DIAseries #8 - History of the European City

History of the European City From Antiquity to the Age of Humanism

History of the European City From Antiquity to the Age of Humanism

DIA Master of Architecture Lecture Series by Prof. Alfred Jacoby Dipl. Arch. ETH, MA Cantab

Contents

Introduction 8 Lecture 1 Lecture 2 Lecture 3 Lecture 4 Lecture 5 Lecture 6 Lecture 7 List of Illustrations

10 32 48 66 88 110 126 150

Credits 162

Lecture Series History of the European City

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Introduction The Definition of Europe The book presented here is a compilation of a series of lectures held at DIA Graduate School on the topic of ‘A History of European Cities’. The point of this compilation is to clarify, that today’s Europe possesses a significant and very special urbanism – one that is based on a distinctive way of living together. And that it is worth telling this tale as this development spans a period of over two millennia of human history (from around 500 BC until today).

The Europe shown here is not a geographic region, but a slowly evolving, historically determined cultural reality with a wellconsidered urbanistic morphology. As a consequence, there is no need to look at all European cities in all their diverse locations.

This book will focus solely on those cities that decisively helped to create Europe as we know it today.

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The central statements made in this compilation of diverse lectures covering a common theme are: a. Out of a common history, a common culture, and common rules of religion, trade, and jurisdiction, the geographically defined continent called Europe emerged. b. The central elements of this genesis were its cities. They are the most important reason that today’s Europe can be discerned as a historical as well as a geographical unit. c. Since Europe continues to occupy a very important geopolitical position in the world of today, the makeup of its cities still influences all other cities in the world – be that to their advantage or disadvantage.

Europe as an idea having a coherent context The development of a Europe of regions came with the fall of the Roman Empire.

This is the first historical example of the implosion of a superpower. The Roman Empire had established its political, cultural, and economic superiority through its military tenacity over a period of almost a millennium (500 BC to the fifth century AD). In 410 AD, Rome was dismantled by hordes of northern ‘barbarians’ including the ‘Vandals,’ led by Alaric, who had learnt the art of military tactics as a Roman mercenary.

They came from the North in search of arable land and with a strong desire to free themselves from the hegemonic effects of Roman imperialism. They conquered vast territories and fragmented the Empire into an eastern and a western part. Ravenna in the West and Constantinople in the East were its two capitals and remained so over centuries. With the fall of Constantinople in 1493, the Roman Empire ceased to exist altogether.

But beyond these dry facts, what is meant by the statement: ‘Europe started with the fall of Rome’?

Most importantly, the dismantling of the ancient world permitted the formation of a varied and characteristically differentiated continent that developed cultural idiosyncrasies and fostered the evolution of a manifold number of peoples, which later formed nations as we know them in Europe today. It is the classic case where intelligent regionalism wins over the intentions of a centrally steered superpower.

Fig.1 The World of Antiquity

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Lecture 1

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The End of Antiquity When speaking of the ‘end of Antiquity’, we are principally dealing with Greece and Hellenism, on the one hand, and Imperial Rome, on the other. Taking the zenith of Greek domination around 500 BC, especially Athens, as a starting point and taking the fall of the Roman Empire after Constantine in the fifth century AD as an end point, we clearly see that these two highly refined political and cultural systems dominated Antiquity for about 1.000 years.

This territory at the time was seen to be ‘the world’ – as it was known then. A world is a rather large thing. We know that to be true, ever since Galileo’s experiments and our present-day photographs taken from space.

So what lies behind this question?

However, this idea of a ‘world’ only works if we allow ourselves to turn a blind eye to other cultures in Asia, like China. This world has an even longer persistent history under the khans and other dynasties. It stayed as a superpower for a number of thousands of years. At the time of our period of Antiquity, several such worlds existed in parallel, almost unaware of each other: China, India, and finally the Mediterranean basin – where the historical drama that we are looking at is playing.

When the end of Antiquity is viewed in a historical perspective, the archaeological aspect, the record of what is left behind, may be more interesting to us. Yet, there are examples of contemporary expressions of Antiquity, too. In 1516 the British philosopher A ‘world’ is the summary of one’s experience Thomas More wrote his famous book Utopia. within a well-defined context that an individual It presents the notion of an ancient city, which or a group of people could agree to be accepted he called ‘Arcadia’, that had an idealised and that goes under the idea of something existence until it sank into the ground and known. disappeared forever. One thousand years after Antiquity’s prime, Thomas More evoked The first such historically conceivable world the idea of a sunken wonderful past, one that is ancient Greece and the world of the can never be retrieved and therefore stays in Aegean. our mind as a sort of urban paradise where humanity lived together in harmony.

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Fig 2 Ancient Greece

Fig 4. Greek Coins

Fig 3 Agora of Athens 2nd Century AD

Fig 5. Olympia in later Antiquity

Fig 6. Greek temples

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Fig 7.The Acropolis of Athens

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Fig 8.The Acropolis of Athens

The Roots of European Cities The Ancient Greeks as Cradle of European Civilisation The rise of these civilisations around the Aegean Sea was the result of a relatively large accumulation of wealth due to trade exchanges on small islands, all dominated by strong and militarily tenacious families. In a This was a region the ancient Greeks second phase of economic development, the experienced by plying the Aegean Sea in invention of iron, the use of an alphabet, and their boats and trading with other fiefdoms, the introduction of a mint for currency were all which would congregate in what we today new institutions that revolutionised both trade call small cities. Additionally, the Greeks had and commerce. From a conurbation of dukes, a common currency, which helped trade to each of which ruled his own urban settlement, be regulated on an abstract basis instead of the ancient Greeks developed an aristocratic using the idea of barter by exchange. In this but at the same time democratic polis. world were both buildings that housed gods and those that provided space to discuss everyday life: the latter a place the Greeks called the Agora and that we today might call City Hall. In the Agora, citizens could discuss their differences or seek common agreement. The ancient Greeks had definite rules about living together, something we today still call democracy, and their cities were an expression of this.

Cartographers have shown us this ancient world – it is an integral part of today’s Europe. It comprises all we now know as the ‘cosmos of the Greek world’.

Fig 9 The Greek City

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Fig 10 The Acropolis of Athens

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Fig 11 Parthenon Temple

Fig 12.The Acropolis of Athens

It is important for us to look at this new settlement as it contained new definitions for urban elements: the exterior relations of buildings to landscape should be in harmony with each other, and in the interior space, controllable and calculable proportions should prevail. No book explains this better than The Earth, the Temple, and the Gods: Greek Sacred Architecture by Vincent Scully (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1962): The mountains and valleys of Greece were punctuated during antiquity by hard, white forms touched with bright colors, which stood out in geometric contrast to the shapes of the earth. These were the temples of the gods.

Unlike the (later) Roman Pantheon, with its ideal ‘Dome of Heaven,’ or the medieval cathedral, a ‘Celestial City,’ the temples were not normally intended to shelter men within their walls. Instead they housed the image of a god, immortal and therefore separate from men, and were themselves an image, in the landscape, of his qualities…. They in fact functioned and, in their fragments, still function as no buildings before or since have done. They not only created an eternal environment – which it is one of architecture’s primary functions to do – that was wider, freer and more complete…, but, as sculptural forces, but peopled it with their presences as well, in ways that changes of outlook and belief generally made inaccessible to later ages….

Fig 13.The Acropolis of Athens

All Greek sacred architecture explores and praises the character of a god or a group of gods in a specific place. That place is itself holy and, before the temple was built upon it, embodied the whole of the deity as a recognized natural force….

And further on Scully quoted Edith Hamilton, writing: ‘(To the Greek architect the setting of his temple was all-important. He planned it seeing it in clear outline against sea or sky, determining its size by its situation on plain or hilltop or the wide plateau of an acropolis….’

The elements and building types that characterised the Greek city were developed in connection with the political structure of the agglomeration. Greek cities consisted of three areas: a. The holy area with the temple b. The civic secular centre with the public buildings of the Agora c. The living quarters with housing for the citizens

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Fig.14 Amphitheatre Delphi

Fig. 15 Le Corbusier sketch of the Acropolis, Athens

Fig. 16 Pantheon Rome

The free ancient Greek city of Priene is one illustration: The archaeological record shows that columns, which wrap around all the buildings and many of the public spaces, create a gradual flow from a private inside space to a public outside one. It is architecture that gives the entire space occupied by citizens its homogeneity and dignity. What differentiates this from Egyptian monumental architecture is that it is not an architecture erected, as in Egypt, in honour of a Pharaoh and his court, where the Pharaoh himself was considered a god.

This is an architecture for Priene’s citizens and not just for its appointed god – which, in the case of the Pharaoh, represented absolute religious as well as political power, giving citizens no influence on setting the rules of their everyday life. In other words, the difference is rooted in a different political setup.

To preserve this democratic system expressed in their architecture, the Greeks ruled that a city should be limited in size to 10.000 inhabitants since, according to Aristotle, this was the maximum size for a functioning polis. Aristotle cited Hippodamus of Miletus as the creator of this political theory, which specified:

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A city should number 10.000 people and he divided them into three parts: one third should be craftsmen, the second third should be farmers, and the remaining third should wear arms and be soldiers. Even the land should be divided into three parts so that one third would be reserved for culture, another third for public use, and the last third for private ownership. (Aristotle, Politics, Book 2, Part 8) In this respect, Hippodamus of Miletus is interesting for architects today. He drew the plans for several cities, like Rhodos and Miletus, which were all subjugated to a regular grid. In such cities, the squares had a size that was enough to site one or two single-family houses before an interruption by a small internal street, while the larger main streets allowed the establishment of rows of houses. Public areas or the locations of temples would occupy two or more of these regular squares. The walls surrounding the city were irregular and followed the geometric parameters of the site. The wall was not constructed directly around the built-up areas, which reduced the impression of the city’s being encapsulated and separated off from the landscape.

Fig.17 Miletus Greece

Fig.18 Agora Main Buildings Organization Miletus, Plan and Perspective

Given that the pattern of geometric regularity was not followed as a strict rule, the relationship between inhabitants and their natural surrounding was not disturbed. This geometric pattern of the city allowed builders to steer the development of the city and to expand the built-up area without problem.

The system of curbing the size of a city, introduced by Hippodamus and Aristotle as a golden rule, held true for the Greek political system in which each city was an independent city-state, like Athens under Perikles. Once a conurbation reached a specific critical size, the Greeks would send out a delegation, which would then found a new city, bringing with them the eternal flame of their temple at home. At its prime in around 400 BC, Athens had 40.000 inhabitants, and the largest city in the Hellenistic world, Syracuse, had about twice as much.

This, however, changed with the unification of Greece by Philip II of Macedonia, the father of Alexander the Great, around 300 BC. At that time, the single city-state ceased to exist, and the known world was hugely expanded by the expeditions and conquests of Alexander, who in 333 BC defeated the Persians at Issus.

Greek culture – their ways of trading, their religious beliefs, their language and theatre, and (last but not least) their ways of creating cities – was now exported.

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The Greek world of the Aegean, which I showed at the beginning of this lecture, now started to look very different: Alexander the Great developed an empire that would stretch from Greece to outer Asia. But it did not last long. Alexander died very young, and his successors warred against each other until this gigantic empire broke into three parts.

When we look at Alexander’s vast empire, what is important to note is the new urge to expand: to incorporate faraway regions into it. This was certainly a departure from Aristotle’s description of a polis populated by noblemen with numbers not greater than 10.000 inhabitants. It served as a steppingstone to a larger world that encompassed a huge expanse, even if the empire’s failure to regulate succession at the same time represented the end of the greatness of the Hellenistic period.

The conquests of Alexander the Great paved the way for the beginning of another great empire: Rome.

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Fig. 20 Miletus Greece

I have selected several things for attention here rather than giving a full account of the intricacies of Roman architecture or history. For that, one should take reference to Edward Gibbon’ s famous book The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776-1789; reprint, London and New York: Penguin Books, 1995). It was published in six volumes between 1776 and 1789 by this English gentleman, who took the leisurely attitude of a private scholar as he came from a wealthy family and so did not have to work for a living.

Of course, the date of the first volume’s publication is of significance relative to the title of his book: 1776 marks the Declaration of Independence of the United States in its secession from the British Empire, which is the moment in history when this particular Empire first started to contract.

With reference to the Roman Empire, I shall look at the following aspects: 1. The rise of Rome from an insignificant, small town on the border of the Etruscan and Greek spheres of influence to a world city, a status it has retained ever since.

2. The creation of an infrastructure: the building of roads, bridges, aqueducts, and defensive walls.

3. The way in which the Romans colonised the vast territories they conquered.

4. The partition of arable land into farms.

5. The decentralisation of political functions in order to keep such a vast area together.

Because the territory it managed to bring under its rule was so huge, the Roman Empire in its beginnings made sure to develop politically as a Res Publica, or Republic. This ensured that the Empire would not be allowed to falter because of warring factions of noble families attempting to seize power. The Roman had learnt from the collapse of the Empire of Alexander the Great.

Fig. 20 The World of Antiquity

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The Roman Empire Most of us know the mythological saga of Romulus and Remus, abandoned twins who were nursed by a she-wolf and who consequently founded the City of Seven Hills.

This brings us to the first question to ask, namely, how did Rome come about. One can see that the entire area now occupied by Italy was populated by an assembly of tribes threatened by Greece, Carthage, and the Etruscans, who started to settle on the banks of the Po and the Tiber Rivers in the seventh and sixth century BC. The reference to Rome as the City of Seven Hills suggests that its development followed yet again the prevailing topographical circumstances.

In the fourth century BC, Servius Tullius built up Rome as a city with a wall and four main urban areas, which made up four city quarters on four of the seven hills. During the Gallic invasion of Rome in 387 BC, this city

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Fig 21. Rome and its hills

was more or less destroyed. Immediately afterwards, though, Rome was rebuilt and this time closed in by a rectangular wall. From the third century BC on, Rome adopted more and more the character of a metropolis. In 329 BC, the construction of the Circus Maximus between the Palatine and Aventine hills started. And in 312 BC, Claudius built the first aqueduct, carrying water to the upper parts of the city. In addition, all hills served as the sites of many temples, while the embankment of the Tiber River below the Aventine hill became a marketplace (the Emporium).

On the Campus Martius, buildings that later made up the Forum Romanum first appeared, which became an ideal place to depict one’s military victories. With the passage from the Roman Republic to the Roman Empire in the age of the Caesars (set into motion when Julius Caesar was murdered on the Ides of March in 40 BC), building activities increased manifold. Old existing buildings were demolished as they

came into conflict with the evolving structure of the city when Emperors like Julius Caesar or Augustus strove to leave their mark in history beyond military success and so built out the city of Rome.

In three etchings of 1527, the development of the city of Rome is nicely shown in diagrammatic form, very unlike what Google Earth does for us these days. Many of the buildings shown belonged to the Rome under Augustus. He added many new temples to the city, completed the water supply system, fixed the embankments of the Tiber River, and decreed that the city was to be divided into fourteen districts.

Fig. 22 Rome under Servius Tullius as shown in 1527

As subsequent Caesars made their mark on this Imperial City, the structure of Rome became more and more complex. Triumphal arches were an ideal way to document one’s victories; the Arch of Titus is a perfect example of this. Along with these military monuments, other huge buildings, like the Colosseum, were ideal landmarks in a city that housed one million people at its prime.

With a population of this size, Rome was the largest metropolis in the world of Antiquity in the West.

Fig.23 Rome and its monuments (Baroque etching)

Fig. 24 Titus Arch, Rome 70 AD showing the Roman Army capturing Jerusalem and taking its people into captivity.

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Despite this fervour to build more and more, these single edifices remain landmarks today. If you read Aldo Rossi’s ‘L’Architettura della Città’ (1966), you will see that he took the stance that a city is actually only recognisable by its monuments. From the example of Eternal Rome, he developed a theory of permanence of cities. In fact this theory will play a big role when we look at the influence of perspective on the city, which is a theme that belongs to Renaissance Rome, but which certainly uses the idea of monuments as being the focal points to convert a city into an apparent visual whole.

This can be seen in another early Baroque etching of a walk around the city showing the important monuments.

Fig.25 The Colosseum Rome

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Fig.26 Coin, model and today’s ruin showing the Colosseum in Rome Colosseum Rome

Fig.27 Aerial photo, Rome

Fig.28 Model of Antique Rome, overview

Fig.29 Plan of Rome

Fig.30 Rome and its monuments

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Fig.33 Pompei, Italy

Fig.34 Roman Roads

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Fig.35 Roman Aqueducts

Fig.36 Roman Aqueducts, Bridges Roads

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Grid as regulator To achieve this, they developed a system grid that they used for founding cities. This grid is defined by rectangularly intersecting roads with a major east-west axis and northsouth axis. In turn, they defined the centre of the city as the intersecting point of these two major streets (or axes) that were much larger than the rest. This grid pattern layout for a new city became universal throughout the entire Empire. The example of Silchester in Britain – which is far distant from Rome – shows the universal application of this geometry.

Fig.37 The City of Como

Fig.38 Aerial Photo, Como and the Lake

The size of Roman cities varied greatly, from 15 hectares to 200 hectares. That would give them a population of between 50.000 and 200.000 people in the Roman cities.

Often the idea of a city was replaced by that of a fortified settlement, a phenomena that one can observe all along the border of the Empire. Looking at some Roman settlements offers a good illustration of Aldo Rossi’s idea of permanence. The example of Como demonstrates how the ancient castle fortification defines the old city within its urban context today.

Fig.39 Silchester

Fig.40 Roman military Settlement near Lorch Austria

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It shows that the site originally had military significance before it changed into a marketplace.

In the fourth century AD, barbarian hordes from what we today know as Northern Europe invaded the Roman Empire in search of arable land and better climatic condition.

With their invasion, the story of Rome as the one and only capital of the Empire ends in 410 A.D. From then onwards, four formal leaders ruled the Empire under Diokletian as Caesar. But these four so-called ‘Tetrarchs’ were possibly more powerful than the Caesar, as they independently ruled and resided in four different cities: Nicomedia, Milan, Sirmium on the Danube, and Trier in today’s Germany.

At this time, Constantine moved the capital of the Empire away from Rome to Byzantium (today Istanbul), and at the end of the fourth century, Theodosius parted the Empire into

a Western and Eastern Roman Empire with their respective capitals in Ravenna and Constantinople. These two cities managed for a long time to persist as seats of government, and they represent the last two great urban settlements of Antiquity.

Rome as the great Imperial City had given way to a separate bipolar ruling of the vast Empire. It was the first geographical sign of its decline and dismemberment. This is one of the lessons to be learnt about today’s Europe: it started to develop as a result of the fall of a superpower that until then had been in a position to regulate all political and military matters. Then regional powers developed, which in the end brought about the fall of Rome.

Fig.41 City of Trier, Germany

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Fig.42 Palace of Diocletian in Spalato 300AD

Fig.43 Examples of Cities with Cardo and Decumano

Summary In this lecture, I have tried to explain the field of investigation, which is Europe, and I have shown the two basic roots of its civilisation in Antiquity. So far, the two examples of Greece and Rome have never created what we would call a European city. I did say that Europe arose with the fall of Antiquity and that only then did a typical European city develop. Yet, I am speaking not of a totally new invention, but of the development of something new out of a process of decay, as something existing ceased to be valid or, let us say, useful.

There is one important thing for us today to learn. It is a fact that empires disappear, but the hard, monumental artefacts they leave behind are usually never totally razed to the ground, leaving no trace. This is as true in the case of Rome as it is with the disappearance of Communism and the monuments left behind in a city like Moscow.

The lesson is that the changes we impose on our cities – changes that persist in the city fabric – orient themselves to the problems of a certain point in time, but the changes we decide on concerning the given urban hardware will be binding for many years to come, even if our way of thinking and of living together change and become different. Our actions affecting the urban fabric today are becoming more intense in their cascading sequence. This means our own influence and our own decisions that we make today will have an increasingly severe impact on the life of future generations.

New facts create new interests. These intertwine and have to be coordinated. All this makes the responsibility of our epoch that much more important, and some pondering upon the future of the European continent and its cities as an aspect of European history is desperately necessary.

It is in this way that I want readers to understand this course, not as an assembly of historical facts, but as an analysis of historical actions and their consequences. I would like to repeat my concept expressed early on in this lecture: The European cities evolved together with Europe. In a certain sense, it is these cities that really created Europe. They are one of the reasons – maybe the most important one – that Europe can be discerned as a historical unit.

They determined European culture at a time when it occupied a predominant position in the world, and European cities still influence all other cities in the world – be it to their advantage or disadvantage.

This making of a continent is going to be the focus of the next lecture.

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Lecture 2

The decay of the Roman Empire In the first lecture, I drew several conclusions, which I would like to repeat here. Europe is not seen geographically, but as an area that has a common cultural and religious background through which it draws its urban forms. Europe is formed by its cities, and these developed through the fall of Antiquity and the dissolution of those values and systems that kept Antiquity alive.

The decay and disarray that befell the Roman Empire is the concern of the first part of this lecture. It is actually the beginning of Europe in a nutshell.

Early on, the vast Roman Empire guaranteed a peaceful existence under the Pax Romana.

This was one of the prerequisites of the Empire’s creation: to commit to defend the gained territory. This defense was valid immediately for any conquered territory, and it meant security for any of the cities within the Empire. To secure its borders, Roman legions were deployed in a closely defined line of fortified castles designed as outposts.

Securing the borders granted freedom to cities far away from them, but the outposts also formed an essential part of the Empire.

The Romans founded hundreds of new cities and incorporated a large number of citystates under their rule. In that sense, the Empire was an enlargement of the urbes, or ancient walled city. It functioned as a confederation of cities within a skeleton of provincial administration that was bound by certain rules, like the Pax Romana, but was otherwise autonomous in its inner dealings.

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It constructed a network of thousands of large or mid-size towns and cities around the Mediterranean basin that had fortifications and, in most cases, a strictly geometric grid . In times of peace, this basic rational order was then expanded to the countryside, and even today the maps of Italy show this.

However, from the beginning of the third century AD, barbarian incursions became a regular event within Roman borders, and the Empire started to show its first cracks.

Once the attacked cities lost their safety, they closed themselves in behind city walls.

As fortified centres, they gained importance, because the bourgeois systems and values of those cities could continue behind the walls despite the threat of attack.

The tribal wandering of the Germanic peoples and tribes often referred to as barbarians (for their beards, from the Latin barba) led to the fall of the Roman Empire within barely one century. The incursion in 405 AD led by the Gothic king Radagaisus caused the Roman Emperor Stilicho to pull the legions

Fig.44 Roman Settlements in Britain showing Hadrians Wall

Fig.45 Measuring devices setting up of Cardo and Decumanus (above) and Typical fortification at Silchester (bottom)

Fig.46 Roman Settlements around the Mediterranean Basin

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Fig.47 Grid system of land partition - still visible today

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Fig.48 Migration of people within Europe 4th-6th Century AD

of Britain and Gaul (today’s France) back to Italy. This left these old Roman provinces practically undefended and exposed to the Swabians, Alans, and Vandals. The Northwest of Gaul was occupied by the Franks, and the middle Rhine Valley was invaded by the Burgundians. Alaric and his western Goths succeeded in plundering Rome in 410 AD. In the end, the Roman Empire in the West consisted more or less of Italy we know it today and a small portion of land between the Seine and the Loire Rivers. The so-called fall of the Western Roman Empire was complete when Odoacer – a client of Byzantium – deposed the last Roman Emperor Romulus Augustus and installed himself as the King of Italy and Patriarch of Rome in 475 AD.

Constantine had not chosen to move the capital of the Eastern Rome Empire to Constantinople on a whim. It was its excellent defensive possibilities that led to the foundation of Constantinople as the new capital of the Roman Empire in 326 AD. The city was surrounded by a gigantic wall, whose construction was started in 330 AD by Constantine and completed by Theodosius in 414 AD. At 1.400 hectares, the territory enclosed was the size of Rome.

Constantinople’s water supplies were constructed underground so that no enemy could cut them.

What I am going to try to demonstrate is that a physical substance remained after the final incursion of the barbarians (the Vandals, the Ostrogoths, and the other northern tribes in search of new agricultural lands) in the fifth century AD. The Empire and its agglomerations did not just fall apart, and its cities were not levelled to the ground.

Instead they were reinterpreted, and this is a notion that distinguishes Europe and its urban forms. Regional elements began to be important, given the lack of a global network of administrations or binding rules.

Europe came about through agreement and, above all, through the uniting strength of a new religion, Christianity, which the Roman Caesar Constantine had adopted as the state religion for the Roman Empire at the beginning of the fourth century. Until then, Rome had first persecuted Jews, driving them out of Jerusalem in the year 70 AD, and then persecuted Christians from the year 100 AD onwards. With the Edict of Milan in 307, Constantine permanently established religious toleration for Christianity within the Roman Empire, and in 325 he opened the First Council of Nicaea, where the godliness of Christ was finally accepted by the Empire.

In the following year, the Roman Emperors decided to let Christians practice their faith alongside the long-standing Roman state religion with its pantheistic collection of gods, not unlike those of the Greeks, for which it had built manifold temples in its cities. To give the adoption of Christianity meaning within the Empire, and as a first architectural sign, Hagia Sophia was built in Constantinople, the largest church built under Roman rule after 525 AD.

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Fig.49 Constantinople as the Seat of the New Roman Empire 326 AD

Fig.50 Hagia Sofia Construction 525 AD

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Fig.51 Hagia Sofia 525 AD

In other cases, cities that were more exposed and not so naturally protected would have had to encircle themselves with walls that in turn caused their actual area to shrink, since these fortifications were an expensive common effort of their inhabitants. The combination of financial and existing topographical considerations also caused rivers or other waters, crevasses, or existing walls from another (mostly Roman) era to be incorporated into the walls and fortifications.

This mostly economically motivated handling of affairs kept many Roman landmarks standing until today – whether a Roman circus like in Milan, an aqueduct like in Nimes, or an amphitheatre like in Verona, PÊrigueux, Tours, Florence, and Lucca.

Thanks to its favourable topological situation and due to the massive investment of the Empire, the city of Constantinople was regarded by many as invincible and therefore as a perfect city. Rome, in turn, put up the Aurelian Wall starting in 326, the same year of the proclamation of Constantinople as capital. This wall encompassed only a fraction of the actual built-up area of the city (and thus left much of Rome vulnerable to attack).

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Decay in the Provinces The Northwestern provinces of the Roman Empire, like Italy, Germania, Gaul, and Britannia (Italy, Germany, France, and Britain today) were cut off from the civilised world of Antiquity. There city life was almost nullified, and it took a good five hundred years, from the middle of the fifth century AD until the years between 800 and 1000 AD, until larger new cities sprang up in these parts of the Old World.

The most important consequence of the fall of the Rome Empire was the depopulation of its urban centres and the migration of its inhabitants into the countryside, where agriculture was still the safest basis for an existence. In such a feudal agrarian society, which organised itself on far distant castles with arable land in between and with local administrators to look after the bishop’s or the noblemen’s assets, cities naturally played a subordinate role. They were simply not necessary anymore, as the distribution of agricultural goods was regulated by the way land was apportioned to its cultivators, and people were no longer so dependent on the functioning of an effective marketplace distribution system.

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The importance of producing handicraft also decreased, so to live in a city was a much more difficult life than before. But the architectural witnesses of the earlier Roman world still existed, and they consequently became a refuge against hostile attacks from outside the city. The large amphitheatres and thermae, or Roman baths, were reconstructed to become fortresses, and city walls were kept intact so that they encompassed the important strategic points in the city.

Fig.52 Spalato (Split) on the Adriatic Sea, a city built into Diocletians Palace

The transformation of Roman Cities In the more northern provinces, far away from Constantinople or even Ravenna, the new cities that evolved had nothing in common with their Greek or Roman predecessors. In addition, a completely different social structure, and consequently a different everyday life, developed. The whole administrative body of the Empire suddenly was unnecessary once the Empire vanished as a political entity. Of the old structures, only a few monuments remained. These were left standing within the new city, but played no role in its ‘gestalt’.

In the coastal regions of Italy and Greece, life in the city was also difficult. These cities, like Brindisi, Taranto, Syracuse, Agrigento, Athens, and Corinth, had been purely defensive positions of Byzantine Rome.

With the incursion of the Arabs, most of their territory was destroyed, and the cities were reduced to some easily defensible geographic position, like the island near Taranto or the Acropolis of Agrigento and Athens.

Fig.53 Arles, France, built into the Roman Amphitheatre (above) and Limoges, France (bottom)

Syracuse, an important town of Antiquity in Sicily, was conquered by the Arabs in 878, its fall described by Theodosius in a moving letter. This city’s importance dated back to its strategic position between the Greek and Persian Empires in the year 475 BC, which meant that a history of 1.000 years ended with its fall. For centuries the Arabs kept Sicily occupied: in 976 they entered Taranto and in 846 they even pillaged Rome.

Then around the year 1000, the Normans arrived in Sicily and drove out the Arabs.

The invading Normans left few traces of building activities in their cities except for a few churches, mainly due to the structure of their society. Only the eldest son inherited the lands and farms, whereas other siblings had to find their own luck. Conquering territory in a foreign land thus became common practice for ‘second sons’. However, these conquerors did not mix with the local population, and their rule can be seen as a transient occupation.

Fig.54 Rome in the Middle Age

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A panorama of Europe from 1000 to 1350 AD What began as Byzantine cities, once they were conquered, never returned to their original importance. Alternatively, coastal cities in Italy gained in importance due their trading capacities. Salerno, Naples, and others showed intensive building activities from the tenth century onwards. Most of this occurred in Naples, which became the capital of the Kingdom of Sicily in 1266, under the French ruler Charles of Anjou, who changed the city by adding to it a fortress and the Church of San Lorenzo with a typical French type of choir. In this way one of the oldest cities in the West was changed into one of the earliest cities of the Europe of monarchies that started to develop in the early thirteenth century.

Further north, this monarchic theme was equally important but followed different rules. Here the permanence that Rome brought to the Italian cities was less important, and what mattered more to the development of a varied city plan was the new technology of building with wood; the presence of new thinkers like the monks Abbot Suger, Peter Abelard, and Bernard of Clairvaux in Paris; or the move of the English king to London. It was especially the coexistence of a tripartite system of power, with the clergy and the nobility placed alongside institutions of learning (universities), that drove considerable change within these cities. This held true not only for Paris and London, but also for such cities as Basel in today’s Switzerland.

Another factor, of course, was a new building technology in stone, which we today refer to as two different styles: the Romanesque and the Gothic.

On the other hand, what began as medieval cities like, say, Bruges, Viterbo, or Siena managed to keep their structure intact and have been inhabited without interruption through today.

In the tenth century AD, a new prosperity set in. As a consequence, the population of Europe increased from 22 million in 950 AD to 55 million in 1350. This was due to a set of factors:

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a. The peoples that had invaded Western and Southern Europe (i.e., Huns, Vikings, and Arabs) had settled down in their new ‘homelands’ and adopted farming. b. Improvements were made in agriculture like the introduction of the watermill, new plough designs, etc. c. New networks of trade had emerged.

Coastal towns like Venice, Genoa, Pisa, and Amalfi gained increased importance, with a dominant presence from early in the tenth century to late in the thirteenth century.

Furthermore, in the fourteenth century the trade group of the Hanse, connecting cities like Lübeck and Hamburg but also Novgorod in Russia, formed a different trading network for Northern Europe. The ensuing trade opened up whole new regions, giving cities and towns inland the opportunity to also participate in these new routes.

As there was not enough work in the countryside, many people were attracted to the cities nearby. The growing population there, in turn, led to several new rings of walled enclosures that marked cities, like trees, with in this case decennial rather than annual rings. In such cities, the artisans and traders were always the majority of the population, and they worked to undermine the feudal system. They demanded personal freedom, an independent judicial system, and a separate local administration, where taxes paid should exclusively be spent for the financing of public projects, such as the extension of fortifications, purchase of arms for defense, etc. From this loose connection of artisans and traders, a new organised group of guilds emerged. The struggle of these specialised guilds against the nobility and clergy was an effective way of organising themselves. By way of this liberation from agricultural subjugation, free cities or even city-republics were created that evolved into free zones with their own laws, functioning as state-like units. It was thus not the size of their populations but a politically motivated process that created many of Europe’s urban agglomerations.

Where the Pax Romana had created large regions that kept the same laws and manners of religious practice, trade, and culture, the medieval city-states were small units with local rules. These were governed and administrated not by a distant state or imperial administration with more or less autonomy, but by way of a more direct involvement of its individual citizens or organised groups within. As mentioned, the guilds of artisans and those of tradesmen entered the political debate with the clergy, which very often had its bishoprics as seats of power in major cities, and with the noble knights, which preserved their own rights of taxation. If you travel along the Rhine River and see the many castles

built to preserve the right to ask for a tax when granting right-of-way, you get an idea of these practices, which became standard from the year 1000 onwards.

45 Fig.55 Castle on the Rhine

Fig.56 Main roads

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Fig.57 Castel Capuano

Fig.58 Siena

Fig.59 New forms of public space: The Campo in Siena, Italy

Towards Regionalism Basically, regionalism is the difference between living in a large united Empire and living within the fractured tapestry of dominions typical of those that formed from the fifth to the eighth century. The move toward regionalism had its downside.

Medieval cities depended on the countryside for their food supply, and they thus controlled and influenced a large territory around them. Different from the Greek city, which had been an ‘open city’, these cities did not grant the same rights to people outside their city walls. This in the end led to so-called leading families – or even, as in the case of the Medicis in Florence, a single family with hereditary rights to power – becoming de facto patricians of these new cities and ruling them. In general, medieval cities were of a size that made it logistically impossible to determine decisions amongst all citizens, like the Greek Agora had been able to do.

Since the cities needed the food from the countryside – and since they had prospered by forming new trade connections to other regions and as a result had seen an expansion in population that pushed the city buildings out into the immediately surrounding countryside – new farmland had to be made available. The prosperity in the towns and cities thus led to new developments in the countryside and to phenomena like the colonisation of Eastern Europe and, of course, to the establishment of many new conurbations in the form of extended villages, towns, or new cities.

This founding of new cities on the periphery of the existing Old World came to a sudden end in the fourteenth century as Europe was swept by the bubonic plague. This deadly illness, carried by fleas that flourished in the close-packed, unhygienic living conditions in larger agglomerations, killed about one-third of the entire European population within a period of two years, from 1348 to 1349.

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Fig.60 Duomo and Baptistry, Pisa Italy

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Fig.61 Cathedral of Chartres, France

Summary Egon Friedell in his three-volume work A Cultural History of the Modern Age (Munich: Heinrich Beck, 1927), called the years of ‘the Pest’ a turning point in history. He wrote, ‘With the end of the Pest in Europe, the Neuzeit or New Age began’.

Like the story of the Deluge in biblical times, people had thought that with the new millennium around the year 1000 AD, the world would once again be consumed as a punishment from God for following sinful ways. After the Pest, they certainly thought so, and the Inferno, the first part of Dante Alighieri’s epic poem Divine Comedy, written between 1308 and 1320, is the lyrical expression of this feeling of demise. On the other hand, the bubonic plague also produced the opposite reaction, namely that thinkers could now free themselves from the tight rules of Scholasticism since all the promises of a better life promised for obeisance and piety had not come true.

Philosophically, it meant the end of medieval mysticism. And architecturally it meant a move away from traditional Northern European Gothic to the new forms of the Renaissance.

to Age of the Renaissance: ‘The authority of science … is a very different thing from the authority of the Church, since it is intellectual, not governmental. No penalties fall upon those who reject it; no prudential arguments influence those who accept it. It prevails solely by its intrinsic appeal to reason’.

It is this age of art and science, commonly known as the Renaissance, that I shall embark upon in a separate lecture within this cycle. In the latter part of this present lecture, which deals with the fall of Rome and the consequences this had, I have given a panoramic view of what happened in Europe over a rather large span of time. My next investigation will lead me back to the spiritual and political roots that made this panorama of a forming continent possible.

Along with this new look at old architecture came a new political formation within cities that was geared toward the rule of the noble families as in ancient Greece, but of course involving very different numbers of inhabitants and with many more political differences between the Greek polis and the Renaissance city-state. The focus also shifted geographically from the northern cities of Scandinavia, Britain, northern France, and Germany toward the southern cities of Rome, Florence, Lucca, and Pisa, many of which earlier had been at the center of gravity of an entire Empire.

In the Middle Ages, a celestially oriented society of saints and pious men like St. Francis had formed around the built forms of the cloister and the cathedral, which were the expression of a fervently religious time.

That was to undergo change as scientific investigation was increasingly set against religious conviction. Bertrand Russell wrote in his History of Western Philosophy and Its Connection with Political and Social Circumstances from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (London: G. Allen and Unwin, 1946) about the change from the Middle Ages

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Lecture 3

From Dark Ages to the City of God

The last lecture was concerned with the fall of Rome in 410 and the effects this had on the urban structure and on the culture of the European continent until the Great Plague around 1350. This next lecture presents a parallel account of what happened across that same time, now with regards to the development of culture, philosophy, and an individual architectural style. In order to arrive at the same end point in 1350, parallel lines of development are proposed that are complementary to those of the urban history outlined in previously.

The long Roman peace (Pax Romana) had helped to diffuse culture across a vast territory and had accustomed all peoples within the Roman realm to the idea of a single civilisation associated with a single government. This idea is paramount to understanding the impact of Rome. It must be pointed out here once again.

What ensued after the fall of Rome in 410 AD was a period called the Dark Ages. The well-balanced system of Roman rule had disintegrated, as had the means to diffuse culture and learning, so there no longer was an institution to conserve what Antiquity had managed to produce. Not only were the victorious Goths who had overthrown Rome pagans, but most of the Romans were, too.

Even if Christianity had been the official state religion since Emperor Constantine had sanctioned it in 325 AD, many pagan Romans likely thought this religion had led to Rome’s ruin. As long as we worshipped Jupiter, they reasoned, Rome had remained powerful; now that our Emperors have turned away from our gods, they no longer protect us. This pagan argument, which to any religion of the time was a potent one, needed an answer.

It was St. Augustine, a learned Roman nobleman who had shed his riches to become a devout Christian, who provided one. In his book The City of God, written from 413 to 426 AD, he advised Christians not to take part in a worldly Government but only in the Divine Nation, i.e., the Church. This faith would make anyone spiritually immune to defeat and guarantee them resurrection and a life after death.

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Lewis Mumford wrote about this religious city, which St. Augustine saw as an answer to the downfall of worldly power, in his book The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961): But the dying (of empire) was a slow process….

The new religious vision that made this (fresh) life possible gave a positive value to all the negations and defeats that the Romanised people had experienced. It converted physical illness into spiritual health, the pressure of starvation into the voluntary act of fasting, the loss of worldly goods into increased prospects for heavenly salvation. …Christian Rome found a new capital, the Heavenly City; and a new civic bond, the communion of the saints.

Mumford continued: Many reasons have been assigned for the triumph of Christianity; but the plainest of them is that the Christian expectation of radical evil – sin, pain, illness, weakness, and death – was closer to the realities of this disintegrating civilisation than any creed based on the old images of ‘Life, Prosperity, and Health’.

After the death of St. Augustine in 430 AD, little philosophy was written or taught. It was a century of destruction. As a result, the Church became a strong element of integration, not only of belief but also as a political and eventually an urban force.

It was in this century that the Saxons invaded Britain; that the Frankish invasion turned Gaul into France; and that the Vandals invaded Spain, giving their name to Andalusia (Vandalusia) – but it was also in the middle of the fifth century that St. Patrick converted the Irish to Christianity. Meanwhile throughout the Western world, rough Germanic kings succeeded the centralised bureaucracy of the Empire.

In the last lecture, we looked at the changes this brought about in the urban pattern and in the reinterpretations of building types, such as arenas, theatres, etc. But larger changes also followed: the Imperial Post ceased, the great Roman roads fell into decay, war put an end to large-scale commerce, and life again became local, both politically as well as economically. Centralised authority was

preserved only in the form of the Church and even that only with difficulty.

Of the Germanic tribes invading the Roman Empire, the most important and most bloodthirsty were the Goths. They were themselves being pushed westward by the Huns, who attacked them from the steppes to the east. At first the Goths tried to conquer the Eastern Roman Empire, but they were defeated. Then they turned to Italy. Since Emperor Diocletian, the Goths had been employed in the Roman army as mercenaries. That experience taught them everything about the arts of war, but more importantly, it empowered them to defeat their teachers by equalling their military ability. One such mercenary, Alaric, sacked Rome in 410, dying in the same year. His successor, Odoacer, put an end to the Western Roman Empire in 476 and reigned until 493, when he was treacherously murdered by Theoderic, another Ostrogoth.

Theoderic ruled as King of Italy until 526. Meanwhile the Vandals established themselves in Africa, the Visigoths in the south of France, and the Franks in the north.

prevailed among even the greatest ecclesiastic of the time, and secular learning was thought wicked.

Russell then identified three institutions of the Church that helped common sense and reason to prevail during the Dark Ages, and later provided the intellectual roots of the ensuing Middle Ages: a. Monasticism b. The Papacy c. Missionaries of Christianity

In his book History of Western Philosophy, Bertrand Russell described the results: In the general decay of civilisation that came about during the incessant wars of the sixth and succeeding centuries, it was above all the Church that preserved whatever survived of the culture of ancient Rome. The Church performed this work very imperfectly, because fanaticism and superstition

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54 Fig.62 Map of Western World

Monasticism Monasticism had its beginnings in both Egypt and Syria in the second and third century AD, and afterwards it spread to Western Europe. It produced two kinds of believers: hermits who lived in solitude and monks who collected in monasteries. St. Anthony was the first monk to be canonised. Russell wrote: For fifteen years he lived alone in a hut near his home; then, for twenty years, in remote solitude in the desert. But his fame spread, and multitudes longed to hear him preach.

Accordingly, about 305, he came forth to teach, and to encourage the hermit’s life. He practised extreme austerities, reducing his food, drink, and sleep to the minimum required to support life. (Also)… he manfully withstood the malign diligence of the Satan. By the end of his life, the (Theban desert) was full of hermits who had been inspired by his example and his precepts.

A few years later – around 315 or 320 – another Egyptian, Pachomius, founded the first monastery….

Russell continued: In Western monasticism, the most important name is that of St. Benedict, the founder of the Benedictine Order. He was born around 480, near Spoleto…; at the age of twenty, he fled from the luxuries and pleasures of Rome to the solitude of a cave, where he lived for three years. After this period, …about year 520 he founded the famous monastery in Monte Cassino, for which he drew up the ‘Benedictine Rule’….

As a model of monastic life, this came to be very successful. In Benedictine cloisters, there was less austerity compared to the practices in Egypt, and the abbot as the head of the cloister was elected for life and had almost absolute power over his monks. That in itself ensured control.

The monastery was in fact a new kind of polis: an association… of likeminded people, not coming together for occasional ceremonies, but for permanent co-habitation, … addressed solely and single-mindedly to the service of God. Benedict of Nursia gave it a formal order, with fixed rules that were to be more or less valid for any ensuing monastic order.

Mumford went on the stress the flexibility of the monastic concept, and in his book he included an image he labelled Medieval Oxford. The famous university town at first opened its gates only to students of theology.

Hence, it seemed logical to construct it like a monastery. Yet Oxford, and with it the whole city, later took a turn from a monastically ordered learned society toward the idea of a university, which was transforming the concept of learning.

Throughout the Middle Ages, monasteries taught the strict catechism of Scholasticism with the monks intent, as Mumford noted, on saving their souls. The monastery’s urban patterns proved to be highly adaptable and valid morphologies for the concept of cohabitation under the banner of learning.

Places like Oxford or Cambridge are still a refuge for ‘likeminded people’. It is just that they are united in a slightly different common cause: to find out something about the order of our universe – an order that, in medieval times, would have been summarised as ‘Godlike’ and left at that.

Lewis Mumford in The City in History made the architectural and urbanistic importance of the monastic movement very clear: One lacks a clue to the new urban form if one overlooks the role of monasticism: it was a formative influence. For the most profound retreat from Rome was not that of the refugees who sought to save their bodies: it was above all a retreat of the devout, who wished to save their souls….

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The Papacy Alongside Justinian, who issued Roman law, and St. Benedict, who gave monasteries a formal order, Gregory the Great was one of greatest men in the sixth century. One of the disciples of St. Benedict, Gregory became Pope to the Roman Church. Because he was born in 540 AD into a rich Roman family, however, it was not at all foreseeable that he would end up at the head of the Church.

As a young man, Gregory enjoyed great wealth and lived in a palace. Because he was a member of the old Roman aristocracy, it seemed logical that he could assume the title of the Prefect of the City of Rome in 573. Yet religion claimed him: he resigned his office and gave away his wealth to be spent on the founding of monasteries or charities. He turned his own palace into a house for monks, while he himself became a Benedictine monk. Between 585 and 590, Gregory was the head of the St. Benedictine Monastery. Then in 590 the Pope in Rome died, and Gregory succeeded him.

His great achievement was his success in enlarging the power of the Papacy as an institution through his powerful political statesmanship. Before his Pontificate, the Bishop of Rome had no authority or jurisdiction outside of his diocese. Even if Christians were on the best of terms with the Pope, they would never think his opinions or rulings applied to them. Gregory changed that. He exerted his authority mainly through his letters sent to bishops in the West. His

Fig.63 The Cloister of St. Gallen Switzerland

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treatise The Book of Pastoral Rule had a great influence in the Middle Ages, as it was used as a guide to the duties of bishops. Under Charlemagne (around 800), it was typically given to bishops at their inauguration. Alfred the Great translated it to Anglo-Saxon, while in the East it was circulated in Greek.

Gregory the Great took part in the discourse of kings and other emperors of his time, another way in which he exerted influence.

He particularly advised rulers how to deal with the heathen, encouraging Christian conversion as a way that cultivated peace and preserved life. This can be seen in the case of a letter he wrote to Agilu, the King of the Lombards, whom he congratulated for having made peace: ‘For if unhappily peace had not been made, what else could have ensued but, with sin and danger on both sides, the shedding of blood of miserable peasants, whose labour profits you?’ (Bertrand Russel, History of Western Philosophy)At the same time he wrote to the Agilu’s wife, Theodolina, urging her to influence her husband to persist in good causes.

Missionaries The conversion of the heathen was an important tactic for increasing the influence of the Church. The Ostrogoths had been converted by the end of the fourth century to Arianism, but after the death of Theoderic, they became Catholic. The king of the Visigoths adopted the orthodox Catholic faith at the time of Gregory the Great. The Franks were Catholic from the time of Clovis. As noted, the Irish were converted to Catholicism before the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the fifth century by St. Patrick. Following St. Patrick’s example, many Irish monks made special efforts to evangelise Scotland and the North of England. Gregory gave special care to those efforts, sending many letters to Edilbert, King of the Angeli, and others about the mission.

Gregory in particular ruled that heathen temples in England should not be destroyed (except for the statues) and instead be used as churches.

Justinian, Benedict and Gregory. The men of the sixth century… were much more civilised than the men of the next four centuries, and they succeeded in framing institutions that ultimately tamed the barbarians. It is noteworthy that, of the above three men, two were aristocratic natives of Rome (Benedict and Gregory) and the third was a Roman Emperor (Justinian). Gregory is in a very real sense the last of the Romans….

After him, for many ages, the city of Rome ceased to produce great men….

In the East, the course of history was different: Mahomet (The Prophet Mohammed) was born when Gregory was about thirty years old.

On the whole period, Bertrand Russell writes: The period we have been considering is peculiar in the fact that, though its great men are inferior to those of many other epochs, their influence on future ages has been greater.

Roman law, monasticism, and the papacy owe their long and profound influence very largely to

Fig.64 Ideal Plan for St.Gallen Switzerland

Fig.65 Medieval Oxford

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The Reign of Charlemagne Europe 800 AD The purpose of going into detail describing this almost eventless time in terms of architecture is to show the beginnings of an ideological basis for the architectural developments that followed. Such developments began with the reign of Charlemagne, whom the Pope travelled to Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) to crown in 800 AD. The period that followed this coronation we call the Middle Ages.

Under Charlemagne (Carolus Magnus), Europe as we understand it today was united as a coherent territory for the first time. The Dark Ages, which saw a loss of knowledge

Fig.66 Charlemagne's realm

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Fig.68 Achen, the church as status symbol for a new empire in Europe

through illiteracy and a rise in uncertainty, had come to an end. For the first time in the four hundred years since the fall of Rome, the reign of Charlemagne offered thinkers the opportunity of looking at the period through the eyes of a new style, architecture, and philosophy. This meant that for the first time since Antiquity, they produced an architecture that no longer relied on pagan Roman or Greek traditions. This was a direct result of the strengthening of Christianity as a determining factor on the continent, indicated in the earlier tracing of events from the time of the fall of Rome until the crowning of Charlemagne.

Fig.67 The crowning of Charlemagne by the Pope, 800AD in Aachen ( Aix-la-Chapelle)

Fig.69 The Dom in Speyer

Fig.70 The Cistertian Abbey of Cluny France

Fig.71 Heavy masonry provided shelter and safety

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Romanesque and the Church of the ninth to the Twelfth century The Roman Catholic Church was the one power to survive the Roman Empire after 410 AD. Throughout the centuries that followed, it managed to gain influence. Wisely, it knew a primary duty was to remain the keeper of knowledge. Through its monastic cloisters formed in part for that purpose, the Church attained the comfortable position of a major power within society. As one example of this new power, Rudolf Glaber, a monk in the Burgundian cloister of Cluny, wrote in his chronicle dating from 1003: It happened almost all over the world, especially however in Italy and Gaul (France), that a renewal of Basilicas (was undertaken)‌.

Even though, for those that were well positioned, this would not have been necessary.

Nevertheless different peoples in Christianity rivalled to rejoice in beauty. It was as if the World was about to renew itself by casting away the Old World, and putting on the glistering

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Fig.732 Romanesque Construction schemes

coat of Christianity. Now the devoted would change (and renew) all churches of Bishop Seats, the Cloisters of the various Saints, and even the smaller chapels in villages.

This monk clearly reported on the fervent new epoch of building in what we call the Romanesque style. The report on the ensuing style, which would most characterize the Middle Ages, was written by another monk.

In 1148/49 Abbot Suger reported on the new Church of St. Denis in Paris, the burial place of the French kings, describing the next great architectural era, that of the Gothic style.

Romanesque Architecture Medieval architecture developed from a basis in Roman architecture, as the representative architecture of late Antiquity. That architecture could not be transformed whole to the conditions of medieval times, however, so after centuries of misunderstanding, deformation, and change, a new style of architecture called Romanesque emerged.

According to Roman tradition, the arch was used to bridge openings and connect pillars.

But because Romanesque architecture was determined by the masonry wall, the arch was less used and less ornamented. Only the columns remained as a means of expressive embellishment, retaining the idea of the Greek or Roman column in architecture and a reminder of Roman ornamentation.

Monasticism played a major role in the development of such an architecture. By this time, two great orders had established themselves throughout Christendom.

Each had a very different outlook on the

Fig.73 Cistertian Minimalism

purpose of life and hence on architectural expression. The Bendictine Order was strict and hierarchical. It made attempts to rejoice religiously in the magnificent architectural and artistic expression of the ‘Celestial City’, as described by Lewis Mumford. A second monastic movement, the Cistercians, which started to spread later, especially in France, had a very different understanding of the purpose of monastic life. For the Cistercians, prayer, work, and a frugal life were the way toward spiritual enlightenment and salvation of the soul. Consequently, their main Abbey at Cluny is a starker statement. For eyes that are trained in a tradition of Minimalism, this building is a revelation, showing the roots of that twentieth-century movement in these early ages. The cloister in Eberbach, Germany, on the Rhine shows a similar austerity.

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The rise of the Gothic, 1250-1500 AD In the early twelfth century, the building of cathedrals in cities began, with powerful effect on the cityscape. These buildings were not like the temples of the Greeks and Romans. They did not serve as the actual abode of the gods that they were dedicated to. Cathedrals instead were to be the architectural embodiment of the idea of ‘Almighty Godliness’ and to show the small importance of worldly existence in such a celestial world. They were mainly built in the new Gothic style.

This unique Gothic style united Europe architecturally for the first time. Cathedrals built in France, Britain, and Germany began with one thing in common and that was their method of construction. The massive masonry wall that was common to the Romanesque was here much refined, and finally dissolved entirely. Examples of this refinement date from the period of High Gothic in the Paris area around 1250 and end in the very ornamented Gothic expressions found in the Dome of Milan or at Kings College Chapel Cambridge, which is both the finest and the last example.

Fig.74 Medieval Cities and the influence of the Church

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The search for new viable building methods for these huge, soaring cathedrals started in the twelfth century with the masons of the Île-de-France in Paris and the cathedrals of Chartes, Reims, and Amiens. The results were new forms of both construction and decoration. The spread of this style, which only later was termed the Gothic, made it possible to steer the all-embracing changes within Europe’s cities in a shared direction.

The European cities, however much they might be different, seemed for the first time to be a product of a unified civilisation, aware if its own existence.

Fig.75 Gotik in Europa

Fig.76 Jan van Eyck, (1395- 1441) Madonna and the child

Fig.77 The City of God

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The Correlation of Architecture and Philosophy: Scholasticism and the Gothic Of paramount importance is the correlation of architecture and philosophy that happened only during the Gothic period, a time when architects as such were first recognised as the ones ‘that create the form of a building but put no hands to the material’ (Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae). It is this interrelationship between theoretical thought and practical application that Erwin Panofsky wished to explore with his book Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism (Latrobe, PA: Archabbey Press, 1951), the ideas of which

Fig.78 Kings Collage Cambridge Cathedral with fan vaulting

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Fig. 80 Chartres Cathedral

he first delivered as a lecture at Harvard in 1953. There he argued that the theological thought of Scholastic philosophers like Thomas Aquinas was perfectly represented in Gothic architecture. This was in line with the view of Gottfried Semper, who had written in 1860 that the ‘Gothic building was the direct translation of Scholastic philosophy of the 12th and 13th century’. (Der Still in den technischen und tecktonischen Künsten, 1860)

Fig.79 The Duomo di Milano, Italy

Fig.81 Building Details of Notre Dame, Paris

Fig.82 Paris with Ile de France and Notre Dame

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This leads to the final statement of this lecture. Panofsky demonstrated with his book that one has to understand a period in time as a ‘genuine sensual unit’ and not as a ‘historical construction’. In his view, the ‘entirety and coherence of a period can only be discovered by the enumeration and demonstration of analogies between different cultural phenomena’.The purpose of this lecture was similarly to draw the parallel lines that track urban development in the Middle Ages, its philosophy, and its new ways of building within the new Christian world that resulted from a fallen Roman Empire.

Fig.83 Mont. S. Michel, France

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Fig.84 Siena: two main public squares, The Piazza del Duomo and the Campo

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Lecture 4

From the Celestial City to the Renaissance City State This lecture deals with the historical watershed that lies between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. The early formation of the European city – which is the topic of these lectures – can be seen as a process of economic and demographic growth during the Middle Ages, which started in the eleventh century and ended abruptly with the Great Plague in 1348. That same date marks the end of the time when cities were governed by just one agent: the Church . To see an example of a city formed under the sole governance of the Church, we may look at Vézelay in France, where a processional street within the city culminates at the cathedral. This interim time in the late Middle Ages before the Renaissance has been described as the beginning of the New Age, given that almost one-third of the population of Europe perished within the preceding two years – the Pest thus prevented a further development of the medieval city. As a result of the Great Plague, cities shrank in size until the middle of the fifteenth century. However, their urban reality remained alive, and even today they retain their original gestalt from that time.

After this period, one sees great changes in the politics of European cities. The effects of increasing knowledge and the development of new techniques that enabled the production of greater wealth assured new representatives, like merchants or artisans, a place in city politics. Already, as the last lecture pointed out, in cities like Florence or Siena, individual families came to prominence and governed the city as if it were a small state.

The ideas presented in this lecture are: a. Changes in city governance to include multiple political players is characteristic of regionalism. b. To expand governance with a focus on the city was a typically European regional phenomenon up to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. c. The concept of a nation came as a much later result of these developments.

Even today, many Europeans feel an allegiance with, say, Paris or London, or they call themselves Venetians rather than Italians. But how can we explain such a phenomenon.

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Robert E. Park, a Chicago-based urbanist and a member of the so-called Chicago School of Urbanism, in his book The City: Suggestions for the Study of Human Nature in the Urban Environment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925), co-written with R. D. McKenzie and Ernest Burgess, wrote : ‘The city is, rather, a state of mind, a body of customs and traditions, and of the organized attitudes and sentiments that inhere in the customs and are transmitted with this tradition’.

Fig.85 Italy, the center of Renaissance

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Fig.86 San Gimignano, Tuscany Italy

Fig.87 Venice, San Marco

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Fig.89 Venice overall plan

Fig.88 Vezaley, France

Fig.90 Medieval Paris with Ile de France

Fig.91 London as seen by Canaletto

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The Chicago School used a biological analogy to define cities and their development in a Darwinian evolutionary way. They likened the city to a pond with waterlilies: these develop and come up to the surface, and then sink to the bottom of the pond after their prime. The basin – or pond – remained as a reference terrain, or context, which was static. But the image of the pond changed due to biological changes in the content of the pond – in this case, the waterlilies. For the Chicago School, tradition and custom were the prime catalysts of change, but in a biological way – in other words, changes in tradition altered the content of the city and consequently changed the image of the terrain called ‘city’. For these thinkers, a gestalt developed out of social and political structures whose changes they attributed to the genetics of a given city.

So, let us look at a city of the fifteenth century in that way. How did the genetics of social structure change at that time? How did that alter the gestalt, or the physical image of the city?

Initially cities were dependent on the goodwill of the nobility, the clergy, or the king, all of whom gave them ‘rights’ as privileges, which granted them a certain autonomy to make decisions that would not have to be accepted by a higher authority than the City Council. The rights were confined to the city precinct, which at the time was geographically easy to define, as the cities were usually walled.

From these privileges, and within these walls, other formations of society developed.

For example, as craftsmen and traders organised themselves in guilds , a separate legal system developed. In turn, this produced a new building type: the City Hall.

It was the creation of new buildings like this that characterises the physical image of these New Age medieval cities.

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Especially successful charters led to the formation of free cities. These no longer depended on higher institutions to grant them rights and instead derived their legality from an autonomous and self-defined legal process. In short, the various images of the cities at the end of the Middle Ages were an expression of the contest for power and influence among various developing social groups within them. The new players were:

a. Clergy b. Nobility, expressed in the city and castle of Carcassonne, France, or Caernarfon, Wales c. Farmers d. Craftsmen, expressed in the guild cities of Brügge and Nürnberg, Germany.

Very often these distinct groups lived in separate, well-defined parts of the cities, which acquired their own distinct characteristics through this fact. So, the formative force of the late Middle Ages city was the accrual of power by these groups.

But what came beyond that?

The modern – as opposed to the medieval – outlook began in Italy with the movement called the Renaissance (or rebirth). From 1530 on, Italian civilisation developed in a way totally unlike that of the northern countries in Europe, which remained medieval. In the first place, Italian cities broke down the system of Scholasticism, which had become an intellectual and architectural straitjacket.

In building terms, one can summarise this development as the cathedral versus the palazzo. But more importantly, the Renaissance encouraged the practice of regarding intellectual activity as a delightful social adventure.

Fig.92 City Hall 15th century

Fig.93 Guildhall and Merchant House

Fig.94 Fortified City

Fig.95 Bruges in Flanders, Belgium

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The Renaissance was not a populist movement: it was a movement driven by a small number of scholars and artists who were encouraged by liberal patrons, especially the Medici family, and some humanist Popes. It produced very great men, such as Leon Battista Alberti, Leonardo da Vinci, and Michelangelo. It liberated thinkers from the narrowness of the medieval culture, and it made scholars aware that in the past before Scholasticism a variety of opinions had been held on every subject imaginable.

This discovery and the revival of scientific scrutiny stood in sharp contrast to the belief in a rigid ideological system of Scholastic order.

To demonstrate this new emphasis on scientific endeavour rather than on intuitive belief, we will look at the work of several architects as well as scientists in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. We start with the typical Gothic stage, set with the cathedral that defined the ‘City of God’ as Benedictine of Nursia called his famous book of 427 AD. In his lecture at Harvard in 1953, Erwin Panofsky had pointed out that there was a direct connection between the Scholastic philosophy of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the so-called Middle Ages, and a city’s built forms. In the Renaissance, this coincidence of art, architecture, and philosophy recurred, although the parameters at play were very different.

During the Renaissance, this coincidence led certain cities to flourish, in the way that later cities would enjoy a so-called golden era, such as Vienna at the beginning of the twentieth century. In his book Cities in Civilization (New York: Pantheon Books, 1998), Sir Peter Hall proposed different theories to explain this phenomenon. This lecture explores these ideas as they are of help to understanding the developments in Renaissance cities. It was not only the changes in society that reshaped them, Hall argued.

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In one explanation for the ‘golden age’ of certain cities, he pointed to the ideas of Hippolyte Taine, a French art historian of the nineteenth century who coined the phrase ‘creative milieu’ to describe the loose intellectual connection of those people within cities who were driven by the

same convictions. Hall went on to discuss Thomas Kühn’s idea of the ‘change of a paradigm’. In the 1960s, Kühn had observed that radical changes in conviction would occur if paradigms in science changed.

As experimental evidence supported the new paradigms, such changes would then lead to a total realignment in some beliefs that before had been accepted almost dogmatically.

A good example of the latter is the early belief that the planets comprised a wellordered hierarchy with the earth as a flat disk at its centre. As long as people believed that they could fall off the edge of the disk if they travelled to its limits, nobody would dare venture far. Once Galileo and Copernicus showed that this was not true, the world-spanning expeditionary travels of Magellan and Columbus commenced (Magellan Straits in South America 1520 / North America 1493).

A similar sense of discovery animated the architectural efforts of Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472). The demise of the Gothic in Italy was certainly anticipated by texts like Alberti’s ‘ten books on architecture’, written in 1446 and collected in the volume De Re Aedificatoria.

In this treatise, you can see that Alberti was less interested in style and very much more interested in the rediscovery of methods of construction and the techniques for deriving everyday engineering principles. Preceding him was Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446) with his famous dome construction for the cupola of the Florence cathedral. The differences are clear when this is compared with the Gothic naves of the Notre Dame or Chartres cathedrals.

Fig.96 Market Square Antwerp Belgium

Fig.97 Reims Cathedral, France

Fig.99 Chartres Cathedral

Fig.98 Detail of section Reims Cathedral, France

Fig.100 Bruges Cathedral interior

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Certain images produced by Leonardo da Vinci point in the same engineering and construction-minded direction. Leonardo was perhaps the greatest artist and scientist in one, a man of genius made famous by his paintings Mona Lisa or The Last Supper, but whose machines and engineering designs for a new sewage system in Siena are of equal importance. We know he studied anatomy, a forbidden subject in the Middle Ages when the Church viewed the construction of the human body as a sacred creation and so untouchable. Leonardo put aside these considerations to pursue his interest in the connection of the whole to its parts, something that pervades all his thought.

The endeavours of Alberti, Brunelleschi, and Leonardo to master their environment by scientific experiment was indeed new. For the first time in many centuries, individuals were questioning the functioning of buildings and coming up with new building types and possible new ways of constructing them – far away from Gothic methods.

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Fig.103 Alberti Santa Maria Novella 1441 Fig.101 Brunelleschi, Florence and the Dome construction

Fig.102 Alberti, St. Andrea Mantua

Fig.104 St. Andrea Mantua Interior

Fig.105 Brunelleschi Ospedale degli Innocenti, Florence

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Fig.106 The ten books of Architecture cover page

Fig.108 The City center of Chartres and its Cathedral

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Fig.107 Brunellescgi,Santo Spirito Florence

Fig.109 The last Supper, Leonardo Da Vinci

Fig.110 Leonardo da Vinci, Sketches for an Ideal Cathedral, Todi Italy

Fig.111 Perspective construction method by Brunelleschi

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The Renaissance Perspective The Renaissance age is very often referred to as the first ‘Humanist Age’ – which points to the new human-centered viewpoint on art, architecture, and science. In this context, the invention of perspective and geometrical construction can be seen as a device that privileged human perception before clerical dogma or belief.

To see and represent an object in the world ‘as is’, and not ‘as it should be’ according to a certain Scholastic dogma, was a big philosophical leap that led to deeply different approaches in art.

Fig.112 Masaccio and the use of perspective

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Florence and not Florence Given this understanding of the time leading to the Renaissance, the question becomes, what were the circumstances that created the ‘creative milieu’ in Florence. How did the changes in paradigm form a new society, new cities, and new forms of building? And what were the specific paradigm changes, in Thomas Kühn’s sense?

The first change in the paradigm was explored in the last lecture that showed how a system of cities sprang up as selfdescribed ‘Cities of God’. The next change was the end of the ordered world of Scholasticism following the bubonic plague in 1348-1350. New beliefs of more local and profane (rather than godly) character took hold. People could no longer hold onto the belief that the world was an entrance hall to a godly paradise when one-third of Europe’s population lay dead of a mysterious illness for which there was no cure, neither in prayer nor in medicine.

Reflecting this shift in paradigm, Niccolo Machiavelli (1467-1527) wrote the first book of political theory – The Prince (1513) – a handbook of power, which argued that the wielding of power was the primary objective of any political thought, an idea in direct conflict with both medieval Scholasticism and the socialist ideas of today’s democratic politicians.

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A Florentine, Machiavelli was yet another member of the intellectual ‘creative milieu’ of that city. Immediately after Savonarola’s death and the restitution of a Florentine republic, he obtained a post in the government and remained in its service until the return of the Medicis in 1512. After he was arrested by them but then allowed to live in retirement, he wrote The Prince, which he dedicated to Lorenzo II of Medici, whom this lecture also addresses, in an effort to win favour.

Bertrand Russell in his History of Western Philosophy wrote: The Prince is concerned to discover, from history and from contemporary events, how principalities are won, how they are held, and how they are lost. Fifteenth-century Italy afforded a multitude of such examples, both great and small. Few rulers were legitimate; even the popes, in many cases, secured election by corrupt means. The rules for achieving success were not quite the same as they became when times grew more settled, for no one was shocked by cruelties and treacheries which would have disqualified a man in the eighteenth or nineteenth century.

Perhaps our age (the twentieth century), again, can better appreciate Machiavelli, for some of the most notable successes of our time have been achieved by methods as base as any employed in Renaissance Italy.

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Increased wealth derived from trade gave rich families increased political power.

In the case of the Italian city-states, this led to single powerful ‘condottiere’, who ruled a city the way kings ruled countries.

This development offers a valuable key to understanding the European city.

Renaissance cities saw the emergence of dynasties like the Pazzi or Medici families in Florence. With time, motivated by the accumulation of enormous wealth and their support of the creative milieu around them, they become generous patrons of art and architecture. If the medieval city was the product of a common effort of all its inhabitants, this paradigm now changed, with the Renaissance city developing via its patrons and later through independent artists that hired themselves out to various courts.

The first geographic chart showed how talent was concentrated in cities or, more particularly, the Italian cities of the early Renaissance (Florence, Siena, Urbino, etc.).

The second chart lists the famous artists and architects of the Renaissance. A look at the years offers evidence of the existence of Taine’s creative milieu at that time.

Fig.113 Italy, The center of Renaissance

Fig.114 Cosimo I - Il Magnifico

Fig.115 Cosimo II de Medici

Fig.116 Lorenzo de Medici

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Fig.117 Urbino as the Cradle of Science, Italy

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Fig.118 Urbino, Italy

Fig.119 Diptych Dukes of Urbino

Fig.120 The Duke of Montefeltro, Urbino

Fig.121 Ideal City drawing by Piero della Francesca, Urbino 1470

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The Golden Era of Cities: Vienna 1850-1914

Fig.122 The Golden Era: Vienna 1892, Otto Wagner's Artibus Project of an imaginary palatial city

Fig.123 Theatre in Vienna

Fig.125 Vienna street life

Fig.124 The Waltz

Fig.126 Gustav Klimt, Portrait of a woman with a golden robe, Vienna 1905

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The Golden Era of Cities: London 1960s

Fig.127 Archigram's Walking City London, Peter Cook

Fig.128 Cities in Civilization book cover, Peter Hall

Fig.129 The Beatles, Record cover for Sgt. Pepper Lonely Hearts Club Band

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Lecture 5

From Religious Beliefs to Scientific Facts The previous lecture discussed the Renaissance as a pre-scientific age.

It presented the ideas, reflected in Machiavelli’s The Prince, of a ruthlessness to gain power at all costs. But it also described the patronage of the wealthy for matters of art, architecture, and urbanism. This lecture will concentrate upon the introduction of scientific method to the Renaissance city.

Federico da Montefeltro, the Duke of Montefeltro in Umbria, Italy, not only supported artistic endeavour, but also turned his palace into a centre of science.

There the Roman Renaissance librarian Vespasiano da Bisticci put together a library that contained famous works in their Latin and Greek originals. The Duke also engaged the mathematicians Luca Pacioli and Paul of Middleburg to teach Guidobaldo, his son.

Eventually this led to the spreading of a new scientific awareness. When the duke died, his scientists and artists moved on into the large cities, as well becoming respected specialists .

The primary practical science of the time was astronomy. The well-ordered universe, portrayed in the last lecture, now started to become unsettled. The discoveries of Copernicus (1543) and Galileo (1609) completely shattered the old celestial order.

Even though the Church pressured Galileo to renounce his findings, both in private and later in public in 1619, the door to a new physics had opened. A new understanding of planetary motion emerged, and the theory was eventually completed by Isaac Newton and his famous Laws of Motion.

In Newtonian physics, space is an endless continuum existing in its own right, absolute and independent of all it contains. Within this infinite universe, architecture had to try and find its place in space and so began to employ the method of perspective.

Before now, space had been seen as a confined concept of specific places, of belonging and appropriating. Now the panorama, or the large vista showing the overall connection of individual spaces within a city, started to be important.

Fig.130 Ideal City drawing by Piero della Francesca, Urbino 1470

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Fig.131 Depiction of Urbino, Italy

Fig.132 Copernicus, Sun Centred cosmos

Fig.133 A new perception of space and motion

Fig.135 The construction details for perspective drawing by Brunelleschi

Fig.134 Newton's Orbital Cannon

Fig.136 Perspective construction method by Brunelleschi

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The panorama became especially popular for cities in the second half of the sixteenth century. For the first time, the accumulated heritage of the European city was seen and represented in perspective. City plans on a regular grid become more numerous, as did work that consciously employed vanishing points.

At the time when Venice, Florence, and Naples were already fully built-out cities, Rome was still a small, undeveloped town whose panorama was still determined by the ruins of Antiquity. It had suffered through the long absence of papal power following a schism in the Papacy that lasted for about 100 years, from 1309 to 1378. There were two Popes during that time, the more powerful one having taken his seat in Avignon. Only in 1420 was this reversed and the Pope returned to Rome. As a consequence, Pope Sixtus V was determined to make Rome the most advanced city of its time. With its imposing ruins and a newly gained power, this seemed entirely possible for the new Pope to accomplish.

The basic idea that lay behind the renovation of Rome proposed by Pope Sixtus V was his religious ambition. He wanted to connect all the pilgrimage churches in the city, employing worldly means, like perspective,

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to do so. He wanted to link these sites using straight roads, which he ordered to be cut into the existing city plan. The idea was that pilgrims seeking their way in the city would be helped by these straight vistas. But vistas needed a focal point, and a pinnacle was proposed. Using an obelisk for this purpose was not new . In Roman times, the Empire had used these urban artefacts in the same way. A needle of stone was further suitable as a means to create perspective views: the tip of the obelisk marks a point in space, and the faraway viewer can end his optical journey across Rome’s vista by looking at this point.

Fig.137 New Public Space in Florence

Fig.138 Design of the City, Venice

Fig.139 Uffizi, Florence

95 Fig.141 Uffizi, Florence

Fig.140 The City of Florence

Fig.142 Piazza Della Signoria and the adjacent Uffizi in Florence

Fig.144 Plan of Pope Sixtus V

Fig.145 Michelangelos Reconstruction of the Caput Mundi, the Capitol in Rome

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Perhaps the most famous of these transformations, however, was his alterations to the Papal Basilica of St. Peter, still the seat of power of the Catholic world today. Faced with the previously designed tall dome and strongly symmetrical plan, he realised that the great monuments of Antiquity as well as the new churches in Rome had to find a balanced co-existence with the housing encompassing the everyday life of the citizens of Rome. So he greatly reduced the geometric forms, blurring their definitions with the masonry impression of a continuous folded/fractured surface, and designed a hemispherical dome with a lower profile. The difference between the ordinary and the elegant and saintly could not be ignored, and Michelangelo’s great achievement with St. Peter’s Basilica lies in his ability to marry both these parts with each other.

Fig.146 St. Peter Plan, Bernini

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Fig.147 St. Peter aerial photography

Further examples of the Baroque transitions within Rome include the Piazza del Popolo, the Spanish Steps, and the Piazza Navona.

Another theme of the new consciousness that came with the Renaissance was the different view of the relationship of Nature and Man, expressed in natural artefacts like the garden. This was a direct result of the introduction of the scientific method to human learning and understanding.

Architecture first gave it expression in Rome, some time before the magnificent gardens at Versailles in France. In the early villas of the nobility of Rome, we see the first collaborative tendencies of architects and landscape to tame wild Nature. In towns near Rome like Frascati and Tivoli, three elements coexisted: the old city ring with the typology of the Middle Ages, the expansion of the Baroque with the linear street, and the new seat of the villa with its symmetrical gardens.

Fig.153 Piazza del Popolo, Rome

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Fig.155 Depiction of Piazza del Popolo

Fig.154 Depiction of Piazza del Popolo

Fig.156 Depiction of Piazza Navona

Fig.157 Via del Babauino, Villa

Fig.158 Spanish Steps, Rome

Fig.159 Piazza Navona Plan

Fig.160 Panorama Villa,Frascati

Fig.161 Panorama Villa d'Este, Tivoli

Fig.162 Bagnaia town, Planimetry

Fig.163 Bagnaia town, aerial photography

Fig.164 Bagnaia town, aerial photography

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Paris and Baroque Gardening The new elite of the seventeenth century comprised kings with their courts. Such rulers did not have the same competence and engagement in artistic matters as earlier Renaissance condottieres and patrons. But that changed with King Henry IV of France.

From 1589 until 1594, France was roiled by a religious war between the Huguenots and the Catholic League that devastated and depopulated Paris. After Henry of Navarre’s military victories and his ultimate renouncement of Protestantism, he was crowned King Henry IV and immediately set out to develop a massive rebuilding plan for the city. The image shows Paris of the time with its three parts: the religious Île de la Cité at the centre, the Université on the right, and the Ville de Paris with its craftsmen, its unions, and its administration on the left.

Under King Henri IV, this ensemble was to change radically. The walls of Paris were extended, new territories were incorporated, and the Tuileries gardens were restored. The water system and other infrastructures were repaired. A new set of piazzas and palaces was introduced into the city plan, all to be bordered by uniformly designed houses.

These included the Palais Royale , the Place Dauphine and the new quarter on the Pont Neuf, and the Château de Saint-Germain-enLaye.

The rationalism newly expressed by René Descartes in philosophy, Pierre Corneille in literature, François Mansart in architecture, and Nicolas Poussin in painting represented a new golden century for France – and for that matter for Europe. In particular, the French King Louis XIV as well as his wealthy advisors (like Cardinal Mazarin or Nicolas Fouquet) started to build castles with gardens that were quite different from those in Rome. While the Roman gardens had featured rich integrations of the villa into its intermediate landscape, the French gardens were a landscape in themselves.

The first such castle built was by the French finance minister Fouquet at Vaux-le-Vicomte.

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To achieve such a masterpiece required the collaboration of many specialists. The decoration was created by the painter Charles le Brun, the architecture itself was designed by Mansart, and the gardens were created by André le Nôtre. On the occasion of the inauguration of his new buildings with its park, Fouquet invited King Louis XIV to attend. Celebrations included a comédie-ballet written by Molière with music by Jean-Baptiste Lully, and the gourmet cook Francois Vatel prepared the meals. Three weeks later Fouquet was imprisoned, after which all the Vaux-le-Vicomte specialists worked exclusively for the King. Fouquet obviously had underestimated the king’s saying: L’Etat c’est moi.

Under Louis XIV’s reign, the court with its approximately 10.000 people moved from Paris to the newly built castle in Versailles.

In itself the construction of Versailles marked the first complete human mastery of Nature. In fact, the Gardens of Versailles are much more important than the buildings. They are a rationalist expression of the domestication of nature, as Le Nôtre well understood.

Fig.169 Depiction of Paris, France

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Fig.166 Palace Royale Paris, France

Fig.167 Place Dauphine and Pont Nauf new quartier

104 Fig.169 Example of garden planning

Fig.168 Scheme Pont Nauf new quartier

They fit well with the Sun King, who said that in his reign the sun never set, pointing to the importance of his dominions; the gardens, in turn, were created with the image of a horizon as their outer limit. To convey the extent of the castle and gardens at Versailles, a map from the eighteenth century compares the sizes of Versailles and Paris. The next plan, showing the important new building activities undertaken in Paris in the seventeenth century, makes clear that the kings outspent their resources in Versailles. While the city itself underwent rather large renovations and alterations, none had the dimension of Versailles. Many European cities adopted this new pattern of placing royal seats in castles outside the actual city, featuring new piazzas and straight avenues with new building quarters in a Baroque style.

Fig.171 Vaux-le-Vicomte Castle, France

Fig.170 The Château de Saint-Germain-en-Laye

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Fig.173 Vaux-le-Vicomte Castle, aerial view

Fig.172 Vaux-le-Vicomte Castle interior

Fig.174 Versailles Planimetry

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Fig.176 Versailles photo of the Castle

Fig.175 details

Fig.177 Versailles as seen from the city, Baroque etching

107 Fig.178 Versailles and Gardens photo ca 1930

Fig.179 Paris and the monuments inserted by Henry IV and Loiuis XIV

Fig.180 View from the Tuilieres Gardens, Paris

The Dutch Developments One counter example to this rather pompous architecture and the urbanism of Absolutism, a period of absolute monarchical rule in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, can be found in Holland. The Protestant Dutch had successfully fought the Catholic Spanish, who until then had dominated the Lowlands of Flanders and Holland, seeing Holland as an exploitable backwater that could serve as a convenient base for an Armada to fight the naval supremacy of England lying just across the Channel. As a result of this successful resistance, while the Dutch did have a king and an aristocratic class, they were governed by a constitutional monarchy.

Freed from monarchical excesses, the Dutch concentrated on trade and became a very wealthy nation in Europe.

Likewise their cities underwent a very different development during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries compared to the

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French royalist model of the castle with its court outside the city and straight grand avenues leading to it. Dutch towns and cities were still ruled as they had been in the Middle Ages: the power in Dutch cities had remained with the aristocratic wellto-do tradesmen. Every larger city was essentially an independent republic, even though they did form bonds amongst each other to defend themselves against the aggressions of foreign powers.

Amsterdam the city of Merchants Amsterdam, as the most important of these cities, became Europe’s banking and financial centre. The growth of the city, which this concentration of power encouraged, was regulated carefully. Amsterdam planners introduced concentric canals, or grachten, along which they allowed a carefully maintained geometric division of house fronts. This was indeed a revolutionary model of ‘anti-aristocratic’ town planning. Here the burghers of the town were clearly the masters, not the absolute monarch.

Fig.181 The city of Amsterdam

This more what we would call democratic city system also produced a new humanist way of seeing the world through the works of the Dutch painters. As the Church was no longer the principal patron for artists, having been replaced by the royal courts or the rich merchants, this new clientele asked for work on new themes. Of these Old Masters, Rembrandt was perhaps most exemplary, taking as his subjects the experiences and emotions of individuals. His works reveal a profound humanity in their portrayals of both grand themes (love, repentance, or fatherhood) and mundane life.

Fig.182 Amsterdam from 13th to 17th century

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Fig.183 Rembrandt van Rijn, Portrait of his wife 1660

Fig.185 Jan Vermeer of Delft, Woman Reading a letter

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Fig.184 Rembrandt van Rijn, The famous Amsterdam doctors

Fig.186 Rembrandt van Rijn, The Jewish Pride

Summary As Bertrand Russell wrote in The History of Western Philosophy: Another thing that resulted from science was a profound change in the conception of man’s place in the universe. In the medieval world, the earth was the centre of the heavens, and everything had a purpose concerned with man.

In the Newtonian world, the earth was a minor planet of a not specially distinguished star; astronomical distances were so vast that the earth, in comparison, was a mere pin-point. It seemed unlikely that this immense apparatus was all designed for the good of certain small creatures on this pin-point. Moreover purpose, which had since Aristotle formed an intimate part of the conception of science, was now thrust out of scientific procedure. Any one might still believe that the heavens exist to declare the glory of God, but no one could let this belief intervene in an astronomical calculation. The world might have a purpose, but purposes could no longer enter into scientific explanations.

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Lecture 6

The City of the Absolute Regime: Conquering of Nature and Perspective So far we have seen how the influences of religion (Middle Ages), of cultural exchange (Renaissance), and of power politics (Versailles) shaped the appearance of cities throughout Europe. This lecture will concentrate on the cultural and political forces with architectural implications that determined the activities in European cities before the Industrial Age. This will take us on a journey toward the two cities that in the eighteenth century were the forerunners of the political as well as urban programs that would shape Europe – and continents beyond, especially the new United States of America. For the purpose of our journey, it is necessary to realise that from the seventeenth century onwards, there were only two grand metropolitan cities in Europe, able to accommodate several hundreds of thousands of inhabitants: London (population of 750.000 in 1750) and Paris (population of 375.000 in 1750).

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Fig.187 Map of Paris, France

The last lecture looked at the developments in Paris in the 1660s, including the building of Versailles and the changes in landscape and environment this brought with it. One thing that can be said generally is that, especially in the seventeenth century, power politics appeared in the guise of art and architecture more than in any other century.

Wolfgang Braunfels in his book Urban Design in Western Europe: Regime and Architecture, 900-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990) continued: This combination is understood in the concept of gloire. Versailles was its definition. Palace and park were built for the glory of the king, a glory they illustrated and manifested in themselves. Rome dans un Palais – ‘Rome, the metropolis of the ancient world, in a palace’ – this was the caption to an early engraving of the palace, which was itself to be understood as political propaganda for the king.

The king’s insistence on order made use of the gardens to push nature into the background. Both palace and park were public. Anyone who had been presented at court could have access to the palace, and anyone who was properly dressed had access to the park.

Fig.189 Versailles, schematic representation and aerial photo

Fig.188 Versailles, France

Fig.190 The absolute monarch: Louis XVI of France, 1754-93

Fig.191 Dress in baroque time

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The main thing to understand about Versailles is that it provided a model for many other princely courts of its time.

The connection of city and palace, as demonstrated in Versailles, was a model that many of the absolutist rulers of Europe, from St. Petersburg to Potsdam to Madrid, embraced with delight. Examples of this are

shortly demonstrated here. What is common to them all is that they followed the model of subduing nature into a strict geometry, creating large axes and vistas, and (last but not least) establishing a seat for a princely or royal court alongside its city or town.

Fig.192 Sanssouci palace

Fig.194 Potsdam, plan of the town and palace complexes

116 Fig.193 Sanssouci palace

Fig.195 St. Petersburg

The English Example We shall now turn to England and see what changes followed from the deposing of an absolute monarch, the equivalent of Louis XIV, with Oliver Cromwell’s revolution in 1648. Changes in London and other English cities over the next century were extensive: by 1750 London was by far the largest city in Christendom, and it had adopted quite a different path of development compared to the example in France.

from French exile in 1660. Then the entire city of London burnt down in 1666, which gave it the chance to take on a new plan and a new face.

Cromwell’s was the first revolution against an absolute monarch, and it concluded with the execution of King Charles I for treason in London. Cromwell then dissolved Parliament in the 1650. A constitutional monarchy was restored only as King Charles II came back

Fig.196 Charles I of England

Fig.197 Oliver Cromwell

Fig.198 Charles II of England

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Early in the eighteenth century, the Duke of Marlborough, a forefather of Winston Churchill, built a great palace at Blenheim near Oxford. He received the estate grounds as a present from Queen Anne in 1706 for the valuable military service he had rendered to his country. Blenheim Palace was designed

by Sir John Vanbrugh, and Capability Brown, the most outstanding British garden architect of his time, would improve on the grounds some fifty years later. What this grand estate mainly demonstrated was the French idea of a princely court. But more

Fig.199 Map of London

118 Fig.200 The city of London, Plan of the Burnt city

importantly, it showed the very different English understanding of a garden as a well-groomed piece of Nature that was nonetheless carefully composed. Unlike the structural geometries of French gardens, this concept had a very different aim. Here the elements of chance and surprise were important, not the axial establishment of power. Another of Capability Brown’s gardens is Priory Park near Bath.

Fig.201 New Plan for the city of London by Christopher Wren

Fig.202 John Churchill, 1st Duke of Marlborough

Fig.203 Blenheim Palace and gardens Oxfordshire, England

Fig.204 Blenheim Palace and gardens Oxfordshire, England

119 Fig.205 Blenheim Palace and gardens Oxfordshire, England

In eighteenth-century England, the effects of a constitutional monarchy, as opposed to the Absolutism that still prevailed in France, could not be easily ignored. In his book Industry and Empire: From 1750 to the Present Day, rev. ed. (New York: New Press and Norton, 1999), Eric Hobsbawm wrote the following about Britain: The traveller who landed around 1750 at Dover or Harwich…would travel perhaps fifty miles by coach the next day.…

He would immediately be struck by the greenness, tidiness, the apparent prosperity of the countryside, and by the apparent comfort of ‘the peasantry’. ‘The whole of this country,’ wrote the Hanoverian Count Kielmansegge in 1761 of Essex, ‘is not unlike a well-kept garden’. …The tourist would then, equally invariably, be deeply impressed by the immense size of London…. It was certainly not beautiful. It might even strike the foreigner as gloomy. ‘After having seen Italy’, observed the Abbé Le Blanc

in 1747, ‘you will see nothing in the buildings of London that will give you much pleasure. The city is really wonderful only for its bigness’. (But he, like all others, was ‘struck by the beauties of the country, the care taken to improve lands, … and the air of plenty and cleanliness that that reigns in the smallest villages’.)

In all these accounts of England around 1750, the beautiful countryside described was closely linked with the unique political system of Britain, one in which kings were subordinate to Parliament, whose members belonged to a landowning aristocracy.

How remote in spirit this was from their continental counterparts across the Channel.

What a difference compared to French nobility! Hobsbawm continued, once more quoting Abbé Le Blanc: ‘One does not find the English set up for making a figure, either in their clothes or equipages; one sees their household furniture as plain as sumptuary laws could prescribe it … and if the tables of the English are not remarkable for their frugality, they are at least so for their plainness’.

Hobsbawm then cited another French cleric, Abbé Coyer, on the government’s unique concern for ‘the honest middle class, that precious portion of nations’. He finally turned to Voltaire, the great French philosopher of the Enlightenment who wrote letters from England in 1720: ‘Commerce,’ wrote Voltaire, ‘which has enriched the citizens of England has helped to make them free, and that liberty in turn has expanded commerce. This is the foundation of the greatness of the state’.

In short, England was set on a system of free commerce instead of absolute rule. With the rise of a broader class of wealthy citizens, there was, of course, also the need to create an architecture to suit them.

120 Fig.206 Capability Brown, Landscape Architect (1716-1783)

Fig.207 Blenheim Palace and gardens Oxfordshire, England

Fig.209 Priory Park near Bath, England

Fig.208 Priory Park near Bath, England

Fig.210 Voltaire

121 Fig.211 Typical English Landscape

Bath - an Architecture for a New Class For an architectural answer to the question of how to house an up-and-coming, equally entitled class of wealth, we have only to look to Bath, a small spa town north of London in an area where Jane Austen set many of her novels interpreting and critiquing the landed gentry of the late 1700s (Emma, Sense and Sensibility, and others.) In Sigfried Giedion’s Space, Time and Architecture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), we find an account by Oliver Goldsmith, a visitor to Bath at the end of the eighteenth century, who described the colorful mix of people that would come together there: ‘Clerks and factors from the East-Indies, loaded with the spoils of plundered provinces, planters, negrodrivers from our American Plantations, agents who have fattened in two successive wars, brokers and jobbers of every kind, men of low birth.’ The question is: How should one build a city so diverse in its population?

Richard Sennett wrote in his book The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities (New York: Knopf, 1990): ‘A father and son had to find answers for this question, the father by building in a civilized way, the son in an Enlightened way’. Sennett referred here to the architects John Wood the Elder and John Wood the Younger, who created the King’s Circus and the Royal Crescent in Bath as new urban forms of living according to the principles of the Enlightenment.

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John Wood the Elder started to work for the city of Bath in 1727. Sennett continued: Queen Square, his greatest project, is a garden designed to be like the courtyard fronting a great mansion, with appendages surrounding its three sides. In Queen Square the mansion is the entire north side the square, an assemblage in fact of several houses put to differing uses; they are unified on the façade into a whole. …Bath was not a royal court. It was a city for sufferers from gout (who ‘took the waters’) and lovers of dancing (as in Jane Austen’s novels) – both the disease and the love drew all sorts of people…. Bath was a commercial resort; its life depended upon something like architectural politeness. And so he enclosed them doubly: behind the building façade and then also as a mass by designing promenades, which concentrated people into them as a moving body….’

Even more striking was the King’s Circus built in 1754 immediately north of Queen Square. Here the fiction of a ‘polite’ building was also upheld. Behind the regular facades, one could find noble flats as well as brothels, and one could no longer speak of a unified use.

Sennett went on to describe John Wood the Younger as ‘a child of his times’. After his father’s death, he began to build Brock Street, which would act as a connection between the King’s Circus designed by his father and ‘a very different urban ensemble.

This was the Royal Crescent, completed in 1769, in which the thirty houses forming the crescent are as severely classical with their Ionic columns as anything that his father built…’ But the semicircle here opened to an English garden landscape with a ‘ha-ha,’ as shown : a concealed ditch within a large pasture that allowed cows and other animals to be seen grazing peacefully without fear of their getting lost, as they were hemmed in by the low fence hidden in the ditch. This private property development invented the urban row house in grand style, a form that permitted a division of units that was offset by the grand gesture of the whole.

Fig.213 Building Elevation of one of the side buildings of Queen Square in Bath Fig.212 Plan of Bath

Fig.214 Building on Queen Square in Bath

Fig.216 King's Circus in Bath

Fig.215 Jane Austen

Fig.217 King's Circus in Bath

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These last two pieces of eighteenth-century urbanism, the crescent with its countryside garden, formed the basis for John Nash’s later insertions of crescents at Regents Park or even the careful curve of Regent Street in London. They were the perfect architecture for the rising bourgeoisie. With this answer came the Enlightenment sense of man’s humble place in nature. What it also revealed with the unifying architecture of the façades was that the new gentry knew less and less about their neighbours.

In France, it was not until the French Revolution that thinkers began to embrace the countryside again. In The Reveries of the Solitary Walker, trans. Charles Butterworth (Indianapolis and Cambridge, MA: Hackett, 1992), we learn how Jean Jacques Rousseau in 1776 proposed to: …keep a faithful record of my solitary walks and of the reveries which fill them when I leave my head entirely free and let my ideas follow their bent without resistance or constraint.

These hours of solitude and meditation are the only ones in the day during which I am fully myself and for myself, without diversion, without obstacle, and during which I can truly claim to be what nature willed.

His words were meant as a description of his soul – they did not mean a passive absorption into nature. Instead nature was seen as something to be introduced, a means to create an urban convergence of difference, specifically in the creation of the place or square in order to ameliorate the failings of the city. Again, the English had a different model than the French. During the French Enlightenment, such places were where opposites like wilfulness and chance were allowed to merge. In England they were of a piece with nature. The individuals

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in residence around the square, as was the case with London Square, would be given a key to enjoy the garden inside it.

Soon thereafter, of course, in Paris, the second of the grand metropoles, very important changes came with the French Revolution of 1789. Like in England 130 years earlier, the monarchy was dispatched as King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette were beheaded by guillotine. The calls for Egalite, Fraternite, Liberte were heard for the first time.

Fig.218 Royal Crescent in Bath

Fig.219 Royal Crescent in Bath

Fig.220 Jean Jaques Rousseau (1712-1778)

Fig.221 Royal Crescent in Bath

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Fig.222 Royal Crescent in Bath

Fig.223 John Nash Regent Street, London

Fig.225 John Nash Regent Street. London

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Fig.226 Place Stanislas in Nancy, France

Fig.224 John Nash Regent Street. London

Fig.227 Storming of the Bastille in 1789

Fig.229 Queen Marie Antoinette of France beheaded on the Guillotine in 1793

Fig.228 Queen Marie Antonietteof France

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Lecture 7

The City of Pleasure: Vienna So far we have seen influences of religion, cultural exchange, and power politics shape the appearance of cities throughout Europe.

The last lecture, dealing primarily with French and English landscape gardening and the relationship of architecture and nature, looked at two of the largest European cities: Paris and London. To complete this collection of great European cities, Vienna must also be mentioned.

What then were the important moments in the urban history of this city? As far back as 1237, the city walls of Vienna surrounded an area that was to remain unchanged until 1857. From the fifteenth century onwards, about 40.000 to 50.000 people lived inside these walls. Between the Turks’ first siege of Vienna in 1529 and the last one in 1683, the fortifications were repeatedly enlarged. This meant that the glacis, the area vulnerable to attack in front of the fortifying walls, also grew. In 1529 it was 100 metres wide, and in 1683 it was broadened to 450 metres. Until 1857 nothing was built on that land at all.

On the other side of the city, smaller glacis were established, more exposed to Turkish ransacking.

After the last siege in 1683, when the city repulsed the Ottomans for good, Vienna was rebuilt rapidly. It was the beginning of a period when large palaces were built on the high grounds outside the city – Schönbrunn Palace, designed by Fischer von Erlach, made a beginning in 1712. By 1857 the circle of country seats in the suburbs had created a densely connected architectural network.

This is one of the reasons for dealing with Vienna: It allows us to mark the changes that came as it shifted from an absolutist city ruled by an aristocratic upper class to a bourgeois world capital. What began as the seat of the monarch’s court became, from 1850 on, a Residenzhauptstadt, or the center of an important multiethnic empire, until it was finally transformed into a bourgeois world capital, shaped by its inhabitants.

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Its history also documents yet another ‘decline and fall of an Empire’, in this case, the Austro-Hungarian Empire. That Empire first took shape with the Accession of the Habsburgs and its first king, Rudolf I, around the year 1000. The Empire fell in 1916 with

the death of its last emperor, Kaiser FranzJoseph; Austria’s subsequent defeat on the side of the Germans in World War I was the end of the ‘Danube Monarchy’. The fall of the Habsburgs in 1918 reshaped Europe at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Just as the Congress of Vienna in 1815 created new states like Poland, Serbia, and Croatia, the demise of the Habsburgs in 1918 brought forth new independent states like Czechoslovakia, the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, and Finland.

The question posed in this lecture is, what happened to Vienna in the short-lived preIndustrial Age, from 1790 to 1840? During this period, Napoleonic Rule ended in 1815 with the Battle of Waterloo in today’s Belgium , followed by the Congress of Vienna and Napoleon’s exile to St. Helena.

Fig.230 Map of Vienna

Fig.231 Etching showing Vienna ca. 1683

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Fig.232 Vienna 1683

Fig.233 Schรถnbrunn Palace and Gardens, Architect Fischer von Erlach

Fig.234 The Palace in the Inner City, the Belvedere

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Fig.235 Political Map of Europe at the time of the Napoleonic Wars 1792

Fig.237 Wellington

Fig.236 Napoleon

Fig.238 Charles Maurice de Talleyrand. French Foreign Minister 1798 - 1815

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1815 Congress of Vienna This ‘Congress of the Powers of Europe’ (the United States was not represented) brought an exceptional powerbroker into play: Prince Klemens von Metternich, the chancellor and foreign minister of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. His careful plan to balance out power in Europe with the introduction of new buffer states between the larger powers may have been autocratic, but it brought peace to the continent and established stable new borders that lasted for a hundred years.

Vienna, sharing Metternich’s intention to minimise territorial or financial punishment for France, which by 1815 had effectively lost the struggle for European domination.

What was to follow in France as a result of the Vienna Congress was a continuation of Napoleonic rule, now under Napoleon III.

Metternich also made sure that the radicalism that had accompanied earlier forced political changes would not recur.

There was no question of beheading a king or beleaguering a country, as in France. Instead, the powerful Prince Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, once Napoleon’s chief diplomat, was given a seat at the negotiating table in

Fig.239 Map of Europe with new states

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Fig.240 Prince Klemens von Metternich

The Age of Restoration 1815-1848 This has been a brief overview of Vienna’s historical background. The next part of the lecture will concentrate on the architectural implications that determined the shape of cities in Europe before modern times began to create new urban morphologies. In the case of Paris and Vienna, what is relevant, as far as urban development is concerned, has to do with the city walls. Changes took place in each once the city got to be too big and the military fortifications around it had to be dismantled. But the outcomes in Paris were different from what we shall see in Vienna.

By 1848 the population of Paris had had enough of Louis Philippe’s bourgeoisiedominated government, with its nepotism and corruption. As a result, people manned the barricades of Paris in violent resistance.

A socialist-spirited Second Republic emerged.

Fig.241 Baron Hausmann

Fig. 243 A cross section of society mirrored within a French apartment building of the 1850ies

When Karl Marx published his Communist manifesto at this time, he posited the fight on the barricades as the next step toward a new social order. Alarmed, Napoleon III, who had been elected president of the Second Republic, but subsequently made himself emperor, instructed Baron Haussmann to change the city to keep this from happening.

Thus, Baron Haussmann’s massive changes to Paris had a military motivation, as they allowed the control of whole parts of the city with an army by creating grand avenues.

This planning dramatically changed the face of that city.

Fig.242 Boulevard Hausmann in Paris, France

Fig. 244 Map of Paris, France

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Fig.246 Boulevard Hausmann in Paris, France

Fig.245 Boulevard Hausmann in Paris, France

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Fig.247 The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx

Fig.248 Barricades Paris 1848, France

Fig.249 Plan Hausmann Paris, France

Fig.250 The 1848 Uprising throughout Central Europe

Fig.251 Vienna 13th March 1848

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The City as Pleasure Principle – Vienna 1815-1918 In Vienna changes came, too, but they were less violent, rooted as they were in the arts.

In his book Cities in Civilization, Sir Peter Hall called Vienna ‘The City as Pleasure Principle’, because of its periods of cultural invention that shaped it. Vienna had perhaps the longest golden age of all the cities in Europe, one spanning more than a century.

Beginning as a great imperial capital, it became a host city to a large part of Europe and the world. It had the quality of a settled society, comfortable with itself, free to pursue cultivated and elegant pleasures.

Its spirit around the fin de siècle (1900) was captured indelibly in Stefan Zweig’s Die Welt von Gestern (1934-1942), published in English as The World of Yesterday, trans. Anthea Bell (Lincoln, NB: University of Nebraska Press, 2013). He said about his hometown: Vienna, through its century-old tradition, was itself a clearly ordered, and … a wonderfully orchestrated city. The Imperial house still set the tempo. The palace was the center not only in a spatial sense, but also in a cultural sense of the supranationality of the monarchy.

The palaces of the Austrian, the Polish, the Czech, and the Hungarian nobility formed as it were a second enclosure around the Imperial palace .Then came ‘good society’, consisting of the lesser nobility, the higher officials, industry, and the ‘old families’, then the petty bourgeoisie and the proletariat.

Stefan Zweig described Vienna as a quite rigid social hierarchy, but nevertheless a city in which people lived easily together –

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the antithesis to London or to Paris with its social unrest. And one of the reasons was the common passion for art. Zweig wrote, ‘Each of these social strata lived in its own circle, and even in its own district…. But everyone met in the theatre and at the great festivities…’.

He continued: The Imperial theater, the Burgtheater, was for the Viennese and for the Austrian more than a stage upon which actors enacted parts; it was the microcosm that mirrored the macrocosm….

In the court actor the spectator saw an excellent example of … how to converse, which words one might employ as a man of good taste and which to avoid…. The stage was a spoken and plastic guide of good behavior…. (A) court actor or an opera singer was recognized (in the streets) by every salesgirl and every cabdriver.

Zweig also noted: It was not the military, nor the political, nor the commercial, that was predominant in the life of the individual and of the masses.

The first glance of the average Viennese into his morning paper was not at the events in parliament, or world affairs, but at the repertoire of the theater, which assumed so important a role in public life as hardly was possible in any other city.

It was the zenith of the golden age, which in fact came as a second fluorescence in Vienna. The point about Vienna is that its culture spread its influence over a remarkably long period and in the course of that time significantly changed direction and focus.

Fig.252 A panoramic Map of Vienna showing the important buildings in each of its districts

Fig.253 Imperial Theatre of Vienna

Fig.254 Map of Vienna

Fig.255 Map of Vienna

Fig.256 Portrait of Schubert

Fig.257 Portrait of Mozart

Fig.258 Portrait of Beethoven

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First, between 1780 and 1830, there was a musical golden age: this Vienna was the city of Joseph Haydn, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Ludwig Von Beethoven, and Franz Schubert.

During this time, Vienna was seen foremost as the European capital of music. The music of these composers furthered the idea of using a larger performance ensemble for the playing of non-sacred music in the form of operas and symphonies. In turn this led to the invention of new building types, like opera or symphony halls, and the construction of large theatres (Burgtheater) under Maria Theresa. Vienna also produced what could be called the first type of pop music with its two “Waltz Kings”: Johann Strauss and his son Johann Strauss the Younger. To the list of the serious composers can be added Johannes Brahms and Felix Mendelssohn.

By that time the physical fabric of the city had been changed. What came into play with this artistic revolution was the idea of the ‘creative milieu’. But how did the change of the city take place?

It was clear that the city could not remain as a military fort with a huge glacis around it. The new bourgeoisie had already settled outside in villages around the inner city that served as a military base and the seat of the princely court. When in 1857 Emperor Franz Joseph I finally decreed that the fortifications could be demolished, this opened up a new possibility to create a new Vienna. The result was the Ringstrasse, the great redevelopment of that time.

In a single, grand homogeneous space, an array of monumental buildings was concentrated – including the parliament, a science museum of natural history, an opera house, and the Votive Church (Votivkirche) built after the victory in Königgrätz – as well as palatial apartment buildings. It was an architectural achievement, which was a new and important feat for a bourgeois society.

The Ringstrasse not only determined the perimeter of the inner city but also replaced military fortifications with cultural projects.

Conspicuously missing, however, was one element of urbanism: housing for the average worker. In that aspect, Vienna was similar to other cities of Europe.

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Carl Schorske wrote about Vienna in his

book Thinking with History: Explorations in the Passage to Modernism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998): Two features gave the Ringstrasse its importance for the origins of modernism in Austria: its power as a cultural symbol and its historicist style, in which buildings were constructed on Gothic, Renaissance, and neoclassical models. Such was the symbolic force of the new quarter that the Austrians named the whole era of liberal ascendancy for it: die Ringstrassenära, just as the English call the same era, after their queen, the Victorian Age. It is this culturally rich period in the last sixty years before the downfall of the AustroHungarian Empire in 1918 that made Vienna famous. During the period from 1860 until 1918, Vienna created what you could for the first time in history call a pop culture of the nineteenth century. I call it that because of the criticism levelled at its neoliberal developments. Architecture was a target, but it pervaded every form of the cultural scene of the Empire.

This second focus of change, which came with the dawn of industrialisation in Austria after 1850, resulted from new demands on the city confronting a state that had just begun to build its representative ResidenzStadt and as yet was totally unprepared for modernist developments. This created a tension of cultural unrest, where leading figures stood out as critics of this system with its self-aggrandizing, ‘even almost selfrighteous array of monuments’. Sir Peter Hall continued: There was a different kind of flowering between 1890 and 1910: It included an upheaval in music but was (also) marked by striking changes in literature, philosophy, and the social sciences and in the visual arts, a flowering marked by such diverse figures as Mahler, Schoenberg, Schnitzler, Freud, Kraus, von Hofmannsthal, Wittgenstein, Otto Wagner, Loos, Klimt, and Kokoschka.

The first world-famous figure to criticise Austrian bourgeois society for the illnesses that social constraints brought was Sigmund Freud. In him, Vienna had the founder of a new science, psychology. Freud explained

why illnesses of the mind, such as hysteria or phobia, could be seen as internal mental processes and could be cured by dialogue rather than medicines. Yet open dialogue was something that required the acceptance of individual expression. This was a new notion that was very alien to a state that for centuries had a well-ordered social hierarchy where mute acceptance and conscious or unconscious repression of feelings was the rule. Now a scientist had appeared who discovered that mute repression of feelings leads to the outbreak of many sicknesses.

The fall of the Austro-Hungarian or the Habsburg Empire came on June 28, 1914, when Prince Franz Ferdinand and his wife were shot by a Serbian nationalist in Sarajevo.

World War I began on August 1, 1914.

Further social critiques came from artists like the Secessionists painters including Gustav Klimt, architects like Otto Wagner, and urbanists like Camillo Sitte, only to be followed up by architects Adolf Loos, Joseph Olbrich, Jože Plečnik, and others. In the field of literature, it was Karl Kraus and Arthur Schnitzler who were bitter critics of the ‘everything is sunshine’ cultural politics of the Empire, followed in the twentieth century

by Robert Musil and his famous book, written in the 1920s, on the rottenness of the fallen Empire, Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften (The Man without Characteristics).

Vienna further saw the invention of so-called atonal music, replacing the octave with twelve tones, composed by Arnold Schönberg and Alban Berg. Austrian composer Gustav Mahler also made a worldwide impact. In the theatre, Schnitzler adapted the Freudian findings to his plays, just as August Strindberg was doing in Sweden at the same time. And a movement rooted in the Secession in Vienna turned out to be as important for painting as it was for architecture: a new style, Art Nouveau or Jugendstil, broke away from the classicist or Gothic revivals that had determined many of the Ringstrassen buildings.

By 1918, Vienna’s supremacy as the cultural capital of the world had ended. The music of Mahler, Berg, and Schönberg, the plays of Schnitzler, the discoveries of Freud, the paintings of Klimt, and the architecture of Wagner and others lost their primary importance in this city to universal war.

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Fig.259 The Ringstrasse Development, Vienna after 1858

Fig.260 Johann Strauus the Elder and his son

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Fig.262 Vienna, Inner City 1st half of the 19th Century

Fig.261 Thombstones of Brahms and Bruckner

Fig.263 Vienna, Inner City 2nd half of the 19th Century

Fig.264 Vienna aerial photography

Fig.265 Parliament in Vienna

Fig.266 Opera House in Vienna

Fig.267 Science Museum of Natural History in Vienna

Fig.268 Opera House in Vienna

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Fig.270 Depiction of Vienna

Fig.269 Church the Votivkirche in Vienna

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Fig.271 Otto Wegner palatial apartment building

Fig.272 Otto Wegner palatial apartment building detail

Fig.273 Otto Wagner

Fig.274 Otto Wagner Karlsplatz metrostation Fig.275 Otto Wagner Villa in HĂźtteldorf, close to Vienna

145 Fig.276 Gustave Klimt (1862-1918)

Fig.277 Gustave Klimt, Portrait of Adele Bloch-Bauer, 1907

Fig.278 Oskar Kokoschka (1886-1980)

Fig.280 Villa Müller, Prague 1930 Architect: Adolf Loos

Fig.279 Adolf Loos Architect, Vienna 1870-1933

Fig.281 Tombstone of Adolf Loos

Fig.282 Artur Schnitzler, a friend of Sigmund Freud. Excerpt of his forbidden play Der Reigen

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Fig.283 Artur Schnitzler, play Der Reigen

Fig.285 Arnold Schรถnberg's Living Room, Vienna around 1930

Fig.284 Karl Kraus, writer and theatre critic, Vienna 1910

Fig.286 Arnold Schรถnberg, Vienna around 1930

Fig.287 Gustave Mahler, Composer Vienna around1930

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The Age of Restoration

Fig.288 Crownprince Ferdinand of Austria and his family

Fig.290 The Crownprince and his wife seconds before being assassinated

Fig.292 Plaque outside the Sarajevo Town Hall

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Fig.289 Crownprince Ferdinand and his wife Sophia leaving the Sarajevo Town Hall 28th July 1914

Fig.291 Apprehension of the Bosnian extremist and Gavrilo Pricip after shooting the Crownprince and his wife

Fig.293 Beginning of 1st World War, August 1914

Fig.294 1st World War the last battle using horseback

Fig.296 1st World War- Industrialized Warfare Fig.295 1st World War- Machine Gun

Fig.298 1st World War -The use of gas

Fig.297 1st World War- Planes and guns

Fig.299 1st World War - new armour, tank

Fig.300 1st World War - Canons for ships

Fig.301 1st World War submarine

Fig.302 Cemetery at Verdun

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Summary From Antiquity to the Age of Humanism This series of lectures spanned a time of 2000 years. Its purpose was to portray the main changes in human collaboration as a line of ideas and their realization as built form.

The book is the basis to an understanding of the Modern city, born in the Age of Industrialization. This will be the main task of the following book on the History of European City.

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List of Illustrations Fig.1 The World of Antiquity. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.2 Anciant Greece.Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.3 Agora of Athens 2nd Century AD. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.4 Greek Coins. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.5 Olympia in later Antiquity. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.6 Greek temples. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.7 The Acropolis of Athens. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.8 The Acropolis of Athens. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.9 The Greek City. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.10 The Acropolis of Athens. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.11 Parthenon Temple. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.12 The Acropolis of Athen. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.13 The Acropolis of Athens. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.14 Amphitheatre Delphi. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.15 Le Corbusier sketch of the Acropolis, Athens. Scully, Vincent. The Earth, the Temple, and the Gods: Greek Sacred Architecture. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1962 Fig.16 Pantheon Rome. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.17 Miletus Greece. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.18 Agora Main Buildings Organization Miletus, Plan and Perspective. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.19 Miletus Greece. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.20 The World of Antiquity. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.21 Rome and its hills. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.22 Rome under Servius Tullius as shown in 1527. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.23 Rome and its monuments Baroque etching. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

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Fig.24 Titus Arch, Rome 70 AD showing the Roman Army capturing Jerusalem and taking its people intocaptivity. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.25 The Colosseum Rome. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.26 Coin, model and today’s ruin showing the Colosseum in Rome Colosseum Rome. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.27 Aerial photo, Rome. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.28 Model of Antique Rome, overview, Rome. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/ New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.29 Plan of Rome. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.30 Rome and its monuments. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.31 Ostia the Harbour of the Imperial City. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/ New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.32 The city of Ostia. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.33 Pompei, Italy. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.34 Roman Roads. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.35 Roman Aqueducts. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.36 Roman Aqueducts, Bridges Roads. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.37 The City of Como. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.38 Aerial Photo, Como and the Lake. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.39 Silchester. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.40 Roman military Settlement near Lorch Austria. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.41 City of Trier, Germany. Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.42 Palace of Diocletian in Spalato 300AD. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/ New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.43 Examples of cities with Cardo and Decumano. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.44 Roman Settlements in Britain showing Hadrians Wall. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.45 Measuring devices setting up of Cardo and Decumanus (above) and Typical fortification at Silchester (bottom). Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.46 Roman Settlements around the Mediterranean Basin. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

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Fig.47 Grid system of land partition - still visible today. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.48 Migration of people within Europe 4th-6th Century AD. Price, Simon and Thonemann, Peter. The Birth of Classical Europe. New York: Penguin Books, 2011.

Fig.49 Constantinople as the Seat of the New Roman Empire 326 AD. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig. 50 Hagia Sofia Construction 525 AD. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.51 Hagia Sofia 525 AD. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.52 Spalato (Split) on the Adriatic Sea, a city built into Diocletians Palace. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.53 Arles, France, built into the Roman Amphitheatre (above) and Limoges, France (bottom). Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.54 Rome in the Middle Age. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig. 55 Castle on the Rhine. Lampugnani, Vittorio Magnago. Architecture and City Planning in the Twentieth Century, English ed. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1985.

Fig.56 Main roads. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.57 Castel Capuano. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.58 Siena. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.59 Campo di Siena. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.60 Duomo an Baptistry, Pisa Italy. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.61 Cathedral of Chartres, France. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.62 Map of Western World. dtv Atlas zur Baugeschichte, Band 2. Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1987.

Fig.63 The Cloister of St. Gallen Switzerland. Price, Simon and Thonemann, Peter. The Birth of Classical Europe. New York: Penguin Books, 2011.

Fig.64 Ideal Plan for St.Gallen Switzerland. dtv Atlas zur Baugeschichte, Band 2. Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1987.

Fig.65 Medieval Oxford. Mumford, Lewis. The City in History. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961.

Fig.66 The Reign of Charlemagne. Price, Simon and Thonemann, Peter. The Birth of Classical Europe. New York: Penguin Books, 2011.

Fig.67 The crowning of Charlemagne. Mosaic from the refectory of the old Lateran Palace in Rome.

Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Romanik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.68 Aachen, the church as status symbol for a new empire in Europe. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd.

Baukunst der Romanik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.69 The Dom in Speyer. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Romanik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.70 The Cistertian Abbey of Cluny France. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Romanik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

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Fig.71 Heavy masonry provided shelter and safety. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Romanik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.72 Romanesque Construction schemes. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Romanik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.73 Cistertian Minimalism. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Romanik in Europa.

Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.74 Medieval Cities and the influence of the Church. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Gotik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.75 Gotik in Europa. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Gotik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.76 Jan van Eyck, ( 1395- 1441 )Madonna and the child. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Gotik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.77 The City of God. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Gotik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.78 Kings Collage Cambridge Cathedral with fan vaulting. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd.

Baukunst der Gotik in Europa. Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.79 The Duomo di MIlano, Italy. Busch, Harald u. Lohse, Bernd. Baukunst der Gotik in Europa.

Frankfurt: Umschau Verlag, 1968.

Fig.80 Building Details of Notre Dame, Paris. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.81 Building Details of Notre Dame, Paris. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.82 Paris with Ile de France and Notre Dame. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.83 Mont. S. Michel, France. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.84 Siena: two main public squares, The Piazza del Duomo and the Campo . Benevolo, Leonardo.

Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.85 Italy, the center of Renaissance. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.86 San Gimignano, Tuscany Italy. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.87 Venice, San Marco. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.88 Vezaley, Franc. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.89 Venice overall plan. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.90 Medieval Paris with Ile de France. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/ New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.91 London as seen by Canaletto. Ackrcyd, Peter. London: The Biography. New York: Vintage Books, 2001.

Fig.92 City Hall 15th century. dtv Atlas zur Baugeschichte, Band 2. Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1987.

Fig.93 Guildhall and Merchant House. dtv Atlas zur Baugeschichte, Band 2. Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1987.

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Fig.94 Fortified City. dtv Atlas zur Baugeschichte, Band 2. Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1987.

Fig.95 Bruges in Flanders, Belgium. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.96 Market Square Antwerp Belgium. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.97 Reims Cathedral, France. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.98 Detail of section Reims Cathedral, France. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.99 Chartres Cathedral. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.100 Bruges Cathedral interior. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.101 Brunelleschi, Florence Dome Construction. Murray, Peter. Weltgeschichte der Architektur (Renaissance). München: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1989.

Fig.102 Alberti, St. Andrea Mantua. Murray, Peter. Weltgeschichte der Architektur (Renaissance). München: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1989.

Fig.103 Alberti Santa Maria Novella 1441. Murray, Peter. Weltgeschichte der Architektur (Renaissance).

München: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1989.

Fig.104 St. Andrea Mantua Interior. Murray, Peter. Weltgeschichte der Architektur (Renaissance). München: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1989.

Fig.105 Ospedale degli Innocenti. Murray, Peter. Weltgeschichte der Architektur (Renaissance). München: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1989.

Fig.106 The ten books of Architecture cover page. Image from https://www.amazon.com/Ten-BooksArchitecture-1755-Leoni/dp/0486252396 Fig.107 Brunelleschi ,Santo Spirito Florence. Murray, Peter. Weltgeschichte der Architektur (Renaissance).

München: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1989.

Fig.108 The City center of Chartres and its Cathedral. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.109 The last Supper, Leonardo Da Vinci https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/ca/ Leonardo_da_Vinci_Ultima_cena_ca_1975.jpg Fig.110 Leonardo da Vinci, Sketches for an Ideal Cathedral, Todi Italy. Murray, Peter. Weltgeschichte der Architektur (Renaissance). München: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1989.

Fig.111 Perspective construction method by Brunelleschi. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.112 Masaccio and the use of perspective. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/ New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.113 Italy, The center of Renaissance. dtv Atlas zur Baugeschichte, Band 2. Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1987.

Fig.114 Cosimo I. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cosimo_de_Medici Fig.115 Cosimo II. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cosimo_de_Medici Fig.116 Lorenzo de Medici. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lorenzo_demedici Fig.117 Urbino as the Cradle of Science, Italy. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/ New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.118 Urbino, Italy. dtv Atlas zur Baugeschichte, Band 2. Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1987.

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Fig.119 Diptych Dukes of Urbino. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.120 The Duke of Montefeltro, Urbino. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/ New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.121 Ideal City drawing by Piero della Francesca, Urbino 1470. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.122 The Golden Era: Vienna 1892, Otto Wagner's Artibus Project of an imaginary palatial city.

Jacoby, Alfred. Otto Wagner - Architect and Innovator, Masterthesis. Cambridge: University Library, 1973.

Fig.123 Theatre in Vienna. Jacoby, Alfred. Otto Wagner - Architect and Innovator, Masterthesis.

Cambridge: University Library, 1973.

Fig.124 The Waltz. Jacoby, Alfred. Otto Wagner - Architect and Innovator, Masterthesis. Cambridge: University Library, 1973.

Fig.125 Vienna street life. Jacoby, Alfred. Otto Wagner - Architect and Innovator, Masterthesis.

Cambridge: University Library, 1973.

Fig.126 Gustav Klimt, Portrait of a woman with a golden robe, Vienna 1905. Jacoby, Alfred. Otto Wagner - Architect and Innovator, Masterthesis. Cambridge: University Library, 1973.

Fig.127 The Golden Era: Archigram's Walking City London in the sixties. Images from http:// walkingthecityupolis.blogspot.de/2011/03/guest-post-archigrams-walking-city.html Fig.128 Cities in Civilization book cover, Peter Hall. Image from https://www.amazon.com/CitiesCivilization-Peter-Hall/dp/0394587324 Fig.129 Beatles cover, S. Pepper image from https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/5/50/Sgt._ Pepper's_Lonely_Hearts_Club_Band.jpg Fig.130 drawing by Piero della Francesca, Urbino 1470. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.131 Depiction of Urbino, Italy. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.132 Copernicus, sun centred cosmos. Image from http://csep10.phys.utk.edu/astr161/lect/ retrograde/copernican.html Fig.133 A new perception of space and motion. Image from http://csep10.phys.utk.edu/astr161/lect/ retrograde/copernican.html Fig.134 Newton's Orbital Cannon. Image from http://sciencelearn.org.nz/Contexts/Satellites/SciMedia/Images/Newton-s-orbital-cannon Fig.135 The construction details for perspective drawing by Brunelleschi. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.136 Perspective construction method by Brunelleschi. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.137 New Public Space in Florence. Bacon, Edmund N. Design of the Cities. London: Penguin Books, 1976.

Fig.138 Design of the City, Venice. Bacon, Edmund N. Design of the Cities. London: Penguin Books, 1976.

Fig.139 Uffizi, Florence. Bacon, Edmund N. Design of the Cities. London: Penguin Books, 1976.

Fig.140 The City of Florence. Bacon, Edmund N. Design of the Cities. London: Penguin Books, 1976.

Fig.141 Uffizi, Florence. Bacon, Edmund N. Design of the Cities. London: Penguin Books, 1976.

Fig.142 Piazza Della Signoria and the adjacent Uffizi in Florence. Bacon, Edmund N. Design of the Cities. London: Penguin Books, 1976.

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Fig.143 The Monuments of Rome under Pope Sixtus : V: putting Perspective into the city. Bacon, Edmund N. Design of the Cities. London: Penguin Books, 1976.

Fig.144 Plan of Pope Sixtus V. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.145 Michelangelo's Reconstruction of the Caput Mundi, the Capitol in Rome Bacon, Edmund N. Design of the Cities. London: Penguin Books, 1976.

Fig.146 St. Peter Plan, Bernini. Bacon, Edmund N. Design of the Cities. London: Penguin Books, 1976.

FIg.147 St. Peter aerial photography. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.148 St. Peter Plan, Bernini. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.149 St. Peter aerial photography. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.150 St. Peter aerial photography. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

FIg.151 St. Peter interior. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.152 St. Peter aerial photography. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

FIg.153 Piazza del Popolo, Rome. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

FIg.154 Depiction of Piazza del Popolo. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

FIg.155 Depiction of Piazza del Popolo. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

FIg.156 Depiction of Piazza Navona. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

FIg.157 Via del Babauino, Villa. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.158 Spanish Steps, Rome. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.159 Piazza Navona Plan. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.160 Panorama Villa,Frascati. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

FIg.161 Panorama Villa,Frascati. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.162 Bagnaia town, Planimetry. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

FIg.163 Bagnaia town, aerial photography. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

FIg.164 Bagnaia town, aerial photography. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

FIg.165 Depiction of Paris, France. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

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Fig.166 Palace Royale Paris, France. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.167 Place Dauphine and Pont Nauf new quartier. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.168 Scheme Pont Nauf new quartier. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/ New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig. 169 Example of garden planning. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.170 The Château de Saint-Germain-en-Laye. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.171 Vaux-le-Vicomte Castle, France. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig. 172 Vaux-le-Vicomte Castle interior and plan interior and plan. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig. 173 Vaux-le-Vicomte Castle aerial view. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/ New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.174 Versailles Planimetry. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.175 Versailles details. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.176 Versailles photo of the Castle. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.177 Versailles as seen from the city, Baroque etching. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.178 Versailles and Gardens photo ca 1930. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.179 Paris and the monuments inserted by Henry IV and Loiuis XIV. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.180 View from the Tuilieres Gardens, Paris. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.181 The city of Amsterdam. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.182 Amsterdam from 13th to 17th century. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.183 Rembrandt van Rijn, Portrait of his wife 1660. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt.

Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.184 Rembrandt van Rijn, The famous Amsterdam doctors. Clark, Kenneth. Civilization - A Personal View. London: BBC and John Murray, 1969.

Fig.185 Jan Vermeer of Delft, Woman Reading a letter. Clark, Kenneth. Civilization - A Personal View.

London: BBC and John Murray, 1969.

Fig.186 Rembrandt van Rijn, The Jewish Pride. Clark, Kenneth. Civilization - A Personal View. London: BBC and John Murray, 1969.

Fig.187 Map of Paris, France. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.188 Versailles, France. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.189 Versailles, schematic representation and aerial photography. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

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Fig.190 The absolute monarch: Louis XVI of France, 1754-93 Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Louis_XVI_of_France Fig.191 Dress in baroque time. Image from http://angelique.international/historical-fashion-time-sunking-and-early-baroque.php Fig.192 Sanssouci palace. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sanssouci Fig.193 Sanssouci palace. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sanssouci Fig.194 Potsdam, plan of the town and palace complexes. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Potsdam Fig.195 St. Petersburg. Benevolo, Leonardo. Die Geschichte Der Stadt. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 1982.

Fig.196 Charles I of England. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spanish_Match Fig.197 Oliver Cromwell. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oliver_Cromwell Fig.198 Charles II of England. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_II_of_England Fig.199 Map of London. Image from http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~genmaps/ genfiles/COU_Pages/ENG_pages/lon.htm Fig.200 The city of London, Plan of the Burnt city. Image from http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb. ancestry.com/~genmaps/genfiles/COU_Pages/ENG_pages/lon.htm Fig.201 New Plan for the city of London by Christopher Wren. Image from http://freepages.genealogy. rootsweb.ancestry.com/~genmaps/genfiles/COU_Pages/ENG_pages/lon.htm Fig.202 John Churchill, 1st Duke of Marlborough. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Churchill,_1st_ Duke_of_Marlborough Fig.203 Blenheim Palace and gardens Oxfordshire, England. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Blenheim_Palace FIg.204 Blenheim Palace and gardens Oxfordshire, England. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Blenheim_Palace Fig.205 Blenheim Palace and gardens Oxfordshire, England Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Blenheim_Palace Fig.206 Capability Brown, Landscape Architect (1716-1783). Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Blenheim_Palace Fig.207 Blenheim Palace and gardens Oxfordshire, England. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Blenheim_Palace Fig.208 Priory Park near Bath, England. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Priory_Park Fig.209 Priory Park near Bath, England. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Priory_Park Fig.210 Statue of Voltaire. Image from http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/voltaire-francois-mariearouet-known-1694-1778-writer Fig.211 Typical English Landscape. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English_landscape_garden Fig.212 Plan of Bath. Image from http://britishlibrary.typepad.co.uk/magnificentmaps/2013/12/dontput-a-foot-wrong-in-georgian-bath.html Fig.213 Building Elevation, to the south, of one of the side buildings of Queen Square in Bath. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Queen_Square_(Bath) Fig.214 Building on Queen square in Bath. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Queen_Square_ (Bath) Fig.215 Jane Austen. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jane_Austen Fig.216 King's Circus in Bath. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Circus,_Bath

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Fig.217 King's Circus in Bath. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Circus,_Bath Fig.218 Royal Crescent in Bath. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Crescent Fig.219 Royal Crescent in Bath. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Crescent FIg.220 Jacques Rousseau. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Jacques_Rousseau Fig.221 Royal Crescent in Bath. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Crescent FIg.222 Royal Crescent in Bath. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Crescent Fig.223 John Nash Regent St, London. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regent_Street Fig.224 John Nash Regent St, London. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regent_Street FIg.225 John Nash Regent St, London. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regent_Street Fig.226 Place Stanislas in Nancy, France. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Place_Stanislas Fig.227 Storming of the Bastille. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Storming_of_the_Bastille Fig.228 Queen Marie Antonietteof France. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marie_Antoinette Fig.229 Queen Marie Antoinette of France beheaded on the Guillotine. Image from https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marie_Antoinette Fig.230 Map of Vienna. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vienna Fig.231 Etching showing Vienna ca. 1683. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vienna Fig.232 Vienna 1683. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vienna FIg.233 Schรถnbrunn Palace in Vienna. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schรถnbrunn Palace Fig.234 The Palace in the Inner City, the Belvedere. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Belvedere Palace Fig.235 Political Map of Europe at the time of the Napoleonic Wars 1792. Image from http://www. emersonkent.com/map_archive/ europe_1792.htm Fig.236 Napoleon. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Napoleon Fig. 237 Wellington. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Willington Fig.238 Charles Maurice de Talleyrand. French Foreign Minister 1798 - 1815. Image from https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Maurice_de_Talleyrand-Perigord Fig.239 Map of Europe with new states. Image from http://www.emersonkent.com/map_archive/ europe_.html Fig.240 Prince Klemens von Metternich. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Klemens_von_ Metternich Fig.241 Baron Hausmann. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baron Hausmann Fig.242 Boulevard Hausmann in Paris, France. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boulevard Hausmann Fig.243 A cross section of society mirrored within a French apartment building of the 1850ies. Image from http://www.kenney-mencher.com/pic_old/19th_century/paris.htm Fig.244 Map of Paris, France. Image from http://www.kenney-mencher.com/pic_old/19th_century/ paris.html Fig.245 Boulevard Hausmann in Paris, France. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boulevard Hausmann Fig.246 Boulevard Hausmann in Paris, France. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boulevard Hausmann

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Fig.247 The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karl Marx Fig.248 Barricades Paris 1848, France. Image from http://www.kenney-mencher.com/pic_old/19th_ century/paris. html Fig.249 lan Hausmann Paris, France. Image from http://www.kenney-mencher.com/pic_old/19th_ century/paris.html FIg.250 The 1848 Uprising throughout Central Europe. Image from http://www.kenney-mencher.com/ pic_old/19th_century/paris.html FIg.251 Vienna 13th March 1848. Image from https://www.theater-wien.at/en/ueber-uns/history Fig.252 A panoramic Map of Vienna showing the important buildings in each of its districts. Image from https://www.theater-wien.at/en/ueber-uns/history FIg.253 Imperial Theatre of Vienna. Image from https://www.theater-wien.at/en/ueber-uns/history Fig.254 Map of Vienna. Image from https://www.theater-wien.at/en/ueber-uns/history Fig.255 Map of Vienna. Image from https://www.theater-wien.at/en/ueber-uns/history Fig.256 Portrait of Schubert. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schubert Fig.257 Portrait of Mozart. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mozart Fig.258 Portrait of Beethoven. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beethoven Fig.259 The Ringstrasse Development, Vienna after 1858. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Ringstrasse Fig.260 Johann Strauus the Elder and his son. Image from https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johann_Strauss Fig.261 Thombstones of Brahms and Bruckner. Image from https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Brahms Fig.262 Vienna, Inner City 1st half of the 19th Century.Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_ of_Vienna Fig.263 Vienna, Inner City 2nd half of the 19th Century. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ History_of_Vienna Fig.264 Vienna aerial photography. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Vienna Fig.265 Parliament in Vienna. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Vienna Fig.266 Opera House in Vienna. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Vienna Fig.267 Science Museum of Natural History in Vienna. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Science Museum Vienna Fig.268 Opera House in Vienna. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Opera House_Vienna Fig.269 Church the Votivkirche in Vienna. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voltivkirche Fig.270 Depiction of Vienna. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Vienna Fig.271 Otto Wegner palatial apartment building. Image from http://www.vienna-unwrapped.com/ottowagner-vienna/ Fig.272 Otto Wegner palatial apartment building detail. Image from http://www.vienna-unwrapped. com/otto-wagner-vienna/ Fig.273 Otto Wagner. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wagner Fig.274 Otto Wagner Karlsplatz metrostation. Image from http://www.vienna-unwrapped.com/ottowagner-vienna/ Fig.275 Otto Wagner Villa in HĂźtteldorf, close to Vienna. Image from http://www.vienna-unwrapped.com/ otto-wagner-vienna/ Fig.276 Gustave Klimt. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gustav_Klimt

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Fig.277 Gustave Klimt, Portrait of Adele Bloch-Bauer, 1907. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Gustav_Klimt Fig.278 Woskar Kokoschka. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oskar_Kokoschka Fig.279 Adolf Loos Architect, Vienna 1870-1933. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adolf_Loos Fig.280 Villa Müller, Prague 1930 Architect: Adolf Loos. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Villa_Muller Fig.281 Tombstone of Adolf Loos. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Villa_Muller FIg.282 Artur Schnitzler, a friend of Sigmund Freud. Excerpt of his forbidden play Der Reigen. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arthur_Schnitzler Fig. 283 Artur Schnitzler, play Der Reigen. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arthur_Schnitzler Fig.284 Karl Kraus, writer and theatre critic, Vienna 1910. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Karl_Kraus Fig.285 Arnold Schönberg's Living Room, Vienna around 1930. Image from http://www.schoenberg.at/ index.php/en/arnoldschoenbergcenter-2/schoenberghaus FIg.286 Arnold Schönberg, Vienna around 1930. Image from http://www.schoenberg.at/index.php/en/ arnoldschoenbergcenter-2/schoenberghaus Fig.287 Gustave Mahler, Composer Vienna around1930. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Gustav_Mahler Fig.288 Crownprince Ferdinand of Austria and his family. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ World_War_I Fig.289 Crownprince Ferdinand and his wife Sophia leaving the Sarajevo Town Hall 28th July 1914.

Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I Fig.290 The Crownprince and his wife seconds before being assassinated. Image from https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ World_War_I Fig.291 Apprehension of the Bosnian extremist and Gavrilo Pricip after shooting the Crownprince and his wife. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I Fig.292 Plaque outside the Sarajevo Town Hall. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I Fig.293 Beginning of 1st World War, August 1914. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_ War_I Fig.294 1st World War the last battle using horseback . Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ World_War_I Fig.295 1st World War- Machine Gun. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I Fig.296 1st World War- Industrialized Warfare. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I Fig.297 1st World War- Planes and guns. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I FIg.298 1st World War -The use of gas. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I Fig.299 1st World War - new armour, tank. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I Fig.300 1st World War - Canons for ships. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I Fig.301 1st World War submarine. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I Fig.302 Cemetery at Verdun. Image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_World_War_I_ memorials_and_cemeteries_in_Verdun

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