3 The King’s Dock Yard at Kingston

3

THE KING’S DOCK YARD AT KINGSTON

Although the decision to move the provinciAl mArine dockyard to Point Frederick seemed inevitable, it was delayed. Haldimand returned to England in 1784, and the final pronouncement rested with his replacement. It was more than two years before Sir Guy Carleton returned to again assume the role of governor-in-chief. During the Revolutionary War, Carleton had commanded at New York, proved himself a courageous and compassionate leader and diplomat, and was responsible for resettling the Loyalists. After his return to England, he was rewarded with a barony, becoming the First Baron Dorchester. From then on he was referred to as “Dorchester.”

Dorchester remained a strong asset. Smart, methodical, and wary of the Americans, he took his time to assess the situation on Lake Ontario. He was aware that the peace agreement put Carleton Island on the U.S. side of the border. Fully understanding the implications, he ordered another review.

In May 1788, Dorchester directed Captain Gother Mann, the commanding Royal Engineer at Quebec, to report on the fortifications on Lake Ontario. Even though Dorchester knew that Carleton Island would fall on the American side of the border, he wanted it considered. Mann was asked to determine if Carleton Island or Kingston was “… the most eligible station for the King’s Ships of war to protect the Navigation of Lake Ontario, and the

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Fig. 3.1: Detail of plan of Kingston and vicinity, 1788. The military reserve was the tinted area defined by shorelines and the oblique straight line.

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Upper Part of the River St. Lawrence …”1 Mann soon left for Lake Ontario and began inspecting the important sites, including Niagara. For the first time, Navy Bay was a candidate location.

Mann’s report to Dorchester is dated December 6, 1788. While Mann deferred to officers of the navy on the matter of dockyard location, he noted that both Carleton Island and Navy Bay had sufficient depth and were commodious and sheltered but that Carleton Island had better natural defences. Although the still-forested Point Henry would command the Point Frederick dockyard, he did not think the area on the summit sufficiently large to support good defensive works. He admitted that his opinion could be changed if the forest were cleared and he could better assess the ground. Mann’s other problem with Point Henry was the higher ground to the north, making the fort vulnerable to a land attack. Neither place had an advantage over the other in preventing enemy vessels from entering the St. Lawrence River, since there were two channels. Mann recommended Carleton Island as the better choice.2

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The 1788 map that accompanied Mann’s report is shown in Fig. 3.1. The military reserve was depicted as a broad peninsula that included both Points Frederick and Henry. The base of the broad peninsula was delineated by a straight survey line running from the head of Deadman Bay (Hamilton Cove) to a point at the Cataraqui River, as shown in Fig. 3.1.

But despite Mann’s recommendation, Dorchester decided on Point Frederick. Selecting Point Frederick solved some problems but created others, mainly of defensibility, an issue that would continue to surface. Dorchester had clearly made his decision before Mann’s final report, possibly to plan for an early move across the ice. Transport of stores, and perhaps buildings and sheds, would be much easier over the ice. In February 1789, Reverend John Stuart of Kingston reported in a letter that all the naval stores had been removed from Carleton Island to Kingston.3

Mann anticipated Dorchester’s decision. The map contained in Mann’s report (see Fig. 3.1) includes a town plot on Point Frederick. Rather than designing a town, which had already been decided, Mann was laying out a residential area, a grid design that would determine the future building pattern on the peninsula. According to the map, a north/south baseline road was planned to be near the centre of the peninsula. Right-angle intersecting side roads branched off the centre road (“B” in Fig. 3.1). The plan ignored the natural ground undulations but provided a template for planning land use. A small

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Fig. 3.2:

Contemporary handwritten notes on a trace of Captain Gother Mann’s map.

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Fig. 3.3: The

estimated boundary of the early Provincial Marine dockyard as planned. The storehouses were located just beyond the southern fence line close to the west end of today’s Panet House.

Panet House Boat House

Provincial Marine Wharf

Stone Frigate

Old Gym

St. Lawrence Wharf

“demi-lune” earthwork for an artillery battery was planned for the south tip of Point Frederick at “D.” Another was planned on the Point Henry promontory. Higher ground, labelled “C,” is indicated north of the anticipated site of the Point Henry earthwork. Mann also included a common of about 300 acres.

A detail of a trace plot of Mann’s map, shown in Fig. 3.2, provides contemporary handwritten notes of dimensions of the dockyard enclosure. According to the notes, the fence was planned to be 100 by 200 yards and would enclose the “Dock yard & Stores.”4 The fence would secure the area and allow for storage of wood for shipbuilding. Wooden pickets would provide some defence against a land attack. The planned artillery battery on the tip of Point Frederick would discourage an attack from the lake.

Fig. 3.3 is an overlay of the approximate placement of the 1789 dockyard fence enclosure on today’s landscape. The enclosed area included part of today’s

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RMC east parade square, the Old Gym, the Stone Frigate, the boathouse, and the Provincial Marine wharf as shown in Fig. 3.3. The slipway for vessels hauled out or launched was probably inside the south fence line where the fence would provide security, just north of the St. Lawrence Wharf. This is probably where the first slipway was located and will be referred to here as Slip No. 1.

In addition to moving the Provincial Marine to Point Frederick, Dorchester wanted to complete the 1783 survey of the Lake Ontario shorelines. Holland had been limited to surveying only the north shore, acknowledged British territory. Dorchester was untroubled by such niceties and ordered a survey of the south shore, American territory, and a revised complete map. Once again, Captain Laforce was recalled to duty from his halfpay retirement. Not only would he finish the map, but he would work with Bouchette to build the new dockyard.

Fig. 3.4: Detail of the map of Kingston Harbour by RenéHippolyte Laforce and Lewis Kotté, 1789.

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Laforce left to conduct the survey on June 12, 1789. He sailed from the new “King’s Dock Yard” at Point Frederick to Carleton Island where he had left his instruments and small arms.5 Taking these necessities, and with Lieutenant Kotté again joining him, they embarked to spend the summer of 1789 surveying the south Lake Ontario shoreline. When completed later in the year, the map that resulted, large and detailed, provided the British with the most accurate understanding yet of the entirety of Lake Ontario, the Niagara River, and major harbours and rivers. The map includes a detail inset of Point Frederick (see Fig. 3.4).

With the survey underway, Commodore Beaton made do with a squadron of three ships, all old by lake standards. With the expected useful lives of ships built of unseasoned timber only six to eight years, Beaton had to deal with the Seneca (12 years),6 the Caldwell (15 years), and the Limnade (nine years).7 Aside from Laforce, Bouchette, and Captain La Brocquerie, his other ship commanders included William Baker, who had spent many years on the lake.

When the first of the Provincial Marine arrived at Point Frederick in 1789, they found the wharf, two storehouse buildings, and a rude clearing around the Navy Bay shoreline. The peninsula was still tree-covered but with chopped trails, cart paths, and blaze markers. The ground surrounding the dockyard area was dry soil. The land near the inlets, northwest of the dockyard, was low and swampy.8 A strip of terrain between the inlets was usually dry, a sort of isthmus. This is where the dockyard gate would be located in a later era, and the site of today’s RMC gate, a place where paths would have naturally converged.

The rest of the peninsula was forested, dry, and fit for agriculture. The soil supported a mature, varied, and thriving forest and underbrush. From the swampy inlets, the ground had a shallow upslope to an undulating plateau, the upslope being the only feature that could be called a “hill,” a term used later by archaeologists. It was only when approaching the north end of the peninsula that the land sloped down toward the neck, a marshland at the head of Navy Bay.

The 1789 shorelines can be visualized using clues from maps and images. Compared to later, the view would have been dominated by the large, firstgrowth trees with overlapping tangles of branches and great, decayed deadfalls, some burned in past fires. Most of the shorelines are now buried under earth

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and riprap. But old photographs reveal that the west shore was of layered stone bedrock that formed the backdrop to a stony beachfront. The south shore was shallow-sloped, layered with stepped limestone, and populated with small trees and dwarf bushes near the water. The Navy Bay shoreline was rocky, sandy beach and muddy silt, with a north-south sandspit that varied according to water level and survived until the area was changed with landfill, starting in the 1930s.

After Captain Laforce completed the lake survey, he remained at Point Frederick, working with Bouchette to make the dockyard functional. It was probably the two French Canadians, working with Commodore Beaton and Kingston garrison commander Captain Joseph Bunbury, who determined the layout of the yard. The dockyard, where the ships would be built, would be south of the Provincial Marine wharf near the first two storehouses (see Fig. 3.5). The area around the wharf is marked “King’s Stores” and the area to the south is designated “Dock Yard.” This indicates that the original two storehouses were likely rebuilt as barracks or other yard buildings, while new storehouses were erected near the wharf. The map in Fig. 3.5, from 1794, shows that six additional buildings were added after 1784. This construction probably occurred in 1789 or 1790 because of the necessity to accommodate shipwrights, soldiers, and sailors, as well as build vessels.

Fig. 3.5: Map of

Point Frederick in 1794 showing the king’s stores and dockyard. Note the depicted lake approach to the wharf.

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The selection of Laforce and Bouchette to develop Point Frederick may have also been influenced by their ability to relate to crews and shipwrights, since most were holdovers from Carleton Island and spoke French.9 Quebec, where shipbuilding was well established, was the likely source of this talent. Some of these individuals may have been veterans of the French navy and may have fought the British, like Laforce and La Brocquerie. Shipbuilding could not have developed without the carpenters, sawyers, caulkers, riggers, ropers, sailmakers, block-makers, blacksmiths, and others from Quebec, the so-called artificers.

By August 1789, the yard had developed the capability to repair vessels. Captain Bunbury noted that the Seneca needed repairs at the so-called Kingston Dockyard. Lieutenant Schank, the former head of the Provincial Marine, was gone. The army was in charge, in this case meaning Bunbury. Because of the time needed to develop the yard, shipbuilding did not actually begin until 1792. Bunbury filled the gap by arranging for two vessels to be constructed at Raven Creek, a yard located at Landon Bay, near Gananoque. This meant a need for shipwrights at Raven Creek and Point Frederick, causing shortages at both.10 Despite this, by September, Laforce noted that work at the King’s Dock Yard was “in tolerable good order.”11

The new dockyard buildings and dockyard structures were built by shipwrights, carpenters, soldiers, sailors, and possibly local contractors. Local materials were preferred, and deforestation of the peninsula began, enhanced by the continual need for firewood. Given the lack of records, an estimate of the function and construction dates of early buildings can still be made by comparing the early maps (such as in Figs. 2.3 and 3.5) with a later map that provides more detail.

Moving from left to right in Fig. 3.6A, the comparison suggests that the workmen’s barracks, shot store building, officers’ lodgings and offices, storehouse, and guardhouse were present in 1794 and may have been arranged along a lane near the shoreline. Fig. 3.6B suggests that the barrack was present in 1792 and might have been converted from one of the original storehouses, something commonly done. The shot store building may have been the early mould loft. An unidentified larger building to the left of the shot store building in Fig. 3.6A is more suited as a mould, rigging, and sail loft by size but is not on the 1794 map.

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Fig. 3.6Ai And

3.6Aii: Comparison of 1794 and 1815 maps showing matched buildings. Fig. 3.6Bi and

3.6Bii: Side-by-side matching 1790 and 1815 maps of buildings.

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Fig. 3.7:

A conjectural schematic of Point Frederick in 1794 viewed toward the south with Navy Bay on the left. The fenced enclosure was probably surrounded by a diminishing population of trees until at least the mid-1790s.

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The map comparisons provide a basis for visualizing the layout and function of the early dockyard. A conjectural schematic shown in Fig. 3.7, and based on the map comparisons, shows the fence and key buildings. Near the south fence line is a slipway (Slip No. 1) that was likely secured within the fence. This was where the first vessels were constructed and launched.

A sail and moulding loft, smithy, sawyer’s pit, joiner’s shed, and carpenter shop would have been arranged nearby. A bake house was eventually added on the far side of a garden that was placed behind the officers’ lodgings. Wood was likely stored within the fenced area to prevent theft.

By 1791, a guardhouse and new storehouse were built inside the north boundary fence and close to the wharf. The commanding officer’s house had undergone repairs, gates were built, and a new wharf was constructed from material on the spot. A carpenter shop was postponed due to lack of materials.12 A breastwork of logs and earth, with traversing gun platforms designed to co-operate with a similar work on Mississauga Point, were at least considered by 1791.13

The guardhouse had two storeys and was positioned close to the wharf where visitors on the Provincial Marine wharf could be seen. In the 1790s, vessels in Navy Bay were expected to approach the north side of the dock (see Fig. 3.5). When on the shore, they could readily report to the guardhouse before entering the yard. The one dock had to meet all needs, including berthing, loading and unloading, rigging, raising masts, and careening.

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Included in the dockyard were the barracks and messing for workers, soldiers, and sailors, an early necessity. Officers may have had the option of residing in officers’ quarters (see Fig. 3.8). Married officers might have lodged in private accommodation in Kingston or on a lot in the residential area of Point Frederick. By early 1790, Gother Mann had refined his plan for the residential area, dividing the nine-acre area into 18 half-acre lots. Mann recommended that any expansion be toward the north, not the south, where housing could crowd the dockyard.14

While considering this, Mann learned that part of the north military reserve had been granted to prominent citizens. He was aware that Alexander Aiken had surveyed farm lots on the Cataraqui River north of the military reserve. But he was surprised to learn that two farm lots had been added to the south that intruded into the military reserve (see Fig. 3.9).

Aiken’s lots had been assigned to settlers in 1789.15 The two additional ones were granted to Aiken himself and Richard Cartwright, a Loyalist,

Fig. 3.8: Officers’ mess/quarters depicted in 1833. This Provincial Marine building was present by 1794 and later served the needs of the Royal Navy.

Fig. 3.9: This

impressively accurate depiction shows the allocations of land on Point Frederick in 1790. Compare this to Fig. 3.1 and note the two farm lots that intrude into the military reserve.

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leading merchant, and member of the legislature (Executive Council). Cartwright had been running a scow ferry business between Kingston and Point Frederick from 1787, and the lot was near his ferry landing.16

As well as making an incursion into the military reserve, Cartwright’s land also included high ground north of Point Henry. Mann pointed out that the Point Henry promontory might be needed for a fort to protect the dockyard. Since Cartwright’s property was within 1,200 yards of the proposed fort and included the high ground, Mann predicted that Cartwright’s ownership would inconvenience future military planning.

The issue was serious enough that Dorchester ordered an inquiry at Quebec. It was attended by Mann and chaired by Hugh Finlay, the acting secretary of the Province of Quebec. Mann had time to consider the situation and recommended Cartwright be allowed to keep the land with the provision that it be surrendered, if needed, for northern growth of the naval yard or for reasons related to a new fort. Finley endorsed Mann’s recommendations, and Cartwright was able to keep the land.17

This was a good opportunity for Cartwright, which he clearly understood. He was not interested in farming, and the land remained unused for many years.18 But proximity to the naval yard and the eventual building of a fort on Point Henry would increase the land value, and his ferry business would come into greater demand. Later, Cartwright divided a portion of his parcel into town lots and created the village of Barriefield.

Although an army transport service, the Provincial Marine frequently carried non-military stores and passengers. In part, this was a result of the decision to cease merchant shipping on Lake Ontario during and after the Revolutionary War. But while the Provincial Marine did carry civilian merchandise, and the captains were paid “freightage” for their service, they did not enjoy a good reputation as mariners.

Patrick Campbell, a Scotsman and former soldier who came to assess possible settlements, described his experience of sailing with the Provincial Marine in 1791:

NOVEMBER 24. We got on board the Colville [sic], sloop, mounting two six pounders and two swivels, Captain Baker, bound to Niagara; Lieutenant Daniel, Lieutenant McKay, and myself passengers. The day was hazy, the wind fair, but

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promised no continuance. We passed several large woody uninhabited islands. About nightfall the wind changed to streight a-head [sic], — the captain, quite drunk, went to bed, the crew, little better, went to rest, and indeed were almost useless when sober, as they seemed to know scarce anything at all of their business; no watch or reckoning kept, but by an ignorant wretch at the helm. The wind increased, and now became storm….

A man was ordered to sound, and once sung out of a sudden, “Five fathoms.” I expected the next moment to hear her strike. The ship was put about, and the mistake in the sounding discovered to be owing to the ignorance of the sailor….

About midnight a severe blast or hurricane was heard coming on. The man at the helm sung out, which brought captain and all the crew on deck, who got all the sails handed, and we now went under bare poles; that done, he again returned to bed, eternally bawling out, “Oh! my poor family!” … and as the wind blew very fresh and hard against us, we had nothing for it but to return back, and anchored about two o’clock p.m. at the head of Carleton island opposite to Kingston….

DECEMBER 7. The wind having kept steady, next morning hoisted sail, and steered for the lake under a smart breeze from the north; all sails were up; went at a rate of five or six knots an hour. No sooner night came on than our good captain, in the usual way, filled himself stupidly drunk with grog, and retired to bed, leaving the vessel to be directed by as stupid a crew….

By more good luck than anything else, we landed at the quay of Niagara about 4 o’clock p.m.19

The first to inhabit the residential lots were the Provincial Marine officers, and possibly an officer from the Ordnance Department of the army. Writing a few years later in 1795, a traveller described the scene across the bay from Kingston as having “the buildings belonging to the naval force, the wharfs,

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Fig. 3.10A: This

stylized 1796 map detail depicts roads, dockyard buildings, and residences, roughly in line with Captain Gother Mann’s plan (see Fig. 3.1). Fig. 3.10B: The earliest vertical perspective aerial photograph with arrows displaying points of comparison. and the habitations of all the persons, who belong to that department. The King’s ships lie at anchor near those buildings, and consequently have a harbour and road separate from the port of merchantmen.”20

Whether Commodore Beaton lived on Point Frederick or not is uncertain, since he had property in Kingston and was a recognized figure in Kingston society. But his successor, Captain Bouchette, did reside on one of the lots on Point Frederick north of the dockyard, likely from 1789.21 Captain William Baker’s name is associated with a dwelling lot that was located on the north peninsula near today’s RMC arch. Baker previously lived at Niagara, possibly later moving to Point Frederick with his wife and five children.22

Mann’s policy regarding expansion of the residential area was followed until 1813 or so. The boundary line that separated the residential area and the dockyard seems to have coincided with the east-west laneway leading today to the residence of the commandant of the RMC. Dwelling houses were mainly confined to the area north of this line. For example, the Commandant’s Residence (circa 1817), the Admiralty House (circa 1815), and Hewett House (circa 1876) were built north of this line and within Mann’s residential area.

During the War of 1812, the expansion policy was ignored. Many people lived in log cabins, or “shanties,” on the hill south of the line while the commodore and senior staff had quarters in the dockyard. Construction of the naval cottages in the 1820s also broke the rule.

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The first roads depicted are found on Joseph Bouchette’s 1796 map (see Fig. 3.10A). The principal road is centred on the peninsula and has two right-angled branches. Although the map is stylized with geographic inaccuracies, it does not show shoreline roads, which became more developed later. The centred road conformed with Mann’s townsite plan, with lots separated by the road. In Fig. 3.10A, there are at least eight buildings on the west half facing Kingston, clearly showing favoured choices. The roads were likely rudimentary, consisting of wagon paths used by ferry passengers, soldiers, and teamsters going to the dockyard.

Although not indicated, a large oaken scow, guided by a cable that extended to Kingston, provided transportation to those in town.23 It was operated by five men and supplied service to dockyard officials, most of whom resided on Point Frederick. The scow was about 35 feet long with three-foot sides and each end sloped with hinged doors. Civilians were not allowed to utilize this service but instead relied on two rowboats at a cost of two pence each way.24

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