Forestry Policy Review 2001

YunnanEnvironmental Programre JohnStudley,LiChuru Lai Qirykui

TheForesfit'PolicyRenriew 10th- }4tftAqSust& t lth - 28thSeptenftu2ffi1

2'yr"d

Kunming,Yunnan,P.R.China JohnStudley Li Chun Lai Qingkui

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui E)(ECUTIVE STJMMARY play Forests an important role in the rural economyof YunnanProvince and havethe potential basedon bestpracticesin policy making to enhancethe environment,Yunnansrich biodiversity, and the livelihoods of Yunnans"peripheralpeoples"(poor, women & minorities) The purposeofthis revierv is to identify key forestpolicies, assâ‚Źsstheir socio-environmentalimpact, and to evaluate the capacityof YunnanForestryBureau(YFB) to makepolicies basedon a propoor & participatory approaches Given the time limitations, the researchinseumentsusedincluded a literature review, a semistructured& open-endedquestionnaire(conductedamong27 key informantsin 8 institutes), and a staff-gender-training"snapshof' or profile (conductedin YFB) Key informantsidentified 8 key policies that addressedeitherthe environmentand/orthe poor, and of those8 YEDP is particularly interestedin :- the logging bau the conversionof steepfarmlandto forest, naturercserves& (foresQtourism The key forest policies appearto strongly supportthe environment,at the expenseof peripheral subsistencesociety.If however,the planting componentof many of the policies is predicatedon a conifer monoculture,the environment& biodiversity contribution will be negligible. To addressthe poor, the environment& biodivenity a mixed, multi-storey forest with an agre-forestrycomponent would be a better choice.

Recentforest policies are alreadyimpacting Yunnannspoor, genderrelations and minority peoples, and resulting in both a reductionof agricultural land and grazing.Thereare concemsaboutthe speedof fransitioMntroduction ofthe policies , and the compensationandtenurearrangements sunoundingthe conversionpohcy. IdeallyNTFP should beendevelopedin tandemwith the gadual introduction ofthe new policies Of the 8 policies reviewedthe naturereservepolicies appearto offer most in terms of both the environmentand the poor. It is recognizedthat naturereservemanagemen!must be accompanied by community development.As a rezult provision hasbeenmadein the "experimental" zones surroundingnaturereservesfor :- fuelwood plantations,rural energy,NTFP, economictrees,ecotourism, infrastucture projects,and for co-managementbetweenYFB and the local people.

The YunnanProvincial ForestryBureauand its institutions comprises9 governmentdivisions 9 non-govemmentdivisions, 4 out-stations,5 associatedinstitutes,4 offices underthe StateForest Bureau& I add-hoc.On the basisof snap-shotof 9 divisions 46% of staff are female, 66%af DirectorWice Directors, and4lYo of policy makers.office. They are cunently in the processof implementingthe l0th S-yearplan

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Yunnan EnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui Policy making and implementationwithin YFB areboth very topdown with very little room to adaptStateForestPolicies.Althougb consultation,and field visits are includedwithin botlt proc,esses, this mostly comprisesexperts,or local cadres,with little participation from anthropologicalor social scientists,or the poor.

Although the'lolitical space"existsthere are many reasonswhy pro-poor participation is not working in YFB, andtheserangefrom the pragmatic(its very expensive& time conzuming)through worldviews (Conftcian leadershipparadigms)to the paradoxesposedby stateideology (the cultural reform & assimilationof the poor & minorities into the Han social market economy). the pragmaticfrom the ideological.

Further researchis requiredto desegregate The vast majority of staffwithin YunnanForestryBureau,who have a policy making function have not receivedany formal taining in policy making, and thosewho havereceivedtraining in participatory methodsare not using them for policy making. Paradoxicallyat lower levels of government,in researc[ in projects & in researchnetworksparticipatory methodsare being used and in this aspectYunnan is more advancedthan any other province in China Thereis a needboth for capacitybuilding in conventional& pro-poor participatorypolicy making within YFB, using the usual suite of instruments.Given the seniority of the policy makers,capacity building needsto be arrangedunderthe aegisof seniorprovincial institutions (possibly The /r'' *---Technical& EconomicResearchCentre(which advisesYPG on Policy) or the CPC Policy ResearchOffice).

Given the legacy ofboth indigenousknowledgeresearch& participatory approachesin Yunnan, there is a needto developpermanentmechanismsto ensurethat research(in participation, integration,value of IK) is tansferred from the field/institutions to the Vice Governors,CP Secretaryand otherswho shapeand mould policy in Yunnan Although inter-departnentmechanismsfor integrationexist most seniorofficials in YFB are scepticalaboutintegrationever working. Again paradoxicallyintegrationappearsto work at lower levels of government,in projects,in researchand in networ}s.

In conclusionthere appearsto be a very strongcasefor capacrtybuilding developmentin YFB, in both integration& pro-poor participatory policy making, and that the policies sunoundingnature reservedevelopmentoffer the bestprospectof addressingthe environmentand the poor.

Kunming September2001

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohmStudley,Li Chun, Lai Qinglui

Section I

Introduction

5

Section2

Methods

5

Section3

Policy Review

8

Section4

Institutional capacityanalysis 13

Section5

Conclusions

t9

Section6

Recommendations

20 2l

Bibliography APPENDICES I 2 3 4 5

ICB Iszues Impactof forestpolicy on poor,gender& minorities Ingging ban ForestPolicy Key Infomrants

27 35 4l 43 46

Figures Fig I Fig2 Fig 3

MethodsFramework 6 l4 Thestnrctureof YFB snapshol 5 Staff-gender-training to peripheral Approaches peoples

Fig4 Acknowledgements theassistance of thefollowingin reviewingpolicy :Theauthorswouldlike to acknowledge YFB ( WangDexiang,ChenRonggui,Qi Kang,ZhangJiaXiang,Ms ZouHengfang, SunRui Lin, He Zhilin, Lu Shixin,TianReichun,HuangJincheng,Ma Xngwen,Ms Zru Jun,Ms GaoLinlin, Ms CheLihua) YASS/IRE(ProfZrao Junchen, Ms XuanYi) FCCDP(ProfHe Peikun) KIB (Proflong ChunLin) TNC @oseNiu) CBIK (Dr Xu Jianchu) YNRI (ProfHe ShaoYing , hof WangDeqiang,ProfRu Hailing,ProfGongJiang,+2 ) YWF (Ms Li YuanFen)

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Yunnan Environmentalhogramme John Studley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui l.0Introduction Yunnan Provinceis characterisedby its high levels of biecultural diversity, with over 250 ethnic groups,14,000flowering plant species,600-700tree species,767bird species&248 mammal species.In terms of forest cover its forestsstill rank 3rd in China, but since 1950they were being inueasingly exploited.By the 1980'sthe Yangtzewas beginningto flood more often and the impact of deforestationwas realised,and as a result in the early 1990'sa raft of new forest policies was gradually introduce{ addressing,afforestation,conservationand ecotourism.The severefloods of 1998andthe subsequentlylogging ban gaveimpetusto the processand further policies were introduced.The raft of new forestry policies hasthe potential to enhanceor threatenboth Yunnans environmentand its peopleand eachpohcy needsto be consideredon its own merits, both in terms of impact andthe approachused Traditionally natural resourcepolicy making hasbeentop-down, blue print end-state,but current "best practice" is predicatedon pno-poor,participatory & sustainableapproaches.Becausethis approachrequiresnew skills and paradigms,this usually requirescapacrtybuilding.

The purposeofthis review is a) To provide an understandingof the existing key forest policies (relevantto the aims of the project) and the policy making and implementationprocess. b) To provide an analysisof institutional capacitywithin Yunnan ForestryBureauin tenns of integrated"pro-poor, participatorypolicy making & implementationand to identiff needsrelevant for capacitydevelopment In orderto achievethisendthe ISTC workedwith 2local STC's (Li Chun&Lai Qinkui), and 27 key informants(8 women & 3 minorities) from 8 different institutes(SeeAppendix 5), and useda rangeof methodsto addressforest policy, capacltybuilding & impact assessment.

2 Methods 2.1 Interview Methodology for Policy Analysis Three main methodswere usedto explore & identify Key ForestPolicy, its implementationand capacrtybuilding requirementsof YFB for pro-poor participatory approaches. r A, Literature Review provided a backgroundnot only for Yunnan Provincein general, but ForestPolicy & Planningin particular. .

27 key informantswere interviews from 8 institutions (YFB & 7 othen) on the basisof a semi-structuredand open-ended-questionnaire . a staff-gender-trainingprofile was constructedbasedon 9 divisions ofthe YFB as an aid to Institutional CapacityAnalysis 2.2YFB kev informant selectionand interview format Given the numberof divisions within YFB & the numberof policies it proved necessaryto select only 5 divisions that primarily addressedthe environmentand/orthe poor. Within the Forestry Bureauthe format adopted (after introducing YEDP) was as follows

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui Kcy

Folicy

Selectiot

ThePoliry

METTIODS - open ended seml-Jtructured intcrvlesE with 27 Key (KI) from t lnform6nts lnsaltutlonB - a Btaff-gender-tralnlng proflle of "rnatxhotfi In ITB 9 dtvlslons

trrpact ffs€sslft€nt of fiilrst policics on poc, gendcr reldist udrdtuitypcqilcs

l'rwaro: a.adr{trdate f lgt of poc*flrlepoliotcs (SecAppeodxS FMr)

Prcpare a sbi.rrt Est of l(ey fslbbs iin basic o'f YEDP/DFID pro-poor & pao-envhororcnt besis

€crdst s lhrratrrc crtiilrof .€6dr Lcy far€sf po&ry

Csrdrlct a psqticipatory oriti$nof oach pok4r with key infurmaats in YFB & forcstry rcbed ictilutftng critique Con&*t a rsrtbitnibry of€actr poby with kay infurrnoirg in e*der, fninodty r povcrgz rsl*od insriofrons

ForestryPolicy Analysis

Inb8rstt{tt

l\4akingPrcecs

Literarrrre ritique of traditional policy pnpmr & participatory nraking capacitiG in \fFB

Litorsture critique of policy. mking & levclc of participatioo

Sel*tion

of Y-FB Divirsione

Review of crcnt & irrl'lcmcntation

policy mking proccascs

Raiw of ormtlmls participatory policy

of rnaking

of cunart capacity in R*iw rruking tmditioral & prGp(Dr polby making lurticipatory ryrinplsrsrlndm Reviw of strmgths & coretraints in int€gration

Rrynry of currcntlwels of porticipabry poliry making wiltt thc por

Partb iparc5r critiqre of participartry polta/ rDaking in kryinfomnts in YFBwith non lfFBirxfrrtiffi

Participatory of critiquc YFB & other integration between departtrents with key infomnts in notr YFB department$

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R*iw capacity

of sirengths & buif ding rcquirerrEnts

Participatory critique of capacity requirercnts building within YFB with key infomtrDts in non YFB departments

Yunnan EnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui addressedthe environmentor poverty a) Each division was askedto intoduce their Departmentand mention any key policies that b) They were askedto describestepby steppolicy making & implementation c) They were askedto describemsthodsof consultationand participation involved in policy making d) They were askedwhat requirementthey had if any in terms of capacrtybuilding in policy making/implementationand participation in particular e) They were askedwhat mechanismsexistedfor integrationwith other departrrentsand ifthey worked 2.3 Non YFB key informants& interview format The main selectioncriteria for key informantsoutsidethe YFB was basedon the their known involvementwith participatory methods,that addressedthe environment orthe poor, orthe knowledgesystemsofthe poor. The format adopted (after intoducing YEDP) was as follows a) They were askedwhat they thought of participatorypolicy making and implementationin YFB b) They were askedinwhat ways it couldbe improved c) They were askedifthey though capacitybuilding was required d) They were askedhow capacitybuilding could be achieved e) They were askedto describe"best practices" in participationwithin their projects 2.4 SampleSize -27 key informantswere interviewed - 13 on plicy identification, impact & processes(2 unableto comment) - 8 on policy impact on genderrelations& minorities - 6 on other (fuelwood & YFB structure) - 19 men (2 minority) and 8 women (l minority) were interviewed 2.5 Diffi culties with lnterviewing Leaden/Officials From one ofthe authorsexperienceinterviewing official in China since 1993they appearto be far more "difficulf'to interview than villagers. One doesrealisethat somequestionsmight be rather sensitiveand direct and the interviewee may needto resortto "face saving" methods.What ever the reasonthey ap'pearto fit into a numberof categories:a) Thosewho have preparedsomething, prior to the interview , and are deternrinedto get to the end of 'lhe lecturâ‚Ź", whether it is relevantto issuesbeing addressedor not b) Thosewho usecircular logic, and I think the questionhas not beenunderstoodbut they eventuallyanswerit c) Thosewho ap'pearto use circular logic, but don't really ever answerthe questions d) Thosewho answerquestionsI have not asked e) Thosewho do answerthe questionsI am asking in a diligent lnanner We cameacrossmost ofthese categories,but our samplewas still large enoughto draw some conclusions.Two key informantsoutsidethe YFB did not feel qualified to answer questionsabout

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YunnanEnvironmeirtalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui policy making processesin YFB, but the othersmore than madeup for it. All the informantsmade somecontribution to ourunderstandingofthe issuesbeing addressed 3 Policy Review Given the large numberof forest policies, laws, regulations& action plans a selectionprocesswas requiredthat not only drew from the major forestry-relatedpolicy "engines" (SeeAppendix 4) but narrowedthe field to the key policies that addressedthe environmentandthe poor On the basisof both the literature andthe key informants,8 key polices were identified asbeing appositeto the aims of YEDP. Theseincluded .

The Logging Ban .

Afforestation* Plan (includedwithin NFPP,RFP, CF>F) .

Conversionof farmland to forestland .

Natural ForestProtectionProject .

River ReforestationProject r Nature Reserves .

ForestTourism r WastelandAuctions * Planting, closing morntains, air sowing Forthe purposeofpolicy review, however YEDP haschosento focus on four policy areasthat relateto forestry, namelythe logging ban,the conversionof steepfarmland into forest nature reserves,andtourism.

AII 8 '1ceypolicies" have beencritiqued in this report and 4 canbe found in appendix4 3.l Policy enginee Thereare two policy enginesthat havethe potential to impacUenhance the environmentand or the poor livelihoods of the 3.1.1 Great lVestern llevelopment Strategr The developmentof China's westernregionsis not a new concept,it representsan accelerationof policies formulated over 50 yearsof CommunistParty Rule. It was launchedwith great fanfarein June 1999,andwas heraldedas "epoch-making"and a "once in a millennium opportunity". The reality appearsto be very different from the rhetoric. Many ofthe policies to date,aretop-down and fail to addresskey local needs,and may be extremelydehimentalto peopleliving in the western regions.Policies with the statedaim of "ecological protection", suchas forestry and farming, run the risk of depriving peopleof their livelihood- The influx of Han Chinese,into minority areas encouragedunderthe strategr is alreadyhaving a dramaticimpact on the lives and livelihoods ofthe inhabitants.Minority peoplesare facing increasingcompetition for employmentand marginalization within their own communities,leadingto concernsfor the survival of their culture and identity (TIN

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Yunnan EnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui 2000 Studley 1999e).The Parly's greatestfear is that PRC will disintegratein a similar way to the Soviet Union andthus it is particularly threatenedby the "splittist" tendenciesin the "national minority" regions.As a rezult Party chiefs have openly admittedthat a key motivation for *Western Developmenf is "stability". Fromthe perspectiveof minority peoples,however, this "rare opportunity" represents"a period of emergency& darkness..when large numbersof Han Chinese will be permanentlysettledin minority areas,mineral wealth will be exploited, and they will hounded for their political intransigence".When China was looking for exemplarsto model the GWDS, it did not turn to currentparticipatory practices,but outmoded19th centurymodelsof the exploitation of the American West & 20th century modelsof the Developmentin Siberia(Anon 2000b) One would haveto questionif a stategy that is partly designedto stabilize China's minority peoples lendsitself to a pro.poorparticipatory approaches 3.1.2Forest Law The ForestLaw was revisedin 4/98 making subsistenceaccessto the forest possible,but it was rescindedin 10/98after the floods. More recentlythis law hasbeen"relaxed" by YFB, againto allow subsistenceaccessto forests.

3.2 Key Policies (Pleaserefer to Appendix 4 for other key policies & History of Forestry) 3.2.1 The Logging ban (SeeAppendix 3 for background paper) As a result of the very seriousflooding along the Yangtzein 1998China was forced to adopt drastic meaflres, including a felling ban in much of SW China , and a raft of other forest policies, that were in the pipeline anyway.

The logging ban (approvedby Central Governmentin Dec 1998)causedmuch hardship especiallyto county governments& thosereceiving incomefrom the logging & transportation businesses.Additionally those individuals who had investedin logging or transportationequipment receivedno compensation,and were forced to sell at very low prices.The impact on the zubsistencesectorsappears lesssevere,becauselimited accessto the forestwas allowed for firâ‚Źwood collection etc (Xu pers cornm 18/9i01) It is estimatedthat in Zraotong Prefecture,for example, local incomewas reducedby 35m RMB, in Lijiang govemmentincomeby 70% andthat 1.2mpeoplebecamepoor (Anon US Embassy 2000aProf Zrao perscornm 2l/8/01). The logging bansgeatly limited sourcesof incomein many villages becausefarmersown stocksof timber could no longer be cut and the labour opportunities in logging or tansportation had gone(Mallee 2000). This has driven many to find o{f-farm income or back to subsistencelifeqyles Although employmenthasbeenprovided for somewho were involved in the logging industry and somecompensationhasbeenpaid to local governments,this hasproved inadequate.

Probablythe largestimpact hasbeenat the county or community level, where capacrtyto develop infrastructure& maintain health& educationserviceshasbeenseriouslyimpaired (Xu pen comm l8/9101) In spite of the impact ofthe logging ban, there are signsof localisedrecovery.In Deqin, for ForestryPolicy Analysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui example,where governmentincomewas reducedby 8ff/o and 340,000peoplebecamepoor the economychangedfrom logging to tourism. Currently the accessfeesto naturereservesalone provide the sameincome as logging usedto (Prof Wang Deqiangpers conrm24/9101) Thereare dangersthat the raft of new foresby measurcsthat were introducedafter floods/logging ban, howeverwell meaningand in the long term good may erodefurther customaryrights of access to commonland and forest rcsourcâ‚Źs.

The developmentofNatural ForestProtectioUNature Reserves,WastelandAuctions, SteepLand conversion& mountain closureare all predicatedon the assumptionthat accessfor subsistencewill be râ‚Źducedor ternrinated Already the loss of grazing land is being felt and is resultedin "fanshumance", and a declinein stock and income. Sincethe practice of slash& burn was outlawedin 1982the optionsfor the expansionof grazingare being increasinglyreduced(Ward & ChaudryndXu perscomm 18/9/01) The impact ofthese measuresneedsto be carefully consideredbefore they are endorsedby or included in YEDP pilot projects,and eachconsideredon its merits/demerits.

3.23 Conversion to f,'oresUGrassland Background From late lW a new policy (tuigeng hwnlin hrnncao) was intoduced for converting steep agricultural land"on slopesover 25 degreesinto forest or grassland.Under the policy local farmers are given RMB 50, to buy tree seedlings,for every mu transferredand 150kgof unprocessed"riceo' per mu/peryear for 5 yearsfor sconomicplantationsand 8 yearsfor ecologicalplantations.In Yunnanthere are 9 pilot counties, comprising ll2lm mu of steeplan4 ofwhich 2m mu have been transferredto terrace,8m mu to forest and 1m mu to grassland-Of the 128countiesin Yunnan, 126 include steepland suitablefor conversionto forest (Hu & Lu 1618/01) l0th S-yearForestryPlan (Yunnan) The aim is to transfer400,000haof steepagricultural land to forest Critique The programmehasbeenwidely adoptedand demandfor fee seedlingsin parts of SW China has exceeded6m/year(TIN 2000). Although in November2000 50,000rural householdsin Yunnan, were reportedto be happywith the schemeandhad signedcontractswith the govemmentto transfer land (Li Weichang2001) by Sept2001 otherswere reporting a declinein incorneand farmland (Ward & Chaudrynd). It is questionableif the programmeis economicallysustainable,what will happenwhen the compensationnrns out and ifthe compensationis high enoughin the long term (Anon US Embassy2000a).If compensationarrives late this can also causeproblems,specieschoiceis key, becausepeopleneedincomeearly. The Lizu & Nu people of Nujiang usedto grow Da Ma (Hemp) as a cashcrop, but becauseeconomic trreesdo not grve the samereturrLthe governmentcompensatethem for not growing hemp.Ifthe compensationarrives late the peoplehaveto cut trees I Perhapsaltemativefibnecrops(suchas Ramie - Boehmerianivea) could be intercroppedwith the treesI In parts of SW China"grazing continuesin the new forest areas,and somehave suggestedthat for reforestationto zucceedthe local economyneedsto diversifr into areaslike NTFP (TIN 2000). In terms of biodiversrty and erosionpreventionthere arethosewho zuggestthat a conifer monoculturedoeslittle to prevent D erosionand that the previousagricultural land may evenhave supportedgreaterbiodiversity.

I Foreshy Policy Analysrs

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Yunnan EnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui Multiple-storey agro.fore$ might havebeenmore suitablechoice in terms of addressingnutrition, biodiversity & erosionprevention(Mallee 2000). Additionally there is uncertaintyand ambiguities sunoundingthe tenurearrangementof converting from agricultural land to forest. This will hardly act as an incentive for farmersconsideringconversiorqespeciallyas tenurerighc are diffrcult to support under Chineselaw (Malee 2000, Prof Zhao Junchenpers comm 2l/8101). Lastly adequatefunding has not beenprovided to protect & managethe forestsafter they are established(Hu & Lu r618/01) 3.2.4Nature Resenes Background Planswere first madefor naturereservesin Yunnan in 1958,but due to lack of firnds and conservationawareness,they were not implementedfor 22 years.During that time 900 tigers, 40,000leopardsand 85,000pythonshad beenkilled. Learning fnomthis lessonthe YPG hasmade a significant investmentin the establishmentof natureresenes.By the end of 1999Yunnan had establishedI 12 naturereserveswith a total land ateaof 2.2mha comprising5.60/o of the province (Li Chun 2000) Most Nature Reserves(100 out of I 12) comeunderthe direct managementof The Wildlife ConservationOffice of YFB , who have a remit to .

ProtectBiodiversity & Nature Reserves .

Protectwild & endangeredspecies .

To provide cooperation& supportfor other departmentsand internationalcooperation l0th S-yearForestryPlan (Yunnan) Currently Ytmnan has2.2m ha of Nature reserveand plansto add I I naturereserves(2.1 ha) & 3 basesfor wild species critique Nature râ‚Źservesare often situatednearthe 1nor, who may recognizetheir importancebut require firewoo4 timber, food, medicines,and gaangfor their subsistencelivelihoods, which leadsto conflict . Additionally birds and animalscan destroycrops,and farmersreceiveinadequate compensation(eg during 1998and 1999birds destroyed300 ha of cropsin Lijiang wetland reserve,and farmersonly receivedUSD 4,200) "Voluntar5r"relocationof people, from reserves,hasproved possiblein somepartsof Yunnan, althoughin Danshanbaotownship 30 families askedto be relocatedwithin the township ratherthan moving to SimaoPrefecture.Currently, however,no funding is availablefor relocationwithin a township.

Many râ‚Źserves(especiallyin N Yunnan) are over-staffe4 but under funde{ and as a result there is little datacollection, inventory developmentor reporting. Managementcapability is a major weaknessand there are no systemsto monitor growth and decline of wildlife species.Subsequmtly the actual statrs of wildlife populationsin many of Yunnan's reservesis quite uncertain.

Nature Reservemanagershopethat tourism will bring increasedincome,but this may negatively impact the wildlife the environmentand the local culture. Currently horsebackriding nearBitahai I^akeis damagingfragile wetlands& grasslands,and concemhasbeenexpressedabouttourism impact onthe fragile mountainvegetationof HabaXueshanReserve.Both Zhongdian& Lijiang

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Yunnan EnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui County have blastedunsightly roadsalong both sidesof Tiger Leaping Gorge,destroyingthe scenic properties& filling the river bed with rubble.

Better planning is requiredand more capacitybuilding in wildlife conservationand tourism management,and more researchis requiredto find a formula that balancesenvironmental& biodiversity protection,cultural preservation,& community development(Anon 2001) In order to maintain the reservesand reduceconflict provision hasbeenmadewithin the nature reservelegislation (in the experimentalareas)for :- fuel wood plantations,economichees, rural energy, NTFP development,eco.tourism,infrastructuredevelopment& employment..Provision also existsfor the joint-managementof naturereservebetweenthe YFB andthe local people .

The Yunnan ForestryBureauWCO would welcomea pilot project that included a naturereserve, addressing:-joint-management,participatory planning & implementation,capacltybuilding for reservestaff, and equipmentand infrastructurerequirements(ChenRongguipers com l518/01) 3.2,5 Forest Tourism/ "Bio.cultural Tourismt China was one ofthe first signatoriesof the World ConservationStrategyOUCN 1980) and the importanceof "nature-based-tourism"was recognisedin "China: Biodiversity Conservation Action Ptan (NEPA 1994).The StateForestryBureausentdelegatesto an FAO seminaron "Ecotourism for ForestConservationand Community Developmenf in Chiang lvlai in 197. Subsequentlya numberof "Ecotourism InterestGroups" were establishedin a number of provinces(Ling Lin pers com 1998), 1999was designatedas "Year of Ecotourisrn", the ChineseNational Tourism Administration announcedplansto developforesttourism as a key project and China's StateForestBureauannouncedplansto extendits forest parks from 874to 2000by 2010(ChinaDaily 24110198,2311199 2214199) 10th S-yearForestryPlan Cfunnan) YFB plansthe constructionofthe Zhongdirn Forest Prrk and the GuishanForestPark (Shilin County) and the developmentof eco-touristdishicts within Laojunshen Nrture Reserve (Lijiang), andthe Longlin-WangshuiNature Reserve,the TongbiguanNature Reserve& the NangongshanNature Reserve(Xshuangbanna) Critioue Although ForestTourism & ForestParksare quite well establishedin Chin4 they are not without a numberof on-siteproblems(SeeLiu & Dowling 1991,Newby & Hong Tao 1991,Dangerfield 1999,Tisdell 1996,Li & Hinch 1998McMaster 1999,ZJrang1989).'Eco-tourism"in Yunnanis more recentand a numberof pilots havebeenestablishedin Yunnan in Mandan(Xishuanbanna), Xage (Ztongdian County), Chahe(NanhuaCounty) & Lake Lugu (Linla County) (Lai 1999).

Although eco-tourismdoesoffer potential both in terms of natureconservationand community development,there are dangersaswell, especiallyin ethnic minority arcas. In China there are not very many modelsof ecotourism-for-local-development as opposedto ecotourism-for-business, and it was very clear during "Clina Year of Ecotourism 1999",it was primarily viewed as a businessventure.China is keen to promoteeco-tourismin ethnic areas,becauseof the deman4 and its potential for "developing" someof China's more remoteareasand incorporatingthem into the market economy.In somepartsof China, howeverthere appearsto be an emphasison the economicdevelopmentof select*ideal- groups,often to the detrimentof culture and environment.

This hasresultedin :- a lack of ethnic control & ownership,elite capture,the *freezing" of ethnic ForestryPolicy Analysis

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Yunnan EnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui culture, assimilationwith the national society,inequitablebenefit distribution, authenticcompromise and incompleteethnic imagesr, the erosionoftraditional ethnic culture and social values,and a lack of ethnic capacitybuilding in resourcemanagement,marketingand site development(Li & Hinch 1998) Comment The paradoxesof eco.tourismin ethnic minority areasoccur becauseof inherentcontradictions betweenconservationand changeassociatedwith the processof development.Viable culturesare not static but evolve and tourism acceleratessocio-economicchangewhich often affectsthe authenticity of ethnic tourism. Cultural pluralism is an important assetin ethnic tourism, yet political and economicinstitutions tend to integrateminority peoplesinto the national society.Bio-culturally sustainabletourism developmentmust fit the local societyand make cultural sense.The local minority peoplethemselvesmust own the processof local tourism development,andthe state,in turn, may benefit from cultural diversity in both a socio-cultural& economicsense(Swain 1989) Further Research Researchis requiredto examinemodelsof "bio-cultural tourism" , andto assesstheir suitability for the pilot projects 4. Institutional Capacity Analysis

4.1YunnanForestryBureru The YunnanProvincial ForestryBureauand its institutions comprises9 govemmentdivisions 9 non-governmentdivisions, 4 out-stations,5 associatedinstitutes,4 offices underthe StateForest Bureau& I add-hocoffice. (SeeFig 2) 4.1.1 Staffing,Training& Gender Although staffing and haining statisticswere availableon a divisional basis,no institutional figures were available.It was estimatedthatYFB comprised 200 people.To give some idea of gender,training, and staffinvolvement in policy making & participation 6 divisions were selectedto give a snapshot (althoughadmin hasonly a minor role in policy making). On the basisof the snapshot I division out of 9 was using participatory methodsfor policy making & implementation 8 divisions out of 9 were not using participatory methodsforpolicy making & implementation 7 divisions had not receivedany training in policy making 2 divisions had receivedtaining in policy making but not in participatory methods 5 divisions had receivedtraining in participatory methods 9 divisions would value PP training Gender:460/oof staffare female,66% of Dep/Directorsarefemale,and,4lo/o of policy makers

'

Cultural programning can be very selective and only etlmic groups who reflect the unity of China's minority peoplesmay be chosen(CNTA 1994)

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Yunnan EnvironmentalDevelopmentProgramme John Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingkui

Rare & Endangered Plants & Wildtife Office

Southwest Forest Survey, Planning & Design lnstitute

YUNNAN RIJRF.AIJ

f-!ivisions o Administrative Office (FAO, Party SecretariesOffre) o Afforestation Divbim (River Protection Forest Programme,Social Foresqy Programme

Southwest Air Forestry Protection Station

FORESTRY

GIS station Forest Police & security Bureau

- PRAused)

o Wildlife Protection Division o Forest Fire Control Division oForest Law Division oPolicy & Regulation Division oFinance & Planning Division o Personnel Division (Retired sta{f, Dbciplire)

Netural Forest Protection Ofice lsteep land transferl

Forest Survey Planning & Design Institute

o Forest Trade lJnion oForest Science & Lndustry Education Out-Stations o Rural Energy Station o Provincial seeds & seedling production station o Forest Science Extension Station (inside YAF) o Forest Pest & Dbease Contrcl Staticrn

Acaderny Yrrnnan of ForestrJr institutes of :o Forestr5r Institute .

Forest Protection r Economic Forest Tiees o Tiropical Forestr5r & )fishuangbama Arboretrrn o lndustrial Forest Products o R.re &EndmgeredPlantl-ab o Forest Science & technical information o lftmming Arboretr.rrn o Yangli & Guangnanexperirnental stations

Ytrnnan reconnaissance & Design Institute Yunnan Foresfir School (Technical training)

ForestryPolicy Analysis

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Yunnan Environmental Programme John Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingkui Fig 3 : Yunnan Forestry Bursau - staff-gender-training ssnap-shot" of 9 divisions Dlvislon

PostV Filed

Female lo/ol

Female V/Director

Policy Makers

Female Policy Makers

Trained in Policy Making

Trained in PM*

Value PP Tralning

Notes

Alforestatlon

26

13[sol

1( D)

t5

6

,

18

Yes

PM* used in PM&I

Wildlife Conservation

5

3 160l

0

5

0

0

3

Yes

PM* not usedin PM&I

Policy Making

5

21401

0

3

2

5

0

Yes

Training about new lews

Policy Implementation

6

I

0

6

I

6

I

Yes

Training about implementation of new laws

Tianbao

t8,lt4

2lr4l

0

I

2

0

4t5

Yes

Silviculture

26

r Is0l

l IDI

I

6

0

I

Yes

Education

7

41571

I

I

4

0

,

Yes

Admin

t2

7ls8l

l tvDl

E

3

0

2

Yes

Finance

t2

7ls8l

I

8

3

0

I

Yes

7t

29 I41l

1l

30

JrTl

TOTAL 113 s21461 6 [661 * PM= Participatory Methods (including PRA) ForestryPolicy Analysis

Page15

Yunnan EnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li ChurqLai Qingkui 4.1.2Policy Making In general,most policies originate from two sources,one directly from decisionmakers, and a secondas a result of exemplars(practisedby local people),discovered by policy makers when they are in the field.. In the latter caseif the practicehas merit they will developand expand policies basedon it acrossthe province or evencountry. Mostly, policies are madeand developed by governmentagencies,particularly policy and regulationdivision (suchas forestry policy and regulationdivision in Departmentof Forestry).Oncethe framework of onepolicy is developed, tpically a seriesofworkshops and discussionswill take place andthe attendees(usually experts) will be invited to make suggestionson policy improvement. Aftâ‚Źr the policy contenthasbeen developedit will be sentto the provincial governmentfor approval. Only after it hasbeentrialed, however, on one or more selectedsites,if it appearsto bs succâ‚Źssful, will it be implementedin the whole province. During the policy developmentstage, someinformation and "impact assessmenf' will be madeby the Policy & RegulationDivision & the Local ForestryOffice, and somefeedback may be collectedby local government.

4.1.3ProvincialAdaptionof StatePolicies In China"up to now, most forestry policies are developedand madeby cenhal govemment(the StateForestryBureau)and the Provincial ForestryDepartmentmust follow the cental govemment policy. In somecases,provincial ForestryDepartmentcan make somesupplementationand adaptionto central governmentpolicy.

For example:1) In early 1998the ForestryLaw was revisedto allow more easyaccessfor subsistencefarmers to the forest but after the floods & the logging ban this was rescinded"in late 1998Recentlythe YFB hasrelaxedthis law to make easieraccessagain 2) The StateForestryBureauwantedto establish a commercialforestbasein Yunnan,in very large blocks, but the YFB explainedthat the terrain did not lend icelf to sucha plan, and the policy was adaptedto severalsmallerblocks 4. 1.4 Procedureof Policy Implementing In general,implementationgoesthrough five stages Firstly, on the basisof a new policy, a temporaryoffice will be establishedatthe Deparfinentof Forestry , who are responsiblefor its explanation,and the managementof policy implementation SecondlSone or two tial siteswill be selec'tedto begin to implementthe policy underthe guide of the temporary office. During this period, a lot of seniorleaderswill visit the sitesand give advice, and gatherinforrration so they developthe policy.

Thirdly, when the trial is over, and most offrce$ agrceon the policy, it will be suggestedin some prefecturesor the whole province.

Fourthly, most prefectureor county govemmentwill subjectthe new suggestedpolicy to a "local practicestage",on severaltial sites,beforeconsideringimplementation.When they have gained someexperience,the policy will be implementedin the whole prefecturpor county.

Fifthly , when local governmentmake a decisionto implementa policy, severalworking team will be establishedand distributedto all township or directly to administrativevillage to guide the policy implementation.When this task is over, they will report back to local government

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Yunnan EnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui 4J Strengths & Limitations of the current policy making approach 4.2.1Streneths Generallyspeakingthe ChineseStatespolicy making & implementationcapacrtyis well developed in comparisonwith many other countries.It can mobilize considerablefinancial and manpower resourcesdown to village level through a powerful systemof quotasthat are transmittedfrom higher to lower levels, This works well when the pressurefrom the cente is strongand when the focus is well defined and limited. This approachis more successfulin constructionthan in follow-up and usually more effective when activities concema single sector,ratherthan coordinationamongmany departrnents.Thereare somedrawbacks,however.When the stakesare higlr, it may result in coercionat the village level (tvlallee2000). Although central governmentdeclaredthatits function shouldshift from cental planning to a guidanceand assistancesystem,local governmentpolicy is still a controlling, central-basedsystem( Xu Jianchu 1995) The YFB appearson the basisof interviewswith key informersto have adequatecapacltywith topdown decisionmakingoand in addressingeachstageof the policy making & implementation process.

4.2.2Limitations Paradoxicallyalthoughparticipatory approaches,appearto be operatingwell within forestry at county level, in research,in projects,acrossa rangeof interestgroup networksQ,ai nd), 'lolitical spacâ‚Ź"at provincial level for much more participation and there appearsto be the (Xu perscornm 18/9/01)it not evident within the leadershiplevels of YFB, withthe exceptionof the Afforestation Division (AD). The AD hasbeenusing participatory methodsfor the last ten years,andthe are currently using them for policy rnaking & planning.In a new forestry project the local peoplearebeing encouragedto set someof their own goals and to establisha forest conservationassociation(Zou pers com2l /9 l0t) During interviewsthe following conclusionsemerged:.

Much policy making in YFB is top-down and decisionmaking is doneby leaders .

Most participationtakesplace with experts(who speakwith one voice) or sometimeswith rich farmersor village leaders .

There is very little input from "social science& economics" .

ForestPolicy tendsto blindly follow agriculture .

Thereis inadequatefeed-back .

Although someofthe policy making staffhave sudied participatory methodsthey do not appearto be using them (for policy making & implementation) .

Participatorymethodsarebeing usedin forestry projects,at county level, in research,and acrossnetworksbutnot in policy making & implementation .

Thereis a perceptionin YFB that many ofthe participatory approachesare donor driven and there is no real commitmentto the process .

The institution is not yet readyfor participatoryprc.poor approaches 43 Constraints on Forestry policy meHng & participation A numberof possiblereasonshavebeen identified (from key informants,literature & personal Foresty Policy fuialysis

Page17

Yunnan EnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui experience)in terms ofthe constraintson forestry policy making & implementafionin generaland participatory approachesin particular. Most of theselimitations are not peculiar to China and they include .

The Confucian leadershipparadigm(SeeAppendix 1) .

The leadersperception& ideological "blindness" ofthe knowledgeof the poor (in terms of its use for policy making) .

The leade$ lack of capacityto build on vemacularculture, "interculfural" reciprocity, and synergy . kaders time (participatorymethods,for example, is perceivedasvery time consuming& expensive) .

Participationmight be re-interpretedastool for social engineeringand integration(See Appendix 1) .

Leadersfailure to understandlocal socio-culturalcontexts& normativepluriformity .

The lack of any iterative feed-backinthe policy making & implementationprocess .

The lack of flexibility at Provincial level to adaptstatepolicy to the lwal context .

The overly closeties betweenforestry & agriculture

4.3.1 Lack of $onitoring and improvementmechanisms Due to the lack of a monitoring systemand improvementmechanisrn,some problemsoccur during implementation,often becomingacute,with increasingcriticism. Someofthis could be avoidedif a monitoring and evaluationmechanismwas in place 4.3.2Forestry& Agriculture In China, the majority of people,including officers and policy makersthink forestry is one componentof agricultrne.Under this generalprinciple, peopleoften rmderstandand interpret forestry on the basisof agricultural methods,and so they often useagricultural policies for foresty.

For instance,Land reform implementedduring l95l to 1953in China was usedboth for agricultural landsand forestry lands.The "Liangshan"managementsystempolicy implemented betweenl98l to 1985in the whole county camefrom HouseholdContractResponsibilitySystem in agriculture.This causedhad many problemseither when the policy is first implementedor becausethe policy never doesachieveits objectives 4.4 Links & Integration 4.4.1FormalLinks Mostkey informantsinside & outsideYTB, commentedthat althoughformal mechanisms (i.e committeemembership(of PAO)and leadershipgroups(for large YPG projects)for integration existedbetrveenYFG deparfrnents, they did not work well in practice.The Afforestation Dvision statsdthat they had good integrationwith the Finance,Planning & the PAO. Two Chineseproverbswere usedby key informantsto illustrate the lack of integration.Each deparhnentis responsiblefor "looking after its own â‚ŹBgs",and the impossibility of integrationwas typified by three Chinamentrying to carry one bucket ofwater. Most informantsfelt that all departnentswere overly independent.Thoseinside YFB felt that in relationshipto YEDP that ForestryPolicy Analysis

Page18

Yunnan EnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui YEPB "called the shots" andthat none of the leading group that suprported YEDP were really interestedin Rural Yunnan.They commentedthat "YEPB is interestedin urban infrastructure projects,MOFTEC in tade, and PAO in large projects,and usually the Chair doesnot understand forestqy''.This is exacedatedbecauseof the way that deparfinenhl portfolios are sharedout betweenVice Governors.

4.4.2InformalLinks Paradoxically,informal linls and networking appearsto work very well, on an interestgroup basis, betweenforestry relatedinstitutions. Two examplesofthis are the PRA Network and the PRAN Network @articipatoryResearch& Action Network). In the caseof the PRA Netrvork 6 forestry relatedinstiartionsare representedin the "Forestry Group" and within PRAN there are l0 forestry relatedinstitutions representedin the PRAF node(ParticipatoryResearch& Action in Forestry) (SeeFMI Report) 5 Concluslons Key ForestPolicies Thereare two key forest policies that ofrer the most potential both for the poor and the environment.They include the River reforestationProject and Nature Reserves.Ttie former is predicatedon participatory planning, and includesprovision for mixed forest and agro-forestry.

Although the latter is not predicatedon participation is doesmakeprovision for fuelwood, rural energy,NTFP, eco.tourisnqand co-management.Co-managementhasnot beentried in Yunnan, so it could presentYEDP with an op'portunityto establisha participatory model TmFactassessment Superficially the key forest policies appearto strongon environmentalzupportbut offer little to the poor, genderrelationsor the minorities. On closerexamination,howevermany policies are predicated(for historic reasons)on conifer monocultures,which on sGepgroundmake very little contribution to the environmentorbiodiversrty. By planting multi-storey fores$ that include agro'forestry YFB could addressthe environmen! biodiversity & the nutritional needsof the poor.

Most of the key policies post a threatto peripheralzubsistencesocietyespeciallywherethey diminish customaryforest or grazing rights. Thereis concernamongthe poor, women and minorities aboutconversioncompensation.

Time did not allow for adequateresearchinto genderrelations,so althoughit was establishedthat womenplay a major role in tee planting, an6had very real concernsaboutthe loss of forest grazing,firewoo4 & water, we were unableto discoverthe impact of key forest policies on their livelihood Methodology Given the time constraintsand the size of the surveypopulation,the researchinstrumentsused (i.e an openendedsemi stnrcturedquestionnaire& r stalf-gender-trainingprofile) proved adequate, althoughgiven that all the respondentswere "elite" the findings were statistically umepresentative.

With more time and a larger population text analysis$rvsy could havehen usedto statistically analysethe questionnaires

ForestryPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui While it was easyto recognizethat little pro-poor participatorypoliry making was taking place, it the pragmaticreasonsfrom the was more difficult gven the instnrmentsusedto desegregate, population "conceptmapping",basedon conceptualor ideological. With more time and a larger nonmetic MDS could havebeenusedto addressthe conceptsof : "leadership","pro-poor", "participatory", "indigenousknowledge", and any other pertinentterms Policy Making & Implementation Most divisions in YFB, lack training in conventionalpolicy making, and thosethat havebeentrained in policy making have mostly studiednew laws and their application.Although most divisions consult (mostly other experts)during the policy making processthey often fail to include social or anthropologicalscientists,so fail to appreciatethe social impact of new policies ParticipatoryPlanning Although a numberof divisional directorsin YFB have receivedparticipatory methodstraining, only one division (Afforestation) is applying it to policy making and implementation.

In describingthe policy making processno one mentionedthe poor, or genderrelationsor minority peoplesThereare a numberof reasonswhy participatory approachesarâ‚Ź not taking placeand they the rangefrom the pragmaticto the ideological, and further work is requiredto desegregate reasons.Paradoxicallyin lower level of govemment in research,in projects& in interestgoup networksparticipatory methodsare being usedfor planning & implementation.

6 Recommendations l. That YEDP exploresfurther the role of naturereservesas a platform for enhancingthe environmentand the livelihoods ofthe poor (including tourism & NTFP) 2. That YEDP conductsfurther work on the impact of forest policy on genderrelations 3. That YEDP conductsmore researchinto the fuelwood situation 4. That YEDP considers"concaptmapping" as a meansto befisr understandthe ideological consfraintsof a pro-poor participatory approach 5. That YEDP considersinitiating research(casestudies)to raisethe profile of of pafiicipation, integration,III & intercultural reciprocity 6. That YEDP includesthe YFB in its plansto developcapacrty 7. That YEDP considersthe inclusion of a naturereservein a pilot project

ForestryPolicy Analysis

Page20

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Yunnan Environmental Development Programme John Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingkui NationalEnvironmentProtectionAgency(NEPA) 1994,China:BiodiversityConservationAction Plan, Beijing Newby Fl & Tao H , 1993 , The SleepingGiant Awakens:ForestParksfor Tourismin Chinain I.gisutg & Tourism:Social& EnvirorunentalChangepp 641-645 , Sydney , Universityof Technology Ogilvie , J , 1996 , Forestryin Diqin Prefecture, NorthwestYumianProvince , Chinain CommonwealthForesfiyReview75 @)pp 290-295 LocalKnowledgefor Sustainable Pandey, D , 1998 , Ethnoforestry: ForestryandLivelihoodSecurity, New Delhi . HimanshuPublications Pearce1999,Treetheoryis cut downin TheGuardian Pei Shengii,1993 , Managingfor BiologicalDiversityConservation in TempleYardsandHoly Hills...in Ethics . Relieion& Biodivenity(ed Hamilton)pp 118-132, Cambridge, TheWhiteHorsePress PeiShengji,1999 , TheHoly Hills of theDai in Cultural& SpiritualValuesof Biodiversitv(edPosey)pp 381 , London,IT & UNEP Peters, P ,1997 , Who'sLocalHere?ThePoliticsof Participation in DeveloFnentin CulturalSurvival OuarterlyFall 1997 , , Pickering,A 1992,Scienceaspractice& culture,ChicagoUniversityPrâ‚Źss Payments Price, R, 1803, Two Observations 6thEdition, London, W Morgan on Reversionary Folk practicesinlK&DA[l (3) pp 19-20 RajanS & Sethuramm M, 1993,Indigenous Richards,P 1980,CommunityEnvironmentalKnowledgein IndisenousKnowledgeSystemsand Development et al ] pp 183-195 [Brookensha Richards,P 1985,Indigenous AgriculturalRevolution, London,Hutchinson Richardson, D 1990,Forests& Forestryin China,Washington, IslandPress PricesinEnglandTVols Rogers,J ,1866,AHistoryofAgricultureand ,Odord,ClarendonPress Ryder,M 1997,Abductivelogic in Semiotics1997 PeoplesPerspectives in the21stCenturyin Yunnan[Paper SalasM et al , 2000 , Indigenous ECARDV VI Conference, Leidenl , Kunming , CBIK SamualV & C Sugden,1982 , Evangelismandthe Poor:A Third World StudyGuide , Oxford , Paraershipin Mission-Asia in the nameof "participatoryforest4r"in ForestsTrees& Peonle Sarin,M, 2001,Disempowerment Newsletter44 pp 26-35 Dynamics(eds ScheinE et al , 1968 , TheSpecialRoleof Guilt in CoercivePersuasion in Interpersonal Benniset al) , Homewood, DorseyPress Schein,E ,1961 ,CoercivePersuasion ,NewYork ,Norton Schein , E , 1968 , Brainwashingin InterpersonalDynamics(edsBenniset al) , Homewood , Dorsey Press Psychology, EnglewoodCliffs , PrenticeHall Schein, E , 1980 , Organisational Schein, E , 1987 , ProcessConzulting(Vol 2) Lessonsfor ManagersandConsultants, Wesley , Addison Schein, E , 1987 , TheClinicalPospectivein Fieldwork , NewburyPark , Sage Development, Wesley , Schein, E , 1988 , ProcessConsulting(Vol2) its Rolein Organisational Addison Schein, E , 1995 nProcessConsultation, ActionResearch andClinicalInquiry:Are Theythe Same?

10(6)pp 14-19 , , In Joumalof MsnagerialPsycholog.v SeelandK (ed) , 1997 , Natureis Culture:IndigenousKnowledgeandSocio-culturalAspectsof Trees andForestsin Non-EuropeanCultures , London , lntermediateTechnologyPress Shiva,V et al , 1981,The social,ecological& econornicimpactof socialforestryin Kolar,Bangalore, IioM Shiv4 V, et al, 1982,Thechallengeof socialforestryin Towardsa newForestPolicy(Fernandes & Kulkarni),New Delhi,IndianSocialInstitute Shiva,V , et al, 1983,No solutionwithin themarketin TheEcologist, Sire , J ,1977 , TheUniverseNext Door , Leicester, IVP Slikkerveer, L ,1999 , Ethnoscience in Cultural& , TEK andits Applicationto Conservation

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Yunnan Environmental Development Programme John Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingkui SoiritualValuesof Biodiversity(edPosey)pp 167-260 , London , IT Publications in China,London,ZedBooks degradation Smil,V 1984,TheBadEarth:Environmental StaceyJ 1983,Patriarchy& socialistrevolutionin China,Berkeley,Universityof BerkeleyPress development, London,GreenBooks SterlingS,2001,Education& sustainable StudleyJ,RichardsonK, &EwingS,1999,VignettesofBengda,Loughborough,Care&Share Foundation StaceyJ, 1983,Patriarchy& SocialistRevolutionin China,Berkeley,Univenity of CalifomiaPress paradigmsfor SW China'sindigenousminority StudleyJ,1999a,Ecotourismin China:Endogenous peopleswww.geocities.cornljohn-lstudley Studley , J , 1999b , EnvironmentalDegradationin SW Chinain ChinaReviewSpringIssue12pp 28-33 , London , GreatBritain - ChinaCentre Studley ,J ,1999c nForestsandEnvironmentalDegradationin SW ChinainlntemgdsnAl-Fgresry Review1 (4)pp260-265 Swain , M , 1989 , DevelopingEthnicTourismin Yunnan , China:ShilinSaniin TourismRecreation R e s e a r cl ah( 1 ) p p 3 3 - 3 9 , , Tacke,E 1981,Forwardin Forestsin theHimalaya-Handuan Mountains(Li) , KathmanduICIMOD *ThakerR 1998,Change& continuity:orthodoxdiscourseon genderrelationsin China,New Delhi,Gyan 1fta*,; PublishingHouse Thierry , Francois , 1989 , 'EmpireandMinority in China'. In Minority Peoplesin the Age of Nation Statespp. 76-99. (Editedby Chaliand), London , PlutoPress TIN , 15/6i99 , TibetansOpposeWorldBankFroject , London , TIN TIN ,2714/99, World BankFundsContoversialPopulationTransferScheme, London , TIN TIN , 2000 , China'sGreatLeapWest , London , TIN Tisdell , C ,1996 oEcotourism, Economics, andthe Environment:Observations FromChinain Joumalof TravelResearch Vol 34 (a) pp 11-19 , USA , Universityof Colorado TobinK (ed) , 1993 , The Practiceof Constructivism in ScienceEducation, HillsideNH , Lawrence ErlbaumAssociates Travis , H , 2000 , Piratesofthe InfonnationInfrastructure:BlackstonianCopyright& the lst Amendmentin BerkeleyTechnologyLaw Journall5(2) , H Travis , www.law.berkeley. edu/journals/btlj/aticles/I 5_2/travis/travis.html Umansl,1992, Analysis& typologyof indigenousforestmanagement in thehumidtropicsof Asia, Wageningan, ICK-NBLF-BF Umans,L, 1998,Therapidappraisalof a knowledgesystemin IK&DM 5(3)pp I l-14 Van Walt Van Praag, M , 1987 , TheStatusof Tibet : History , RightsandProspects in Intemational Law , London , WisdomPublications WangHongChangnd Deforestation in China:A preliminarystudy,Beijing,Chinese & desiccation Academyof SocialScience Warren,D et al 1995,Theculturaldimensionof development, London,ITP WaltersC, 1986,Adaptivemanagement resources, of renewable New York, McGraw-Hill Weber , M , 1930 , TheProtestant Ethic andthe Spiritof Capitalism, London , GeorgeAllen & Unwin WiersrmrK, 1997,Norrnativepluriformity in forestmanagementProfessional& communityperspectives in Pluralism& Sustainable Forestry...,Rome,FAO WiersumK 2000,IncorporatingIK into fonnal forestrymanagement'adapion or pmadigmchange? in Leamingfrom ResourceUsers,Vienna,Universityof Agricultural Science Winkler, D 1998a,Deforestationin EasternTibet in Development.Society& Environmentin Tibet (Clarke)pp78-95,Vienna,OADW Wollenberg , E , 1995 , SocialDimensionsof Sustainability[Proposalto the Ford Foundation] WUZ & Ou X , 1995 , TheXishuangbanna BiosphereReserve'ATropicalLandof Natural& Cultural Divenity China , Paris , UNESCO Xu Jianchu, 1995 , Divenity in Transitions:LessonsLearnedFromtheYunnanUplandsin Southwest China(Paper:Symposia:Culturein Development& Globalization) , Nonghai , Hanoi & Tokyo , Forestry Policy Analysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,I^aiQingkui APPENDX 1 INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY BUILDING ISST]ES Beforethe project considerscapacitybuilding, it needsto define unequivocallythe concept & basisof "pro-poorparticipatorypolicy making". Within both forestry& development discoursethereis alreadyconsiderableambiguity,andthis is not helpedby the DFID literature.Although "knowledge" is recognizedwithin the DFID SL literatue (1999)asa "humancapital" and"reciprocity" asa "social capital", little referenceis madeto knowledge equity (betweenknowledgesystems),knowledgeis not viewedas a key assetof sustainability,and reciprocityonly appearsto be recognizedmonoculturally(not crossculturally). Thereare dangers,gtventhe ambiguitythat "pro-poorparticipation" will be rerepresentedon the basisof a Confucianworldview andbecomeanother tyrannyor a new tool of socialengineering.

Cunently pro-poorpolicy making,within YFB is not being practisedfor a numberof reasons, rangingfrom the pragmaticto the ideological& conceptual.ln orderto addressCapacity Building fully it is not enoughto provideonly tools andtechniquesfor policy making if there is no fundamentalchangeat the ideologicaland conceptuallevel that currentlyunderpinpro-poorpolicy Thereare a numberof concepts& approaches making,that are not limited to China,but appearin "Western" neo-populistforestry discourse.Although theseapproachesare predicated(at a rhetoricallevel) on "participation , and integration& incorporationof IK ", the praxis is often characterisedby; the dichotomizationof knowledgesystems,tyranny,cultural erosion,and socialengineering. in a Chinese Thereare dangersthat whenthesefatally flawed approachesare re-represented peripheral poor people) (Confucian paradigm leadership & view of the knowledge, & context culture & livelihoodsof the poor (and genderrelations& minorities)will be further diminished.

A1.1 Participation & Forestry SocialForestrywasintoduced in India (with promptingfrom the World Bank) in the 1970'sasa result of widespreadprotest,resultingfrom deforestationand the exclusionof local peoplefrom forests.Its original aim wasto "meet local need for firewood and otherproductswith active local participation". No provision, howeverwasmadefor indigenousknowledgeand forestrywasdecoupledfrom social and cultural values.Far from defusingthe protests,the takeoverof communalland for commercialplantations.ratherthan village woodlotsled to . It mostly failed becausethe plErnersdid not understandthe needsof the local people, and it only "succeeded"wherg/richfarmershad surpluslandto convertto industrialtree species(See Shival982,Hildy6rd1998).The failure of socialforestrypromptedthe Indiangovernmentto reviseits forestpolicy and in the early 1990'sit introducedJoint ForestManagement.JFM benefitsover cornmercial interests, was supposedto emphasiseenvironmental& subsistence *greater'participation people.

The only significant"success"took by local andinclude placein Stateswherevillagers had alreadyestablishedorganizationsto protectforest(i.e.

WestBengal& Orissa)(Jaccobsonnd) Somestatestotally ignoredthe shift to JFM and only added"perticipationt and 6poverty alleviationt to qualify for funding. As a result"offthe-shelf' participatoryplans,drawn up by UK forestryexpertswereusedto intoduce JFM to the WesternGhaus.The project goalswere decidedex situ and local NGO's were only ForestryPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui consultedon implementation.As a resultthe committeeswere dominatedby the elite, womenwere marginalise{ andthe poor, andtribal peoplebec,ameworseoff (mostof the ODA fundedplantationswereon village"commons')(Hilqfrd et al 1998) For thoseStatesthat haveforestcouncilsand have adopted(participationD in JFM (and devolution) it has resulted in a power shift that hasempoweredthe local forestdeparfrnent, at the expenseof local councils(Sarin2001Kaimowitz2l Jwte2001).

This situationresonateswith globatrepresentations of "participation", which hasbecome anothertool for engineeringconsentto projectswhoseframeworktnspefi daerminedin advance,and like integration,it hasbecome anothprtyranny (SeeNaiKdy 1999Heeks 1999Cooke1998Cook/& Kothari 2}}l,Hitd$d et al 1998) Both "social forestry" andJFM in India illustratethat "participa.tion"that fails to engagewith the distributionand operationof powerwithin local communitieswill offer little to marginalisedgroups.Many participatoryprojectsrest on the dubiousassumptionthat simply identiSing different'stakeholders' and gettingthem aroundthe table will result in a "fair" Participationrequireswider processesof socialtransformationand structural consensus. changeto the systemof socialrelationsthroughwhich inequalitiesarereproduced Al.2Integration In spiteof the currentattentionto IK, in much of the world, the developmentideologiesof CartesianScience,andformaltechnologies, capitalism,socialism,andMarxism-Leninism, governmentinterventions,andthe "scientizationof alternativeknowledgesystems", of marginalizedpeoples. As a result indigenous continue to colonizethe consciousness peoples arereducedto a single"backward" descriptionand specific forest-related knowledgecontinuesto be viewedas inferior and in needof "elevation" accordingtgrthe logic of the superiorknowledge& "real" science(Esteva1985,Lummis 1991l\)rdrd 1994) Professionalforestryis cunently attemptingto "elevate" indigenousknowledgethrough "integration" or "incorporation" with professionalforestry,andevensuggestingthat it might representa "paradigmshift" (for professionalforestry).Ratherthan representinga "paradigm shift", integration appearsin corgrnonwith *participation" & "co-management"to be yet another"western"tyranny(Hi\$fard 1998,Kaimowitz2l June2001) Integration,containsthe implicit assumptionthat the cultural beliefs andpracticesknown as forestryknowledgeconformto westemconceptionsabout"knowledge"andpower relations and it tendsto view traditional forestryknowledgefrom the perspectiveof a western/traditionaldichotomy,only as"data" useful for forestmanagementbureaucraciesor industry.

In orderto learn from indigenousforestrysystems,the acculturationof forestersin the vernacularculture of the forestusersis an essentialprocessfor understandingof and interveningin a forestmanagementcomplex.Acculturationentailsnot only more attentionto the immaterialcultural realm(worldviews,paradigms,cognitive frameworks),but the use of cognitiveanthropoloryin an integrap interactivemilrner, and an understandingof multiple resourcestewardship(UFns 1992)

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,I^aiQingkui A1.3 Dichotomisingwestern& fndigenousKnowledge Onedistinct approachhasbeefncouraged by advocatesof IK (and sometechnocrats)who havebeendescribedby AgraVfl (1995)as "neo-indigenistas".The dissemination of this approachhasbeenpart of a rhetoricpraisingthe virtues of "participation", "empowerment", "bottom-up",and'ofarmer-first" (SeeChmbers 1994).Somemeasureof the institutionalizationof this versionof IK is the numberof networkingorganisationsand researchunits(Warrenet al 1995).

One of the diffrculties, however with the "neo-indigenistas"approach,in common with modernizationtheorists,is the dangerof leavingintact the dichotomyof western knowledgeand ildigenous knowledgeas homogenous and exclusiveentities(Berman 1988Agrawal\p95 Umans1998). The dangersof this dichotomyneedto be highlighted, andtheyinclude:Monoculturalmvopia This approachmasksthe plurality of actors,the multiple identitiesthey have,andthe multitudinousrelationstheyhave(Umans1998) Decontextualization By uncritically placing local knowledgewithin a dichotomy,the decontextualizationofIK is necessarilyimpliedyfndthe uniqueand importantknowledgeof specific groupsbecomes subjectto the sa4t' limitationsandcriticismsasWesternscienceanddevelopment theories (SeeBanuri&\rfarglin 1993) Separating& "Fixing" in time and space Attemptsto separateand fix in time and spacetwo knowledgesystems areboundto fail unlessthe two systemshavetwo totally separatedhistorical sequences of change.Contactandexchange,for example,betweenAsia andthe Americashastakenplacefor thousandsof yearsand westernand indigenous knowledgesystemshavehad intimate interactionandco-evolvedsincethe 15th century(Eclfiolm 1980Levi-Stauss1955) Its stransulation IK is generatedin the immediatecontextof the livelihoods of people,andit is a dynamicentrtythat undergoesconstantmodification asthe needsof the communitieschange.It is impossiblefor IK to maintainits vitality or vigour if it is isolated in an archive,frozenin time and space,in knowledgecentresprivilegedon westernscighce andbureaucraticprocedweand shangledby centralconfol andmanagement(AgraVl 1995) Its conceptualframework WhenIK becomessubjectto the limited paxarneters of Westemscienceand developmenttheorieswhich rely uponan orderedconceptualframeworkand finite elementsfrom which and in which to work, it is boundto fail. Both systemshave specifichistories,particularbwdensfrom the pastand distinctivepatternsof changeandheterogeneitybetureenelements[seeldacabe 1988] Its validitv The tendencyto define IK in relation to Westernknowledgeis problematicin that it raises Westernscienceto a level of reference,ignoringthe fact that all systemsareculture-boundandtherebyexcludingWesternknowledgeitself from the analysis.This limits the analysisof indigenoussystemsby nanowingthe parametersof understandingthroughthe impositionof Westerncategories.

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,LiChun,Lai Qingkui Paradoxicallyalthoughmany"neo-indigenistas"mock sciencethey useit and unconsciouslyassignit to a higherpedestalthan indigenousknowledge.Their practiceand methodsare often basedon scientific methodsandthey subjectIK to a scientific criteria of validity beforeit is recognizedas "usable" knowledge Richards1980,lvlassaquoi1993,Rajanand Setlturamm1993BrockenshaandRiley 1980 Its Isolation Thereis a tendencyto isolateknowledgesub-setswhich mirror ethno-discipline setsfor the purposeof analysisanddocumentation(FairheadandLeach 1994).

Examininglocal knowledgein this way canleadto the constructionof certain aspectsof knowledgeas important,while excludingor ignoring other areasor possibilitiesof knowledgewhich do not fall within the selectivecriteria of Westernscientific parameters.

Its compartmentalization IK asa comparhnentalized vision hasbecomea major conceptwithin development discourse,and a convenientabsfractionwhich consistsof bite-sizedchunksof informationthat canbe slottedinto Westernparadigms,fragmentedand decontextualized;a kind ofquick fix, ifnot a panacea.Suchapproachesare in dangerof repeatingthe sameproblemsof simplification , over-generalisation, and universalismthat we find in developmenttheory(Richards1985Hobart 1993 Harris1996).

Its Misrepresentation Thereis a largely unappreciatedgapbetweenthe neatrationalitiesof developmentagencies' representations which imaginethe world asorderedandmanageableandthe actualitiesof situatedsocialpractices(Hobart 1993).As a consequence, we endup with a theorythat the contextin which indigenousknowledgeoccursand is experienced. misrepresents Its Scientisation& Universalization In the handsof NGO's andwithin the "universalizingdiscourse"of environmentalismIK hasbecomefurther reified & gaineda morepositiveimage.Once,however, IK is slotted into the Westernscientific paradigmit is diffrcult to know whereto draw the boundary betweenIK and "science".Changingthe boundariesis often sufficient to re-define somethingas"science",aswhat defines it is to a considerableextentdeterminedby who practicesit, and in what institutional contextthe practicesare taking place.The dangerof turning local knowledgeinto global knowledgeis at the empirical level , all IK is relative and parochial,no two societiesperceiveor act upon the environmentin the sameways.

Scienceby comparison,is a systemof knowledgein rapid flux that seeksuniversal rather than local understanding.It is preciselythe local embeddedness of IK that hasmadeit successful.

Its oolitical naivetv The "neo-indigenistas"underminetheir own argumentsbecausewhile championing IK they insist on a dichotomybetweenwesternandindigenousknowledgeandthey fail to recognize the link betweenknowledgeandpower The appropriateresponsefor thosegenerallyinterestedin preservingknowledge systemsand in particularindigenousknowledgemight lie in attemptingto reorientateand reversestate policies and marketforcesto permit membersof threatenedpopulationsto determinetheir ForestyPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui own future andauempqthus to facilitate in situ preservationof IK. In situ preservation cannotsucceedwithout indigenouspopulationsgainingcontrol over the useof the landsin which they dwell andthe resourceson which they rely. Thosewho are seento possessknowledgemust alsopossess the right to decideon how to saveit andwho shall useit.

The mechanicsof in situ conservationof IK are little understood,and will perhapspose significantpolitical and ethical dilemmas.Suchan objectioncannot,however,be an excuse for side-liningwhat appearsto be in the bestinterestof thosemostthreatened.

'Neo-indigenistas"mustbeginto grapplewith suchproblemsif they areto maketheir progfturrmeandtheir epistemicfoundationsmore acceptableto the populationswhose knowledgethey wish to highlight and appropriatefor the commongood.

A beginningin this directionwould be to recognizethe multiplicity of logicsandpractices that underliethe creationandmaintenanceof different knowledgesystemswithin a knowledgenetwork.By buildingon newviewsof science(seePickering1992)that insiston "multiplicity, patchinessandheterogeneityof the spaceinTvhichscientistswork" and go beyondrationalismandreductiverepresentation(See.{grfwal 1995), neo-indigenistas are offeredthe prospectof developingnew epistemicfoundationsfor addressingandbuilding bridgesbetweenknowledgewithin a network.The network is constitutedby multiple actors, who possessresourcesand form relationsthroughtheir interacting.Eachactor invests resourcesof different kinds and amounts,including financial, social,cultural and symbolic capital,which are valueddifferently dependingon the project.It is importantthat eachactor processesthat are at play within a project,especiallythe the knowledge-related understands of construction knowledge,the athibution of meaning,the exerciseof power,andthe emergence of synergyor subjectst(Umans1998) A1.4 ChineseLeadersParadigmsor Worldviews Most forestrypolicies are developedby decisionmakersor from seniorleaders'ideas,who haveignoredor rarely consideredlocal farmers' knowledge,practicesor suggestions.

TraditionalHan-Chineseleadershipwasbasedon orderandtotality, placedin a hierarchyof cosmicorderand encapsulated within Confucianism.With the birth ofNew Chinathe nature of the leadershipmodel essentiallyremainedthe same.As a result, almostby default Chinas leaderswithin governmentdepartmentsstill follow the Confucian model.They are worried that if they arenot seento be leadingfrom the front they will losetheir jobs. Thereare few modelsor policy directivesto encouragethem to adoptmoreparticipatoryroles,however successfulthe participatoryprojectsundertheir control.

A1.5 Participation and socialengineering Both neo-Manrists& early modernizersarguedfor a thoroughgoingtransformationof economicsocialandpolitical structures,whereindividualswere no longerfetteredby faditional waysof thinkingandrelatingto oneanother.Dwing the 1960's& 1970'sboth Western& Chinesedevelopmentmodel had onecharacteristicin common,their agreement t Subjectsaremultiple actorswho togetherhavethe capacityto bring forward a project ForestryPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui aboutthe necessityand legitimacyof a major socialengineeringcrusadeto transform traditional culturesto facilitate the fransitionto a new era.Although todayboth of these modelshavecomeundermajorcriticismelementsof socialengineeringstill remainwhich delegitimisealternativeknowledgesystemsand disenfranchiselocal communities.

The totalitarian ideologyof Confucianism,adheredto by the statethroughoutall the Chinese dynasties,called for a policy of nonviolentassimilationof non-Hanpeoples,throughthe impositionof Flan-Chinesevalues.TheseConfucianiy'easrun conslpfentlythroughoutthe historyof indigenousethnicrelationsin China(Iffi lgSg,IkFrer 1989).With the arrival policy communism in of China,the of assimilationUidnot changie.

TheHan-Chinese united asa vanguardin the socialisttransformationof society,a positionwhich "scientifically'' underpinnedtheir hegemonicpretensionsin a processleadingto the homogenizationof societyin China.

From this perspectiveChina's indigenousminority peopleare regardedas"backward" and "uncivilized'. They are expectedto replacetheir traditional cultural valuesandpractices (andthe knowledgesystemswhich inform them) with the more "rational, scientific, cognitivesystems& advancedculture" of the national society.In this contexttherearevery real dangersthat participation becomesthe l/est tool in a major socialengineeringcrusade to "stabilize" andtransfofmfiaditional cultqfesto facilitate the ultimate inevitabletansition to a new era(YongtcVg Zhen 1981UowVO lgg4) Therearedangersthat stabilitywill be securedat the expenseofbiodiversity (andthe local knowledgesystemsthat supportit) A1.6 The value of local knowledge& the importanceof socio-culturalcontexts The ethno-centricnatureof Han-Chinesevalue system, is alsoreflectedin leadersattitudes to indigenousknowledge,practicesand local socio-culturalcontexts.Whentrialing policies often very unrepresentative sitesare chosenwith little attemptto contextualisepolicies or discussthem with local people.Either local knowledgeis overlookedor seenasvalueless and little attemptis madeto consider"intercultural reciprocation"or synergfbetween knowledgesystems.

Thereis for example, an insistencethat Yunnansminority peopleneed"ecological& conservationeducation",while ignoringthe "anthropogeniclandscapes","linguistic ecologies",auspicious,sacred& DragonForestsHoly Hills, & PlantWorshipcustomsthat havemouldedthe/andscapeover centuries,and resulted in oney'f the mostbytrutiful, , / prod;rctive& sty'tainable mountainregionsTi/n the world (SalMet al 2000,ildm ryCSZObta 2061bMuhlhtfusler1,996,ChunLy'rtnn\&, Yilan Zhou200l, Liu Aizhonget al 1999,Long ChunLin & ChenSdnyangl99/Pei 1993) A1.7 BestPractice Bestpracticein pro-poorparticipatoryforestrypolicy making is predicatedon knowledge equlty, synergyandreciprocitybetweenknowledgesystems(formal & indigenous),IT conceptualframeworks,aMuctive learning, adaptiveforestmanagementsystems,ethnopoliticpl commitment,normativgfihxrformityagdlocalself-r/ forestryparadigms, determinatio,ry{See Yarrrte!1598,Umansl998,la{6ow 1993,Ry[6r 1997,Xt61998, Holling eM 1978,Wâ‚Źhqd'1986,Kendrick2000,Pateler al nd, Bateso4l4Tg& 1988,

Srrtdt 200l,Wiir/rnt1997, Seeland2O0l)

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkur More effort is requiredin addressingindigenousknowledgeandpracticeduring the policy makingprocess.The Earth Summitagreementsstatethat "indigenousknowledgeof conservationand sustainableforestmanagementshouldbe respectedand 'used' in developingforestryprogrammes"(andpolicies) (Keating 1993).Unfortunately"used" is ratheran ambiguousterm and asa result mainsteam forestryhasmostly learned aboutthe needs,knowledge andvernacularpracticesof indigenouspeopleand not from them. The basisfor learninghasbeenmostly "simple" ex situ and exfiactiveratherthan epistemic,and interpretedon the basisof mainstream/orestryparadigmsand/ora dichotomyof indigenous andscientificknowledge(SeeAgrqfl 1995).

Many of thoseconsideringthe integrationof IK & formal forestryhave failed to go beyond thereductiverepresentations ionsthat that views views science "as relative science"as relativeto cultwe cultureor interests" intepsts"and andI

practice(K"he/62, scientificexperimentation & professional T^jrl.T"stf/tn \ZKum v 2000,Pic[E{ng 1992).

Few attemptsarebeing madeto learnfrom alternativeforestryparadigmsor addressthe synergywithin a networkof equitableforestryparadigms.Thereare dangersthat IK wi[ be disemb/ded from its normativecontey'and "integrafion-like "participation",and'/omanagCment" will representanother/ranny ratherthandparadigmshift (Sy'NallCsdy1999 Heek61999Cooke1998Cooke&Vothari 2001Hilrydrd et al 1998,Sterk'6g2001)Although thereis a post-Riotajectory of forestrythat recognizesthe importanceof IK while it continuesto be predicatedon a mainstream/indigenousdichotomyit will fail to safeguardIK or the disadvantaged.

To ensure"goodnessof fit" betweenpolicy andperipheralpeoplesthereis a need:a) to recognizethe multiplicity of logics andpracticesthat underlieknowledgesystems (mainstream& indigenousforestry) b) to examineForesty IK on the basisof an IT conceptualsystem(web-)ike,non- / hierarchical,multilineal,hypertextual,decentred& contextual(I*andq7{lggz,YailA 1998)) c) to bridgethe constructedchasmbetweenmainstream& indigenousforestry d) to learn from the realitiesof indigenousconservationand forest sustainability e) to reinventforestry, in wayssimilar to the more radical strea/sof environmental educationasit seeksto addressissuesof sustainability(Steltidg2001) f) to learn from indigenousknowledgeand its metatheoreticalframework(i.e. paradigm) on the basisof its epistemiccognition APPENDD( 2IMPACT ON pOO& WOMEN & MTNORITIES (The poor aredealt with undereachforestpolicy) The impact of forestpolicy on the poor, on rural womenandthe minorities shouldnot be underestimated, becausethey are often the mostvulnerable,and dependentupon the forest for their subsistencelivelihoods.New policiesthat remove"commonland" or customaryrights are likely to impactthesethree sub-groupsin waysnot experiencedby those who arepart of the socialistmarketeconomy.

A2.l Mnority Peoples ForestyPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui The interdependencies betweenminority peopleand forestryis being much morewidely recognizedasis the coyelation betweenethnicy'iversity& biodiversity,the importanceof linguisticlcologies,ay'dtheplaceof indigengdsknowledgein development practice(He Pikm q/at ZOOO M?ft 1998& 2001,Mutil6usler 1996),but this realisationis takingplace againsta backdropof ethnic & linguistic erosion(Blench2001) Thereshouldbe concernat the erosionof ethnic diversity: it is stronglylinked to social coherence,andto a value systemthat makespossibleeffectivemanagementof natural resources.Moreover,there is a strongcorrelationbetweenthe maintenanceof ethnic diversity andthe conservationof biodiversity,aswell asa reservoirof indigenousknowledge aboutthe environment which remainslargely untapped.Ideasaboutthe rights of ethnic minorities,especiallyin relation to conffol over naturalresourcesremainhazyand undevelopedand it is in the interestof powerful majoritiesthat this shouldbe the case.

Ethnicity developsasthe signatureof a distinct culture evolvesandthis is reflectedasmuch in dressasin naturalresourcesmanagementor social structure.For a groupto cohereit must havepowerful internalmechanismsto maintainand developethnic boundarymarkers.

However,thesealsoenforcesocialrules and areusuallythe channelfor collective action, suchasagricultureandpublic works. Suchmechanismsare at their weakeston the periphery of dominantcultures.It is thereforeno surprisethat povertyand socialfragmentationare at their worst there.Theseprovidepowerful argumentsfor maintainingthe high levelsof social capital that minority culture implies.

Donors,though are often uncomfortablewith ethnic diversitybecauseit challengesthe homogenisations of economics.Reducingpopulationsto householdincomelevels, nutritional statusor infant mortality allows administratorsto makeresourceallocationsalong neatanddefensiblelines. Minority populationshavean inconvenientvariety of marital pa.tternsand socialstructuresthat makeuniform solutionsdiffrcult to apply.Planningto encompassdiversityrequiresmuch more extensivebackgroundinformation anda willingnessto essaymore risky strategies.It is preciselythosefeaturesof ethnic identity that makepossiblethe accumulationof socialcapial which in turn allows communitiesto manageresourcescoherently.If we act to reducethe impact of global culture and support local institutionsof any type,we also supportthe structuresthat reducedependencyon outsideassistance Ethnic minorities,particularlythose,who havelived in the uplandsof Yunnanfor many generationscharacterisedby a highly autonomoussubsistence system,arebeing economically& ethnically marginalisedin the fansition to the socialistmarketeconomy andby globalization.This is due,in part to the incomparabilityof vernacularinstitutionsand difficulties in adaptingto externalinstitutional change.Somefactors,including government policy, marketstimuli and developmentinterventions,havealready dramaticallyaffected minority societiesandthe processof change The indigenouspeopleof Yunnanhavelived in harmonywith their environmentfor many generations.They havedevelopeda rangeof methodsfor managingnaturalresourcesbased on their own distinctiveperceptionsand sophisticatedlocal knowledge,anda greater understandingof their systemscould aid the formulation and implementationof government ForesfyPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,I^aiQingkui pliy'ies andthe establishmentof new socialarrangements for sustainabledevelopment(Xu

lffsl

Biodiversityis conventionallyinterpretedasdiversity in genetics,population,speciesandthe ecosystem.In Yunnan,the plant andanimal kingdomarewell represented.Thereare about 14,000floweringplant species(half of thosein China),about767birdspecies(667o),and 248 mammalspecies(56Vr).About half of the endangeredspeciesin China areprotectedin 76 separatenaturalreservescomprising4% of the total land areaof YunnanProvince.

Vegetationtypesrangefrom tropical rainforest,throughbroadleafforeststo alpine bushes andmeadows.Biodiversity is a propertyof the naturalecosystem,but it is a productof an interactionbetweensocialandbio-physicaland indigenousknowledgeand cultural diversity. a 2.2 Gender& ForestPolicy Currentconceptsof genderanddevelopmentstartfrom the premisethat in orderto address women'sdevelopmentalconcernsandneeds,developmentassistancemusttake into account both men'sandwomen'sroles,their respectiveresponsibilities within the communityand their relationshipto eachother.Genderroles,relationsandequilibrium in Chinaare influencedat a nationalscaleby orthodoxdiscourses on genderrelations(SeeThaker1998 Li Dongli 2000)and at a rural traditional level by major externalchange(suchasthe market economy,environmentalchangeor newpolicies(Voutas2001) a 2.2.1Roles& Relations An analysisof Chinesepolicy towardswomen,andthe shifts andchangesin the issuesthat are perceivedaswomen'sissues,showsthat the crux of the problemhasremainedthe contradictionbetweenwomen'sreproductiveroles andtheir participationin wagelabour.

While the ChineseCommunistPartyhasconstantlyexpressedsupportfor femaleliberation, this supporthasbeenconditionalon women'sspecific interestnot conflicting with the overall interestsof the Party.The persistenceof "feudal"valuesaboutwomenimply that economic liberation,thoughan importantnecessityfor femaleliberation,is not sufficient in itself.

China'scasedemonstrates that genderrelationsremainan aspectmostresistantto change.

The rigid sexualdivision of labouruponwhich genderrelationsis built is not only hardto change,but is tenaciouslymaintaineddespitechangesin economiccircumstances.

In China oneof the mostfimdamentalbeliefsremains:thatof women'snaturalrole asmothersand providersof the emotionalandnurturanceneedsof their families. As shown,althoughthe statusof womenin Chinahaschangedenormously,this automaticassumptioncontinuesto receivetacit supportfrom the govemment.Their domesticresponsibilitiesandtheir reproductiverolesare seenasaspectswhich makewomendifferent from men,a biological differencewhich is seenasimbuing them with unaturalncharacteristics.

The persistentsexualdivision of labor.randthe failure to alleviatethe domesticburdenof womenhasmerely resultedin the addition of new roles on top of women'spreviousroles, ratherthan a redefinition of male and femaleroles,resultingin the exhaustingdoubleburden facedby women.The government'slimited efforts towardsdealingwith the specificdemands facedby womenjustifies the chargemadeby feministsthat the policies of socialiststates towardswomenare constantlysubordinatedto the productivistgoalsof thesestates.An

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chuq Lai Qingkui analysisof the continuingforms of femalesubordination,and the way in which socialist policy itself condonesmale-femaleinequality,is postponedEverytime the issueemerges,a new orthodoxyis constructedratherthan attemptinga fundarnentalrestructuringof gender relations.This constantdisplacingof the women'squestionis often hiddenby the formal equalitythat womenhaveacquired,andbehindthe accessionof womento previously (Molyneux1981b: 36). unconventional occupa.tions The CommunistParly, especiallyin the rural areasof China,first confrontedfeudal ideas aboutwomenin Chinaas a heterodo*y,challenging Confucianorthodory with its discourse of femaleequality.In the Chinesecaseit is interestingto notethat the Partyrecognisesthe importanceof ideologicalchange,in fact it positively emphasises it, but it refirsesto touch certainaspectsof genderrelations.Thesearethe sexualdivision of labourandthe consequentbelief that womenare naturallysuitablefor certaintasks.That is why the mobilisationof womenfor taskswhich are a naturalextensionof their familial roles is no contradiction.The discourseof the Partybecomesa new discursivealignmentof old elements.

This is not an attemptat a deliberatepolicy by the Parly. The Chinesecasedemonstrates that althoughthe "wider limits" of the discourseon womenare extende4certainelementsremain behind.This alsoallows us to form an alternativehypothesisto that of Stacey(1983) who arguesthat the Partyas suchis patriarchal.Further,if we seediscourseon genderas premisedon thoseareaswhich the Partydoesnot seeasreal contadictions, we canalso understandwomen'sowr supportandparticipationin the ranksof the CommunistParly.

They not only actively propagatedthe Partyline but alsobelievedin it. Like the Party,they wereconvincedthat the contadictions betweentheir gender-specificinterestswould be detrimentalto the goal of nationalandclassliberation.It is this aspectof Chinesepolicy on womenthat allows us to saythat the new orthodoxyon genderrelationsis a curiousmix of patriarchyand socialism,wherethe tensionsbetweenwomen'sproductiveandreproductive rolesremainunresolved.It also showsus the importanceandpower of discourseandthe role that discor.rseplaysin the mystification of the material subordinationof women.

Another significantaspectof socialistrhetoric on genderrelationsis the_pfqtggSloni5! discoursewithin which statesupportfor femaleequality is couched.Womenareconstantly identified asthosewho needto be "protectedu,on par with children.Women'srights are enshrinedin the constitutionas a gift of the Partyratherthan as somethingwon by women throughstruggleandbecausewomendeserveto be equal.This discourseof protectionism hasbeenvisible eversincethe women'squestionfirst appearedasa necessarypart of a charterof socialreform. The stalwartsof the early reform movementare all men,with the excepion of a fewtoken women.In the socialistphaseof the revolution,thosewomenwho emergedasleaderswere automaticallyassignedto femaletasks,which were seenas secondaryto the overall goalsof the revolution.This protectionistdiscourseof the Party is alsowhat madeit suppressthe moreradical and independentdiscourseswhich emerged within the women'smovementduringthe periodof the May Fourthmovementof 1919.The Partycannotafford to allow competingdiscourses,which link questionsof female subordinationto intra-family relationsandposethe problemasa contradictionbetweenthe interestsof men andwomen.This would underminethe Party'slegitimacyasthe arbitator of ForeskyPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li ChurLLai Qingkui socialrelations.

The structuralsubordinationof the ACWF, asa massorganisationis a naturalconsequence of this protectionistbias.This protectivestrategyservesa doublefirnction, for it alsoensrues that womenwho do act in their own interestsoutsidethe avenuesprovidedfor ilrem, are successfullymarginalisedand discreditedasdivisive. The needfor an independentwomen's organisationis removedif the Partyconstantlyproclaimsto supportandprotectthe interests of women.Wheneverthis protectionismofferedby the stateand its organisationsfails, the Partyblamesfeudal ideologyratherthan examiningthe limitations anddrawbacksof its own strategiesandpolicies.Feudalideology,in other words,becomesa convenientscapegoatfor the tensionsthat emergewhen the genderinterestsof womencomeinto conflict with state policy.

Becauseof the Party'scompromisesatvarious levels,andthe way womenaredefinedas power relationsbetweenthe sexeshavechangedvery little over time. At the dependents, materiallevel, womenremainunequalto men in all areasof sociallife. At the level of discourse,this inequalityis hiddenbehindan ideologyof equality.Any analysiswhich seeks to examinethe "positionof womenin Chin4 then,hasto startwith debunkingthis myth of equalttywhich is maintainedby orthodory. The ideologyof equalitythroughstate protectionismensuresthat the emergenceof an independentwomen'sorganisationwhich will consistentlychampionwomen'srights is an uphill task.

While orthodoxryandits contentscanbe examinedtluough the way the statepresentsits position on the woman'squestion,we alsoneedto find a way of assessing what womenmake of theserepresentations of themselves,andhow they representthemselvesin alternative ways.Womenthroughoutdifferent perids haverespondedto the demandsmadeon them in different ways.While manyhaveacceptedthe demandsuncritically, others,asexemplified

by Ding Ling, havetendedto look critically at their position in society.The post-Maoyears, with the looseningof conhol at variouslevels,further demonstratethat the statedoesnot havea monopolyon the productionof a discourseon women.Thoughit attemptsto construct an orthodory, in p'ractice,severaldiscoursescoexist.

This heterodoxy,in the Chinesecase,containsdifferent discourses,someseeka returnto a positionthat existedbeforethe CPCcameto power andare echoesof conservativeideas aboutwomen;othersseekradically to questionall elementsof a traditional and socialist orthodoxy.While the formerjustify and supportdiscriminationagainstwomenby seekingto conhactthe limits of changethat haveoccurred,the latter seekto widen the limits of discourse.

Snandsof heterodoxycan alsobe spottedin different places.Within the Women's Federation,for example,therehasbeena growingacceptanceof the existenceof female subordinationratherthan pretendingthat the problemsof womenhaveall beentakencareof.

Althoughthe ACWF is structurallylimited in its propagationof femaleequality,it has highlightedand criticised incidentsofblatant discriminationagainstwomen.Independent women'svoiceshavealsobeenheardthroughuniversitystudentgroupssuchasthe GuangdongUniversity studentswho havestarteda journal speciallydevotesto publicising ForestyPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui casesof discriminationagainstwomen.Someof the more critical womenwriters are also part of this more independentcritique of genderrelations.a few women'sstudies programmeshavealsobeensetup in universities(ShenZhr 1987).

In the final analysis,discriminationagainstwomen canbe eradicatedonly if what is taken for grantedaboutmale-femalerelationsis questioned;not by a revival of an earlier conceptionof male-femalerelations,as is happeningin China today,but by a radical questioningof their relation.It is this apparentfit of women'snaturalroles with their objectivecircumstancesthat seemsto provide a motif of continuity within the changing discourseon Chinesewomen.

ity clearly definesroles separatedby Under conditionsof socialequilibrium, a genderand roles which are shared( al 1995).The patternof rolesgenerallyformsa glven the resourcefactorsof the local area.Giventhe role of sustainablelivelihood strategy rural & minority womenin Yunnanthey havedevelopeda closeanddirect relationshipwith the forestnot only, for gatheringforestproducts,but in termsof vernacularforest managemgltandtee planting.Firewood,pineneedles(for livestockbedding),mushrooms, herbs,grls (for weaving),andbambooare all collectedfrom the forest(He ChongHua in

HeP{y'n2000) Howeverwith major externalchanges,the equilibrium in genderroles is brokenand canbe regardedasdysfunctional.Often this dysfuntionalityreducesthe ability of womento continueto play fully productiveand safelyreproductiveroles in society.For instance,what is commonlyobservedin Chinais an increasingfeminisationof agriculture(alsoold men andchildren).Also in fragile environmentswherewater,fodder,fuel, andarableland are underthreat,it is womenwho suffer morethan men from this degradation.More hoursare spentcollecting water andfirewood or attendingto fields that producelessand less. When food is insufficient, it is usuallythe adult femaleswho reducetheir nutritional intake in favour of other family members.As a resultof the extra work requiredto meetbasicneeds andreduceddiet womensheatthtendsto suffer (Voutas2001) a 2.3 ForestPolicy It is importantto considerthe impactof key forestpolicies againsta backdropof gender discoursesand socialequilibrium, howevertime only allowedthe consultantsthe opportunity to visit I key informantthe YWF, and so no full analysiscould be made. Furtherresearchis required.Although adequatedata is not yet availableon the impact of specificforestpolicies on rural womena generaloverviewis known of their view of forestdegradationandtheir responseto it Rural womenarevery concernedaboutenvironmentaldegradation,the lack of firewood,the lack of grazing,the lack of forestcover,the lossof water,they do providethe majority of the labour force for planting andthey areinvolved in vernacularforest management(He ChongHua 2000) A2.3.1ConvemionPolicy (Steepfarmlandto forestland) This policy appearsto offer an "opportumtyfor awarenessraisingand economicactivity" Poorwomen,especiallyin the NE (wittr high populations& limited land per capita)are less willing to convertthat womenin the westor northwest.Womencannotafford to buy even ForestyPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui economicfees, andforthe programmeto succeedthey must be providedfree. Many women feel the compensationis too low, andthereis concemamongpoor women(with limited land) aboutthe terrrination of compensation.Womenare allowed(underdirection form YFB) to plant walnut and cherryffWF) a 2.3.2OtherPolicies Rwal womenappearto supportthe YFB policies on NFPP,RRP,ForestTourism& Mountain Closure. a 2.3.3Eco-Tourism Rural womenare quite keenon ecotourismand haveestablisheda tea gardenfor touristsin Lichang,abamboogardenin Hualing& village gardensin Yi Xi (YWF) Project a 2.3.4TheRiver Reforestation In NW Yunnanrwherewomenhadbeentravelling up to 4hn for water,within 5 yearsof the establishryfntof forest,undergroundstreamsandpondsbeganto form in the forest (AnonUS ptttbassy2000) APPENDD( 3 TEE LOGGTNG BAN (BACKGROUND) The forestsof SouthwestChinawere amongthe most extensiveareasof forestcover in the whole of China,and includedthe forestsof SE Tibet AR, WesternSichuan,Northern asChina's"second Yunnan,SW Gansu& SEQinghai.In 1950this areawasdesignated (in 1956)of large-scale timber timberproductionbase"andfollowing the establishment processing indiscriminatefelling becamecommonin the mostaccessible area enterprises (Richardson1990,Li 1993).Thebulk of the destructionwasnot causedby population pressure,or "criminal elements",or local farmers,and it did not mostly occur "40 yearsago" to fuel backyardsteelfurnacesof ChairmanMao's ill fated"GreatLeapForward" as

by Pearce(1999).It was mostly causedby "planned" commercialtimber exfraction suggested govenrment quotas(Smil 1984,Wnkler 1998a).The forestsof SW Chinahave basedon neverbeenofficially managedon a sustainablebasis,andthe majority lack a management plan or any form of monitoring (Richardson1990).Timber wasnot only requiredfor China's boomingeconomy,but it becamethe most importantsourceof cashrevenuefor local administrations,enablingthem to fund education,health& infrastructure.StateForest enterpriseswere sometimesrequiredto harvesttimber quotas,that were asmuch as3 times the sustainableyield, at a price that wasbelow productioncosts(Winkler 1998a).To compensatefor this evenmoretimber wasfelled and sold on the "free market". As a result in someareasannualfelling wasfour times the sustainableyield. Someof the most disquieting reportscamefrom Sichuan& YunnanProvinces.Although Yunnanstill ranksfourth in Chinain termsof total timber resources,in relative termsthe provincesdeforestationwas evenmoreextensivethan in Sichuan,and its lossof forestland was oneof the highestin China.Clearfelling beganin ZhaotongLijiang & Diqin in the 1950'sandby the 1980'sthe forestcoverin Zhaotong(mostlyhardwood)hadfallen from 507o(1950's)to 8% (1980's),in Lijiang by mid 1998up to24m cubicmetes hadbeenfelled andin Diqin 800,00cubic metresa yearwerebeing felled. partsof this vastforestareadid beginin the 1950's(e.g.

Deforestationin the mostaccessible

PolicyAnalysis Forestry

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui Aba Prefecturein Sichuan),andSichuandid loseonetenthof its growingstock(or 1.24m ha) duringthe GreatLeapForward(1958-61),but this wasmostlyin EasternSichuan.

Deforestationacceleratedin the late 1960'son the southernand easternperipheryof the forestwhich supplied84% of provincial demand.

The destructionfrom the 1980'sonwardof the forestswithin the main Yangpe catchment appearsto havebeenparallelledby environmental& climatic changeleadingto the almost annualoccrurenceof flooding & snowdisasters(on the Qinghai-TibetanPlateau)(Smil 1984,Studley1999,WangHongchang nd). Thesechangesincluded decreased increasedalbedo,and a reductionin moistureflow andwater retaining evapotranspiration, erosion,debrisflow & floods(Tacke1981, capacity.Theyled to drought,desertification, Yang 1986,Richardson1990Winkler 1998a,WangHongchang nd). The increasedalbedo hasbeenlinked with the exacerbationof snowdisastersandthe floods haveled to degraded hydro-electricand inigation systemsand increasinglossof life and damage(Winkler 1998b) Duringthe summerof 1998,China(aswell asIndia & Bangladesh) experienced severe floods affectingmanyof Asia's largestrivers. The Yangtzeexperiencedthe worst flooding since1954,claimingmorethan3,650lives andcausingmorethanUSD 30 billion of damage.Although most of the flooding occurredin the Chineselowlandsit alsooccurredon the Tibetanplateau.In Tibet A& the YarlangTsangpo@ramaputra),the Kyi-Chu and other riversroseto recordlevelsresultingin the lossof at least53 peopleand4000headof livestock(mostly Yak).Morethan 40 countieswere affectedand most of TAR's roadswere damaged.Flood frequencyhasbeenincreasingin both Tibet and SW China.During the Qing Dynasty(1644-1911)the Yangtzefloodedeverydecade,andbetween192l-1949the frequencyroseto onceeverysix years.In the 1980'sthe frequencyroseto a largeflood every two years.In the 1990'sthe situationgot worsewith floodsin 1994,1995,1996and 1998.

The Chinesegovemmentfirst officially recogniseda causallink betweendeforestationand environmentaldestructionafterthe floodsof l98l and 1983(Richardson1990),and measureswere implementedin someareas.Chineseforestresearchers havefor manyyears pragmatic guidelines (eg Yang beendeveloping eco-friendlysilvicultrnal andharvesting 1986,1987).All thesemeasures, howeverwell-intentionedhaverarelybeentranslatedinto bestpracticeon the gfound.Bestpracticehasalwayshadto competewith the doctrineof "social marketforces",which hastreatedtreesas a free goodand lacksthe feedback processes of the conventionalmarketeconomies(Zhang1998).After nearlyfour decadesof timber mining, the floods causedthe governmentto considerin more detail both logging practicesandreforestationin the headwatersof manyof Asia's largestrivers.

In mid-August1998the StateCouncil recognizedthat the Yangtzeriver floods were related to soil erosionin the upperreachesand it urgedall governmentsto protecttheir forests.

Sichuanprovinceresponded by a)introducinga felling banfrom I September1998,in the "West SichuanForestArea", comprising4.5mha in 54 countiesb) closing9m ha of grazing landto facilitate reforestationc) abandoningfor log floating channelsat the Ertan power station.In late August 1998the StateCouncil further urged51 key forestryenterprisesin the upperYangtzeand Yellow rivers to stoploggrng.In late AugustYunnanProvinceannounced a felling ban alongits sectionof the Yanglzeand in DecemberTibet AR orderedall sawmills

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui in SE Tibet (ChamdoandNyangtriPrefectures)to ceaseoperations(Winkler 1998b).Almost immediatelyafter the felling ban wasintroducedtimber pricesin the Beijing wood market roseby 20'30o/oandthe authoritieswere expectinga shorffall of 45m cubic metres(out of a total requirementof 100mcubicmefres)by 2000(Anol 1998a)

APPENDD( 4 FOREST POLICY A4.0 Policy'6Engine' a numberof forestrypolicy "engines"were identified (in the literature)that appearedto addresspoverly &Jor the environment including :.

Foresty Policiesissued by the Ministry of Forestry,The StateForestryBureau& StateCouncil .

The GreatWestemDevelopmentSfrategy .

China'sAgenda21 (Chapter14Conservation & Sustainable useofNR) . lOth 5-yearplan for Forestry .

10th5-yearplan for Forestryfiunnan) . l0th S-yearplan for YEPB (Yunnan) .

TheForest}.aw(1994,4198,10/98) ' Regulations,laws, andactionplansfrom YFB Among the policy engines,the 10th5-yearforestryplan (Yunnan) includedthe most key policies(identifiedin3.2), althoughmany enginesincluded a numberof policies.

In termsof the impact of the policy engines,therewas little commentfrom key informantsor the literature,with the exceptionof the GreatWesternDevelopmentStrategyandthe Forest Law A 4.1 History of ForestPolicy in Yunnan (trends) History of ForestPolicies in Yunnan TimberProduction( I 950-I 978) (1980-) Reforestation "ThreeForest"LandTenuredetermination(1982-1985) NatureReserves Established( 1982-) ( I 982-) Wildlife Conservation Eco-Forestry0992-) Wastelandauctions( I 989-I 998) Rural EnergyDevelopment (1992-) GreatRivers Watershed(1992-) SociaUAgro Forestry( 1994-) ForestManagement classification( I 996-) ForestPropertiesDevelopment(1996-) NaturalForestProtection(1997-) LoggrngBan (ratifiedDec 1998) SteepLandConversion(1999) 4,4.2 Key Forest Policies ForestyPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui A4,2.1 The AfforestatationPlan An afforestationcomponentis includedin the conversionof steepfarmlandto forestland plan, the Natural ForestProtectionProjectandthe River ReforestationProject 10th5-vearForestrvPlan(Yunnan) Duringthe lOth S-yearplanthe aim is to plant 156,600ha close1.45mha of mountainand air sow498,500ha.

Critioue Most afforestationin Yunnanat presentfocuseson monoculturesof commercialspeciesand often includesforesthygrene(the removalof low quality tees & shrubs).Both these practicesoften exacerbates erosionand encouragesdiseasesusceptibility(Yunnanhasa problemwith Tomicuspiniperda). From the perspectiveof biodiversity,erosionprevention, & communityforestrythey would be advisedto focuson multi-storeymixed forest(Prof Zhaoperscomm 2ll8l0l). Air seedingis by no meansa proventechnologyin termsof the establishment of viabletreeplantations(Foster1999).It is the very antithesisof community forestryandis unlikely to engenderany local feeling of "ownership" or responsibility.

A 4.2.2Natural ForestProtectionPlan Backeround In Dec 2000the StateCouncil announceda hugeanduniqueplan for protectingnatural forests,the Natural ForestProtectionPlan ("Tianbao"), The historic rootsfor this plan go backto the 1970's,but the issuesweredramaticallybroughtto the public attention, duringthe very heavyfloods in 1998.a numberof provinces,including Sichuan& Yunnan, introducedlogglngban,which were ratified by centralgovernmentin Dec 1998(SeeStudley 1999a&D.Inthe two yearsfollowing the Chinesegovernmentinvestedten billion RMB in NFPPandrelatedactivities.Someof the fundswereusedto providenewjobs (eg asforest guards& tree planters) and somefor compensationto local governments(ldallee 2000),but the main focuswas on forestprotection,andincrease.

Cunently66 counties(610/o) & 6 majorwatersheds in Yunnanareincludedinthe NFPP progftrmme.Their major remit is . to protectnaturalforest(and its biodiversity& wildlife) . (seeafforestation)to esablish plantationsby planting,mountainclosure& air seeding . to increaseforestcover(Hu & Lu perscornm1618/01) lfth S-yearForesty Plan (Yunnan) YFB plansto protecta further ll.977m ha of naturalforest.

Critioue Concemshavebeenexpressed,however,dueto the lack of any specificoperatingregulations for forestcare/marngemen! and its failure to addressthe subsistence needsof the poor (Anon US $6bassy 2000,Lai perscomm 2ll8l0l) A 4.2.3River ReforestationProject Backmound This project (which is managedby the afforestationdivision) beganin 1989asthe "Yangfze ShelterForestProjecf', andcomprised?Tlcountiesin I I provinces,andby 2000had plantedover 6m ha of forest.Subsequentlythe project hasexpandedto include otherrivers.

The project is reportedto draw on a socialforestryapproachandto useparticipatorymethods ForestryPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme John Studley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui The 10thS-yearplan(Yunnan) YFB plansto plant 167,000ha,air sow 194,000ha andadd670,000ha by tree"breeding", alongthe Mekong,Pearl& HongheRivers Cntique Cunently provisionis madein this project both for mixed forest and for mixed cropping(i.e agro-forestry)which addressed both the environmentandthe poor. It is reportedin Zhaotong Prefecturethat asa result of the proJecLundergroundwater, ponds and streamshave appearedin the newly createdforest,and womenno longerhaveto walk 4lan to fetch water.

Thereare,howeverotherreportsofvery low survivalrates,of sitesbeing completelycleared prior to planting (which would makethe sitesevenmore susceptibleto erosion)and little subsequent management(Anon US Embassy2000Foster1999) L 4.2.4'Wasteland' (or commotrland) Auctions Backg:ound The wastelandauctionprogrammein not a new policy, but it is still refenedto in the literatureandin interviews(It doesnot appearin the lfth S-yearplan).In 1994,in orderto increaseefficiency in usingthe land resourceandto promoteafforestation,the Yunnan Governmentintroducedthe systemof auctioningoffhilVmountain "wasteland" Local farmerswere given a preference,but if they opted out, the auctionwasopenedto outsiders.

Unlessthe areasold throughauctionwas afforestedwithin hilo years,the userright is cancelled.

Between1993-1996the Governmentauctioneduserrightsto approximately60 000 ha of hilVmountainwasteland for the valueof 42.5million YuanRBM (USD 5.2 million). The averageprice per hectarewas708 YuanRBM (USD 86). Approximately90 % wasboughtby local farmers,and l0 o/obyoutsideinterestsincludinglocal andforeignbusinessmen, andgovernmentagencies.

By endof 1998,52o/oof theauctionedarehadbeen enterprises afforested.The proceedsfrom the auctionshavebeenallocatedto socialactivities.

10th5-yearForestryPlan (Yunnan) No goals Critique Auctioning of wastelandhasprovedto be a rathercontroversialscheme.It wasdevisedin orderto ensurethat individual gainingaccessto land havethe interestand ability to makethe necessaryinvestmentsin restoringthe vegetativeThe experiencehasyieldedmixed results.

Auctionswere apparentlya workablemeansof land distribution in areassuchascentral Yunnan,wherethe economyis developedand commercialfansactionsare commonplace.In areas,wherepeoplehavelittle exposureto marketeconomy,the auctionsystemmay have benefitedmainly the wealthyor otherwisewell-placedindividuals,who were ableto take advantageof the new opportunities.The poorerfarmershad limited resourcesto participate in the auction,and their disadvantage was increasedby the fact that the auction area had often beencommongrazing land, which theylost accessto.

As with "commonland", governmentofficials' andindigenousfarmers'perceptions of wastelandarevery different. The governmentusuallydefinewastelandor "common" (following JohnIocke 1690)on the basisof vegetativecover,and intensityof productiveuse (usuallyeconomic& not subsistence).

For the indigenouspeople, what the government terms"wasteland"is productiveland for grazing.The practiceof buming uplandsin partsof Yunnan,is a very importantmeasurefor maintaining"wasteland"ascommonproperlyfor ForestryPolicyAnalysis

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YunnanEnvironmentalProgramme JohnStudley,Li Chun,Lai Qingkui raisingcattle. This is co**E{iy practisedamongthe Hani peoplein the early stagesof the swidden-fallowcycle(Xu ffanchu 1995) Comment The practiceof auctioningwasteland,especiallycornmonland resonateswith the appropriationof the conrmons(asres nullius2)in the UK3 & USA (as capitalistexpansion) asthe colonial constructof terylnullius, and in India (as SocialForestryor Joint-Forest (SeeHildyarddt al 1998,Merchant1989,1995,1996, Goldie 1997,Travis Management) 2000,Iocke 1690section36).Wherepossiblethereis a needto try to find waysof enhancingbiodiversityand forestconservationwithout thro&ning the subsistence base APPENDIX 5 KEY INFORMANTS The following27 key informants YFB ( WangDexiang,ChenRonggui,Qi Kang, ZhangJiaXiang,-\4s.Zagllend@g, SunRui Lin, He Zhllin, Lu Shixin, Tian Reichun,HuangJincheng,Ma Xngwen, Ms Zhu Jun,Ms GaoLidin Ms CheLihua) 14(5) YASS/IRE(Prof ZhaoJunchen,Ms Xuan Yi) 2 (l) FCCDP@rof He Peikun) 1 KIB (Prof Long ChunLin) I

TNC(8sssifts)1 CBIK @r Xu Jianchu)I YNRI (Prof He Slao Ying, Prof WangDeqiang,Prof Ru Hailing, Prof GongJiang,+1 )6 YWF (Ms Li YuanFen) 1 27 men 8, women 3 nationalities

2

Thup-p"rty of no man

3

UK's yeornenfarmersbecarneextincqlargelyas a reult of the "acb of enclosure"ard 4propriation of commonlurd by "capitalFarmen' (SeePrice1803,Rogâ‚Źrs1866,Lavoleye1878)

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