7 Arrival of the Royal Navy

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ARRIVAL OF THE ROYAL NAVY

it becAme evident thAt mAjor-generAl brock’s modest Attempts at reform had failed to improve the performance of the Provincial Marine. While Brock may have assumed naval capabilities the Provincial Marine lacked, Captain Gray held no such illusions. It was probably Gray’s influence that prompted Governor-in-Chief Prévost to request the support of the Royal Navy. In a letter to the secretary of war soon after Brock’s death, Prévost asked that officers of the Royal Navy be “sent to me as early as possible next spring.” While he acknowledged the assistance of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, he felt there was no substitute for the “spirit which distinguishes British seamen.”1

As winter began in 1812, workers at the Point Frederick dockyard began the routine of derigging and storing masts, yards, and sails. The decks were roofed over, and the battle-damaged rigging of the Royal George was removed and repaired while the hull was patched at the Provincial Marine wharf. Captain Richardson’s Simcoe, in a half-sunken state on the Kingston shore, was refloated and purchased by the Provincial Marine. It was moved to Point Frederick and renamed HMS Sir Sidney Smith. Work was underway on the Sir George Prévost.

Before the freeze, the Prince Regent and the Duke of Gloucester were stationed at York where a similar winter routine was underway. Building had started on the York dockyard storehouses, and construction of a slipway for

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Fig. 7.1: The

building in the centre is likely a converted barrack that started as an early Provincial Marine storehouse. It was later converted back to a storehouse (Store No. 3). The pair of similar white buildings on the hill, just to the left, are purpose-built barracks, circa 1813.

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HMS Brock was begun. But with resources still split between the yards, efficiency remained reduced at both. Gray remained at York to oversee activities before taking the winter road to Kingston.

There were no accommodations for naval crews in Kingston and very limited ones on Point Frederick. The Duke of Kent continued as an accommodation vessel and hospital. Another interim measure was tents pitched over broad areas of Point Frederick.2 It was probably around this time when one of the original Provincial Marine storehouses was converted into a barrack (see Fig. 7.1). It was changed back to a storehouse later, but during the difficult first winter, the substantial two-storey frame building close to the saw pits likely housed shipwrights and labourers.

With shipwrights so critical to the shipbuilding program, Captain Gray advocated they be recruited from the Quebec merchant shipyards.3 Quebec had a long tradition of shipbuilding dating back 150 years, and it was not the first time Quebec shipwrights aided the British during war. In the American Revolutionary War, Quebec shipbuilders constructed bateaux, working beside British shipwrights at St. Jean to prepare for the conflict on Lake Champlain.

Although there were more than 10,000 skilled shipbuilders employed in British dockyards,4 none reached Kingston until early the next year. When Prévost approached the shipyard owners at Quebec, the response was immediate and enthusiastic. Shipbuilder George Taylor led the first group of 128 shipwrights and carpenters, recruited from different yards,5 to Point Frederick.

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They departed from Quebec on December 31, 1812, and after rough winter travel, arrived at Kingston on January 28, 1813. Gray was there to meet them and quickly stationed 50 at Point Frederick, putting them to work on the Sir George Prévost. The rest he sent to York to work on the HMS Sir Isaac Brock. 6

George Plucknett, a Quebec master shipbuilder, arrived at Kingston just ahead of the first Quebec shipwrights. Gray sent him on to York to direct the shipbuilding. Plucknett took over from John Dennis, who had designed and built most of the Provincial Marine vessels. Dennis was working on the HMS Sir Isaac Brock when Plucknett arrived. The keel had been laid east of Fort York near the site of today’s Union Station. But in 1813, the shallow water south of the dockyard would not allow the vessel to be launched near shore. To deal with this, Dennis had planned an 800-foot wharf, the length necessary to slide the vessel into deeper water. When Plucknett saw the plan, he was appalled and ordered the work halted until they could locate another site.

To assure Royal Navy support, Prévost hedged his bets by sending an urgent request to Sir John Warren, commanding the North American Station at Halifax. Warren was at his winter headquarters in Bermuda when he received Prévost’s message two months later. He promptly sent three new commanders, some junior officers, and gunners. Warren also ordered a shipment of guns, sails, and rigging, all in critically short supply in Upper Canada. The detachment and materials sailed for New Brunswick in winter, with the intent to travel overland and reach Kingston.7

In January 1813, during an inspection, Gray noted that progress at Point Frederick remained poor. There continued to be problems with leadership, discipline, and morale. Gray found the Royal George filthy and disorganized, with poorly maintained guns prone to misfires. The Earl of Moira was in the same state. Gray considered removing both Commodore Earl and Lieutenant Theophilus Sampson but rationalized that the problems would soon be solved by the arrival of the Royal Navy.8 As the cold continued, shipwrights worked outdoors on the new warship, which was planned for 23 guns.9 Supplies and armaments arrived by sledge travelling on the ice, while sentries kept a sharp eye for enemy movement. The transport of wood from Wolfe Island, the Bay of Quinte, and Gananoque continued. Congestion in the dockyard increased as vessel construction, repair, and storage competed for space. In March 1813, George Record, a Quebec master shipwright, replaced David Allan during a short strike by English ship workers.

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Obtaining cannons for the new vessels was an ongoing problem. Since they could not afford to wait for weapons from England, Captain Gray requested as many 12-pound guns as possible to arm the Sir George Prévost and the modified Earl of Moira. He stressed the need for cordage, rigging, and sailcloth and asked for eight or 10 more sailmakers. If he could obtain these and full crews, Gray thought they could contest the lake during the coming summer. Without them, the Americans “could carry into effect the invasion of this province with the greatest ease.”10 He advised that supplies should be moved while the winter roads were good.

At York, progress on the HMS Sir Issac Brock was slow. After a dedicated search, master shipwright Plucknett found a place along the bay that he considered acceptable for building HMS Sir Issac Brock, although an officer later thought the water still too shallow.11 Plucknett proved to be a difficult and ineffective martinet and was accused of pressing yard workers to do personal tasks, including renovations to his house. Dennis and the FrenchCanadian shipwrights worked under difficult circumstances. Gray soon found himself sorting out issues between the men. When the ice left York harbour in the spring, the HMS Sir Issac Brock was still only in frame, and the guns were still at Point Frederick. As soon as sailing became practical, the Prince Regent was rigged, armed, and dispatched to Kingston to bring the HMS Sir Issac Brock’s guns to York.12 It was a lucky move.

At Point Frederick, master shipwright Record was running a more successful operation. The Sir George Prévost was nearing completion and able to be armed. The Lord Melville was still under construction, next to the Sir George Prévost, probably in Slip No. 2. The refloated and newly commissioned Sir Sidney Smith (Simcoe), a veteran of naval action, was fitted with 12 heavy guns. Two gunboats, each with a single long gun, were planned.

U.S. Commodore Chauncey described the situation at Point Frederick as he saw it from a distance:

Royal George mounts twenty-six guns and is well manned. The Earl of Moira, eighteen guns well manned besides the Simcoe, and another Schooner. These vessels are moored within pistol shot of the town protected by four batteries and a Block House besides a Canal being cut and kept constantly open all around them of twelve feet broad. In this

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situation they cannot be surprised. Their awesome guns present a formidable battery of themselves.13

When the Prince Regent reached Kingston on April 17, 1813, Kingston Harbour and Navy Bay were closed with pack ice. Captain Gray was rowed out through the ice from Point Frederick to greet Lieutenant William Fish. Gray found the ship in a “filthy and disorganized condition.” A week later, Gray inspected the Earl of Moira, which had undergone long awaited modifications but was also unready for action, which was imminent. Gray arrested and replaced the captain of the Moira.

14

The lake was soon open, and an attack against Kingston was expected at any time. A careful watch was kept. Gray added floating batteries to the land artillery. The Earl of Moira was posted at the entrance to Navy Bay, with “springs” and cables deployed so the vessel could turn at anchor to direct broadsides. Similarly, the Royal George was stationed between Point Frederick and Kingston, close to the spot where Commodore Earl had faced the enemy the previous year. Instead of sending the Prince Regent to York, with ordnance not yet needed, Gray ordered the vessel captain to patrol near Kingston. Gunboats commuted among the ships and shore. Soldiers, acting as marines, supplemented the ships’ companies. Along with the gun battery at the tip of Point Frederick, which was manned with heavier guns, there was artillery on Point Henry and improved batteries at Points Murney and Mississauga in Kingston.

Cedar Island, near the south tip of Point Henry, was cleared of trees. A “telegraph or signalling station” was placed on the island, with views of Snake Island and other stations toward Gananoque.15 The signal was on a 30-foot pole placed on the north corner of the Point Henry blockhouse. Along the width of the crossbeams were 10 lines, six feet in length, to which the signals were fastened. The signals, consisting of balls placed variously along the lines, and read according to a code, could be seen from Point Frederick16 and warned of the approach of any vessel, friend or foe. The station could communicate with the garrison and the Point Frederick battery.17

Meanwhile, the town filled with soldiers arriving from the east. Private merchant stores were made into barracks. The Roman Catholic church became a hospital, and construction of public works proceeded with great activity.18 Arriving officers were unable to find accommodation. The raising of tent

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villages and perhaps log shanties on Point Frederick began as more workers arrived from Quebec and Loyalist districts. With the delivery of increasing quantities of wood for construction of vessels and a need for ordnance, rigging, and sails, expansion of the dockyard was begun in the face of plans to move to York.

Through all the activity, master shipwright Record remained intent on getting the Sir George Prévost launched on April 25. Because of the large size of the vessel, Record was worried about safely sliding it along the slipway and into the water. He decided on a different approach than usual when he attached a launch cradle to the hull. Lieutenant John Le Couteur, an army officer visiting the fortifications at Point Frederick, watched when the Sir George Prévost started to slide down the slipway. All was well at first, then the ship stopped when the cradle broke, “to our terror.”19

The delay was serious. But after three days of around-the-clock work, Record had the ship hauled back up to start the launch again. Success was realized in the presence of hundreds of workers and observers.20 Designed by Plucknett, the Sir George Prévost mounted 22 guns when fully rigged and armed. It was the largest warship yet at Point Frederick and became the flagship. The vessel’s name was immediately changed to HMS Wolfe at Prévost’s request. The next day, with the Wolfe alongside and carpenters and riggers preparing to receive the masts, word reached Kingston that the Americans had attacked York.

The news was bad. The Americans had assaulted the town on Lake Ontario they knew to be weakest. Commodore Chauncey’s fleet had approached and disembarked U.S. soldiers near today’s Canadian National Exhibition grounds. In the face of resistance by outnumbered British regulars, militia, and Indigenous people, the Americans overran the rudimentary fort and soon began to pillage the town and government buildings. The British commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Sheaffe, issued small arms to Plucknett, Dennis, and the shipwrights willing to fight. One of their tasks was to burn the new naval dockyard storehouses and the partly built HMS Sir Issac Brock near the shore. During the fighting, two of the shipwrights were killed and 15 were captured by the Americans, although later paroled. Sheaffe withdrew ahead of the Americans, trying to preserve his small force, and those soldiers who were fit began the difficult overland retreat to Kingston. At the rear of the column were Plucknett and the remaining shipwrights.21

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Two of Chauncey’s objectives had been to capture the Prince Regent and get the naval stores. He was unsuccessful in both. There was time enough for the dockyard buildings to be burned and destroyed. The partially completed HMS Sir Isaac Brock was also torched. Chauncey did gain a prize of questionable value, the Duke of Gloucester, which had wood rot, was in poor shape, and was not yet rigged for sailing,22 but missed capturing the Prince Regent by a few days. It was at Kingston and prepared to meet the Americans if they attacked. Despite the setback, the Provincial Marine was still able to later resupply and reinforce the British Army at Burlington.23

While Prévost had approved Brock’s plan to move the Provincial Marine to York, partly because Kingston was considered difficult to defend, there had been few improvements in the defences at York. With the York dockyard in ruins, the city pillaged, and the HMS Sir Issac Brock in ashes, the dockyard location debate had been unexpectedly resolved. There was no further discussion about moving the Kingston Royal Dockyard from Point Frederick.

After several hard days, 25 survivors of 112 soldiers of Sheaffe’s King’s Regiment trudged into Kingston, having left their captain dead at York. Le Couteur wrote that they had marched overland from York to Kingston after the battle and were sent across to Point Frederick to miserable quarters, which undoubtedly meant tents. Le Couteur later described a “return to Camp,” which was worse than his hut in the woods and included a constant rain that “drizzled quite through the tents.”24

By May 1, all regular troops and militia were preparing for the defence of Kingston. The Provincial Marine fleet constituted the naval security. Point Frederick was protected by a new, stout log blockhouse at the south point that commanded the dockyard and much of Kingston Harbour. The blockhouse held 140 men and supported five mounted cannons and numerous smallarms firing points. Included were two 68-pound cannons and an 18-pounder that were recently mounted. Other artillery was erected on a rebuilt and strengthened earthwork near the shore.

A few days later and without fanfare, the first of Prévost’s requested Royal Navy officers arrived at Point Frederick. But rather than a naval detachment from Portsmouth, these officers were from Admiral Warren’s fleet in Bermuda. The first three were Commanders Robert Barclay, Robert Finnis, and Daniel Pring. They had sailed from Bermuda, reaching Saint John, New

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Brunswick, in winter, then journeyed overland through New Brunswick, Quebec, and up the St. Lawrence River to Lake Ontario.

Barclay, who was the senior officer, relieved Commodore Earl of command of the Provincial Marine in accordance with Prévost’s order. He then superseded the executive functions of Gray, who must have been happy to give them up. Barclay evidently saw no need to be unkind. He complimented the Provincial Marine officers on the appearance of their vessels. Although the Royal Navy’s control of the Kingston yard was not official until June 24, 1813, it was effected immediately on Barclay’s arrival.

Barclay wasted no time correcting the obvious deficiencies that he found. He soon noted irregularities in Provincial Marine procedures that led him to make changes to limit “abuse of public stores.” With the threat of attack, Barclay immediately took command of the Wolfe and became fully involved in preparations. He relieved the other Provincial Marine captains and assigned the ships to Commanders Finnis and Pring.25 Barclay quickly identified shortages of many essential materials, including rope, canvas, locks, and paint, as well as more personal items benefiting the sailors such as cocoa and tobacco. Having just travelled the St. Lawrence River, he was aware of the limitations of large vessels on the upper river. Knowing there would be a need for shoal-draft warships, he ordered construction of six gunboats.26 Barclay found enough wood stock and other materials to start construction of a new warship to replace the HMS Sir Issac Brock.

Although Barclay’s tenure was brief, he did have one opportunity to meet the enemy. On May 14, an American vessel approached under a flag of truce, ostensibly to return prisoners. While prisoner exchanges and negotiations under flags of truce were common, the unspoken purpose was to observe and gather intelligence. When Barclay found out about the enemy vessel, he had it intercepted and refused it clearance to approach the harbour. Even so, Commodore Isaac Chauncey soon knew there were four warships ready to sail, one newly launched and nearly rigged. From a newspaper he managed to acquire, Chauncey discovered that a Royal Navy admiral and eight officers were on their way to Lake Ontario.

Barclay soon learned that Governor-in-Chief Prévost and Commodore Sir James Lucas Yeo were about to arrive with officers, midshipmen, and sailors of a first division of the Royal Navy detachment. Lieutenant James Richardson, the young Provincial Marine officer and son of the senior James,

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former captain of the Simcoe, was dispatched to meet and escort the party. This was a great honour and was a clear message to Yeo that this young officer had gained the confidence of Barclay. It also signalled that Richardson could be very useful, especially since no Royal Navy officer in the detachment had sailed on Lake Ontario, or perhaps any freshwater lake. Richardson sailed the gunboat Black Snake downriver. They soon encountered Prévost, Yeo, and nearly 150 sailors in a brigade of unarmed bateaux. The Black Snake joined and provided an armed escort until they arrived at Navy Bay on May 16, 1813.

James Yeo was 30 years old when he landed at Point Frederick. He had spent 20 years in the Royal Navy, having joined as a boy volunteer. He received most of his education in the navy and was made lieutenant at age 14, unusually young even during that era. Tough, he excelled in leading small shore parties against superior forces, achieving victory by surprise. He was a captain by age 25, saw action in Portugal, and was knighted by age 28. In a sense, he was a child protégé of the navy, remarkable in his strength and energy, but destined for a short life. It was probably the malaria he contracted in South America that led to his frequent illness at Point Frederick and death at sea a few years later.27 Urbane and polished, he was socially aware and considerate but capable of ruthless cruelty toward his own men. He was an excellent choice to lead a freshwater navy on a sparse frontier, fighting a numerically stronger foe.

It would take eight more days for Yeo’s two other divisions to reach Kingston. Yeo did not wait. Since the Royal Navy was now in charge and did not recognize the Provincial Marine commissions, Yeo was bound by protocol and regulations to dismiss them from military service in the navy. It was possible to voluntarily enroll or even impress the Provincial Marine sailors, and many served honourably, perhaps without a choice. When the war ended, 70 Provincial Marine members were allowed release from duty immediately.28

There were no positions for the Provincial Marine officers other than as masters or pilots. Even this was not an option for those officers who had not performed well. Yeo discharged most, although he offered employment to a few. This caused great disappointment and bitterness, which was understandable since many had been in combat against the enemy when there was no one else to serve. Among those to stay, other than Richardson, was Lieutenant Theophilus Sampson, who had been nearly arrested by Captain Gray but who

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continued in the Royal Navy throughout the war as a ship’s master. Another who went on to serve the Royal Navy was Provincial Marine Surgeon Francis Carlisle.29 Some Provincial Marine officers refused to assist the Royal Naval officers who replaced them.30

It must have been especially hard on Commodore Hugh Earl, the Scotsman who had married a daughter of Sir William Johnson and Molly Brant. However briefly his exalted position as commodore, his experience in battle was admired. He and the crew of the Royal George had held their own in close fighting in front of Kingston and Point Frederick. Earl resigned from the Provincial Marine and settled into a quiet life in Kingston. He and his wife, Ann, received many hundreds of acres of land, including town lots.31 Earl built a house for his family on King Street, where the gentle upslope from the shore provided a view of the harbour that he had defended. In the late 1830s, Earl replaced the frame house with the stone house that remains today.32 When he died in 1841, he was 76 years old and described as a “respected inhabitant of the Town.”33

Yeo quickly assigned his commanders. Commander William Howe Mulcaster, a friend who had previously served with Yeo, was granted command of the Royal George. Commander Francis Spilsbury, cited for bravery while a midshipman, was given the Prince Regent, soon renamed HMS Beresford. Newly promoted Commander Alexander Dobbs was awarded the Earl of Moira. Lieutenant Charles Radcliffe became the captain of the Sir Sidney Smith (Simcoe). While Yeo deeply appreciated the efforts of Barclay, Finnis, and Pring, he had no command positions for them. Pring did serve as his flag captain of the Wolfe for a few months before he was sent to the Lake Champlain squadron. Yeo offered command of the Lake Erie squadron to Barclay. He accepted and departed for Lake Erie.34

Yeo’s 385 Royal Navy seamen joined the 70 Provincial Marine sailors who remained. The detachment included 15 midshipmen, two masters, two naval surgeons (with four assistants), seven lieutenants, and three boatswains. There were two carpenters but no shipwrights.35 One of two pursers was John Marks, who administered the musters for the new establishment as if it were a single vessel.36

The one senior officer with Yeo who was not given a command was Commander Richard O’Conor. Initially, O’Conor had not been included in the detachment. He had approached Yeo as a volunteer, indicating his

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willingness to serve in any capacity. Like many around Yeo, they had served together before. He had joined the Royal Navy in 1798 as a first-rate volunteer, becoming a midshipman in 1801. After service that included a first-rate flagship, he distinguished himself under the command of 24-year-old Yeo. Yeo agreed to include O’Conor on the understanding he would not receive a command.

Yeo had another position in mind for O’Conor. The officer appointed “Commissioner of the Kingston Dockyard” was actually Captain Sir Robert Hall, a distinguished and qualified officer who was delayed by other matters. Yeo needed someone to act in the position until it could be filled. O’Conor assumed the role of acting commissioner on April 25, before he appeared at the yard.37 Upon arrival, his most important task was to transform the small, crude yard into a Royal Navy dockyard capable of building, arming, and manning warships able to fight. Nobody was talking about a move to York.

O’Conor and Yeo brought a new way of doing business to Point Frederick. Although Yeo was to co-operate with Governor-in-Chief Prévost and not act without full concurrence, he was still directly responsible to the “Admiralty,” a board of admirals and politicians responsible for the operation of the navy. As commodore, he reported to the Admiralty for decisions he made while fighting the war. O’Conor was responsible to the “Navy Board,” civil and naval officers who dealt with supply, the dockyard, and administration. As commissioner, O’Conor was accountable to Yeo, and to the Navy Board, for building ships, for the naval yard, and for the complete logistical support of both.38

Yeo’s staff consisted of a secretary, Lieutenant James Laurie of the Royal Marines, and Pendant Lieutenant John Scott.39 One can picture staff meetings arranged by Laurie that included Mulcaster, Spilsbury, Dobbs, O’Conor, and other officers. These meetings would have been held aboard the Wolfe or in the offices left by the Provincial Marine.

O’Conor soon appreciated the enormity of his task. He was used to the stone buildings and grand proportions of Portsmouth, Plymouth, Sheerness, Gibraltar, and Quebec. The stockaded little dockyard with wooden frame and log buildings would have seemed primitive to him. He found supplies and armaments, including cannons, rigging, barrels, anchors, wood, and tents lying outside uncovered. Accommodation for soldiers, sailors, artificers, and labourers was nearly non-existent. Temporary quarters in the form of tents and shanties proliferated in abundance with only a semblance of order.

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Fig. 7.2: The

commodore’s house as shown in a detail of a painting made shortly after the War of 1812. While built to meet Commodore James Yeo’s need, at the time of this image it was occupied by Commodore Edward Owen.

Where order did appear, it was around the wharves and armed vessels deployed for the defence of Kingston. While the commanders inspected their warships and began assembling and training crews, O’Conor was starting to learn his job. He must have spent much time with Captain Andrew Gray, who he was replacing. O’Conor would shape what the yard would become, making him the most influential figure on Point Frederick. His decisions had effects that can be appreciated on the landscape of modern Point Frederick.

As acting commissioner, O’Conor supervised the civilian department heads, known as the “respective officers of the yard.” These consisted of the naval storekeeper (Edward Laws), master builder (George Record), master shipwright (Thomas Strickland), and master attendant (Michael Spratt). Of the four, it was Edward Laws who carried the most influence. He had the power of the purse. The chaplain and surgeon also reported directly to the commissioner. O’Conor was entitled to an office staffed by a senior clerk and messenger.40

The “masters” oversaw the foremen, who had titles like “quarterman of shipwrights,” “foreman of sailmakers,” and “foreman of smiths.” Another essential person, the “agent victualler,” had officer status and was in charge of food provisions, and oddly, the hospital.

A first priority addressed Yeo’s need for office space and a residence on shore. The residence was likely built quickly in 1813 and was one of O’Conor’s first tasks. The modest building in Fig. 7.2, with office wings and a stable,

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was the result. It was purpose-built, located in the centre of the yard, and included the basics of a naval command building. The structure was made of squared, white-painted logs, without a foundation, and within a perimeter fence guarded by Royal Marines. From here, Yeo could view the yard and Navy Bay at a glance. The dockyard was steps away. A short distance to the west, facing Kingston, would be his personal wharf with a boat for quick access to Kingston and the garrison. To the south, the Point Frederick battery provided an elevated vantage point.

The other priority was yard security. Previously, the principal access to the dockyard had been by water. Over time, increasing quantities of wood came from Kingston Mills. Now more of the wood needed for building was hauled in wagons pulled along Point Road and into the dockyard. Land carriage from Kingston, via the scow ferry, accessed the yard by one or more cart paths. With the need to expand, the dockyard area began to fill the entire south peninsula between the north fence of the Point Frederick battery and the watery inlets that divided Point Frederick.

The dry ground between the two inlets was the best natural place to control access to the dockyard. O’Conor had a tall fence built between the inlets, with a central gate. A wooden gatehouse, or porter’s lodge, was adjacent, and sentry boxes were placed nearby (see Fig. 7.3). One was located inside the fence on the small knoll facing Kingston. Two cannons were buried vertically on the sides of the entrance to serve as protective bollards. The inset map in Fig. 7.3 shows two small dots, likely the cannons that remain today.

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Fig. 7.3: This

detail from a British Admiralty map dating from 1815 shows the wooden fence and first dockyard gate. The inset highlights two small objects, probably the cannon bollards still present.

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Fig. 7.4:

Conjectural schematic of wooden fence and dockyard gate (1814) with the core elements of the dockyard in the background.

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Fig. 7.4 is a conjectural schematic of the early Royal Navy dockyard, showing the first wooden gate and viewed toward the southeast. The dwellings along the left roadway housed a porter’s lodge, quartermaster’s quarters, and quarters and offices for the clerks who inventoried stores arriving through the gate. In the distance can be seen dockyard buildings and the slope of Point Henry.

With respect to conduct of the war, neither Yeo nor his commanders knew the lake. All were ocean sailors with no experience sailing large vessels on freshwater lakes. Yeo needed the support of local merchant captains and some Provincial Marine officers. Lieutenant James Richardson, who had grown up on the lake as the son of the captain of the Simcoe, was a clear favourite. Yeo explained to Richardson that Royal Navy regulations did not permit him to grant a commission. But Richardson could be hired as a master and pilot. Richardson agreed and found himself close to Yeo and other captains when on the lake or in action.

Yeo’s detachment from England had been divided into three separate drafts. When they arrived, sailors were assigned to vessels and moved aboard. Most were teenagers or in their twenties, with a few older men. Many were

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Englishmen and listed either as able-bodied or ordinary seamen. About 20 percent of them had been “impressed,” though some were volunteers. Others were reassigned from hulks at Quebec.41 Still, there were barely enough to crew the five vessels.

As Yeo discerned more details of the U.S. shipbuilding program at Sackets Harbor, he realized he would need another large vessel. To build it, he required more shipwrights. Some joined him after withdrawing from York, but he remained short. He also lacked many of the other skilled trades necessary for shipbuilding. And if he managed to build the additional ship, he would need extra sailors as crew.

Yeo requested from Prévost at Quebec another master shipwright and as many shipwrights as possible.42 Prévost asked the Quebec shipbuilder, John Goudie, to get more involved. Goudie was supportive and redoubled his earlier efforts to find and recruit more shipbuilders. He left Quebec in June 1813 with a second group of French-Canadian shipwrights, including six more foremen and 100 carpenters, joiners, blacksmiths, sawyers, and axemen.43

With the Wolfe launched and receiving masts, rigging, and ballast, gun crews underwent gunnery training and action drills. Royal Marines found their way on board. Small boats crowded the bay, bringing supplies and men to the vessels. By May 26, Yeo reported that the Wolfe was armed with 20 guns gathered from various forts and hauled up from Quebec.44

On May 27, after a personal inspection of Sackets Harbor, Yeo returned with the intelligence that the harbour was empty. U.S. Commodore Chauncey’s fleet was absent and apparently up the lake. Yeo did not want to miss an opportunity and suggested to Prévost that they quickly attack Sackets while it was undefended.45 Prévost approved the idea, aware that the U.S. Army was occupied with an attack against Fort George at Niagara. He took charge and developed a plan.46 The attacking force totalled about 800 soldiers and included regulars, militia, and a party of Haudenosaunee and Anishinaabe.47 They would gather in boats about six miles outside the harbour to meet the larger warships, and cables would be fastened for towing the boats to Sackets.48

Lieutenant Le Couteur, the young officer of the 104th, was camped with his unit on Point Frederick when he got the unexpected order to proceed to Kingston. Le Couteur, who oversaw the regimental baggage, was taking his time and had not been aware of the urgency of the situation. This changed

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when he was told by his men that the troops were parading in Kingston. The sounds of bugles and drums could be heard plainly. Warships were gliding to position on the lake. With his unit already in Kingston and apparently ready to leave without him, Le Couteur ran down to the shoreline to search for a boat.

There were no boats, although Le Couteur found a canoe with a damaged stern and no paddles. A soldier from New Brunswick who knew how to paddle located a piece of plank as a substitute. He and Le Couteur placed themselves in the canoe so that the damaged section was raised above the water. In that precarious way and no doubt wet, the soldier paddled them across the stretch of open water to Kingston. Le Couteur clambered out of the canoe, probably soaking himself even more, and found his company, who were “in haversacks and light order” with 60 rounds of ball cartridge.49

With the soldiers in boats or on board and daylight gone, the warships and boats in tow slipped anchor and gently moved south. Among those peering into the dark was Captain Andrew Gray, who was in the role of warrior and no longer responsible for the Provincial Marine. Gray must have reflected on the ships around him and the remarkable changes that had occurred. He had proven to be a dedicated and effective leader who worked under the difficult conditions of a poorly conceived organization.

The next day was calm and fresh. During periods of quiet in the yard, it might have been possible to hear the low thumps of cannon fire and staccato of musketry. Later in the day, smoke might have been visible. With a north wind beginning to stir, sentries spotted a large express canoe containing Prévost and his staff.50 They were moving quickly and went straight to the garrison.

Prévost was anxious. Sackets had not been a clean victory, possibly because of his own actions. But he had just learned the results of the American attack on Fort George. The British Army had withdrawn from the fort and was falling back on Burlington Heights. The concentration of U.S. troops at the other end of the lake explained why Chauncey had been absent from Sackets Harbor.

With the return of Yeo late the next day came news of casualties. Foremost was Captain Gray, killed leading a flanking party that was about to assault the barracks. He had been walking backward, waving his sword and urging the men forward, when he was shot in the back and died instantly.51 There

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were 47 others killed. After the vessels docked, another 195 wounded were carefully moved ashore.52

The vessels had experienced little damage, and naval casualties were limited to five wounded and one dead.53 The injured were treated by naval surgeons and their assistants on board their ships or in the Duke of Kent, still a hospital hulk anchored at the Navy Bay sandspit.

It was now dramatically evident that the Point Frederick dockyard needed a hospital with resources to treat casualties and the illnesses that caused most deaths. Commander O’Conor requested tenders in the June 8, 1813, edition of the Kingston Gazette to build a naval hospital on Point Frederick for 100 men.54 As a stopgap naval hospital, O’Conor purchased a house on elevated land north of the Kingston garrison.

With the fighting underway and the army engaged at Niagara, Yeo provisioned for six weeks and requested more soldiers to serve as marines. The gunboats were laid up and the crews transferred to the larger vessels.55 The Beresford (Prince Regent), patrolling outside Kingston, had sighted Chauncey’s fleet returning to Sackets. Yeo was anxious to confront them. On June 3, he and his small fleet left Navy Bay, his first trip up the lake, with 200 reinforcements, ammunition, and provisions for the army at Burlington Heights. They were short of firepower, even with added cannons they had stripped from artillery batteries. When Yeo arrived near Burlington, he met with the British commander, Major-General Vincent, who generously provided him with gunners and bombardiers to serve on board and improve the naval gunnery.56

The fleet returned briefly to Navy Bay on June 17 to off-load captured enemy stores. Yeo came back again to Kingston on June 28 for provisions and repairs. He received word that one of his transports, the Lady Murray, had been captured with a valuable cargo. Yeo had been staging raids along the south shore of the lake for three weeks, harassing U.S. units, gathering or destroying stores, and capturing prizes. Although the Americans had invaded the Niagara frontier and continued to hold Fort George, Yeo controlled the lake and was able to reinforce and supply Vincent’s army. Despite the setbacks on land, morale was high at sea.57

But there was an additional threat. The newly launched USS General Pike had enough firepower to give the Americans control of the lake. Yeo began to consider novel tactics. He had achieved his reputation by leading ground attacks against much greater forces — and winning. At Sackets Harbor, he

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planned something similar, hoping to destroy or capture the General Pike before it got onto the lake. Leading a force of 700 sailors and employing soldiers as marines, Yeo set out on June 30 using small boats, hoping to surprise and overwhelm the larger force of 4,000. When two of his soldiers deserted to the enemy, the surprise was over and the mission had to be abandoned.

Unable to fight, and with the Pike about to be launched, Yeo was not in good humour. His mood worsened when he returned to Navy Bay and found that two officers had been drunk and unruly while he was away. He had them both court-martialled, with one sent to Halifax for trial, and ordered additional punishments to others, which took place on the deck of the Wolfe. Ten men were each given the lash for drunkenness and contempt. A few days later, two others received similar punishment.58

With news that the Pike was on the lake, Yeo knew he was outgunned. Work on the Lord Melville continued, but two more weeks would pass before it was launched. Yeo still had too few men to crew the vessel and deploy the fleet, and again asked for members of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment to serve afloat. Another 100 regular soldiers were brought over to serve as marines.

Through early July, Yeo remained on Navy Bay refitting his ships, training the crews, and practising gunnery. Heavy and nearly continuous rain fell through the first three weeks of July, slowing activities.59 Despite the weather, the Lord Melville slid into Navy Bay on July 22, 1813, and was brought around for decking, masting, rigging, and arming, giving Yeo one more vessel.

Yeo pressed to begin construction on a full-size frigate, a type far larger than any vessel in his fleet. But the armament and men were not available and the situation was unlikely to change in 1813. With the arrival of John Goudie and his shipwrights from Quebec, Yeo now had the manpower to build the large warship but not the crews. Ironically, with continued shortages of accommodation, some of Goudie’s 100 shipwrights and carpenters had to construct barracks and storehouses.60 Goudie soon returned to Quebec, leaving Patrick Fleming in charge.

The navy’s operational emphasis had been on supporting the NiagaraBurlington area. But an important supply route that crossed Lake Erie was a concern. Lake Erie was the key to Detroit, Fort Mackinac, and the western frontier. Captain Barclay and his small detachment were doing their best to build a fighting fleet on Lake Erie. But Yeo was reluctant to share too many resources while fighting continued on the Niagara Peninsula. In response to Barclay’s requests, Yeo sent Flag Captain Finnis to Lake Erie61 and to his death.

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The other priority was the St. Lawrence River, an obvious worry to the Royal Navy officers. They knew the threats, having travelled upstream, close to the U.S. border, to reach Point Frederick. Large warships were good only on the upper reach of the river; the gunboats were of greater utility.

To protect the St. Lawrence River, Yeo organized a fleet of nine gunboats, dividing them into three divisions stationed at Kingston, Gananoque, and Prescott. O’Conor was responsible for building them and then Yeo assigned him overall command,62 adding to his other responsibilities. The gunboat squadron consisted of 285 men made up of sailors, marines, and soldiers. Each boat was armed with a single long cannon. Their mission was to protect the brigades of bateaux and other commerce proceeding along the river (see Fig. 7.5). The gunboats were not generally useful in the open lake, except along the shore where they could escort bateaux. But they did provide flexibility on the St. Lawrence River and would prove their value at the Battle of Crysler’s Farm.

In mid-July, news reached Point Frederick that an American privateer had captured one of the gunboats and a brigade of 15 loaded bateaux without firing a shot. On July 20, the Kingston division sent its three gunboats from Point Frederick to recover the prizes. They soon came into night action but were not successful and returned with four dead and 18 wounded.63

At Yeo’s direction, the armourers added newly arrived ordnance to each of the fleet vessels, including his flagship, the Wolfe. He hoped to close the American advantage. In the meantime, 65 merchant sailors reached him from Quebec. Yeo arranged for 228 infantrymen to serve as marines to supplement his complement of 620.64

The Lord Melville was originally built as a schooner but was altered to be a brig and was readied in a remarkably short time. His small fleet strengthened, Yeo and his squadron left Navy Bay on July 31, 1813, to look for the U.S. fleet. Yeo’s fleet now included the Wolfe, the Royal George, the Earl of Moira,

Fig. 7.5: This image of a Royal Navy gunboat shows the single cannon mounted forward. Sailors are rowing, steering, and acting as gunners while marines (in red) wait with small arms ready.

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the Lord Melville, the Beresford (Prince Regent), and the Sir Sidney Smith. Rain and wind had given way to more typical calm, and Yeo’s progress up the lake was slow. He was unable to find Chauncey, who on the day of Yeo’s departure was occupying and pillaging York for a second time. With most of the York garrison at Niagara, the U.S. occupation was unopposed.