi vedo bene.
00.06.50 [GM]
Forse è un po' caldo.
00.06.51 [GM]
[sharing the screen]
00.08.42 [GM]
Quindi, qua spiego a larghe linee che cos'è – è un metodo che in base alla combinazione di pelle, occhi e capelli definisce la palette di colori ideale per ciascuno di noi, cioè la gamma di colori in grado di farci apparire più belli, più giovani, e più in forma. Quindi si analizzano le caratteristiche cromatiche di pelle, occhi, capelli per definire quali sono colori valorizzanti. Questo ci servirà per l'abbigliamento, il make up, la colorazione dei capelli e la scelta degli accessori quindi se preferire l'oro o l'argento. Qui spiego che è uno strumento, non è una gabbia. Quindi impariamo quali sono le regole, come reagiscono su di noi e in base a quello ci giostriamo per scegliere i colori.
00.10.05 [GM]
Per esempio, io, quando metto il blu notte, è un colore troppo scuro per me e quindi cosa succede, indurisce i miei allineamenti, indurendo gli allineamenti, sembro più vecchia. Quindi, io metto il blu notte se devo andare dal commercialista o in banca, perché sembro più seria.
1
Qui abbiamo messo degli esempi delle celebrità con dei colori amici e colori nemici. Per capire quali sono i colori valorizzanti, dobbiamo capire quali sono le caratteristiche personali. 00.11.04 [GM]
La prima caratteristica che si analizza è la temperatura. Quindi a livello di incarnato se la pelle tende a un colore caldo o un colore freddo. In base a questo si capisce se scegliere i colori caldi o colori freddi. Qui ci sono degli esempi evidenti, ovviamente capirlo sulle persone normali è più complicato, perché spesso si ha il sovratono, il lato più superficiale della pelle per diversi fattori può risultare o più dorato o rosastro o olivastro e quello tende a trarre in inganno.
00.13.04 [GM]
[...] Non è proprio così evidente. L'unico modo per capirlo davvero è applicare i drappi e capire come reagiscono.
00.13.09 [GM]
I colori freddi hanno una presenza del blu, le tonalità lunari. Se invece si ha il tono caldo, si è valorizzati dai colori caldi. Quindi con presenza del giallo o rosso.
00.13.42 [GM]
E qui vediamo degli esempi. Tutti i colori possono avere le sfumature sia calde che fredde. Ci sono due eccezioni: il nero che è sempre considerato freddo e l'arancione che è sempre considerato caldo. Perché è l’unione del giallo e del rosso che sono i colori caldi. Quindi partiamo dalla prima colonna con i due grigi, caldi e freddi. I caldi sembrano quasi i marroni, perché appunto hanno una presenza di giallo. Poi i rossi freddi sono più violacei, perché appunto hanno del blu all'interno. E tutti i rossi caldi sono più aranciati. Quindi i rossi freddi sono i rossi dei frutti di bosco, rosso lampone. Mentre i rossi caldi al rosso del pomodoro. I blu sono freddi, quelli considerati caldi sono più vicini ai verdi. Petrolio e acquamarina sono dei blu che stanno bene alle persone con il tono della pelle caldo. Questi sono un po' degli jolly, perché se li guardiamo come blu sono freddi, come verdi, sono caldi. Quindi sono dei colori, non dico che stanno bene a tutti ma sono quelli che si giostrano meglio. Quindi se si deve fare il regalo ad esempio, petrolio e si va sul sicuro. Poi abbiamo dei verdi freddi che hanno del blu dentro e i verdi caldi che hanno il giallo dentro. Poi i viola, melanzana ad esempio sono dei viola con del giallo all'interno, per cui sono valorizzanti per le persone con il tono della pelle caldo. I marroni freddi sono più rosati e sono molto simili ai grigi caldi. Anche loro sono quelli che si giostrano meglio.
00.19.09 [GM]
Poi qua ci sono dei quiz [giallo e blu; arancio e viola; grigio freddo e acquamarina; caldo e freddo] e come riconoscerli. Qua abbiamo messo le foto delle celebrità con un colore caldo e un colore freddo. Io durante le consulenze vado a coprire un colore alla volta e si vede come cambia la stessa foto per capire appunto se è valorizzata da un colore caldo o un colore freddo. Perché è quello che si fa con i drappi. Poi dicevamo all'inizio che non riguarda solo l'abbigliamento ma anche la colorazione dei capelli. Quindi anche i capelli dovranno seguire il nostro tono della pelle.
00.22.10 [IK]
Ma non ti sta meglio di tutto il tuo colore naturale?
00.22.19 [GM]
Si, la maggior parte dei casi si ma ci sono delle cose che si possono fare per migliorare. Lo vedremo dopo quando parleremo dell’intensità. Però ad esempio delle schiariture nel mio caso specifico, il mio colore dei capelli è questo, e faccio delle schiariture perché con i capelli sciolti poi avendo gli occhi chiari mi valorizza se invece mantengo il colore naturale, si spengono.
00.23.29 [GM]
Adesso disegnerò una tabella che uso durante le consulenze per farti capire meglio. La seconda cosa da analizzare è il valore cromatico, cioè i colori della persona quanto siano chiari, medi o scuri. Per capirlo, bisogna immaginare di stampare una foto del viso in bianco e nero, la quantità di nero che si va ad utilizzare indica il valore cromatico. E vediamo degli esempi. In questo caso qua [Audrey Hepburn] occhi tanto scuri, i capelli scuri, una grande quantità di nero – valore scuro. Bionda, occhi azzurri [Grace Kelly], valore cromatico chiaro. Una via di mezzo è la via di mezzo.
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00.27.44 [GM]
Capire la nostra scelta cromatica ci aiuterà nella scelta dei colori perché si lavora in armonia. Ad esempio lei [Jessica Alba] ha un valore scuro, gli occhi, la pelle e capelli scuri ed è valorizzata indossando i colori scuri piuttosto che chiari. Queste qua sono delle piccolezze, perché già una scolatura fa delle differenze. Il valore cromatico si tiene conto soprattutto per la colorazione dei capelli e per tutti quei capi che sono tanto accollati, quindi dolcevita alti, colletti delle camicie o foulard, allora si tiene conto del valore cromatico, altrimenti no. Infatti, nelle palette dei colori ci sono sia i colori chiari che i colori scuri.
00.30.05 [GM]
Quindi andando ad inserire le caratteristiche nel grafico, possiamo avere il tono della pelle caldo ed essere chiari [quadrante superiore a destra], oppure avere il tono della pelle caldo ed essere scuri [quadrante inferiore a destra]. O possiamo avere tono della pelle freddo ed essere scuri [quadrante superiore a sinistra] - Inverno. O avere tono della pelle freddo ed essere chiari [sotto sinistra] - Estate.
00.30.35 [GM]
Sono tutte le variabili indipendenti tra di loro, perché un colore può essere sia caldo che chiaro sia caldo e scuro.
00.30.40 [GM]
L’ultima caratteristica da analizzare è l'intensità che ci aiuta poi a capire il contrasto ma ci arriviamo subito. Per l'intensità si intende quanto i nostri colori siano brillanti o tenui. Vediamo degli esempi. Nel primo caso sono gli occhi brillanti, la prima cosa che si nota del quel viso sono gli occhi. Nel secondo caso [Misha Barton], ok, sono gli occhi azzurri ma non lo ricordo per quel specifico motivo perché è un azzurro tenue. Poi non è soltanto il discordo degli occhi ma anche la lucentezza dei capelli e la lucentezza della pelle, sono proprio due tipologie diverse di persone. Quindi chi ha dei colori brillanti andrà a preferire i colori brillanti. In caso opposto andrà a preferire i colori più polverosi, desaturati.
00.31.49 [GM]
Qua, ecco il discorso dei capelli. Vedi, il suo colore naturale sarebbe quello a destra, ma lei facendo delle schiariture va ad illuminare l’incarnato, perché ha i colori tenui. Quindi chi ha i colori tenui è propenso a fare delle schiariture, mentre chi ha i colori brillanti succede l’incontrario. Facendo delle schiariture, vai a mortificare il tuo colore naturale, mentre andando a uniformare il colore, accentui la tua brillantezza.
00.32.32 [GM]
Chi ha i colori brillanti ha il contrasto alto. Per contrasto si prende in analisi i tre elementi pelle, occhi e capelli. Quando uno di questi è tanto più chiaro o tanto più scuro rispetto agli altri è indice di alto contrasto. Capelli scuri, occhi scuri, pelle molto chiara - contrasto alto. Pelle molto chiara, occhi chiari, capelli molto scuri - contrasto alto. Pelle chiara, capelli chiari, gli occhi scuri: contrasto alto. Chi ha il contrasto alto sta benissimo con il rossetto rosso perché va ad accentuare le caratteristiche naturali.
00.33.30 [GM]
Conoscere il nostro contrasto ci aiuterà ad esempio nella scelta delle fantasie. Quindi si vanno a preferire le fantasie ad alto contrasto perché si ha alto contrasto e fantasie a basso contrasto perché si ha il basso contrasto. O niente fantasie. Servirà per l'abbinamento dei colori. Quindi avere un contrasto alto ti permette di indossare i capi che tra di loro creano il contrasto alto senza essere sovrastata da questo abbinamento.
00.34.38 [GM]
Ricapitolando: Temperatura (caldo o freddo); Valore cromatico (chiaro o scuro); Intensita e contrasto (brillante o tenue). Ora il cerchio è completo e si inizia a parlare delle caratteristiche dei colori: Primavera (colori caldi, chiari e brillanti); Estate (colori freddi, chiari e tenui); Autunno (caldi, scuri, tenui); Inverno (freddi, scuri e brillanti). [...] Queste sono le macro categorie. Dividere tutte le tipologie di persone in 4 gruppi è riduttivo. L'armocromia iniziale prevedeva solo questo [Itten]. Poi si inizia a parlare dei sottogruppi [...]
00.39.01 [GM]
Vediamo la primavera [parlando di Cameron Diaz]. Lei è calda, chiara e brillante nella stessa misura. In caso in cui ci fosse una caratteristica che predomina sulle altre, allora quella sarà la caratteristica del sottogruppo. Se si è primavera pura i valori valorizzanti saranno caldi chiari e brillanti. In caso della primavera brillante, che confina con l'inverno, va a rubare dall' inverno i colori brillanti e perde i colori troppo caldi. In caso della primavera calda, che confina con
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l’autunno, va a rubare dall’autunno. In comune hanno i colori caldi e perde la brillantezza. In caso della primavera chiara, va a rubare dall’estate. Perché in comune hanno i colori chiari [...] 00.42.14 [GM]
Su di te ho il dubbio se sei inverno brillante o freddo.
00.42.18 [IK]
Credo di essere quello brillante, sto molto bene con i colori brillanti, glicine, limone. Ma poi sto anche molto bene con il nero e mai e poi mai oro. Però non so se sia una cosa un po' costruita e dovuta anche alla tinta e la scelta dell'occhiale. Perché di mio sono bionda.
00.43.01 [GM]
Si, questo spiegherebbe anche perché ti sta bene il colore che hai oggi. Non appartiene al tuo sottogruppo, ma è brillante e ti sta comunque bene. Lo prendi in prestito dalla primavera.
00.45.15 [GM]
L'analisi si fa con una luce naturale, struccati, si tolgono tutti gli accessori, occhiali e si coprono anche i capelli. E finita la seduta, inviamo questa presentazione [...]
00.45.28 [GM]
Ti faccio vedere anche questa presentazione, perché finita la seduta, le inviamo questa. Ecco, vedi, per esempio... inverno brillante.
00.45.47 [GM]
Qui c'è una palette dell'inverno brillante. I tuoi colori sono scuri, freddi, brillanti. Appartenendo al sottogruppo brillante dell'inverno puoi 'rubare' qualche colore dalla primavera, quindi colori brillanti anche se caldi. Avendo come caratteristica dominante l'alta intensità bisogna evitare tutte le tonalità tenue. Per quello che riguarda le fantasie, andrai a preferire quelle a contrasto alto e di grandi dimensioni. Colorazioni dei capelli. Il colore ideale è quello naturale. Altri colori sono castano scuro, il nero oppure delle tinte tendenti al blu. Colori Jolly: nero, blu elettrico, verde smeraldo.
00.47.05 [IK]
Apri il mio guardaroba e ci sono questi colori a manetta [...] Questa cosa ha totalmente senso e nel mio caso corrisponde la mia palette corrisponde pienamente al mio guardaroba. Tutti gli abiti che ho da diversi anni e uso attivamente sono di quei colori li. Probabilmente il colore influisce in qualche modo al emotional attachment, ti vedi bene con quel colore e continui ad usare quel capo. Che poi ovviamente va a sommarsi al design, alla forma. Se scegli qualcosa che ti sta bene sia in termini di colore che in termini della forma, molto probabilmente lo terrai a lungo e se lo tieni a lungo, prima o poi arriverà il bisogno di alterarlo, modificarlo e rammendarlo. Poi tutta la palette appartenente al tuo gruppo, ha già i colori coordinati, quindi invece di andare a rammendare il tuo vestito con un colore a caso, lo scegli dalla tua palette. Però vorrei vedere quali teorie ci sono alla base di quest'armocromia. Perché se appartengo a questo inverno brillante e voglio creare un rammendo che non sia tono su tono ma voglio una cosa a contrasto in questo caso, creerebbe un valore aggiunto. Perché il rammendo oggi spesso è molto decorativo, è quasi un motivo d'orgoglio. Persino ZARA ha inserito nelle ultime collezioni i vestiti già rammendati, poi c'è anche una marea di brand più decenti, come Ader Error, che usano il rammendo come decorazione. E il colore in tutto ciò gioca un ruolo molto importante, al di là delle tecniche, materiali e gli strumenti. Diventerebbe una parte dello spectrum, una cosa dalla quale una persona può partire e sviluppare il suo modo personale di rammendare le cose. Poi si combinano anche material con dei spessori, la maggior parte dei rammendi che vedo sui social sono fatti con dei fili mouliné, però sono lucidi e non piacciono a tutti. Se usi i fili matt, l'aspetto cambia notevolmente. Quindi questa cosa del rammendo abbinata alla storia delle stagioni ci sta, basta capire cosa ci sia sotto [...]
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SUMMARY With the overall aim to address (un)sustainability in the fashion sector, this project explores why, what, and how people mend within the domestic landscapes in two
different contexts: Western and (post)-Soviet. These contexts were chosen due to the opposition of the Western world, defined by sociologists as a 'throwaway society'
(Baudrillard, 1998 [1970]), and the Soviet world, defined by sociologists as a 'repair
society' (Gerasimova and Tchouikina, 2009). Before the recent mending upsurge in the Western world, resourceful clothing consumption practices were progressively
fading away due to the lack of application (Durrani, 2019; König, 2013; Clark, 2008).
At the same time, due to the Soviet system's specific traits, the practices of 'unintended but real sustainability' (Jehlička et al., 2020) did not have enough time to vanish and still reside within post-Soviet landscapes.
Driven by the idea that the larger 'barrier' to mending could be linked to a general lack of systemic provisions needed to support the practices of clothing repair,
through the lens of practice theory, which sees practices as linked to larger social
and material structures where context and practice are co-constituted (Shove et al.,
2012), and by adopting a bricolage methodology, which combines wardrobe studies (Fletcher and Klepp, 2017) and participatory textile making (Shercliff and Twigger
Holroyd, 2020), I carried out a comparative qualitative study involving a group of
participants from Denmark (to represent the Western perspective on clothing repair) and Ukraine (to represent the (post)-Soviet context), and specified three aims of the study.
To address the first research aim—to understand how mending practices are conceptualised in Western and post-Soviet contexts—I explored how the old
connotations of mending practices were shaken off and how they started to change from necessity to conscious consumption, from the interstices of domestic life to the public sphere, from rigour to imperfection, and from invisibility to cultural visibility.
To get a nuanced understanding of different cultures of clothing repair, I examined
how a broader set of clothing consumption patterns of four groups of study participants affect their mending practices. I concluded that although the Western participants
of this study associate mending with creativity and sustainability, within the broader
Western context, new mending meanings reside alongside the old ones. In contrast, in the post-Soviet world, mending meanings have not changed, and clothing repair
practices are still associated with necessity. These different conceptualisations of mending are reflected by different approaches to clothing repair.
To address the second research aim—to understand what material elements
facilitate the enactment of mending practices—I explored how material elements
of mending practices have evolved over time in Western and (post)-Soviet societies,
from basic mending devices such as needles to digitally fabricated tools, from school education to online learning of clothing repair, and from culturally invisible to visible mending services. I did so by examining the material-practice relations and by illustrating the different roles that materials play in practice. I concluded that
although some material elements (i.e. repair devices and materials) remained
relatively stable, the repair infrastructures constituted by repair services and repair
education have changed. Today, they are not entirely efficient either in the Western context or in the post-Soviet context. Even so, their examination allowed me to understand what an efficient repair infrastructure should comprise and how
different difficulty levels of clothing repair can be distributed among amateur and professional menders.
To address the third research aim—to understand what competences are employed when mending practices are enacted and what contributes to successful clothing repair—I explored which processes and competences are involved in seamless,
discreet, and expressive approaches to mending. To explore expressive approach to repair, I developed a strategy which merges design and mending processes; it guided the participants through the main stages of their expressive mending
projects. I concluded that firstly, expressive mending competences should be built upon the competences of traditional mending; secondly, that design iterative
processes could prepare the novice menders to deal with the complexity of this mending approach; and thirdly, that mending resources, linking mending to
design and sustainability, can facilitate mending explorations and contribute to
conceptualising mending as a practice intertwined with creativity and sustainability, extending the range of possible slow fashion practices in which the mender can participate.
The overall study allowed me to unravel the differences between mending practices
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in space and time in two different contexts, provided an understanding of the
complex interplay of different practice elements and their impact on the practice under study, and helped to identify mending resources that can enable clothing
repair. Among the main findings of this PhD study are the nuanced understanding of different cultures of clothing repair in Western and post-Soviet contexts;
categorisations of clothing repair and its differentiation from other mending-related practices; the processes and competences required for enactment of mending; and the repair infrastructure, comprising repair services and clothing repair education,
which allow for labour division between amateurs and professionals and access to repair knowledge and services for all.
544 545
Main supervisor: Ulla Ræbild
Project supervisor: Amy Twigger Holroyd Project supervisor: Alvise Mattozzi
Pre-Defence Opponent: Irene Maldini Opponent: Ingun Grimstad Klepp Opponent: Olga Gurova
Opponent and chair: Vibeke Riisberg PhD Dissertation defended: 8 April 2024 Author: Iryna Kucher
Photography I cover: Iryna Kucher
Graphic design I cover: Iryna Kucher
Graphic design I content: Iryna Kucher
Colour for print: Maximilian Schmidauer Material: Munken Print White 15 100 g/m2 Typafaces: Euclid Flex, New Paris Skyline Design School Kolding Ågade 10
6000 Kolding Denmark
www.designskolenkolding.dk ©Iryna Kucher, 2024 Photographic, mechanical, digital or any
other form of reproduction from this book is permitted only in accordance with the agreement between Copy-Dan and the
Ministry of Higher Education and Science. Any other usage without the written
consent of the publisher is prohibited by the applicable Copyright Act. Excepted are extracts for use in reviews and discussions.