Historic Built Environments & Its Adaptability Today: Transforming Contemporary Turkish Urban Entities Edited by Tasleem Shakur
GBER Special Edition 2017 GBER (Global Built Environment Review): ISSN 1474-6824 www.globalbuiltenvironmentreview.co.uk
Copyright: Tasleem Shakur
GBER Special Edition 2017 GBER (Global Built Environment Review)
Published by: Global Built Environment Review
Cover Design: Andy Butler
Printed by: Mitchel & Wright Printers, 35a Banastre Road, Southport, PR8 5AL (UK) United
Historic Built Environments and its adaptability today: Transforming contemporary Turkish urban entities Contents Editorial: 1. Tasleem Shakur Collective memories, vernacular architecture and transforming historic urban identities of Turkey and beyond
1-8
Articles: 2. Bilge Ulusay Alpay, Pelin Gokur and Iclal Kaya Alpay The conservation of urban identity and memory in spatial planning: An assessment of Yassida
9-22
3. Erdem Kaya, Meltem and Kaya, H.Serdar The Integration of groves into urban fabric: Green Infrastructure in Istanbul
23-51
4. Sibel Polat and Neslihan Dostoglu Semantic transformation of public open space: Bursa Republican Square
52-66
5. Tunali Selma The effect of socio-cultural changes on urban areas: Kadikoy historical district bazaar
67-76
6. Ayse Duygu Kacar, Aysen Celen Ozturk, Terane Burnak, Gokce Onal Ketizmen and Hatice Dulger Involvement of riverfront as a natural artefact into urban public life: eskisehir Porsuk Case
77-89
7. Ersan Koc Town Planning and design prospects from Turkey: Bursa and Kocaeli urban design studio
90-107
Commentary: 8. Eamon Reid Transitioning Cities: A commentary on Cities in Transition and beyond.
107-119
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Editorial
Collective memories, vernacular architecture and transforming historic urban identities of Turkey and beyond. Tasleem Shakur Lancashire, UK ` Conserving the ‘idea’ (the image of memory) of what a built environment should be and what it should represent-as the environment pertains to the memory- seems to be one of the important dynamics of contemporary design. Perhaps this becomes more of a fundamental prerequisite when the focus is on historic built environments and in more specifically when relating to the regeneration of historic urban identities. For example, some research in the Mediterranean region suggest that their traditional towns provide unique ‘sense of place’ to those who voluntarily, or involuntarily, left those sites and now live elsewhere (Shakur, T, 2015). Also, experience of heritage architecture, planning and urban design from both developed and developing world in the 21st century suggest that development plans, have produced visibly vibrant communities. In some cases, while there do exist serious contestations of land uses, however, the end product still appear to have favoured the communities living or working in those spaces (ibid.). Researching on Mediterranean urban and building codes, investigating the origins, content and lessons; Hakim highlights the ‘richness’ and ‘sense of place’ of traditional towns with reference to modern built environments as: ‘We have seen from the material in this study how traditional towns located around Mediterranean and beyond display individual uniqueness in their built form qualities and overall physical attributes, including strong sense of place. We also know from observation and research that residents develop strong sense of place in and around their neighbourhoods later on in life when they are living elsewhere in ‘modern contemporary built environment settings’ (Hakim, B S 2008:38-39). Comparison between historical traditional community settlements with its corresponding modern/postmodern settlements does not seem to be a popular research trend, and it is even harder to identify serious studies analysing aspects of architecture and urbanism with Muslim major countries of the world (Shakur, T: 2008:211). However, a few regional or cultural focused research and observation at different time provide some insightful concepts. For example, a post-doctoral work on Istanbul (Yamacli, R:1999) suggests that the flexible design 1
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aspects of Ottoman empire make it so adaptable to a number of subsequent cultures to expand upon. My own observation of more than a quarter of a century to Granada, Istanbul, Bursa, Marakech, Samarkhand, Jeddah, Dhaka, Delhi and Lahore where many of the historically designed quarters (Madina, Mohalla, Bazaar and Sukhs) are bustling with renewed energy, perhaps reminiscent of their enriched past (ibid). Researching on ‘Culture, architecture and growth’ and focusing on the Fulbe nomadic experience in Nigeria, Daramola blames western influences when this architect/academic suggests: ‘Cultural identity in architecture is a major concern to the contemporary world of architecture, indigenous architecture have been grossly abused by foreign influences and this has brought series of acculturation that alienate the original cultural values’ (Darmola, A: 2007:103). Bursa, the 14th century first Ottoman capital of Turkey, is one the old historic cities where the traditional cultures and settlements have survived despite embracing the development principles of modernist and globalisation periods (Shakur, T op cit. 2015). Being located at the far end of ‘silk and spice route’ it became one of the most important commercial and production centres of the world between 1450 and 1600 (Shakur,T; Hafiz,A; Arslan T V and Cahantimur A: 2012:5).
Inside and outside of 15th Century Ottoman silk market Koza Han (near the Grand Mosque), shopping and leisure/recreational activities in Bursa (Turkey). Source: author 2014
More than a quarter of a century ago I had the privilege of being a guest editor of a special issue of the unique architecture journal, Mimar on ‘Construction technologies in context’ (Mimar:1991) which included a number of ground breaking articles on the allied subjects including a fascinating commentary by the world renowned author, academic Paul Oliver who dedicated half a century on researching in culture and vernacular architecture. In ‘Transmitting Technologies’ (Oliver, P: 1991:56-57) Oliver demanded a closer look into traditional methods for a truer manifestation of the future of vernacular architecture (Shakur, T: 1991:7). But then he was also sceptical about the transfer of technology, particularly in terms of building methods and materials as such aspects of vernacular technology may not have perceived by the professional (architects, engineers) in the same way as the traditional builders of the 1990s decade (ibid). I am not sure if there had been any attitudinal change in the present millennium but Oliver proposed a hard look (no matter how slow the process is), at how to learn and achieve 2
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a similar level of skill and quality of workmanship (ibid). While reviewing the articles and writing the editorial on traditional architecture and construction methods I felt the revival of traditional indigenous materials and technologies in the early 1990s which was perhaps inspired by the legendary Egyptian architect/educator Hasan Fathy (Shakur, T; op cit. 6). During 2014 GBER was actively involved with the Architecture department of Uludag University and the Chamber of Architecture, Bursa section (Turkey) in the preparation of the conference theme of the mega 26th International Building and Life fair and Congress. While the final theme of the congress was on the ‘Reinvention of the City Centre’, GBER’s original idea (along with the academics of Uludag University’s Architecture department) was on the ‘Historic Built Environments and its adaptability today: Transformation of the cultural city centres’. GBER’s original two day international workshop aim was intended to bring built environment professionals and scholars to analyse and share their understanding of diverse transformation and re-creation of international historic sites. It also sought to provide special emphasis on historical design analysis of the ‘Cultural City Centres’ and ‘its applicability (use or re-use) for today and the future’. However, in the final run the conference theme was on ‘Re-invention of the city center’ (see cover page of the massive book of abstract above with the title of this editorial). With a staggering number of 58 presentations and 102 Turkish national and international participants, the three-day event between 3-5 April was indeed a great success. Much of the credits for this unique collaboration should go to Professor Tulin Arslan along with Professor Arzu Kahantimur, Dr Sibel Polat and Professor Neslihan Dostoglu of Uludag University’s architecture department. While the Chamber of Architects did publish massive proceedings (over five hundred pages along with a micro disc), GBER (as agreed before) did opt for a special volume based on its original workshop ideas the emerging themes of the conference. Coincidentally the papers, which were finally accepted after peer review, did more or less match with the journal’s original title. It is within such background context this unique special issue is being compiled. Alpay, Gokgur and Altay’s article on ‘The conservation and Urban Identity and memory in spatial planning of Yassiada’ (near Istanbul) examines the role of urban identity and memory in spatial planning through the current planning approaches in the island. Through a straight forward research methodology of data collection, photographic interpretation and in somewhat participant observation, the authors strongly argue that the contemporary spatial plans with apparently no related strategies and policies in relation to the island’s rich historical identity, memory and collective values would not be protected. Continuing with the emerging urban planning matters; Kaya, Kaya and Serder research into ‘Integration of groves into urban fabric’ focuses into relatively new concept of Green Infrastructure in one of the major Mega cities of the world, Istanbul. Here the authors observe the substantial loss of green areas leading to the decline of ‘ecological sustainability’ at the periphery of the city due to the continuous sprawl and densification of urban areas. Like the previous article’s concern for conservation of historical identity, here the authors develops a unique framework of analysis based on the concept that the ’historic groves have high potential to sustain the historic landscape character and support the urban green network’. The 3
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researchers argue through a systematic review of literature that in order to achieve such goal the endangered areas need to be re-evaluated as a component of green infrastructure with their functions. As an applied research, this article zooms into a district level pilot planning approach by providing a Green Infrastructure system considering groves as important hubs and existing green spaces as stepping-stones for development. This issue being mainly based on the historic built environments of Turkey, some authors quite legitimately anchored their research on transformative identity and collective memory. Like the opening article on Yassiada (Alpay et al op cit), Polat and Dostoglu’s article (Semantic transformation of public open space: Bursa Republican Square) focus on the notion of collective memory and its predicate, collective and individuated identity. With a rigorous literature review exploring the diverse concepts of ‘Identity and meaning of public open spaces’; this article provides some thought provoking findings on the fascinating changes of identity and meaning of the Ottoman empire’s public square in Bursa through an analysis of four historical periods starting from the mid nineteenth century to 2010. The study findings are well substantiated through the methodological tools of archival research and deep interviews. One of the important findings of the nineteenth twentieth century period include how the Square was used as a powerful representation of Ottoman empire where the facades of the adjacent buildings reflected Western style while the interior space keeping up with the traditional norms. Interestingly, in the modern period of mid twentieth century the Square seems to have embraced the city’s citizen spatial behaviours which included protest movements, walking, shopping, eating and organising festivities. In a more recent time of the twenty first century the users have moved to more young people and students and the Square no longer represent the same symbol as it did in the past. With a broad-brush macro socio-economic context of Turkey, and in particular describing Istanbul’s urban and social fabric’s transformation from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, Tunali Selma examines ‘the effect of socio-cultural changes on urban areas’ through a case study of Kadikoy historical bazar (which is located in one of Istanbul’s oldest settlements). Like other megacities of the developing world Selma narrates similar phenomenon of accelerated rural-urban migration and diversified consumptive behaviour which the author reckons have impacted on the urban social fabric and identity of today’s Turkey’s cities. While focusing on the old traditional bazaar of Kadikoy district, Selma argues that it is this macro socio-economic changes which has caused a rapid change in the cultural life of traditional bazaars like Kadikoy. Here we see what the bazaars identity was intrinsically integrated with residential quarters (somewhat like mohallas) are apparently fast diminishing presumably with the advent of business and transportation investments. Finally, the study provides some concrete guidelines and recommendations including restrictions on conversions of old buildings, changes in ownership of properties, sales locations and health safety measures for manufacturing and textile productions. The final two articles from Turkey are combination of current cognitive international thoughts of contemporary architecture, planning, urban design by young academics and the related studio based classroom designs on historic sites of Turkish cities. In a way, they reflect the 4
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creative mind of young architect/academics and future designers of the way they are going to tackle the current built environment through futuristic solutions. Ersan Koc’s article on ‘Town Planning and Design prospects from Turkey’ was not a part of the 2014 Conference but was submitted to GBER regular issue but we referees thought it may be more appropriate to be included with the ‘Special Issue’ as the theme was much relevance to other papers and in particular forms a pedagogic group with Kacar et al article discussed below. Kacar et al draw on Rossi’s notion of an ‘urban singularity how each section (or part) of the city may be understood as a singularity through their article ‘The riverfront as a natural artefact in urban public life: A case study of Eskesehir Porsuk’. Here the authors aim at integrating a physical part into an urban whole: anchoring urban development around the functionality and the singularity of the Porsuk river. The conceptual aspects which the paper hinges upon include ‘collective memory’ (that cities are the collective memory affects the transformation of the urban space), Moneo’s urban form shapes the city and Lynch’s unveiling city’s covert structure and identity All these concepts are explored and debated as a contextual framework of an assessment analysing Eskesehir’s natural structure, identity and the city’s collective memory. In the final part three student groups illustrative urban design exercises were separately summarised where each group attempt to analyse display Eskesehir’s important natural landscape with specific design guidelines and criteria of paths, edges, districts and nodes. Koc’s article speculated on two student workshops the author conducted with students in the two departments of architecture in Iznik and Kandira in the historical Turkish provinces of Bursa and Kocaeli. The evaluation of conducted workshops aims at producing ‘socio-spatial’ transformational project templates, programmes for urban design through evaluating the planning and design process prepared by the students. Koc indicates how an interdisciplinary framework is required for transformational design projects. While the workshop exercises were exploring more of philosophical aspects of urban planning and design prospects (focusing on the investigating concerns of ‘public spaces’, ‘common spaces’ and ‘collective and shared’ values); the framework of analysis seems to be well grounded on what Koc describes ‘the multilayered value components and urban identity prospects’ of present day Turkey. Like Tunali Selma’s article (described earlier), here the author too emphasizes the country’s concern with the unique post 1980s development of ‘the urban orientation which apparently has sealed the fate, form and shape of Turkey’s production, consumption, culture and environmental spaces for the last 30 years’. The emphasis on shared or collective values, predicted on the notion of collected memory resonates with other articles in this volume. While it does not develop the notion of collective memory in a sustained fashion (see Kacar et al, Alpay et al and Polat and Dostulgu in this volume), as its primary focus is a discussion and justification for architects to hold workshops that include a multiplicity of elements, from citizens to agencies and institutions. This article should be read in relation to other articles in the volume, with its methodological propositions in relation to the planning and design process, the attempt to synthesise disparate aims, notions and orientations.
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Some two and half decade back Paul Oliver concluded that there was a desperate need for technological guidance in relation to modern materials and there was also a need for recognition and reappraisal of traditional technologies (Shakur,T, op cit:6). Hasan Fathy’s late 1940s design and construction of New Gourna Vilage in Luxor, based on the principle of vernacular architecture, local material technique (what we now a days call sustainable architecture), inspired my generation of architects in the late 1970s design studios, and I now wonder, similar revivals in ‘transformative pedagogy in transformative pedagogy of architecture and urbanism are taking place in the design studios of Turkey and beyond (Salama, A M:2009). Eamon Reid is one of your talented postgraduate students, who while studying human geography did some good study/research on my modules on ‘Sustainability and the Global Built Environment’ and ‘Amsterdam field trip’ (particularly specialising in ethnic minority immigrant communities housing and urban developmental issues). For the last one year he volunteered to help GBER (like other long standing volunteer staff and ex-students like Dr Quazi, Kevin Burke, Dr Jamie Halsall and Natalie Tebbett) and was instrumental in editing most of the Turkish papers (following peer review) for this issue. While doing so he got really involved with the emerging issues and started researching on the concept of ‘Transitioning Cities’ (with its pegging points from my twelve years old GBER publication based edited volume on ‘Cities in Transition: Transforming the global built environment: 2005) and quite innovatively attempted to link with the key variables researched by the contributors of this special issue. It is therefore comes as no surprise that Reid has provided us with a befitting commentary on ‘Transitioning cities and beyond’. In a way, this robustly researched and rigorously substantiated work acts as an ideal conclusion to this special issue. Some readers may find this contribution somewhat philosophical and polemic but it is well grounded on the concepts of ‘collected memories and urban identities’, vernacular built environment, contested spaces and transitional cities’. In three clearly developed sections Reid articulates his arguments referencing through the examples of many of the articles on Turkey and more importantly taking it beyond to other related both developed and developing cities case studies. However, what I find stimulating about this commentary is about the political linkages and somewhat challenging questions Reid subtly raises through his re-interpretation of collective memory, the role of the vernacular and the contestation of the spaces (as raised through this issue and other related authors like me in other publications, beyond Turkish cities). In a way it is a humble attempt to provoke challenging thoughts on the unanswered questions that we raised with a bunch of architect planners more than a decade ago and those left open by the authors of this issues in understanding the problem cities. At the end Reid raises tough political questions regarding design process and the implementations of conceived plans by the architects and planners including that of the construction. Some seven years ago, researching in two historic south Asian cities (Dhaka and Lahore), a few architects, planners and academics found the contradiction among the old and new, complexity between the space uses and the incongruity between architectural language and therefore raised questions regarding the appropriateness of the historic architecture in the 6
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present millennium (Shakur, T; Islam, I and Masood J: 2010:7). Looks like similar parallel could be made in Turkish historical architectural scene and beyond. At the end, I would like to apologise for the long three years this issue has taken in formulating this special issue. Unfortunately, my wife Yasmin (also a onetime architect and was involved in cardiac hospital unit, an extension of Louis I Kahn’s National Assembly complex in Dhaka, Bangladesh) has sadly passed away a year ago this time and I could not concentrate for the last two years following her deteriorating health. In the past, she did travel to different cities of Turkey with me and loved the country’s rich historic built environments and I would therefore like to dedicate this issue to her memories. References: Daramola , A (2015) Culture, architecture and growth: The Fulbe Nomadic experience in Nigeria’. Published in Rahman M (ed), Society, Architects and Emerging Issues: Conference Book. Published by Commonwealth Association of Architects (CAA) and Institute of Architects (IAB), Dhaka, Bangladesh Hakim, B S (2008) ‘Mediterranean urban and building codes: origin, content, impact and lesson’ published in Urban Design International’, 13, 21-40 Oliver, P (1991) ‘Transmitting Technologies’ in Shakur, T Guest edited special issue on ‘Construction Technologies’, Mimar 38 : Architecture in Development, March 1991 Salama, A M (2009) ‘Transformative Pedagogy in Architecture and Urbanism, Published by UMBAU-VERLAG Shakur, T ed (1991) ‘Construction technologies in context’, Guest Editorial article for Mimar 38: Architecture in Development, March 1991 Shakur,T (2008) ‘Historic/Cultural Islamic Architecture and its applicability in the contemporary world’. Published in Kamal A (compiled) Abstracts and papers on International Conference on Islamic Art and Architecture, 13-16 November, 2008 at Lahore (Pakistan), published by National College of Arts (NCA). Shakur, T; Islam, I and Masood, J (2010) ‘What culture, whose space and which technology? The contested transformation and the changing historic built environment of south Asia’. Published in IJAR, International Journal of Architectural Research, Volume 4, Issue 1. March 2010 7
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Shakur, T; Hafiz R; Tulin V A and Cahantimur, A (2012) ‘Economy and culture in transitions: A comparative study of two architectural heritage sites of Bazaars and Huns of Bursa and Dhaka’. Published in IJAR, International Journal of Architectural Research, Volume 6, Issue 3. November 2012 Shakur, T (2015) ‘From historic built environments to the cultural heritage sites of some satisfied communities in the South: Lessons for the professionals, policy makers and the educationists’ published in a refereed book of Research papers for a Conference organised by the Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia 2015 Yamacli, R (1999) ‘Istanbul: The historic peninsula in cross cultural design place for space’. Published by, International Centre for Development and Environmental Studies (ICDES), DES 10, Edge Hill University Tasleem Shakur
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Article
The Importance of Conservation of Urban Identity and Memory in Spatial Planning: An Assessment of Yassiada. Bilge Ulusay Alpay* Pelin Gökgür** İclal Kaya Altay*** İstanbul, Turkey
Abstract The purpose of this study is to discuss the role of urban identity conservation and collective memory through the case of Yassiada’s planning approaches. Located within the borders of the city of Istanbul, Yassiada is among the islands of the Prince archipelago. Situated at a visible distance from the Marmara coasts of Istanbul, the island is not open to public as it is not zoned for residential use and it was used as a military zone in the past. With a quality which is reflecting the history, social and political dynamics of an era, the island is the spatial image of a community that acknowledged a common past, meaning and memory; that is a qualified whole of an urban identity and collective memory. It has now been zoned for construction with tourism and cultural facility functions as outlined in the 2013 plans. The Yassiada case demonstrates that plans with no strategies and policies in relation to identity and memory do not achieve their objectives. Keywords: Yassiada, Identity, Memory, Preservation, Planning 1. Introduction This study will open for discussion the process of spatial planning and the importance of conservation of urban identity and collective memory. The concept of conservation, regarding natural, historical and cultural diversity can survive primarily by protecting urban identity and
* Bilge Ulusay Alpay bilgeaplay@gmail.com** Pelin Gökgür pelingokur@yahoo.fr *** İclal Kaya Altay iclalkaya@yahoo.com Faculty of Architecture, Department of City and Regional Planning, Mimar Sinnan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey
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memory; while every object, every structure within urban space, and tenants of the city play a significant role in revealing these phenomena. Yassiada, with a historical reflective quality, the social and the political dynamics of the era for Turkey and Istanbul, is the spatial image of a community that acknowledged a common past, meaning, and memory, that is a qualified whole of an urban identity and collective memory. This study was conducted in order to demonstrate the effects of the Conservation Development Plans for Yassiada, relating to the protection of urban identity and collective values. 2.Method As one of the islands of the Prince Archipelago of Istanbul, Yassiada is selected as a case for this study. Aside from the conceptual study, the basic methods used included data collection, photography, and observation in the field. Furthermore, the 1/100.000 scale Istanbul Landscape Plan and report, 1/5000 scale Conservation Oriented Revision Master Zoning Plan prepared for Yassiada, and the 1/1000 Conservation Oriented Implementary Zoning Plan, plan notes, and plan reports are used as materials. 3.Conceptual base of the study The geographic position, natural and historical fabric, and architectural structure of a city, economic and cultural lifestyle of the urbanites, and their unique traditions and customs constitute the identity of the city. It is this identity which emerges as a result of hundreds of years of accumulation and development, making a city distinct. The city is a living organism and just like all developed creatures, cities too have a brain and memory. The level of utilizing this memory deeply influences the form of city development. The brain of the city, that is the circles and decision makers who take care of and give direction to the city, at times interfere with the city’s memory. They attempt to organize reform and sort the information found there. Sometimes these interferences are carried out in such a radical and traumatic way that certain information is entirely erased from the memory. Examples of such interferences can easily be found in various cities in the world and in our country. One of the prerequisites for the creation of collective memory and therefore urban consciousness is the conservation of historic urban spaces that shed light to the city’s past and constitute a crucial portion of cultural richness (Banger, 2010) According to Laborde (1998), a city principally refers to a country or a nation. Coming into existence throughout the historical process, cities belong to the common memory of both inhabitants and outsiders. At the same time, cities represent historical and geographical data. The
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identity of urban space is comprised of symbols, objects, and images that possess valuable meanings. Characterizing the commonality of urbanites, urban space can be defined as a stage from where the form of daily life emanates. Urban space is an area of life and identity. “Urban identity” can be described as the process of formation and organization of the body of designs in a city that was composed by different social groups, taking into consideration the past, the present and future of the city. Urban identity is connected with the history, the social dynamics, the policy, and the structured space of the society. Images that constitute identity may not always be homogenous. Urban identity is created through the dynamic relationship between the past, present, and the future (Galland, 1993). Urban identity is the sum of attributes that allow the city to be read with a separation from others or to become meaningful for people (Lynch, 2011). Urban identity also reflects the images of a community that accepts “reinterpreting a common past, memory, meaning”. A qualified urban identity emerges through the conservation of the urban heritage. The definition of “Memory: the power of consciously keeping in mind things encountered, subjects learned, and their relations to the past; intellect, memory, mind” (TLA dict.) This memory is based on selecting, understanding, and the reshaping of images and/or encounters from the past. (Stein, 2003,p.74) Freud describes the formation process of memory not only as accumulation of perceptions, but also as perceptions coming together. Each new perception changes the existing structure. According to Halbwachs, there are two types of memory: individual memory, and collective (social) memory. The first one involves the personality framework, while the other one is related to the recollection of important memories in the mind of the society one belongs to. “Collective memory” is the distinguishing memory of a social group; in other words, it is the memory of this group that is not shared with other groups. This memory goes on without interruption, and maintains a continuous relation with the past. According to Halbwachs, collective memory is oriented within “space”. Images of urban space constitute a reference point to collective memory, which leads to reproduction of the past. The permanence/constancy of space is an unavoidable factor in the formation of memory and social identity. Space and memory constitute each other. As emphasized in the definitions, identity of each city is shaped by different values standing out depending on its current geographical conditions, culture and the region it is located in. It is not just the physical factors, but also the social and economic factors that may be influential in the formation of a city’s identity. Cultures and lifestyles of urbanites, the past, and the values of the city, the relationship the urbanites established with the city and the meanings they attribute to the urban spaces are all factors affecting a city’s identity.
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Urban heritage, which is one of the elements of the formation and conservation of urban identity and collective memory, is a crucial source in preserving concepts like urban livability, social integration and efficiency. Conservation of urban identity and collective memory ensures the constitution of a sense of belonging, preservation of the cultural diversity and the urban image, as well as passing on of the urban heritage to upcoming generations. Planning approaches are extremely important in the conservation of the urban identity and the memory. In this context, the conservation oriented zoning plans are application plans that contribute to special or unique structuring conditions and detailed design principles, and upper scale plan decisions, rather than just being application plans that receive data from upper scale plans that were considered for the entire city within the traditional planning stages (Zeren, 1990; Clark, 1999; Cecener, 2004; cited by Ozcan K). Especially in plans where unique structuring conditions and detailed design principles are determined, it is necessary to conduct processes of preparation, implementation, and supervision, starting with the decision-making process, with planning approaches that prioritize spatial, social, and cultural data. Otherwise it is impossible to conserve urban identity and collective identity in these plans. The goal of this study is to examine the developments regarding Yassiada that reflect the history, social and political dynamics of the period for Turkey and Istanbul, within the framework of Conservation Oriented Zoning Plans. It is also to discuss, as a result of these examinations, the effects of the plans in question in preserving the urban identity and collective memory. 3.1. The geographic positioning of Yassiada in Istanbul and among the Prince’s Archipelago Comprising nine of the 25 islands in varying sizes in the Marmara Sea, Islands district is located within the borders of the city of Istanbul. The entire Islands have a total surface area of 1133 hectares, 542 hectares of which is residential. Other sections are generally composed of woodlands, maquis shrubland, and rocky areas. Buyukada, Heybeliada, Kinaliada, Burgazada, and Sedefadai have residential areas, while Kasikadasi, Yassiada, Sivriada, and Tavsanadasi do not have any residential areas. Within the Istanbul provincial borders and Prince’s archipelago, Yassiada is situated at a visible distance on the Anatolian side, and is directly inside the radius of the sphere of influence of city silhouette from the coasts of Kadikoy, Bostanci, Maltepe and also is situated so it can be seen from Istanbul Marmara Coasts. It is not inhabited, and it is not open to public transportation as it was once used as a Military Zone.
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Figure 1: Aerial photo showing the Princes Archipelago and the location of Yassiad
Figure 2: Aerial photo of Yassiada Yassiada has a sloping topography with flora comprising of maquis and redwood; it enjoys biological diversity and ecological values. 3.2. Yassiada with Regards to Urban Identity and Collective Memory Initial historical records on Yassiada date back to the 4th Century. In the year of 860, a church had been built by the name Forty Saints with cellars underneath; and these cellars were used to imprison convicts sent to the island. In 1412, the island was the place where Ottomans defeated 13
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the Byzantine army. The British Ambassador Sir Henry Bulwer had bought the island from Sultan Abdulmecit in 1858, and ordered the construction of a castle on the foundation of the Byzantine church on the coast, resembling the chateaus of the Middle Ages. The island was sold to the Egyptian Khedive Ismail Pasha. However, after a while the island became a place where fishermen and treasure hunters dwelled in. In 1947, Turkish Naval Forces Command established a training center in Yassiada. Becoming a prison for political prisoners, Yassiada is a significant place in Turkey’s political history. It is imprinted on the memories as the island that witnessed a painful period of our political history. It is where the members of the Democrat Party were put on trial, the then Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and his friends served time, and were sentenced to death. The Ottoman era castle ruins on the coast and on the hill, as well as the Byzantine Cistern can be found in Yassiada. Furthermore, the Cell structures on the island are acknowledged as a cultural property in need of 1st degree protection, while the Gymnasium that has witnessed historic events of the period is considered a certified structure.
Figure 3. Castle Structure on the Coast
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Figure 4. Cell Structures
Figure 5. Certified Gymnasium on Yassiada, and A View from the Inside taken in June 6, 2014
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Figure 6. Other Structures on Yassiada 3.3. Examination of Yassiada In Terms of Spatial Plans Having been allocated to the Ministry of Defense to be used for military services in 1947, Yassiada was closed to all kinds of unauthorized use and visits. In 1979, Immovable Ancient Arts and High Commission of Monuments announced all islands to be “Natural and Historical Sites in Need of Protection”. Owned by the Treasury, and identified as a Military Zone, Yassiada was allocated to the Ministry of Culture and Tourism General Directorate of Cultural Assets and Museums in 2011 in order “to be used as a museum”. According to the 2011, 1/5000 scale Conservation Oriented Master Zoning Plan, Yassiada has been functionalized as a 1st Degree Natural Protected Area, Historical Protected Area, and 3rd Degree Archeological Protected Area, as well as a “Military Zone” (I. K. Yearbook 2015, p. 25, 26). In 2012, Yassiada’s 1st degree Natural Protected Area status was removed, and it was decided that the island is chosen to be a sustainable conservation and restricted use area. In the year of 2013, the 1/5000 scale Conservation Oriented Master Zoning Plan Amendment, and the 1/1000 scale Implementary Zoning Plan Amendment regarding Yassiada were approved. • Utilization Decisions made in Yassiada Master Zoning Plan and Implementary Zoning Plan: Shown as 1st Degree Natural Protected Area, Historical Protected Area, and 3rd Degree Archeological Protected Area, and a “Military Zone”, Yassiada was later included in the “3rd Degree Archeological Protected Area” in the 1/5000 scale Conservation Oriented Revision Master Zoning Plan of 2013. This plan also suggested temporary single-story structuring that shall not disturb the natural composition in the touristic areas, specifically in the area determined as the 16
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“Tourism + Cultural Facility Area” where “Sustainable Conservation and Restricted Use Limit” had also been set. However, it is observed that multi-story touristic facility and cultural facility constructions have started on Yassiada, and in that context, decisions towards structure layouts that are balanced and would not disturb the natural texture as stated in the 1/5000 scale plans have not been implemented. According to the Conservation Oriented Implementary Zoning Plan, the floor area ratio indicated for the “Tourism + Cultural Facility Area” is 0.30. The fact that this ratio will be calculated over the current land title area, and that the 1st basement will be excluded from this ratio, a further increase in the floor heights is in question. This situation will spoil the city silhouette that is influential on identity and memory, and have a negative effect on Yassiada’s silhouette. • According to the Code of Protection of Cultural and Natural Assets No. 2863, Conservation Oriented Zoning is: “plans that are prepared in the protected areas, situation of which is determined by the Conservation Oriented Zoning Code of Protection of Cultural and Natural Assets, constituting the structuring restrictions prepared according to the existing maps, conservation principles and terms of use, improvement, renewal areas and projects, application stages, open area system, densities, parcel designs, local ownership, participant area management models, while bearing in mind the area’s interaction transition zone; and with a scale that is required by master and implementary zoning plans that constitute a whole with planning decisions, plan notes and description reports.” With this statement, the importance of participation in these plans is highlighted. The interaction transition zones indicated in the conservation oriented zoning plans are ecologically important areas that directly influence the natural assets and protected areas. These areas that remain between the sections that would affect the protected regions or strict nature reserves, or outside of the protected area, must be taken into consideration during the preparation process of plans. In this regard, the Environmental Planning Report points out that the archipelago within the Istanbul ecosystem is a whole, and since these islands were analyzed within the forest areas in the Marmara Sea along with the northern forests in the entirety of city of Istanbul, they present an authentic structure with regards to Istanbul’s natural assets and ecology. Furthermore, it is asserted in this report that Yassiada enjoys a crucial position in terms of Istanbul’s unique city silhouette. It is observed that in the 1/5000 and 1/1000 scale Conservation Oriented Zoning Plan prepared for Yassiada, which is included in the Princes Archipelago that is acknowledged as a historical and cultural location with natural assets due to their natural and unnatural data, the “interaction transition zones” were not taken into consideration, and that their association with the settlement they are in is not established.
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Another matter is the fact that the “participant area management models” indicated in the definition of Conservation Oriented Zoning were not set in the Yassiada plans, and that the relevant professional chambers, non-governmental organizations, and the related departments of universities are not included in the “plan preparation process”. • The status of zoning plans in terms of coast use and public interest: It appears that the 1/1000 scale Conservation Oriented Revision Implementary Zoning Plan of Yassiada does not include functions regarding piers for coastal use, natural beach areas, and natural rocky areas. The Coastal Law, however indicates that public interest shall be observed on coast lines, with their natural and cultural characteristics open to preservation and benefit of society. It is foreseen that the coast use laid out in the Yassiada Zoning Plans are arranged as areas that are open private use to a greater extent (such as hotels, cafes and restaurants), rather than to purposes that look out for commonwealth. Furthermore, the 1/5000 scale Revision MZP and the 1/1000 scale Conservation Oriented Revision Implementary Zoning Plan indicate that the provisions of Coastal Law are regarded as invalid. On the other hand, it is understood that this situation will remove the sustainability of public use areas and therefore become against the public interest. Moreover, in spite of the fact that the Ottoman era castle ruins on the coast and on the hill and the Byzantine cistern and cell structures were registered as 1st degree cultural assets to be protected, while the gymnasium was certified as a 2nd degree cultural asset that requires protection due to the fact that it has witnessed historic events of the period, it is observed that the functions to be attributed to these particular structures are not indicated in the Conservation Oriented Zoning Zoning Plans, and they are not associated to the other functions brought in by the plan.
As a result of examinations, it can be seen that the Yassiada plans are investor-oriented with projects unfolding on a singular scale, rather than having public interest as the primary objective. In other words, they are not holistic. Urban identity and memory are not protected due to projectbased approaches that are oriented towards privatization and rent creation, instead of the concept of planning-based approaches that are based on principles of city planning and fundamentals of public interest. In fact, sustainable conservation and development of such areas requires protection of local values such as identity and memory, and shall act as instruments that contribute to spatial, social and economic values, rather than having “touristic or cultural functions” as objectives.
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Figure 7. Natural view of Yassiada, its project and its status under construction 4. Concluding Remarks Natural, historical, cultural and urban heritage are source-like values that constitute collective memory awareness by establishing a bond between the past and the future, and developing the feeling of belonging to a place and a culture. Reflecting the history, social and political dynamics of an era, Yassiada is the spatial image of a community that acknowledged a common past, meaning and memory. As in the example of the selected case study, objectives and goals were unable to be identified towards the formation and preservation of identity and memory in areas with national and 19
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international scale urban values. In fact, the “Sustainable Conservation and Restricted Use Limit” function that was determined for Yassiada is supposed to generate a planning model, and contribute to the preservation and development of urban heritage. It is observed that the plans made for Yassiada, which is discussed within the context of cultural heritage in terms of urban recollection and collective memory, focus on urban tourism or cultural tourism, while the sustainable conservation oriented zoning strategies were ignored in the process of construction. While emphasizing the importance of conservation plans on urban identity and collective memory in this case study it is observed that; •
•
•
• • • •
Being a significant place in terms of Turkey’s political history, this island was zoned for construction under the name of Island of Democracy and Freedom, and transformed into an island of hotels, The island was zoned for construction with Tourism and cultural facility functions via the Yassiada Conservation Oriented Revision Master Zoning Plan and Revision Implementation Zoning Plan, and it was not preserved in terms of urban identity and collective memory; that the natural, historical and cultural assets nestled in the island were not protected due to the structuring that was brought upon, that this way it will be removed from the idea of urban identity and collective memory, leading to a failure in reflecting the traces of the past, The fact that these plans deemed the provisions of “Coastal Law” invalid, and excluded the region from the Coastal Law will eliminate the sustainability of the public-use areas, and that this situation is against the benefit of public, The “participant area management models” as stated in the Conservation Law were not generated, The sustainable conservation and development of Yassiada is not possible with a planning approach that positions the Tourism and Cultural facility function as the goal, The floor area ratio decisions determined for the “Tourism + Cultural Facility Area” disturbs the city silhouette and creates a negative impact on Yassiada, While Yassiada is on the brink of losing its current values due to pressure of structuring and privatization on the coastline being reflected on the plans, and to tourism and rantoriented arrangements, the conservation plans and conservation decisions prepared for and implemented on it are not sufficient means in preserving a local, regional, national memory and identity, and in transferring the urban heritage to the next generations.
It is crucial to develop strategies for achieving conservation balance, urban growth and quality in life for the sake of the future of societies. It is impossible for conservation plans to succeed
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if they lack the spatial planning approaches, strategies and policies in relation to identity and memory.
References Banger, G. 2010. Kentlilik Bilinci. http://www.duyguguncesi.net/kentlilik-bilinci/ Accessed on 21/06/2017. Galland, B. 1993: “Les identités urbaines”, Cultures, sous-cultures et déviances ,Convention romande de 3e cycle de sociologie 2e session. Halbwachs, M. 1997: La mémoire collective, Albin Michel, Paris. Laborde, P.1998: ”L’İdentité:Valeur Du Futur de La Ville”,Cadernos de Geografia, no.17,pp.191193. Lynch, K.2011:.Kent İmgesi, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları. Özcan, K. 2009: Sürdürülebilir Kentsel Korumanın Olabilirliği Üzerine Bir Yaklaşım Önerisi: Konya Tarihi Kent Merkezi Örneği”, METU JFA (26/2) pp.1-18. Quinodoz,J.M.2005: Reading Freud ( Freud’u Okumak 2016 (Türkçesi:Kolbay B.&Soysal Ö.),Bağlam Yayınları. Stein V. 2003: La Reconquete du centre ville: du patrimoine a l’espace public (Thése de doctorat)), Université de Genéve. Steinberg, F. 1996: Conservation and rehabilitation of urban heritage in developing countries, Habitat International,vol 20 no.3,pp.463-475. Zeren, N. 1990: “ Koruma Amaçlı İmar Planı Yapım Süreci, İlkeler, Yöntemler”, Kültür ve Tabiat Varlıklarını Koruma Kurultayı (14-16 Mart 1990), Ankara, pp. 35-47. TMMOB Şehir Plancıları Odası İstanbul Şubesi (2016) “İstanbul Kent Almanağı 2015” 1/5000 ölçekli Adalar Koruma Amaçlı Nazım İmar Planı (approval date: 21.09.2011) 21
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1/1000 ölçekli Adalar Koruma Amaçlı Uygulama İmar Planı (approval date: 21.09.2011) İstanbul İli, Adalar İlçesi, Yassıada 1/5000 ölçekli Koruma Amaçlı Revizyon Nazım İmar Planı (approval date: 29.05.2013) İstanbul İli, Adalar İlçesi, Yassıada 1/1000 ölçekli Koruma Amaçlı Revizyon Uygulama İmar Planı (approval date:29.05.2013) İstanbul İli Adalar İlçesi, Heybeliada Mahallesi, 156 ada 1 nolu parsele ilişkin 1/5000 Koruma Amaçlı Nazım İmar Planı Değişikliği (approval date: 08.10.2013) İstanbul İli Adalar İlçesi, Heybeliada Mahallesi, 156 ada 1 nolu parsele ilişkin 1/1000 Koruma Amaçlı Uygulama İmar Planı Değişikliği (approval date: 08.10.2013) 1/100 000 ölçekli İstanbul Çevre Düzeni Planı (approval date:15.06.2009) 2863 Sayılı Kültür Ve Tabiat Varlıklarını Koruma Kanunu. Accessed at: www.mevzuat.gov.tr/, Accessed on 9 February 2015. “Kentsel Bellek Üzerine” Accessed at: www.cumhuriyet.com.tr, Accessed on 10.01.2016. “Hafıza Mekanları” Accessed at:, www.arkitera.com, Accessed on 7.03.2016. “Yassıada Fotoğraflarına Açıklama” Accessed at: www.cnnturk.com/, Accessed on 18.07.2016. Banger. G. 2010 : “Kentlilik Bilinci”, Accessed at:, www.duyguguncesi.net, Accessed on 16.12.2015. Türkçe Sözlük( TDK), Accessed at: www.tdk.gov.tr , Accessed on 9 February 2015. “Bizanstan Günümüze Yassıada Tarihi” Accessed at: www.dunyabulteni.net, Accessed on 16.12.2015.
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Article
The Integration of Groves into Urban fabric: Green Infrastructure in Istanbul Erdem Kaya, Meltem* Kaya, H. Serdar** Istanbul, Turkey
Abstract İstanbul as a metropolitan city has been experiencing uncontrolled urbanization since the 1950’s. Massive migration movements and the construction of the two bridges in 1973 and 1988, appeared as catalysts in this process and led the growth of the city in an eastwestward direction as well as through the northern natural reserve areas. The pace and the scale of the spatial growth has become one of the major threats to the natural areas at the periphery of the city as well as to the green and open spaces within the city center. The problem of urban spread toward green areas at the periphery and urban intensification in the center has led the loss of a considerable amount of green areas and a decline ecological sustainability. One of the most prominent effects of urbanization can be observed in the patchy structure of urban green which includes both actively used areas, such as neighborhood parks and passive green areas. Within this densely built-up environment, large green areas (as a major component of the urban green) are represented in the form of urban parks, groves and cemeteries that date back to the 19th century. Therefore protection, maintenance and enhancement of those historic landscapes has become one of the crucial issues for sustainable development. However, just like other green areas within the city center, those sites are threatened by development pressure and uncontrolled manipulations that lead change in the character as well as change in the physical quality. It is obvious that there is an Erdem Kaya, Meltem, İTU Department of Landscape Architecture, ITU Faculty of Architecture; erdemmel@gmail.com *
Kaya, H. Serdar ITU Urban and Regional Planning Department, ITU Faculty of Architecture, İstanbul. hserdarkaya@gmail.com **
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urgent need for an approach and methodology to integrate those historical landscapes into the existing urban green. As a part of new urban theories that are trying the fill the gap between ecology and the city, the emerging concept of green infrastructure appeared to be a promising way to create a green network within densely built-up urban areas. The idea of green infrastructure has been widely appreciated as strong planning tool as it is defined as “interconnected network of natural areas and other open spaces that coserves natural ecosystem values and functions, sustains clean air and water, and provides a wide array of benefits to people and wildlife” (Benedict & McMahon 2006). Within the urban frame, location, size and qualities of green patches and their physical connection to the surrounding environment become crucial issues to develop a holistic approach based on green infrastructure. As a component of the urban green, historic groves have a high potential to sustain the historic landscape character and support the urban green network if those areas are reevaluated as a component of green infrastructure with their functions. This research focuses on the idea of green infrastructure at the district level and evaluates the groves in Beşiktaş district according to some parameters such as; size, location, landownership status, landscape design elements and vegetation pattern. A green infrastructure system is proposed at the district level by evaluating groves as important hubs, identifying existing green spaces as stepping-stones. To compliment the proposed system design, strategies are proposed to address the new innovations concerning the planning and design of groves in İstanbul. Keywords: Urban green spaces, groves, green infrastructure
INTRODUCTION
With their position in the urban context, urban green spaces now offer a strategic way of engaging environmental impacts of urbanization. This issue becomes crucial for cities like Istanbul, with a population of 14 million, to cope with environmental degradation and decreasing quality of life levels. Therefore, sustainability of urban green gains priority for cities where powerful forces for change in the urban environment is much more visible (Dwyer et. al. 2003). Urbanization processes have become a major threat for cities that have a remarkable historical landscape. Istanbul has been experiencing massive migration movements since the 1950’s. Migration movements and the construction of the two bridges over 24
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the Bosporus river in 1973 and 1988 led urban growth to expand in an east-westward direction as well as through the north where natural reserves are located. The pace and scale of spatial growth has become one of the major threats to the natural areas along the periphery of the city as well as to the green and open spaces within the city center (Kubat et al., 2007).
Historical landscapes and their components make a considerable contribution to the ecological structure of Istanbul. The problem of urban spread toward green areas at the periphery and urban intensification in the center have led to a loss of a considerable amount of green areas. The overall effects of uncontrolled urbanization process can be best seen in the patchy structure of the urban green.
It is obvious that there is an urgent call for a new approach to lead the physical growth of the city and to protect the existing green areas. The concept ‘urban green infrastructure’ provides a holistic approach for the planning and designing of green and open spaces in urban environments and defines the environmental links between the urban and the rural and the region. The hierarchical system of green infrastructure provides a framework for the conservation of land and the utilization of green and open spaces with a multifunctional perspective. The historic groves of İstanbul have high potentials to sustain the historic landscape character and support the urban green network if those areas are re-evaluated as a component of green infrastructure with their functions.
The idea of green infrastructure has been widely appreciated as a strong planning tool in the UK, the United States and in the European Union for the last few years. Due to the advances in green space planning approaches, countries are now trying to provide a political framework for the conservation of national green assets (Natural England 2013, Landscape Institute 2009, EPA, European Union 2013).
This paper evaluates the groves of Istanbul as important nodes for the development of urban green infrastructure. In this respect, this paper focuses on Beşiktaş district as a case study to show how the idea of green infrastructure can be implemented at the district level with proposed strategies and to show how historical groves can be reinterpreted as a part of this systems and reintegrated into the urban network.
The City, Planning and Green Infrastructure Ecological approaches to urban planning and design have been progressing since the mid-twenties. The ecological approach to urban plannig and design is not a new idea, it is embedded in the urban planning and design tradition that is based on basic concepts 25
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and principles. From Vitruvius to Alberti, and more recenlty from Frederic Law Olmstead to Geddes, Mumford, Mcharg, Hough and Spirn, the integration of natural systems into the city making process have been one of the most important issues of planning and design disciplines throughout history (Spirn 2012).
Sustainable urbanism, ecological urbanism, green urbanism, new urbanism and landscape urbanism are some of the theories that integrate ecological thinking into urban planning and design. All of those theories are the result of the changing nature of cities, attemtping to find plausible solutions to the emergent conditions of contemporary urban life with its demands on natural rescourses. Those theories provide a framework for addressing challenges that come along with so called environmental crises such as global warming, rising sea level, climate change, rising energy demands, declining oil reserves, environmental injsutice (Spirn 2012).
Until late twenties, the ecological aspects of urban planning were lined up with basic ecological inventory methods embedded in the planning tradition, but this has changed due to the advances in urban ecology (Pickett et.al. 2010) and landscape ecology (Forman and Godron, 1986, Forman 2008). Insights from urban ecology help us to see city environment as an ecosystem which is dynamic, heterogeneous, interacting with natural processes and ecological processes (Cadenasso and Pickett, 2008). This view addresses the structure of cities and the change in structure through time. Landscape Ecology helps us to evaluate the city with a multi-scale approach, with an explicit recognition of patterns, process relationships and an emphasis on physical and functional connectivity (Ahern 2007). With this insight, the ecological aspects of city planning are more concerned about spatial patterns, process and relations, rather than a basic ecological inventory.
The concept of green infrastructure has been integrated into the planning and design disciplines for the last few years as a part of new urban theories. The concept of green infrastructure is one of the concepts that offers a practical and holistic framework for the planning and design of green areas in and around urban areas. The term means different things depending on the context in which it is used; for some professions it refers to trees that provide ecological benefits in urban areas and for others it refers to engineered structures (such as storm water management or water treatment facilities) that are designed to be environmental friendlly (Benedict & McMahon 2006). Also different agencies in different countries have different perspectives on green infrastructure. As a general trend, green infrastructure is defined as an interconnected network of natural areas and other open spaces that coserves natural ecosystem values and functions, sustains clean air and water, and provides a wide array of benefits to people and wildlife (Benedict & McMahon 2006).
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Green infrastructure brings new dimensions to the green space planning tradition conservation management. As a general tendency, open space is percieved as simply land that is not yet developed, and green space as isolated parks, recreation sites, or natural areas. As the theories of landscape and urbanism advance with new ecological thinking, the design become more instumental - its enabling function- rather than its representational and stylized actions. For cities, the term landscape no longer reflects a pastoral image but rather invokes the functioning matrix of connective tissue that organizes not only objects and spaces but also the dynamic processes and events that move through them (Wall, 2007). Most of the reason for revisiting the planning and design practices can be linked to the changing nature of contemporary cities. “As opposed to traditional notion of urban, contemporary city is now represented as polycentric weblike sprawl in which multiple centers are served by overlapping networks of transportation, electronic communication, production and consumption. Operationally, the infrastructures and flows of materials have become more significant than static political and spatial boundaries“ (Wall, 2007).
Infrastructural urbanism organize the structural spaces of infrastructure that supports supply and mobility with a focus on the spatial qualities of these infrastructures (Hauck and Kleinekort, 2011). The Webster dictionary defines infrastructure as “the substructure or underlying foundation on which continuance and growth of a community or state depends”. As one type of infrastructure, green infrastructure can be thought as the life support system of a city that provides essential ecosystem services; support, provision, regulation and culture (Landscape Institute, 2011).
Green infrastructure provides a framework for the conservation and the management of land for multifunctional purposes. There are several definitions each refects different aspects of the concept but in general we can classify the definitions according to their purposes (Table1); the first definition group defines green infrastructure as a an interconnected network of green space that provide range of ecosystem services such as habitat, flood protection, cleaner air, and cleaner water and usually worked at the city and regional scale (Benedict and McMahon, 2002, Natural England, 2009, Mell 2012, Girling and Kellett 2005, Rouse et. al. 2013). The second group of definition is orginated from Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and evaluate green infrastructure as small scale green systems designed to perform to manage urban stromwater working at local and site scales ( EPA, Rouse et. Al. 2013).
Table 1: Green Infratructure, definitions and key approaches Definition
Key Approach
Resource
an interconnected network Conservation of the land Benedict and McMahon, of green space that for ecosystem services 2002 27
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conserves natural ecosystems values and functions and provides associated benefits to human populations A strategically planned Network concept- Natural England, 2009 and delivered network connected green spaces comprising the broadest range of high quality green spaces and other environmental features. The resilient landscapes Multifunctionality, Mell 2012 that support ecological, integrity and scoial aspects economy, and human interests by maintaining the integrity of, and promoting landscape connectivity, whilst enhancing the quality of life, place and the environment across different landscape boundaries Is the network of natural Connectivity and semi-natural features, spatial scales green spaces, rivers and lakes that intersperse and connect villages, towns and cities
through Landscape Institute
The visible expression of Landscape Approach natural and human ecosystem processes that work across scales and context to provide multiple benefits for people and their environments
The Planning Advisory Group-Research Department of American Planning Association
The components that constitute green infrastructure is defined as green infrastructure assets. Those elements can be specific site or broader environmental features within and between rural and urban areas and provides social, environmental or economic benefits (Landscape Institute, 2011). Physically those components are grouped in two main categories; hubs and links. Hubs are large blocks of unfragmented natural assets 28
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that anchor network. They provide space for native plants and animal communities and an origin or destination for wildlife, people, water, nutrient, and energy moving through the system. Links are connecting elements that tie the green infrastructure system together.
Landscape ecology provides a method to anaylze landscape structure. The mosaic model helps us to understand the spatial configuration of a landscape with three fundemental landscape elements; patches, corridors and matrix. The hubs and links that define the green infrastructure elements can be represented as patches and corridors, fundemental landscape elements to define landscape structure. Pacthes are relatively homogenous and nonlinear, differing from their surroundings. Corrdiors connects hubs and patches, tying the system together, providing conduits for movement for plants, animals, water and nutrients. Matrix is the dominant land cover that is exerted over the dynamic of landscape (Forman, 1995, Ahern 2007) (Table 2, Figure 1).
Table: Examples of Urban Landscape Elements Classified in the Patch-Corridor-Matrix Model (Adapted from Ahern 2007). Urban Patches
Urban Corridors
Urban Matrix
Parks
Rivers
Sportfields
Canals
Residential Neighbourhoods
Wetlands
Drainageways
Industrial Districts
Community Gardens
Riverways
Waste Disposal Areas
Cemeteries
Roads
Commercial Areas
Campuses
Powerlines
Mixed Use Districts
Vacant Lot
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Figure 1: Formans patterns for planning a landscae: 1) large patches of natural vegetation, (2) stream/ river corridor (3) connectivity between patches (4) small “bits of nature� (Forman, 1995, Ahern 2007). The general characteristics of the concept can be summarized as; connectivity, multifunctionality, multsicale approach and ecological network. Connectivity: Connectivity between different green infrastructure components is fundemental to maximize the benefits delivered by green infrastructure. Connectivity can be visual or notional. However, physical connections make the most impact. Connectivity is an emergent property of landscapes that result from the interaction of landscape structure and function such as; water flow, nutrient cycling and the maintenance of biological diversity. In highly modified landscapes and especially in urban environments, connectivity is greatly reduced, often resulting in frangmentation (the sepertation and isolation of landscapes elemetns with significant impacts on ecologiacl processes tht reqiure connectivity (Ahern 2007). Multifunctionality: Multifunctionality is one of the key attributes of the green infrastructure approach. When land performs a range of functions, it afforts a far greater range of social, environmental and economic benefits (Landscape Institute 2011). The Abiotic, Biotic and Cultural Resource model recognizes the need and reciprocal impacts of humans on biotic and abiotic systems and processes. The model also underlines the multipurpose and multifunctional suite of ecological and cultural functions supports the broad principles of sustainability ( Ahern 2007) (Table 3).
Table3 : Key abiotic, biotic and cultural functions of a green urban infrastructure (Adapted from Ahern 2007).
Abiotic
Biotic
Cultural
Surface: groundwater Habitat interactions species
for
generalist Direct experience of natural ecosystem
Soil development process
for
specialist Physical recreation
Habitat species
Maintenance of Species movement routes Experience and hydrological regime(s) and corridors interpretation of cultural history Accomodation of Maintenance of Provide a sense of solitude disturbance regime(s) disturbance abd and inspiration successional regimes Buffering cycling
of
nutrient Biomass production
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Opportunities for healthy social interactions
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Sequestration of carbon Provision and (greenhouse gases) reserves Modification buffering of extremes
of
genetic Stimulus of artistic /abstract expression(s)
and Support of flora: fauna Environmental education climatic interactions
Multi-Scale Approach: is based on hierarchy theory and adresses the structure and the behaviour of systems that function simultaneously at multiple scales. Landscapes are nested within larger areas of land that often constrain or control the ecological processes. Multiscale approach involves assessment and planning of spatial configuration of landscape patterns and ecological processes at multiple scales and how these patterns and processes interact. In the urban context, the appropriate scales are: the metropolitan region or city, the districts or neighbourhoods, and individual sites (Ahern 2007) (Table 4).
Table 4: Typical GI assets and their associated scales (Landscape Institute, 2011). Local, Neighbourhood Town, City adn Distrcit City-region, regional and and village scale Scale national scale Town, city and district scale City region, regional and national scale Street trees, verges and Business settings hedges
Regional parks
eg
City/ district parks
Rivers and floodplains
Pocket parks
Urban canals
Shoreline
Private Gardens
Urban commons
Strategic and long distance trails
Urban Plazas
Forest parks
Forests, woodlands community forests
and
Town and village greens Country parks and commons
Reservoirs
Local rights of way
Road and railway networks
Pedestrian routes
and
Continuous waterfront cycle Municipal plazas
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Desigated greenbelt and Strategic Gaps
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Cemeteries, burial Lakes grounds and churchyards
Agricultural land
Ponds and stream
Major recreational spaces
National parks
Small woodlands
Rivers and floodplains
National, regional or local landscape designation (e.g. AONBs, NSAs and AGLVs) Canals
Play areas
Brownfield land
Common lands
Local nature reserves
Communitywoodlands
Open countryside
School grounds
(Former) extraction sites
Sports pitches
Agricultural land
Swales, ditches
Landfill
mineral
Allotments Vacant and derelict land
Ecological network: The ecological network concept aims primarily at maintaining biodiversity and has been rarely applied in urban contexts. Green infrastructure provides a framework to create an ecological network in the urban environment.
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Figure 2: Green Infrastructure cases from UK and USA(images 1-4 Landscape Institute 2011,5- CNT 2010).
GROVES AND URBAN GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE
Groves are defined as small forests that are located within urban patterns and are created by plantations or occur naturally (Pamay, 1979). It is also defined as a group of mature trees, a piece of small forest or a part of a park, with a definite boundary and surrounded by wall or other landscape elements for protection (YaltÄąrÄąk 1994).
There are several criteria to define a green area as a grove; Firstly, it should be a part of urban system and located within urban areas, the vegetation pattern should mostly include trees, trees should provide closeness (per km2), it should be semi-natural or created by plantations. Secondly, although restricted by the urban environment, it should have an ecological balance in itself, in terms of micro-climatic effects, flora and fauna and the size of the land should be more than 3 ha.
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There are several benefits of urban groves for the urban ecology. These benefits are discovered to be globally in nature, such as the potential for reducing urban heat island effects, and they respond the human need for exposure to green spaces in order to maintain the sense of wellbeing (EPA 1992). Benefits of vegetation are provided through the creation of parks, open spaces, corridors and buffers, which in turn allow direct access to recreation, wildlife, scenery, and a variety of other elements (Sterns and Montag 1974, in Bradley, G., 1995). Other important functions of groves can be summarized as follows; •
Contributing the public health by minimizing negative environmental impacts and by providing recreational activities
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Reducing the risk of flood by regulating storm-water
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Reducing the risk of erosion on the hilly sides
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Increasing the air quality by absorbing pollutants and producing oxygen
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Reduce the effect of global warming by carbon sequestration
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Supporting the climatic conditions by regulating moisture level and blocking the negative impacts of wind and reducing the urban heat island effect.
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Increase the awareness of people on nature with its diverse vegetation pattern
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Serve as a laboratory with its vegetation pattern that includes exotic species which are not naturally found in and around Istanbul and planted about 200 years ago and adapted to the environment
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Protection of the historical and monumental structures, located within the grove, against destructive effects of nature (Asan and Özdemir, DOA 2013) (Figure 3).
FIGURE 3: FUNCTIONS OF GROVES WITHIN URBAN ENVIRONMENT (ADAPTED FROM ATABAY,1988)
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Green Space Planning and Groves of İstanbul
Istanbul, with a population of 14 million, has been experiencing dramatic urban change since the 1950’s. Massive migration movements and the construction of the two bridges over the Bosphorus in 1973 and 1988 led urban growth in an east-westward direction as well as through the north where natural reserves are located. The pace and scale of spatial growth has become one of the major threats to the natural areas along the periphery of the city as well as to the green and open spaces within the city centre (Kubat et al., 2007). Figure 4 illustrates the spatial growth of the city through time. Another negative impact of uncontrolled urbanization processes can be found in the historic landscape of the city, which reflects different cultural interactions, dating back to the Byzantine Period (Erdem and Akyol 2013).
Since the 1950, the green areas in İstanbul have been threatened by massive urbanization processes. By the year 2000, the amount of green space per person has decreased from 6.44 m2 to 1.90m2. Those numbers indicate the growing impact of urbanization on green areas to city and signifies the requirement for a holistic framework in green space planning.
Figure 4: Spatial Development of İstanbul
From an ecological viewpoint, historical landscapes and their components make a considerable contribution to the ecological structure of Istanbul. Once the historic capital, it is now an urban region and the problem of urban expansion towards green areas at the periphery and urban intensification in the centre has led to the loss of a 35
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considerable amount of green areas and a general decline in ecological sustainability. As a result, the green areas in the centre have become small patches in the form of urban parks. Within this dense built environment, large green areas are represented in the form of parks, groves, large gardens and cemeteries that have a historical background dating back to the 19th century (Figure 5).
Figure 5: Fragmented green spaces in İstanbul’s urban pattern.
In Istanbul, 5.648.350 m2 land is occupied by groves. 20% of the groves are used actively by public, whereas 80% of green space are passive areas (Kısar 2004). Groves can be considered as dominant elements of the historical and natural identity of Bosporus. Most of them are located along the both sides of Bosporus with different latitudes and aspects, and developed with respect to the varieties defined by topography (Figure 3). The green areas that was used by the Sultans in the Ottoman period associated with a summer residence and usually includes historical elements such as; mansions, fountains, cistern, summer houses, summer residence of consulates. For a long time those groves are protected with special acts as an important public assets (Arpınar, 1972).
Groves which are publicly owned are usually used for recreational activities and includes pedestrian pathways, play grounds, sport fields, seating elements, pergolas and sometimes used as a substitute of a “park”. Privately owned groves are usually associated with a residential building or a work place (embassies, hospitals, university, etc.). Therefore, those areas are used by specific groups of people, residents or employees. Privately owned groves can be categorized as “gardens”. The factors that make groves closer to the concept of “park” or “garden” can be defined by the way in which these spaces have been manipulated and transformed by humans.
Existing groves in the Bosporus are the remnants of the historical landscape which also includes gardens, recreational areas and meadows. The natural character of those spaces conserved alongside new developments. For those historical landscapes, conservation of natural characteristics highlight the potential of the space. Walls, patio and steps are introduced to the site without reducing the valuable natural character. Included 36
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mansions and residences are designed with their gardens. The inner and outer gardens were integrated with the aim of incorporating the natural dynamics of the outer gardens with the spatial structure of the inner gardens (Eyüpreisoğlu, 2007).
Today, those valuable spaces are experiencing problems such as isolation, maintenance, and improper design interventions. However, when we look at the existing conditions of the groves today, one can easily see that those areas historical definitions, function and design do not fit the contemporary context. All of those indicators highlight the urgent call to protect those green areas with their functional value (Figure 4).
Methodology This paper aims to investigate the concept of green infrastructure and how this approach can be applied to create a holistic framework for the green area planning of İstanbul. Beşiktaş district is selected as a case for this study. Therefore, the green infrastructure approach is examined at a district level. The criteria matrix is applied for the selection of the groves in Beşiktaş region (Table 5). The methodology of this research is based on a descriptive inventory, which evaluates landscapes by analysing and describing their components (Arthur et al., 1977). 6 groves in the district is analysed according their physical parameters such as; size, ownership status, landscape elements, vegetation.
Historical maps (maps of 1780- 1807- 1850- 1917 and 2004) are overlapped to show the fragmented structure of the groves, paralleled to the urbanization process (Figure 6, Figure 7). The spatial boundaries of the groves and their physical relation between other green areas within the district is mapped through GIS and the potential development of a green infrastructure system at the district level is proposed along with strategies that can be applied to the green infrastructural development.
Table 5: Criteria for Identification of Potential Green Infrastructure Sites (adapted from Derek 1997 in Benedict and McMahon 2006). Criteria for Identification of Potential Green Infrastructure Sites Size: Importance to nature conservation increases with size; bigger is better Diversity: Variety (e.g. range of species and habitats) is better Naturalness: Less modification is better Representation: Natural Communities that are not well represented in existing protected areas should be priorities Rarity: Sites that contain rare elements are better
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Fragility: Fragile communities are more valuable and deserving of protection Typicalness: Maintaining good examples of common species is important Recorded history: Selecting well-researched and documented sites with known presence of species and habitats is better than suppositions Landscape position: Particularly important in green infrastructure, the contiquity a site maintains with surrounding landscape elements is an important consideration (connectivity to habitat) Potential Values: Sites with diminished value but with restoration or enhancement potential are important Intrinsic Appeal: The protection of certain conspicuous species may be appealing to society and may result in a greater overall appreciation for nature conservation
Case Study: Beşiktaş This paper focuses on Beşiktaş district of İstanbul and investigates how existing historical groves can be utilized as an integral part of the green infrastructure system at the district level. Beşiktaş has very rich cultural and historical landscapes mostly defined by historic groves and parks. There are total 8 groves located in Beşiktaş namely; Yıldız Park and Grove, Naile Sultan Grove, Naciye Sultan Grove, Vakıf Grove, Emin Erkayınlar Grove, Arnavutköy Robert Collage Grove, Boğaziçi Üniversity Grove and İpar Kortel Grove (Yaltırık et.al. 1994) (Table 6). The criteria shown in table 5 is used to select the Beşiktaş District and its groves as the case. The groves in Beşiktaş district will make a great contribution to the development of green infrastructure system in terms of size. Indeed, those green spaces are the only spaces left in the district with a considerable amount of green space. Since those groves mostly include plantations dating back to 19th century, with exotic species brought from foreign regions, they contribute to urban-ecological biodiversity. Most of those groves include naturalistic plantations and some of the have been manipulated by human impacts. The multitude of species represent ecological difference and natural environmental conditions that are not commonly represented in the urban parks. Most of the groves include rare species and historic sites. With their scale, species compositions and historical buildings, those areas are fragile to urban development and subject to fragmentation. However, some of the groves transformed into residential complexes and lost their natural compactness and natural qualities. Those groves also represent good examples of common species that can be seen in the urban environment. Most of the groves date back to 19th century. Therefore, they include mature vegetation patterns that have adapted to the local climate. Most of the groves are under the Bosporus protection law due to their historical significance and due to their position in the urban landscape context along the Bosporus. Those groves can serve as vertical links between shoreline and the inland. Some of them lost their natural quality but with proper restoration techniques, there is a high potential for them to be utilized as important 38
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destinations in terms of green infrastructure development. Since those groves have an important place in the public memory, they can be representative of a broad scale environmental planning efforts and contribute to the development of new models and approaches on green spaces. Therefore, those spaces have strategic advantages in being able to show decision-makers and the public evidence of new approaches and content.
Figure 6: Fragmentation of groves as a result of increasing built up areas through year
In the context of the paper groves are investigated through parameters such as; their size, property type, existing condition, design elements and vegetation pattern. Some of the common characteristic features of those groves can be summarized as follows:
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All of those groves are in the private property except Yıldız grove.
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They occupy the land ranging from 3 ha to 50 ha.
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Most of them have been experiencing maintenance problems
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They don't have any recreational value except Yıldız grove
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Most of them are used as an residential area and subject to transformation.
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The vegetation pattern is the most promising feature to sustain ecological integrity
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Most of them include exotic species and ruderal vegetation emerged though the decaying process of the existing buildings
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They are surrounded by high walls that restrict the visual as well as physical connections with the surrounding environment.
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They have the advantage of the topography and they contribute remarkably to the silhouette of the Bosporus.
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Some of them still have historical structures such as fountain, niches, walls, pools etc.
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Existing vegetation pattern reflects the natural characteristics of Bosporus. Dense vegetation pattern contributing to the urban ecology. 39
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Some of them requires ecological restoration.
567890* “1“1670 Figure 7: Fragmented landscape: Groves and other green spaces in Beşiktaş District
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Table 6: Selected Groves in Beşiktaş District Sultan Naciye Grove Paşa)
Size (ha)
4.9 ha
3.3. ha.
10 ha.
2.2 ha.
Ownership
Private
Private
Private
Private
Maintenance problems, grove is not used and being left to decay
Surrounded by high walls, Maintenance problems. Have an ecological value with its vegetation cluster.
Landscape Elements
13 villas, 2 Residential houses 2 demolished entrance, lost of parking lots mansions, some part of its remnants of vegetation, architectural surrounded by feature, a high walls, serve fountain, cistern, as a landmark walls, patio, a with its vegetation parking lot, pattern steps, niches, a small pool
Doesn’t have a defined entrance and a functional setting. Doesn’t have any recreational usage. Dense vegetation pattern
Vegetation
Rhamnus alaternus, Fraxinus angustifolia, Magnolia grandiflora, Taxus baccata, Cupressus
Laurus nobilis, Phillyrea latifolia, Celtis australis, Pistacia atlantica, Quercus coccifera, Robinia pseudoacacia, Quercus robur,
Lost its character
Existing Condition
Sultan Emir (Enver Erkayınlar Grove
Vakıf Grove
Naile Grove
grove Lost its grove character and used by residential settlements. Partially lost its vegetation. Has an important ecological function with its vegetation together with Naile Sultan grove.
Pistacia atlantica,Cedrus deodara, Pinus pinea, Cupressus sempervirens, Pinis brutia, Cercis siliquastrum, Olea europaea, Albizzia 41
Laurus nobilis, Fraxinus angustifola, Celtis australis, Pistacia atlantica, Quercus coccifera,
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sempervirens, julibrisin, Laurus Quercus Pinus pinea, nobilis, Photinia robur, Tilia Cedrus ssp., Pinis ssp. argentea, brutia, Robinia Ailanthus pseudoacacia, altidissima, Tilia argentea. Phillyrea latifolia, Platanus occidentalis, Robinia pseudoacacia, Gleditsia triacanthos, Ficus carica, Cedrus ssp., Cercis siliquastrum, Prunus domestica, Cupressus semperviren , Cedrus ssp. Boğaziçi Üniversitesi Korusu
Robert Grove
Size (ha)
23 ha.
Ownership
Private
Existing Condition
Fraxinus angustifolia, Cercis siliquastrum, Olea europaea, Tilia argentea
Collage Yıldız Grove
İpar-Kortel Grove
5.4 ha.
46.7 ha.
6.4 ha.
Private
Public
Private
The grove is used as a park. It is maintained by the municipality. Grove includes mansions, lakes, pools, pathways.
3-2 storey residential buildings were constructed on the site. Surrounding area of buildings are well maintained but the rest of the area is
Well maintained Grove includes grove belongs to buildings serving the university. for education. Located on a hilly topography.
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suffering form lack of maintenance. A building, patways and naturalistic landscape implementation.
Grove includes buildings, formally designed open spaces and gardens, wandering pathways relating to topography, clusters of plantings, cistern, residential areas, sport field.
Pathways An artificial lake, Hilly topography Organic pattern of vegetation Peripheral walls
Residential buildings, parking lots, vegetation clusters, roads, patio on the hilly topography.
Sequoia sempervirens, Pseudotsuga menziesii, Cedrus atlantica, Pinus pinea, Aesculu hipocastanum, Tilia argentea, Fraxinus angustifolia, Laurus nobilis, Laurocerasus officinalis, Cercis siliquastrum, Quercus coccifera
Ailanthus altissima, Arbutus unedo, Cedrus deodora, Cedrus libani, Celtis australis, Cercis siliquastrum, Cistus creticus, Cistus salvifolius, Cupressus sempervirens, Laurus nobilis, Phillyrea latifolia, Pinus nigra, Pinus pinea, Pistacia atlantica, Pistacia terebinthus, Quercus coccifera, Quecus robur, Rhamnus alaternus, Ruscus aculeatus, Ulmus minor
The grove includes more than 120 species. Cedrus, Picea and Abies sp., Taxus, Cupressus, Pinus, Juniperus, Robnia pseudoacacia, Aesculus, Sophora, Acer, Fraxinus, Querqus, Ulmus, Pistacia, Liriodendron tulipifera, Koelreuteria paniculata, Feijoa sellawiana, Lagostromia indica.
Aesculus hippocastanum, Fraxinus angustifolia, Tilia argentea, Celtis australis, Pinus pinea, Quercus robur, Cercis siliquastrum, Laurus nobilis, Cupressus sempervirens, Pistacia atlantica, Cedrus deodora, “Acer campestre, Pinis brutia, Taxus baccata, Ulmus minor, Platanus occidentalis, Magnolia grandiflora
Elements
Vegetation
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Proposed Design Strategies: According to the physical components of existing green infrastructural spaces, groves are defined as major elements of the system. According to this research, the groves in Beşiktaş District can be utilized as hubs of the system and the existing green spaces (parks) are evaluated as stepping-stones, small patches that connects the bigger patches-hubs. The connection between hubs can be provided by stepping-stones and corridors which are defined as street planting. The proposed schema for the green infrastructure system is shown in the Figure 8.
Figure 8: Proposed Green infrastructure System at the district level for Beşiktaş
With respect to the proposed plan, there are several design strategies proposed for the spatial integration of the groves to the urban pattern with the green infrastructure concept. Those strategies are represented under different themes;
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Ecological Stations: Within the wider environmental context groves can be evaluated as stations. The stations with vegetation diversity serve as hubs for delivering ecosystem services as well as pools that enhance network connections.
Informality: Besides the formal design solutions, the informal character of the groves are seen as important design cues that need to be sustained for future interventions. Lack or recessive character of formal design solutions led the emergence of informal character of the grove landscapes. One of the major problems that groves have been faced can be linked to the cosmetic treatment of municipality by integrating horticultural implications that is not matched with the existing character of the groves.
Integration: Groves are places that should be integrated into urban pattern with public amenities. Most of the groves are surrounded by solid barriers that isolate them from the surrounding environment in terms of ecological connectivity and spatial continuity. Solid barriers should be reconsidered and boundaries should be redefined in order to provide access and connectivity.
Inclusiveness: With their size and matured vegetation pattern, groves have the potential to be the oasis of the densely built up urban pattern. Activity pattern and material language that supports those green oases propose a suitable ground for nature based recreational activities in the urban context. Different activities can be integrated into the existing physical structure to redefine human engagement with nature.
Landscape identity: Each grove should be evaluated as an important component of the landscape identity. Each neighborhood can be associated with a specific theme of grove to support place identity.
Process: The process involved in the emergence of historic groves is essential for their ecological values. Process based interventions should take this development process into account.
Social context: Since each grove occupies considerable amount of land in specific neighborhoods along the Bosporus, groves have a high potential to include different social platforms ranging from public meetings to the care management system that includes participatory efforts for the maintenance of the grove. Most of the groves are privately owned. In order to tackle with the ownership problem some special activities can be organized for groves of Embassies. And for the other groves which are used in
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residential areas for specific groups, negotiations should be initiated between the municipality and landlord with special programs and by expropriation.
Minimal interventions: Existing groves already have a spatial organization which is developed during the historical development process of the city. Most of them have 200 years of history. Therefore, minimal interventions should be utilized to enhance the relationship with the wider environmental context. Those interventions should be based on the idea of protecting the structure and existing language of the grove and the elimination of physical barriers such as walls, fences etc. that separate the grove from the surrounding environment.
Connectedness: Thematic green corridors (with historical references) may be promoted to connect those scattered green areas within the urban context. Small scale groves and parks can be considered as stepping stones that work as the green stations of a wider green infrastructure. Attempts to prevent further fragmentation will contribute to the sustainability of this green network and provide the opportunity for circulation between areas.
Multidisciplinary management: Management and maintenance of groves should be administered by a multidisciplinary team including landscape architects, forest engineers, ecologist, urban planners, etc.
Integrated management: Groves in Istanbul has a great potential to create the link between the historical landscape and contemporary urban settings. Those areas can be evaluated as the remnants of history dated back to 19th century. New approaches should be developed in order to sustain the historical character of the sites. Here the issue is how to preserve those areas without isolating them from public usage and from contemporary urban life. Creative management systems should be developed to use the real potentials of the groves. This management system should focus on each groves to create special programs which can be linked to a wider system of groves as a thematic components of the green infrastructure.
History: Cities with a strong historical past are now struggling against the contemporary demands of people. Development pressure in those cities may lead some undesirable solutions that lead the destruction of historical heritage. Groves, as a part of the historical heritage of Istanbul can adapt for contemporary urban life with their ecological, functional and aesthetic values. Therefore, those sites with historic structures embedded in those landscapes should be reevaluated with proper conservation strategies to inform people about the history and to keep the heritage alive.
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CONCLUSION
For the last few year urban planning and design approaches have changed with respect to changing conditions of the contemporary city. New theories try to fill the gap between ecology and urban environment and propose new performance grounds for professionals to cope with challenging issues of planning and design. The contemporary city produces its own spatiality which emerged from the overlapping conditions of networks, infrastructure, landscapes and undefined terrains. Within this framework, urban green spaces and their spatial configurations within dense urban centers become nexus that redefine the reciprocal relations between the urban and its ecology.
Urban green infrastructure appeared as one of the most premising fields for action that redefines the roles of green and open spaces in and around urban environment. The concept provides a holistic approach to the planning and design of green and open spaces, as a part of the wider environmental system. The concept is not just a justification of the urban ecology but also proposes a plausible way to reintegrate green spaces into the urban pattern with multifunctional settings.
This research evaluates historical groves in İstanbul as a part of the urban system. With their urban positions, their historical and ecological values, groves have an important place within the green space hierarchy of İstanbul Metropolitan City. However, rapid and uncontrolled urbanization process have threatened those areas since the midtwenties. Therefore, sustainability of the groves in İstanbul will contribute to the sustainable development of the city with environmental, economic and social aspects. The lack of a holistic planning approach, the landownership status of the groves, improper design manipulations reflected as “cosmetic treatment”, solid boundaries and lack of proper maintenance works appeared as most important barriers to integrate groves into wider environmental system.
This research focuses on the idea of green infrastructure at the district level and evaluate groves in Beşiktaş district according to some parameters such as; size, location, landownership status, landscape design elements and vegetation pattern. According to the analysis, a green infrastructure system is proposed at the district level by evaluating groves as important hubs and existing green spaces within the district as steppingstones. The system is spatially defined by connecting those hubs and stepping-stones with corridors in the forms of street trees. As a complement of the proposed system design, strategies are proposed to address the new innovations concerning the planning and design of groves in İstanbul.
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This research can be evaluated as pilot project that can be applied to the other districts of İstanbul. Management strategies should pay attention to the integration of those sacred spaces into public life by developing integrated management systems specifically developed for groves. The spatial qualities, historical past, ecological values, and their roles in the wider environmental system make those spaces crucial for the sustainability of the city of İstanbul. The proposed design strategies; ecological stations, informality, integration, inclusiveness, landscape identity, process, social context, minimal interventions, connectedness, multidisciplinary management, integrated management and history, not only offer new themes that can be developed according to the different structure and context for each grove but they also offer alternative ways to redefine the spatial structure of the groves. Proposed strategies, will help to reveal real potentials of the groves as the component of the green infrastructure and will help to sustain their existence to add value to the urban life.
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Yaltırık, F., Efe, A., Uzun, A. (1994) The inventory of exotic tree and bush species of Istanbul’s parks, gardens, groves: The scientific and technical research council of Turkey. Istanbul
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Article
Semantic Transformation of Public Open Spaces: Republic Square of Bursa Sibel Polat* Bursa, Turkey
Neslihan Dostoğlu** Istanbul, Turkey Abstract Today, urban dilapidation experienced in many city centres related to different reasons affect also public open spaces which become a current issue with discussions about privatisation, disappearance and obsolescence. In this context, public open spaces become an important agenda to revitalize city centres and to rediscover them again in terms of “loss of place identity” issues and efforts “to reinforce place identity”. Thus, the aim of this study is to investigate transformation of public open spaces in terms of identity and urban memory. In this context, the identity of Republic Square located in Bursa city centre was analysed from past to present. Different methods were used to realize this case study, such as archival and literature review, basic observation and deep interviews with 30 users. As a conclusion, it was revealed that environmental aesthetics are still sustained in the square, but spatial experiments and behaviours of users have changed in a negative way due to the power of global capital related to the changing social structure in cities. Key words: identity; public open space; public life; meaning; Republic Square; Bursa 1. Introduction Identity is a concept that defines a person according to his characteristics and distinguishes people from others, emphasizing the differences between people (Hortaçsu 2007). Similar to people, public open spaces which are defined as empty
*Sibel Polat, email: sibelpolat@uludag.edu.tr, Faculty of Architecture, Uludag University, Bursa ** Neslihan Dostoğlu email: n.dostoglu@iku.edu.tr Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Kultur University, Turkey
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spaces that are open and accessible to all, regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, age or socio-economic level have also identities which consist of abstract and concrete qualities and which distinguish them from others. When studies about public open spaces are examined, it is seemed that there are many factors related to the identity of public open spaces such as the rhythm of time, socio-economic structure, natural and built environments, public rights and needs, planning-design approaches, implementation processes, legal regulations and meanings attributed to place (Carmona ve ark. 2003). Grouping these factors into three dimensions such as planning-designimplementation, use and governance and meaning, enabled us to understand and analyse these factors more easily and systematically. The dimension of planningdesign-implementation include the factors related to the social and physical environments, while the dimension of use and governance include the factors related to the capacity to meet public rights and needs and the success of governance of public open spaces. The final dimension meaning is related to environmental aesthetics, spatial behaviours of users, spatial experiences of users, and social structure (Polat 2013). In this study, factors which create the meaning of the public open spaces have been revealed. 2. Identity and Meaning in Public Open Spaces Meaning is defined as the thing which is tried to be explained by a statement, a design, and idea or a work. To give a meaning to a public open space by an individual/society, firstly it should be designed and implemented whether based upon a plan or spontaneously, in other words it has to exist first, then it can be adopted and used. The meaning of space which cannot be personally experienced is not in question (metaphysical spaces are excluded). On the other hand, given meanings to the space may change usage of the space and may affect planning, design, implementation processes and the governance of space (for protecting or changing the meaning of space). Therefore, factors that form meaning in public open spaces should be examined. Meaning (which is one of the basic elements of aesthetic theory) has many different levels and many theoretical approaches were developed to conceptualize the subject. According to Lang (1987), empirical aesthetics can be utilized in environmental design since behavioural sciences are based upon the analysis of aesthetic experience with scientific experiments and within this context environmental aesthetics can be evaluated with formal and symbolic aesthetics approaches. Formal aesthetics which are based on Gestalt approaches are based on sensory perception. Lynch (1975) had performed studies based on Gestalt principals, and searched legibility of cities with city images by cognitive studies based upon urban memory. Public open spaces may involve urban image elements (paths, borders, regions, nodes and landmarks) which increase the legibility of city. How public open spaces imagined by users are important within this context and meanings based on urban legibility should be analysed for defining place identity in public open spaces. 53
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Symbolic aesthetics concern with relational meanings of environment which give pleasure to people. Personality of individual, the social group and culture which he/she is involved, the culture and most importantly education level effect perception and symbolic interpretation processes. However, socializing process realize in social and cultural environment as well as in a geographical environment. Built and natural environments are rich for symbols. Therefore, abstract and physical variables which may have meaning should be examined in public open spaces. Those are; defined as building form, space form, material, lighting, colour, and sound which are physical properties based upon sensory perceptions and abstract properties belonging to built environment such as location name, an individual/an event related to a building and architectural style (Lang 1987). Needs such as privacy, personal space and territorialisation in relation to a specific culture, are effective in providing environmental comfort and a sense of quality (Gür 1996). Within this scope; spatial behaviours in public open spaces determine how much public open spaces are appreciated and who appreciate them. Sometimes groups which appreciate space may prevent others to use the space and this case decreases the publicity level of space. Also, another subject related to spatial behaviour is usage habit. This behaviour effects space usage density, and cause a place to be forsaken/nonpreferred, live/attractive. Therefore, meanings related to appropriation which developed based on spatial behaviour of users and meanings related to usage habits should be analysed. On the other hand, in phenomenological approaches it is highlighted that spatial experience is necessary to understand the structure of time- space relationship and to read the multi layered structure of space (Aydınlı 2008, Goldsteen and Elliot 1994, Seamon and Sowers 2008, Yürekli 2008). Experience in public open spaces depends on interaction between user and space. According to Carr et al (1992) public space experience provides meaning which increase in time and if they are positive they form bonds between user and space from the first experience. These bonds can be formed between space and the life of individual /an esteemed group/ a culture/ universe, or bonds which are formed from individual’s psychological and biological realities to other worlds. These bonds form a sense of belonging. The space which has a sense of belonging is also appreciated, protected and used. Bonds and belongingness may provide some start points for design, usage, and governance of public spaces. Therefore meanings related to spatial experience should be analysed for defining the place identity in public open spaces. However, meanings are developed within a social environment. Space is shaped with life and includes ideological meanings in defining, sensing, explaining, producing, consuming briefly in living (Karabey 1980). A country’s, regions, or city’s political, economic, demographical, social, cultural structure and changes which are observed in those may format the contents of public life and physical properties of public spaces. Within this context effects of governmental power may be concealed and also it can be 54
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reflected over public space as a direct propaganda form of dominant ideology. Naming and arranging streets, iconography of buildings, and street furniture are the ways to convey messages to public space. (Çelik 2007). On the other hand, type and sources of power phenomenon in public open spaces may be religious or economical as it is seen in market/church squares in history in medieval time. According to Sennett (1996) aim of constructing boulevards in 19th century is to prevent probable rebellions as well as making access of people easier to stores in the boulevards and increasing the consumption. According to Lefebvre (2007) in 20th century society where capitalist production and possession relationships (created by industrialization) are dominant since the 1960’s, has created closed circuit (production-consumption- production) daily life which was programmed within suitable urban frameworks. In the present time, there is mutual benefit relationship between governmental and economic powers and those powers shape the urban space according to principals of capitalism and participates in the accumulation of profit (Ayıran 1996). Also, publicity levels in public open spaces differ according to public behavioural rules and public usage types in a society. Even though public open spaces present a free behavioural area with respect to private spaces, being open to foreign people and general observation makes obligatory the regulation of behaviour in public space according requirements of common life. (Kostof 1991). Within this context as publicity can be determined by laws and prohibitions determined by governments or by cultural structure of society. In addition to this, meaning is not independent from function; publicity of a space is also related to how much it is used for public functions. Function is formed by four components such as action itself, realizing type of action, side and related activities which have become a part of action system, and meaning of action. Hierarchy here starts from substantial objective and continues with targets with respect to usage, values and symbolic targets (Rapoport 1990). Kostof (1999) defines public space as a stage for rituels, ceremonies, social activities, coincidences and interaction. Within this context public spaces can be defined as spaces where formal and/or social activities are realized. Social events strengthen the identity and urban memory. Within this context meanings both based upon space-power- ideology relationship and the meanings based on type and publicity level of space should be evaluated for place identity of public open spaces. Starting from those conceptual explanations it can be said that the identity of public open spaces are formed by environmental aesthetics, spatial behaviour of users, spatial experience, and the degree of publicity and type (Table 1). Subjects that form relationships with space firstly reach to the substantial and beneficiary; then reach an abstract diagnosis from substantial experiences. Experiences start with the perception of abstract geometrical forms of structural architectural space, ecological experiences and then extend to a political, social, economic, cultural, and the symbolic, which can only be perceived subjectively (Gür 1996). 55
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Table 1. Factors belonging to the dimension of meaning Meaning attached to environmental aesthetics
Meaning attached to spatial behavior of users
Formal meaning
Appropriation
Meaning attached to spatial experience of users Having bonds
Symbolic meaning
Usage habits
Belonging
Meaning attached to social structure
To reflect the relationship between spacepower-ideology The degree and the type of publicity
On the other hand, if a space has an identity it can be defined as a “place”. While space can be seen as an open and abstract blank, place is the special part of this blank where people have given a special meaning to it. “Belonging” rule governs here. (Madanipour 2010, Certau 2008). “Spirit of place” which is interpreted as “meanings belonging to place” can be considered as related with Heidegeger’s “existence” concept. According to Norberg Schulz (1984); people reside in an environment when they get used to live there, when they define themselves with that place briefly and when they give there meaning. Therefore, a place always provides a base for individual identity since it is embodied by seeing, feeling and smelling probabilities. (Neil 2004). The feeling of place of a city is basically shaped by collective character of spaces. Gathering places of cities reflect spiritual status and values of a certain culture, time and people by including many activities, providing suitable environment for social interactions. Place identity concept mentions the distinctive properties of human spatial life and includes the properties which are sensed by people rather than its objective properties, which distinguish that place from others and meanings which are attributed to that place (Bilgin 1997). In this context, Codol (1987) emphasises that the feeling of identity can be considered to be derived from various dimensions of self-image, such as the conception of one’s differences from others, unity and permanence, and positivity and power over the material and social environments. At this point, public open places also can be evaluated whether they have the feeling of identity. They can be examined whether they are different from others, they have historical continuity in terms of their functions and buildings and they have power over their environments.
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3. Case Study: Republic Square of Bursa Different analysis, including interpretive-historical, quantitative, and qualitative strategies, were used in this study. During the qualitative analysis, the authors conducted in-depth interviews with 30 users in December 2010. They used semistructured interview forms, recorded the interviews which lasted 1- 2.5 hours and then analysed the audio recordings. The users were randomly selected from professionals (such as previous mayors, freelance/salaried architects and urban planners) from local authorities, governmental institutions, non-governmental organisations and universities or from local people who work or live in the case study area. The profile of the users can be summarized as such: 57% of users were men, 43% of users were between 40-59 years old, 54% of users had a bachelor’s degree, 34% of users were architect or urban planners, 20% of users had an income of around 15002000 Turkish liras per month, 64% of users were living in the central municipality Osmangazi, 64% of users were born in Bursa. For the dimension of meaning, users were asked how meanings attached to environmental aesthetics, spatial behaviour, spatial experience and social structure changed in the Republic Square from past to present. In terms of meanings attached to environmental aesthetics, it was investigated how the image of the case study area changed over time. Also, the users were asked that which paths are widely used in the area, how the borders of the area are perceived, whether the area is defined as a special district, whether there is a node and a landmark in the area. Also, the users were asked that what the buildings or other elements in the Republic Square express in terms of their site plan, architectural style, shape, material, lighting and colour. Besides, the users were questioned that whether the name of Republic Square means something to users and whether this place is associated with anything, anybody or any event. In terms of meanings attached to spatial behaviour, the users were asked that whether the users and usage habits of the Republic Square have changed. In terms of meanings attached to spatial experience, it was asked that whether there have been any connections between the users and the space and whether they have a sense of belonging to the Republic Square. In terms of meanings attached to social structure, it was asked that whether the Republic Square has reflected any kind of power and whether the balance of public-private has changed in the area and what kind of public uses it has served (formal/social). In terms of place identity, it was asked that whether the Republic Square is different from the city's other squares and why it is different, whether it carries a historical continuity and whether it has power over the city and and it has the characteristics of a centre.
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4. Results In this study, the findings of the first two periods rely on the archival research and the literature review, the findings of two last periods were obtained by the deep interviews. •
Sarayonu between 1862 and 1923
The first period is between the date 1862 when Ahmet Vefik Pasha started working in Bursa as an inspector and the date 1923 when the Republic was established in Turkey. It was necessary to start analyses from the 19th century, because there had been a great earthquake in Bursa in 1855 and after that, redevelopment of the city became an important subject in the Ottoman Empire. Thus, Ahmet Vefik Pasha, who was a welleducated, sophisticated and innovative governor and who had chance to observe Haussmann’s urban operations in Paris, was charged to rebuild Bursa (Aslanoğlu 2000). To define the identity of Sarayonu in this period, political and legaladministrative changes, the governor who oriented the planning process in the city as the powerful representative of the Ottoman Empire, eclectic architectural projects which responded to the new governmental and public functions in the area came forward in the dimension of planning-design-implementation. In the dimension of meaning; different formal and symbolic meanings related to the environmental aesthetics, to the spatial and power relations attached to the social structure. Also, the dilemma in relation to the degree of publicity and the relationship between traditionalism and modernism occured. The case study area was located on the main street of the city (Saray Street) and the first governmental palace (Konak) was built in 1863 by Ahmet Vefik Pasha in this area after the Tanzimat Reforms, the place started to be called Sarayonu (it refers to the front of the palace). On the other hand, the first theatre which was symbolic of the Western life style was also built in this area (contrasting to male dominated coffee houses in the area (Saint-Laurent 1996)). Sarayonu was located in a critical position in the city, near the historical commercial centre and was the neighbour of the Setbasi quartier where a western life style was dominant. This in- between position emphasized the building styles and life styles in the area. The facades of the buildings reflected the Western style, while the interior space design was organized with a traditional sensibility. Thus, Sarayonu became a new administrative and social centre, a door opening to the West, a threshold which connected the traditional life in the old commercial centre to modern life. In addition to these, the Empire became visible for the public by means of the government buildings and Sarayonu became a reflector of the political power and the ideology of Westernization. A new type of publicity taught by the elitist governors developed under the pressure of the first Constitutional Era as a part of Westernization.
•
The Republic Square between 1923 and 1950 58
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The Republic Square established in the second period emerged between the time when the Republic was established in Turkey and in 1950 when, the first multi-party election was realized in Turkey. This period is generally known as Single-Party Period. To define the identity of Republic Square in this period, political and legal-administrative changes, the governor who oriented the planning process in the city as the powerful representative of the Turkish government, the foreign city planners who were invited to plan big cities of Turkey, the importance of creating squares and new governmental buildings reflecting modernist architectural styles in the area came forward in the dimension of planning-design-implementation. In the dimension of use and management, efforts to meet new functional and the psycho-social need to create a new society gained importance, these developments caused different formal and symbolic meanings, in relation to environmental aesthetics, space and power relations attached to the social structure and construction of national identity (in terms of the publicity, the dimension of meaning, in varying types and degrees). The Republic Square was born with the construction of the new governor building, the courthouse and the finance building in 1925. In 1940, a modernist community centre building was also constructed in the area (Akkılıç 2002). In terms of formal aesthetics, while governmental buildings defined a governmental centre in the city, the Ataturk Sculpture which was placed in the Republic Square in 1931, became an important landmark for the citizens. In addition, it was seen that the names of the many public open spaces were changed depending on the spirit of the period, for instance, instead of Palace Street, Ghazi Pasha Street which expresses Ataturk; instead of New Road, Ismet Pasha Street which expresses the first prime minister of Turkey (Akkılıç 2002). In terms of meanings attached to social structure, the new Turkish central government tried to legitimize its power in urban spaces. In this context, new legal regulations were accepted to make expropriations to create a trilogy such as avenue-squaregovernmental buildings system in Turkish cities (Arıtan 2008). These efforts became widespread in the majority of Turkish cities and also the Republic Squares were indicators of this approach. It became the signature of the Kemalism and the central government (Figure 1). In terms of meanings dependant on the degree and the type of publicity, the Republic Square produced a conservative publicity which was defined by state elites to provide public interest as a need of modernization. The governmental uses such as ceremonies and celebrations were dominant in the area which served as the administrative and cultural centre.
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Figure 1. Republic Square 1930’S (Bursa City Museum Archive) •
The Republic Square between 1950 and 1980
The third period discussed here covers the duration between the multi-party selections to the 80s. Bursa City and Republic Square have both been affected since this period when rapid urbanization depended on migration, which occurred due to political issues and in relation to industrialization that had occurred all around the country. In this period, issues such as changes in the political, demographic, economic structures and legal procedures, capital owners as actors who direct the planning process, builders and sellers, unearned incomes, urban density increases within planning, design and implementation dimension, meeting functional and psycho-social needs that are in the foreground of the identification with Republic Square. These processes have created formal and symbolic meanings and also meanings which have provided for the construction of a collective identity based upon the spatial experience and behaviours of users. It was observed that the publicity level and the type shifted from being official to being social with respect to meanings based on social structure. In this period, the Republic Square was a place that is the most important transportation axis of city, a node point where different roads intersect, including symbolic elements such as the Ataturk Sculpture, the Clock Tower in historical city centre, urban reference points such as the Governor Building, the Theatre and Kafkas Pastry Shop. From the symbolic point of view space, name is called as Sculpture/In front of Sculpture between people, this name is sourced by Ataturk Sculpture which locates in this area, therefore space is incorporated with Republic and Ataturk, also it was determined that architectural style of Governor Building , Courthouse, and Finance Building recall the early Republican period. 60
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For meanings based upon spatial behaviors, it was determined that the Republic Square was embraced by all Bursa citizens, pactices such as protesting in public areas, meeting in daily life, walking, shopping, eating/drinking, taking photos of festivals and ceremonies, which are practiced annually. For meanings based upon spatial experience, it was determined that they have founded connections with the square rather individually as well as socially and users who lived their childhood and their early period(s) in Bursa embrace this square more symbolically and physically, feeling a belonging for this area because of their life experience. For meanings based upon social structure, the Republic Square has witnessed many demonstrations before the 1960 coup which highlights the relations between spacepower-ideology. However, the Republic Square have been effected by the plans which were made within context of industrialization, migration and urbanization (which ocured after the 60’s was insufficient); urban planning decisions which are for the benefit of the people, what’s powerful from an economic point of view. The decrease of public ownership, increasing privatization, the increase in commercial and financial functions have developed based on rising of the cities vertically and horizontally and the increasing density of the city. In this sense, the official ideological identity of the Republic Square (which is the most important public space in city centre) that was dominant at previous periods have started to decrease by increasing commercial structures and commercial complexes in this period, as the space has become suitable for the mechanisms and operations of Capitalism. For meanings based upon publicity level and type, usage in daily life continues: public usage such as the Bursa Festival which has social aspects has been added to official public usages in square. In this period, the Republic Square had a lively publicity whose social side is associated by urbanites, is the dominant type of subjective usage. •
The Republic Square between 1980 and 2010
The fourth period covers the period from 1980’s to the present time. Developments in all functions by neo-liberal politics and the trends related to globalization (coming to fore by the 90’s) affected Bursa City and the Republic Square. Within this period, changes in the social and administrative structure in addition to metropolitanisation and the abandonment of the city centre within planning-design-implementation dimension, inadequacies in user rights and needs and small-scale projects which are realized by local authorities against those in use and the dimension of governance have come to the fore. In terms of the dimension of meaning, it was seen that space-user interaction has decreased and global ideology is prevailing within the space. When urban images in the Republic Square are evaluated for meanings based upon environmental aesthetics; it was seen that paths which are used most by users are pavements in Ataturk Street, in particular in front of Setbasi, the underpasses, and the 61
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north south connections. Within context of borders; it was seen that the large scale Gokdere and Setbasi bridges in the eastern side, the different buildings between the Finance Building and the City Museum which are defined as a separate region because of differences of levels, and trees around Ataturk Sculpture are defined as limiters. For regions; the Republic Square is to be considered as the part of a region which is defined as the historical city centre. It was also mentioned that the Republic Square has come to fore within the city since it includes registered buildings which have similar properties according to their construction period and architectural style, since it includes the symbolic the Ataturk Sculpture and because of its name. As a node point, the Republic Square has been defined as a junction where important roads intersect in Sculpture (Heykel) region. The things which will come into mind are Ataturk Sculpture and Governor and Theatre Buildings for monumental elements, Ataturk, and Kafkas Pastry Shop as the meeting point. (Figure 2)
Figure 2. Republic Square, 2011 (Sibel Polat Archive) For symbolic meanings based upon built environment in the Republic Square; it was determined that the Ataturk Sculpture, and the name of the place (Heykelonu) which is caused from this sculpture and historical structures which have same architectural style describe the space. Answers which are given for what Republic Square represents are focused on Turkish Republic, Ataturk, state, ceremony and Bursa city. It was highlighted from meanings based upon spatial behaviours that square is mostly used by young people and students and square is not symbolic embraced as it is before. It was mentioned that it does not have old usage potential, only the Kafkas Pastry shop is still used as meeting point, and Heykel is used as reference point in address 62
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description. Square is used mostly for shopping by low mid income group and as a meeting point for transportation because of habits. In this manner, it is mentioned that demand for shopping center which defined as public open private spaces has decreased the liveliness in centers, region has been left with its own destiny, usage habit of this area has decreased because of both dense traffic and since people meet their requirements from shopping centers which are close to them. For the meanings based upon users' spatial experiences; it was observed that generally individuals form connections with Republic Square because of memories which they had experienced and founded social connections which provide them to share symbolic meanings for ceremonies, celebrations, commemorations, and activities which they have participated. For the feeling of belonging; people who was born in Bursa or people who live in Bursa more than ten years declare that they feel belonging to Republic Square and people who live less than ten years mention that they do not feel belonging to Bursa. Meanings based upon social structure in Republic Square indicate that power of ideology has disappeared and public spaces have been reshaped according to principles of globalism as seen in many cities. For meanings based upon publicity level and type; publicity which is left, impoverished and prohibited come to the fore depending on the transformation in public life. Also even though its past effect has decreased for usages having official aspect point of view users define the Republic Square as a meeting point for official where social rituals such as ceremonies, celebrations, commemorations, activities and demonstrations are realized. They mentioned that with developments in communication technology for social usage, space is not a location for spending time anymore and transformed into a place which is passed for just necessities. 5. Discussion and Conclusion As a conclusion, in the first period Sarayonu can be described as a place, because of the experiences and the meaning attributed to it. Thus, Sarayonu had the feeling of identity. In terms of difference, it was the sole place where the new public spaces and functions (government palace and the theatre) were. In terms of permanence, it protected itself till the Republican period, and also it had power over the city because of its administrative function. It was the reflection of the power of the Ottoman Empire. Briefly, in this period Sarayonu can be described as a threshold which represented the political power and ideology and which exhibited a public life under pressure and a public life to be taught to become westernized. Also, in the second period It is obvious that the Republic Square had also the feeling of identity in this period. In terms of difference, it was the sole place which included administrative-cultural functions and the Ataturk Sculpture. In terms of permanence, 63
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the old functions were sustained in the area. New governmental and public buildings were built on the old government palace and the theatre. Thus, it had power over the city because of its administrative function and its symbolic representation of government, Ataturk and the Turkish Republic. Briefly, in this period the Republic Square can be described as a modernist scene which represented the political power, the Republic ideology, national identity and a conservative public life. It is seen that the Republic Square once again had the feeling of identity in the third period. In terms of difference, it became the main centre of the city with its functions and public buildings, and it gained a symbolic meaning with the Ataturk Sculpture, with its name and being a meeting and reference point. Besides, the Republic Square gained both physical and semantic continuity by including the public buildings, the theatre, the Ataturk Sculpture and the clock tower. Also, it had power over the city because of being the main centre and its symbolic content. In short, the Republic Square during this period, can be described as an encounter area where the collective identity was built in Bursa and the changing ideologies and a vital public life exhibited. In the fourth period, it is obvious that the Republic Square has difficulties in sustaining its identity. During the deep interviews with the users, it was expressed that, in terms of difference, the area is still unique because of having Ataturk Sculpture and four public buildings which represent the Republican period. These are also effective in terms of permanence. However, it was stated that, the area is no more the only administrative centre and socialization area in the city. In addition to this, urban memory has weakened because of disappearing old functions (closing old shops, patisseries, restaurants and tearooms) social structure (loosing friends and acquaintances) in the area. In terms of power, as the Republic Square lost being the only centre in the city, it has not got power as much as before, it is effective only in terms of its symbolic context and location. In short, the Republic Square during this period, can be described as a transition area where an inhibited and weak public life is presented and which is dominated by the global ideology. At this point, from the case of Republic Square, it is thought that if the related institutions start working to sustain public open spaces located in the city centre by making different dimensional analysis, producing necessary urban design decisions with interdisciplinary and participatory methods in a holistic perspective and implement these decisions step by step, Bursa will have significant gains in terms of the quality of public life.
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Kostof, S. (1999) The City Assembled: Elements of Urban Form Through History. London: Thames And Hudson. Lang, J. (1987) Creating Architectural Theory: The Role of the Behavioral Sciences in Environmental Design. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Lefebvre, H. (2007) Modern Dünyada Gündelik Hayat. İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, Lynch, K. (1975) The Image of the City. Cambridge: MIT Press. Madanipour, A. (2010) Whose Public Spaces? London:Taylor and Francis. Neil, W. J. V. (2004) Urban Planning and Cultural Identity. London: Rootledge Norberg-Schulz, C. (1984) Genius Loci: Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture. New York: Rizzoli. Polat, S. (2013) Mimari Kimliği Değerlendirmek Için Bir Yöntem Önerisi: Bursa Cumhuriyet Alanı Örneği, Bursa: Nilüfer Belediyesi Yayınları. Rapoport, A. (1990) The Meaning of the Built Environment. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press. Saint-Laurent, B. (1996) Bir Tiyatro Amatörü: Ahmet Vefik Paşa ve 19. Yüzyılın Son Çeyreğinde Bursa’nın Yeniden Biçimlenmesi. In: Dumont, P., Georgeon, F. (eds), Modernleşme Sürecinde Osmanlı Kentleri. İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları. pp.7998. Seamon, D., Sowers, J. (2008) Place and Placelessness, Edward Relph. In: Hubbard, P., Kitchen, R., Vallentine, G. (eds.) Key Texts in Human Geography. London: Sage, pp. 43-51. Sennett, R. (1996) Kamusal İnsanın Çöküşü. İstanbul: Ayrıntı Yayınları. Yürekli, F. (2008) ‘Zaman ve Mimarlık’. In: Şentürer, A., Ural, Ş., Berber, Ö., Uz Sönmez, F. (eds), Zaman-Mekan, İstanbul: Yem Yayın. pp. 162-163.
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The effect of socio-cultural changes on urban areas Kadikoy Historical District Bazaar TunalĹ Selma* Istanbul, Turkey Abstract The 1980’s was the period when socio-cultural, socio-economic and sociopolitical balances of Turkey started to change and transform. Many factors such as the entry of international capital, the acceleration of ruralurban migration and the diversification of consumption patterns have brought about major changes in the social fabric. Nowadays, Turkey is faced with many problems. For instance: the majortiy of the people who migrate to cities remain in the informal economy; formal production has decreased; the public is lead to consumption; the diversity of consumption has increased; social segregation has occurred and city newcomes have a tough time adapting to the urban culture. Sociological and economic changes are occurring in the social structure, such as the introduction of new consumption items to the society (which has been the target of the international capital), lack of time, changes in the supply-demand balance due to the new socio-economic structure, the increase of mass media is directly reflected in the urban fabric and the culture; continuing with increasing speed with the globalization phenomenon of the 2000s. During the process of the rural-urban flow, an unbalanced demographic structuring has taken form and cities have grown from the centers to the outskirts in a crooked, structureless fashion. Nowadays cities are packed with buildings that are constructed without a plan and the city centers are rapidly changing their character with the construction of rather large and tall buildings. Social interaction places such as bazaars, squares and market places carry a city from the past to the present, and from the present to the future. They represent a city’s social, cultural and economic structure.
* Selma Tunali Email: Selma.k.tunali@gmail.com . Dogus University, Istanbul, Turkey
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They are the places where the unique cultural identity of a city is distinctively embodied and activities such as entertainment, leisure and shopping take place. Due to these qualities, they are the places where social and economic changes are first experienced. However, in rapidly changing cities, such places have lost their identity and transformed into something else. Keywords: Kadıköy, Traditional, Bazaar, Culture, Economy
Introduction Istanbul as being the biggest city of Turkey and one of the leading metropolises in the world, is rapidly changing its identity due to demographic, cultural and economic changes in its structure. Traditional district bazaars (which are usually structured in a square and in the streets that lead to that square) are one of the most important elements of the urban identity and they are quite essential to urban life, however they are also changing quite rapidly. Kadikoy District Market is as old as the history of Kadıköy (which is İstanbul's oldest settlement) and it is one of the most important urban areas of the city. Aside from its commercial identity which is carried from the far past to the present, it is a settlement where residential and commercial buldings are structured together (as seen in most Western countries). Kadıköy’s settlement density started to increase from the beginning of the 19th century, the district bazaar and its surrounding area owe their physical diversity to the heterogeneous structure of the past population. Kadıköy Bazaar with its commercial population increasing with each passing day, has become a central shopping district, especially with the introduction of the ferry service in 1857. Settlement density in the 1920’s concentrated around Surp Takavor Church, Saint Euphemia squares and Muvakkithane Street. The construction of concrete structures started in the 1930’s and due to the domestic migration in the 1950’s, the first physical changes occured in the structure of the bazaar. The process which started with these changes has been affecting the physical and the urban structure to the present day. It especially accelerated within the last thirty years and caused major changes within the social and cultural structures. Nowadays, the Bazaar and its surrounding area have become a place where residential areas are rapidly disappearing, houses are turning into business establishments and transportation networks are densifying, thus setting an important example of how socio-cultural and socioeconomical changes can affect a city’s structure. In the present day, the historical district bazaar has become a commercial district which extends from Osmanağa Quarter to Caferağa Quarter and onto Moda. It is observed that there is a commercial structure planning that was formed by itself at the Kadıköy District Bazaar. While preserving its cultural diversity, the Kadıköy Bazaar is transforming into a commercial district and the residential population is moving away from 68
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the centrum. Many houses change ownership and are used for commercial purposes. Unprofessional modifications on the front or inside of the buildings disrupt the traditional housing texture, and the residential building identity rapidly changes form. Overpopulation is not supervised and due to heavy pedestrian flow, some areas have been closed to traffic which has resulted in transportation problems. Due to their commerical advantages, there are more and more eating and drinking places openning over other types of businesses, causing a loss of identity in the Kadıköy District Bazaar. In this study, we will discuss the above-mentioned alterations and transformations that take place in Kadıköy District Bazaar with examples, as to make recommendations to carry over the soon to be lost values into the future. This study aims to contribute towards a rescue of the deteriorating historic fabric of Istanbul (which has thousands of years of history) and of our entire country.
1. ECONOMIC AND SOCIO-CULTURAL CHANGE PROCESS IN TURKEY Turkey was an agricultural country based on a mixed economy until the 1980s, but from then on, it made a transition towards a liberal economy. In the 1950s, the agriculture-based economical structure changed due to industrialization objectives. An economic policy was followed in order to strengthen the private capital by backing it up by government funding. …“In the 1980’s, the government’s strength in the economy was reduced by special incentives given to dometic industrialists. Like in many countries, Turkey also adopted a protectionist nation-state structure that has a defined political and economical background. With the introduction of the new liberalism policies in the 1980’s under the pressure of an economic and political order which was defined by the massive international capital, a quick dissolution process took place 1 ”The population structure (which was mostly rural until the 1950 's), became mostly urban and the people started migrating to industrialised regions with an ever increasing speed. Starting in the 1980’s with the introduction of international capital (which was supported by liberal administrations) changed the social fabric completley, the majority of of the country’s population shifted to big cities. Turkey was mostly a producing country up until the 1980’s, however after that, it turned into a consuming society and this structure brought about a post-modern society. The establishment proccess of international capital in our country radically destroyed the social structure and the countries social norms. The new structuring shows itself in the forms of our cities and it continues to do so. The markets search for capital has turned the urban centers of developing countries into consumption centers.
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1.1. The Effect of Socio-Economical and Socio-Cultural Changes On Cities Acceleration in the flow of global capital to Turkey has created significant changes in the cultural fabric and it is rapidly transforming the physical structure of our cities. In particular, developments such as the ability of information to quickly navigate, the regulatory role of finance capital, diversification of labor in the production process and the commodification of public and private spaces. This led to the expansion of the service sector and to the transformation of our social way of life, developing into a more complex structure. These economic and social changes have increased and promoted migration to urban areas and became a part of mechanisms which lead to crooked urbanization. Migrants moving from the traditional and agricultural structure towards the more modern and rational organizations of the urban industries and the service sector, tried to improve the practice of protecting their old relationships and identities while adapting to their new relationships and identities. At this stage, with cultural, social and financial differences between the upper level and the lower level, the fragmented nature of our society has become more apparent. The migration phenomenon which increased significantly after the 1950’s, led to the development of cities in an irregular and distorted fashion. The fact that urbanization has surpassed industrialization (instead of following it) has started an urbanization process that depends on a uneven geographical structure. Table 1 Rural-urban migration trend in Turkey (Tekeli, 2008)2 Years The # of people Remarks 1945-1950214.000 1950-1955904.000 More than 4 times 1955-1960No change 1960-19651.930.000 Doubled 1965-1985Steady with fluctuations 1985-19902.654.000 “When we reached 2000’s, it was estimated that three out of four people lived in the cities. When the rural-urban migration started in Turkey after the WW1, the urban population was 20% whereas it reached 80% by the 2000’s. (Tekeli, 2008)3 Fractured urbanization (due to migrants who moved to cities after the 1950’s and needed to solve their sheltering problem with their own means) spreaded out even more between 1980 and 2000. Due to the impact of globalization and economic liberalisation, unlicensed and illegal construction has increased and residential areas have been relocated to the outskirts.
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For example, the structuring in Maslak clearly shows how İstanbul’s urban structure has transformed within the the last 10 – 20 years.
Fig 1 An old view of Maslak
Fig 2 Maslak (2011) The socio-cultural aspects, the social structure has evolved into multi-layers that are separated from each other, they are also increasingly differentiated. For example, with this new İstanbul-centered structuring, the attractiveness of high-income urban localities such as Bağdat and Nispetiye has increased and sitting at a cafê in one of these places has become … “possible to sip at an urban place torn from the context which 71
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is the projection of global homogeneity” (Keyder, 2000) 4 Nowadays, starting with the largest, all our cities and their vicinities are filled with high buildings, multiple-star hotels and shopping malls that cater to both commercial and residential needs. In accordance with the needs of a consumption-oriented society, all urban centers have gone through a physical transformation based on locational and functional neccessities. 1.2. The Effect of Socio-Cultural Changes on Bazaars Social changes are usually felt in bazaars which are the areas of social interaction. The major socio-cultural changes that took place in Turkey after the 1980’s, has also effected the shopping habits of the society. Nowadays, while the traditional bazaars still continueto exist, the socio-cultural and economical changes have created new shopping areas. In order to understand the consumers’ shopping habits and the consequent structural changes, we need to examine the traditional bazaars of the past. Traditional Turkish Bazaars are literally a place of purchase and sale. Bazaars are not only a place of social interaction, but also a place where artisans or shoopkeepers can maintain their craftsmanship and salesmanship qualities where mass production is not available. Another important issue that should be addressed here is that bazaars are not just a formation of stores or store groups, but they are also academies of craftsmanship. The district bazaars that reflect the lifestyles, consumption habits and social structure of the cities that they are in, have gone through major changes in order to cater to the needs of the current socity. Even with the effects caused by globalized trade, a consumption-driven society (and changing consumer needs), the architectural structures have not been effected significantly. Sold goods, production processes and display options have greatly changed. Historically, a master teaching his craft to an apprentice and thus conveying his art to the new generations was an important part of our bazaars. Though these bazaars in one aspect are vocational schools, now they have become merely a place of sales and consequently went through functional changes. For instance, stores that did carpet weaving or quilting in our traditional bazaars like Kapalıçarşı or Mısır Çarşısı, have now turned into cafes. Changes and transformations occurring in our traditional bazaars are parallel to the country's economical and cultural changes. In Kadıköy District Bazaar where changes and transformations are felt the most intensely is a concrete example in this study.
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2. THE EFFECT OF SOCIO-CULTURAL CHANGES ON KADIKÖY DISTRICT BAZAAR Kadıköy District Bazaar with its ever-expanding boundaries (from the 19th century onwards) has become a commercial hub since the ferry service was introduced in 1857. In the 1800s, the municipal building, known as Safety of the City, was not yet built. Its place is the Kadıköy sandy place and extends all the way to the houses on Yasa Street, located between the sea, the Post Office building and the Alkım bookstore. The settlement arrangement that is common within Western countries (using ground floors for commercial and upper floors for residential purposes) is one of the characteristics of the Kadikoy Distirct Bazaar. Some researchers also emphasized how the diversity of the population in Kadıköy and its vicinity has effected the formation of the physical and cultural structure of the Bazaar. …From the second half of the 19th century, in comparison to the Turkish population, more Muslims and Levantines started to settle in the Bazaar area, primarily in Moda, and that has brought about the formation of a different physical structure. This class of people with medium or high income levels shaped the environment in which they live according to their culture and philosophy of life using their economical power and social rights. This environment inevitably brought about the formation of a unique trade.5 The settlement arrangment in the 19th century usually included 2 to 3 masonry floors and it reached 4 to 5 floors in some areas. In the 1930’s, the construction of reinforced concrete buildings started and in the 1950s, internal migration changed the historical, social, cultural and physical structure.
Fig 3 An old view from the Kadıköy District Bazaar (1940)
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Fig 4 An Old View of Muvakkithane Street
Fig 5. Current View of Muvakkithane Street Today Kadıköy Bazaar, with its fish stores, antique dealers, bookstores, small shops, cafes, restaurants, churches and mosques, is a fundamental part of Istanbul’s colorful fabric. With its commercial and touristic identity, the Bazaar grew locationally in line with the increasing population and the altered supply-demand relation (it still continues to do so). In Kadıköy Bazaar, it is noted that spontaneous physical planning has occured based on business data. The bazaar is always active any time of the day and in terms of user profile, it is a social interaction area (?) where people from all walks of life spend their time. With these aspects, The Bazaar, unlike neighborhoods that kept pace with with changes, established a bridge from the past to the future with its traditional tastes, historical buildings, along with the new eating and drinking establishments. Growth toward a demographic increase, transportation and the needs that they have brought, further accelerates the commercial expansion of the Bazaar. The search for new places of consumption has led to significant structural changes in the Bazaar. For instance, many 74
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buildings that were used for housing were turned into places like warehouses, cafês, bars and offices. Streets that intersect the Bazaar which nowadays offers commercial integrity enables many actions such as leisure, entertainment, eating and drinking, it is an urban center visited by people from every class of the society. Within the last thirty years, the most significant commercial increase in the bazaar was observed in the food and beverage places. The historical Kadikoy District Bazaar (extending from Osmanaga to Caferağa and all the way to Moda), has become a trade center. With Söğütlüçeşme Street on the north, Güneşli Bahçe Sokak on the south, Yasa Street on the west, Sakız Street on the east, the Bazaar has been declared a protected area. CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS Preserving a city’s places that resemble symbols of the natural and structural fabric has become a necessity in today's urbanization process. For example, the preservation of the Historical Kadikoy District Bazaar, is an important element in future development. The most important change that stands out across the neighborhood is how it is slowly losing its residential quality. Globalization, communication and new economic arrangements doesn’t literally mean the transformation of the world into one and the same model. They also produce localized transformational effects in the new consumption centered economy. The new locational organization of national and international capital and its global and local relationship is observed in the physical and socio-cultural structure of Kadıköy Bazaar that has shaped over the last thirty years Locational and functional changes that started after 1980 in the original structure of the Historical Bazaar because of the socio-cultural and socio-economic impacts have been listed as follows; • Reduced use of residential buildings due to the increase of commercial activities. • Overpopulation • Ownership changes of properties. • Diversification of sold products. • Closing roads to traffic due to heavy pedestrian flow. • Unprofessional modifications on the front or in the inside of the buildings • Since the 1990s, there has been an increase of stores that sell convenience foods and beverages. • Bringing residential areas back to the neighborhood will make quite a colorful social life. For example, the unused upper floors of buildings can be converted into guesthouses for foreign students or faculty members. 75
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• Plates, signs and billboards of different size, color and light on the buildings cause visual pollution and should be adapted for the arrangement of the Bazaar. • In order to reflect the past in the present, new methods and conditions can be determined for Muvakkithane and Yağlıkçı İsmail Streets (which are pilot streets selected in this study and are the core of the Bazaar), these new methods and conditions can set an example for other streets as well. Sales locations located particularly in these streets can be re-arranged depending on the urban texture of the Bazaar. For example, front-sides, interior equipment, functional and transformational formats can be revised. • Human safety should be planned according to the density of population. Especially the fire load awnings, manufacturing and textile production centers and streets with tanks should be surrounded with fire precautions. Damaged building stock should be reviewed and neccessary measures should be taken. Also, abandoned buildings constitute a safety hazard and they should be used for public benefit with the support of the local government and non-government organizations. This will contribute to the development of the bazaar greatly. For example, the abandoned and derelict buildings can be converted into cultural centers or exhibition halls. • With the cooperation of the local government, non-government organizations and universities, we can raise awareness with the shopkeepers of the Bazaar. This way, we can take measures to prevent further deterioration of the current structure. End Notes İlhan Tekeli, Migration and Beyond, İstanbul, History Foundation Publication, September 2008, N:50 3 İlhan Tekeli, Migration and Beyond, İstanbul, History Foundation Publication, September 2008, N:50 4 Çağlar Keyder, İstanbul Between Global and Local, İstanbul, Metis Publishing House, Nov 2000(I. Print), . N: 23,24 5 Banu Gür, Settlements and Urban Protected Areas Applications - Kadıköy Historical Bazaar Protected Area Example, MSGSÜ, Institute of Science, Master of Science Thesis, İstanbul, May 2006 N: 93 2
References Bilsel, C. (2006) “Urban Transformation, Dissolving Cities and Destroyed Public Spaces”. Architecture, İstanbul, Chamber of Architects Publications. Issue 327 Tekeli, İ. (2008) “Migration and Beyond”. İstanbul”, History Foundation Publication, September Issue Keyder Ç. (2000) İstanbul Between Global and Local, Metis Publishing House, Istanbul Gür B. (2006) Settlements and Urban Protected Areas Applications - Kadıköy Historical Bazaar Protected Area Example, MSGSÜ, Institute of Science, Master of Science Thesis, Istanbul. Tunalı S. (2011) “Changes Associated With Socio-Cultural Factors In Sales Environments Based in Food and Their Locational Effect” MSGSÜ, Proficiency in Arts Thesis, Istanbul. 76
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Article
Involvement of riverfront as a natural artifact into urban public life: eskisehir Porsuk Case KAÇAR Ayşe Duygu *,ÇELEN ÖZTÜRK Ayşen** BURNAK Terane***, ÖNAL KETİZMEN Gökçe**** DÜLGER Hatice***** Eshisehir, Turkey Abstract All human settlements have different characteristics from each other. These differences grow out of natural environmental conditions, as well as the socio-economic and cultural circumstances gained in historical development process. Each settlement has its own characteristics such as geological position, geographical location, evolution in historical development process, etc. Although the commercial, industrial, cultural and demographical analyses introduce important data to define the structure of the city, it is not possible to understand the singularity (the singular, unique nature of a city) with this kind of data. In order to lay out the singularity, a study that is concentrated on a single city, one should specify the properties that make it different from other modern cities. Two significant artifacts shape Eskisehir’s urban structure: One of these is a natural artifact, the Porsuk River and the other one is the railway. These artifacts shifted the city’s development in an eastwardwestward direction. The paper takes Aldo Rossis artifact theory in order to locate a theoretical framework in wich to define the singularity and identify the Porsuk River as a natural artifact. Within this scope, the student works, analyses and designs, which borrow elements from the urban image theory of Kevin Lynch, in the Urban Design Studio of Eskisehir Osmangazi University in 2013-2014 (Fall Semester) will be discussed. Keywords: Water, city, natural artifact, public life, Eskisehir, Porsuk River *duygukacar@hotmail.com , **acozturk@gmail.com, ***teranem@gmail.com, ****gokceonal07@gmail.com, *****htcdlgr@gmail.com; Eskisehir Osmangazi University, Department of Architecture, Eskisehir, Turkey
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INTRODUCTION: Rossi considers the city as an architecture built over time, underlying the fact that this process makes the city a locus of collective memory. A city’s character develops over time, rendering its architecture as a source of a contrast between the singular and the collective. This contrast illuminates how “each part of the city should be seen as a singular place, as a locus solus” (Rossi, 2006, 2). Singular urban artifacts bear genetic codes between the past and the future. Rossi recognizes that urban architecture, as a form, summarizes urban artifacts’ characters and their origins (Rossi, 1989, 32). According to Rossi, a building’s singularity depends more on its form shaped through time and space rather than its material. Rossi also indicates how some values and functions of an urban artifact would endure, such as its moral value and its place at our collective memory; whereas other properties of an urban artifact would change in time (Rossi, 1989, 29). Consequently, one of the most important properties of urban artifacts is that they lead us to one single memory. The cities are the collective memories of its society. Collective memory affects the transformation of the urban space. Memory is the guide to the complex structure of the city, helping us to grasp the physical conformation and the architecture. The totality of memory forms the identity of that city. The artifacts, as images within memory, gain a different significance. ... each situation, each incident kept as a memory on the mind, would have an architectural response; either from the public space or from the tangible, personal, private life, there is a sign that concretize every happening. Space enables every architecture to acquire its development conditions and capacitates the individual to obtain his /her [sic] dimension, which is necessary for the city go gain its identity (Moneo, 1984, 24). Moneo considers contemporary urban designs as unsuccessful, criticizing them for not taking architecture into any consideration. Moneo points out that “contemplation about city should start from contemplating about how the urban form shapes the city (Moneo, 1984, 24)". Within this context, an assessment will be driven by analyzing both Eskisehir’s natural structure and its urban artifacts, which shape the city’s identity and the city’s collective memory. The notion of “natural artifacts”, represents the urban elements that play a determining role in the physical formation of the city. This notion also signifies the holistic, genetic coding of the city. Consequently, the present study aims to analyze the presence of Porsuk River in the past and discuss how it can be transferred to the future with the urban renewal works. Similar to Rossi’s and Moneo’s arguments, Kevin Lynch also considers reorganization of the environment as a problem. As a solution to this problem, Lynch proposes discovering, protecting and resolving cognitive challenges of city’s powerful images; as well as unveiling
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city’s covert structure and identity (Lynch, 2012, 127). Lynch states that “Past experiences and rich exemplary of urban design should no longer be employed; one should operate in a totally different scale of time and space (ibid, 128)". These two arguments both emphasize that even though city’s core values remain the same, the city’s alteration is inevitable. A re-evaluation of the city’s relation with water has been effectuated in our Urban Design Studio by basing research on these arguments. The aim of this re-evaluation is to asses a re-interpretation of Eskisehir’s identity. In order to re-interpret Eskisehir’s identity, first, the importance of Porsuk River will be analyzed. Secondly, Porsuk River’s role in urban renewal works and its role in the genetic coding of the city will be emphazised. Subsequently, suggestions attained by the readings of Lynch’s analysis over paths, edges, districts, nodes and landmarks, will be discussed. PORSUK RIVER AS A NATURAL ARTIFACT OF ESKISEHIR Natural structure is one of the most important factors for a citiy to gain identity. Topography, climate and geographical properties effect settlement city development. Porsuk River, which comes into being at the adjunction of the Bayatcik Stream, which runs through the North of Aksu Mountain and the Kiziltas Stream that runs through the North of Murat Mountain, flowing into the Sakarya River while passing through the champaign and the city of Eskisehir. Porsuk became one of the evident factors that define the macroform and the development of Eskisehir (which is a riverside settlement). As seen in Image 1, Matrakci Nasuh portrayed the city as positioned between the river and the city walls. The city of Eskisehir is divided into two by Porsuk, in an eastward-westward direction. The city was founded at the skirts of the hill in South that is described as “upper part”. The North part has the hot spring and was developed as the market place.
Image 1. Miniature of Eskisehir, by Matrakçı Nasuh (1536) (Acar, 2009)
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The city of Eskisehir is a junction that connects the East to West for centuries. From the fifteenth century to 1890, the city was rich in vinery, orchard and grain. It is known that the Greeks and Armenians lived in Eskisehir in the mentioned period. Before the railway came to the city, the minorities took part in the economic life, playing an important role in the physical formation of the city. To Landa, Eskisehir was a city that “was nourished by solar energy (agriculture) and gravitational energy (water)”.
Image 2.-3. Porsuk in the past (Kılıç, 1997)
Miller's trade was an important source of income in Eskisehir in the first quarter of 20th centuary: the city turned became a cereal depot. The reason for this was the Porsuk River, as the water source and the production of grain by the peasants. Artifacts (such as the river), allow us understand the city, which is continuously developing: from the past, the present and towards the future.
Image 4.-5. Porsuk in the past (Kılıç, 1997)
In the above pictures and memories, the past, waterside houses, wharfs and boats can be seen on Porsuk River are depicted. The River is perceived as a natural artifact in urban life in all seasons. In the past, there had been several floods during the rainy season. These floods covered the champaign of Eskisehir, damaging various settlements in the city harming several crops on the crops on the champaign. On June 1972, one of the first dams of Turkey was built on Porsuk River, preventing harmful floods (Özel, 2012).
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The city’s market place has been built on “Akar Stream” (a small branch of Porsuk River). The relation with this stream, which runs down from Hamamyolu Street, had been established via the wooden bridges constructed on the river. However, the stream had been considered as a source of pollution, so a part of this was covered towards the end of 1970s. Finally during 1990s, this stream was totally covered.
Image 6.-7. Hamamyolu street and Akar stream (Acar, 2009)
During the industrialization process, most of the factories and enterprises were established on Porsuk, causing pollution (especially the print cloth factory, which transformed the color of the river, according to dye color). The part that ran through the city center was rehabilitated by the State Hydraulic Works (DSI) and the natural water course was transformed into concrete reservoir in order to control the pollution while the population was increasing. After 1970, the law of common hold caused a barrier between the River and the inner parts of the city. For a long period of time, the presence of the River was not perceived as a passive artifact and was tended to be forgotten. In the latest urban renewal works, the presence of Porsuk River became important for the city, especially as “the riverfront and the city” plans commenced. In 2010, the Eskisehir Municipality established a new relation between the city and the water by improving Porsuk River’s flow through the city. This improvement, which is about 10 km long, was financed by both the European Investment Bank and equities of the municipality itself. These improvements aimed to prevent any risk of flood, to increase the safety precautions against earthquakes and to meet the needs of transportation and passage along the river. Currently, the Posuk riverbed, which passes through the urban area, has been put above a concrete basin in order to enable on-river transportation. Likewise, for this purpose, wharfs and new bridges have been constructed on the river. Short trip itineraries have been patterned for touristic Venetian style gondolas and Amsterdam boats
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WATER AND THE CITY: READING ESKISEHIR THROUGH WATER Looking at the cities can give a special pleasure, however commonplace the sight be. Like a piece of architecture, the city is a construction in space, but one of vast scale, a thing perceived only in the course of long spans of time. City design is therefore a temporal art, but it can rarely use the controlled and limited sequence of other temporal art like music. On different occasions and for different people, the sequences are reversed, interrupted, abandoned, cut across. It is seen in all lights and weathers… Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City The city offers a visually incomplete, ever evolving and indecisive palette of intertwined sharing opportunities and alluring (endless) options. It describes itself through a written and spoken dialectic. According to Gur "Any discussion must start directly with accepting that each city is original, because every city is a unique case for existing and transforming in primal realities of geography, history and cultures (2009, 12)." Elements in the city function by reflecting and refering other elements, in a variety of structural simulacrum. “The form and content of the architectural contour emerge and take form in the morphing and shifting fiction of projectional and associational meanings as references to the surrounding cultural, social, communal, sensory, spiritual and intellectual codes (Alemdar, 2010, 284).” Lynch indicates that “There is no time for little individual forces to slowly adapt to form. Thus, we should trust more to cognizant and sensual designs (Lynch, 2012, 128)." Likewise, Lynch underlines that main target of the urban design is to ascertain “enduring nature of the image”; therefore, teaching the observer how to look at the city is crucial (Lynch, 2012, 129). Knowing how to look at the city would enable the observer to examine the liaison amongst urban elements in order to ameliorate the city’s image. Within this scope, during the 2013-2014 Fall Semester, our Urban Design Studio, as a part of “Water and the City” theme, the problem of reanalyzing Eskisehir through water is examined. The main aim of this examination is to focus on redefining Eskisehir by concentrating on the notion of water. 3.1. Aim, Method and Scope of Urban Design Studio The course is a part of the first semester of the fourth-grade curriculum; and its main purpose is to create a studio where the awareness of urban problems would be increased through the analyses, discussions and suggestions. Students were expected to distinguish between various layers of the city and detect possible problems and finally propose conceivable solutions to these possible problems. The analyses in the studio have been made on the basis of Kevin Lynch’s arguments over borders, paths, edges, districts, nodes, codes and lifestyles. These analyses had the main purpose to unveil Eskisehir’s important natural artifacts, awareness and energy. Analyses about the area are performed by each group on the basis of the criteria listed below:
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PATHS : Channels in which people travel. Streets, sidewalks, trails, railways, public transport routes. EDGES : Coastlines, railways, development zone boundaries and walls; junctions separating and combining zones. DISTRICTS : 2-dimenson areas; medium-to-large scale sections of the city. NODES : Symbols, nodes, strategic foci. LANDMARKS : Reference points, a building, a sign post, a shop, a mountain, etc. USER / LIFESTYLE ANALYSIS : Determining user profiles/ condensation.
Image 8. Porsuk River and the city center.
The course was planned and performed as a group project. As seen in the image, the water axis of the Porsuk River, which is located between Sazova Park in the west and Kent Park in the east, was analyzed: new urban planning suggestions were proposed for this area. Considering the extent of the area that Porsuk River covers in the city center, 6 sections were analyzed. Project development processes were finalized by the elaboration of proposals by the groups on the basis of an architectural design scale, for the area that each group has selected for themselves. To illustrate the project development process, 3 critical group works have been illustrated. Project Samples FIRST GROUP: (Ramin RASULZADE, Nursima ALADAG, Buket PILAN) As seen via the analyses on Images 9 and 10, several paths, borders, focal points and nodes have been proposed for the area in between Turkey Locomotive, Engine Industry Inc. (TULOMSAS) and the entry of Kizilcikli Mahmut Pehlivan Street.
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Image 9.-10. Urban Analyses of the area.
Image 11. Conceptual overviews for the selected area.
The analyses have pointed out that city’s multi-layer formation has diminished the perception of water and its public use. To improve perception, the group proposed converting holistic ground arrangements and roads crossing the river into pathways; especially in places where a concentration of the population is high, such as the Train Station. Water and its surrounding are evaluated from a recreational perspective and a new urban programmatic is proposed.
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SECOND GROUP: (İrem TURHAN, Rakibe ERGÜL, Fatma ÇALIŞKAN): RIVERFRONT DISCUSSIONS Image 12. Holistic ground proposal about Porsuk riverfront that lies between the Train Station and TULOMSAS. This group analyzed the part of Porsuk River which lies between the residential area of Kırmızı
Toprak district and TULOMSAS. The group proposed reviving the coastline in this area by erecting new wharfs, bridges, over-under bridge pragmatics and energizing the coastline by embedding various coastal sections. The perception of the riverfront in relation to the water has been taken into consideration while preparing these ground suggestions.
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Image 13. – 14. Urban analyses and conceptual overviews for the selected area.
This project group proposed relocating TULOMSAS locomotive enterprises to another part of the city in the near future. In this case, the production buildings are envisaged to continue their urban life asan industrial-archeological area. The walls that surround TULOMSAS and its borders are planned to be removed in order to enable public space to accommodate public acess within the industrial area. Coastal renovation continues all along Porsuk River, creating a unique language in the city appertaining to water. According to this group’s project Porsuk would no longer be a borderline that divides the city but a recreational area where people can find peace away from the noise of the city. THIRD GROUP (Ezgi TOPDAGI, Kübra ALVER, Çiçek ALTINER): RIVERFRONT DISCUSSIONS The third group analyzed the river section that runs along city’s market place (Koprubasi district). They concluded that the two regulators close to the old bus depot area cause a differentiation in the river’s elevations and profile. The market place which is situated on the northern part of the Porsuk River, include adjoining high buildings that were constructed after the 1970s. These high buildings create a wall effect that reduces the ability to perceive of water. Likewise, the makeshift shops which exist on the façade of the buildings, faccing the coastline also reduce perception of the riverfront. 86
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The Yasin Cakir Flour factory, which is located on the south of Koprubasi market axle, was founded in 1938, but then in 2002 was relocated in an organized industrial zone. Old buildings left along the riverfront wait to be utilized by new investment oppertunites. While the factory was functioning near Porsuk River, it blocked the water from interacting with the city. The settlements in the area reduced the perception of the water to the insignificant; it only represents itself by the bridges built above it. The analyses have underlined the fact that almost all the buildings on both sides of Porsuk River face backwards to the river. This creates an effect of a wall along the river.
Image 15. Urban analyses and conceptual overviews for the selected area.
The group obtained a wider perspective of the Porsuk River in their designs by eliminating all the settlements that create the wall effect along the river. The notion of riverfront, that reinforces the image of water, is to be created on different section and elevations. A construction proposal is promoted for the riverfront. According to this proposal, there will be several constructions along the riverfront. These constructions will have different densities and heights that will reinforce the perception of water. Inhabitants will be able perceive the existence of water by intuition in the constructed spaces, without even actually seeing the water. All these three groups’ works criticize the current use of Porsuk River that flows through the city center. According to all three groups, the city could utilize the riverfront more effectively and they all propose designs which would increase the publicity of the water, by utilizing the riverfront in a way which develops the relation between the city and the water. It is an intellectual platform for urban designers, artists and scientists. When this intellectual platform is supported by political decisions, riverfronts can be transformed into centers of attraction for cultural development. 87
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2. CONCLUSION Natural artifacts are urban elements that hold data - as a complete texture – relating to urban identity, having a role in physically shaping the city. It can be said that these elements carry the genetic codes of the city. With all the special features they have, urban artifacts should be protected and they should be passed on vis-a-vis future generations. In this study, the past existence of River Porsuk is analyzed with the aim to find possibilities on how to develop the riverfront during urban renovation work. In Turkey, during the current era, cities are in a quick transformation process. In this process, many artifacts defining the singularity of the city are vanishing or becoming ordinary through transformation. Porsuk River, which is a socio-culturally and economically important natural artifact in Eskisehir's, should therefore be carefully reexamined in the process of urban transformation. The concept "riverfront” is one that defines the space for water-citizen relation, needs to be understood as a space for increased public participation. The need for local government projects to be established, taking the citizens' discourses into consideration, allowing for the transformation of water into a center of attraction. Looking at the riverfront from the context of genetic coding should lead to discussion. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Acar, Ş. (2009), Eskişehir Zaman, Mekan, İnsan, ETO Yayınları, pp. 16-17. Alemdar, Z. Y. (2010), "Anlatıya Dayalı Bir Kent Okuması: Kayseri Sahabiye Mahallesi", Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, S: 29, 2010/2, pp. 283-306. Büyükerşen, Y. & Efelerli, S. (2006), “Porsuk Havzası Su Yönetimi ve Eskişehir Örneği”, TMMOB Su Politikaları Kongresi, Ankara, pp. 451-458. Çakmak, Ş. (2008) Şehrin Biçimlenişinde Ve Kimlik Kazanmasında Belirleyici Rolü Olan Artifaktlar: Eskişehir Kenti Üzerinden Bir İnceleme, Eskisehir Osmangazi University, Institute of Science, Master’s Thesis. Gür, Ş. Ö. (2009), “Dönüşen Topraklarda Kent Kimliği [Urban Identity in Transforming Lands]” Dosya 10.1, TMMOB Mimarlar Odası Ankara Şubesi Bülteni 67/Şubat 2009, s.12-34 (Çağrılı Makale). Gür, Ş.Ö. (2009), “Transforming Identities” Nature, City and Sustainability, 21st International Building an Life Congress, Bursa, 20-21st March 2009, pp: 451–462 (Keynote Speech).
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Gür, Ş. Ö. (1998), An Inquiry into the Design of Supportive Residential Environments, Housing: An Heritage for the Future, Vitor Abrantes and Oktay Ural (der.), XXV. IAHS Congress Proceedings, 29 Haziran-1 Temmuz, Lizbon 1998, Cilt 2, 466-473. Kentte Yaşamda Mimaride: Ekolojik Perspektifler, TMMOB Mimarlar Odası İstanbul Büyükkent Şubesi, İstanbul. Kılıç, L. (1997), Anılarda Eskişehir, Anadolu Rotary Kulübü, Eskişehir. Özel, S. (2012), “Porsuk Barajının Hikayesi”, Eski - Yeni Şehir Kültür Dergisi, Eskişehir Governership, pp. 45-47. Lynch, K. (2012) Kent İmgesi, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, İstanbul. Moneo, R. (çeviren ADAM, M.) (1984) "Aldo Rossi ve Mimarlık Düşüncesi", Mimarlık 84/78, Yıl: 22, Sayı: 205-206, pp. 20-28. Rossi, A. (2006) Şehrin Mimarisi, Kanat Kitap, İstanbul. Rossi, A. (1989) The Architecture of the City, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, London, England.
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Article
Town Planning and design prospects from Turkey: Bursa/Iznik and Kocaeli/ Kandira Urban Design Ersan KOÇ* Izmit/Kocaeli, Turkey
Abstract This paper aims to speculate upon findings and experience on a design studio study, which was carried out in the Department of Architecture of Kocaeli University Faculty of Architecture and Design in İznik District of Bursa and Kandıra district of Kocaeli province of Turkey. The urban design studio was carried out in order to evaluate the findings of the studio "Studio upma+T: urban/public/mixed use/agriculture + transformation" which was carried out by the author in fall and spring semesters of 2016 and 2017, together with interdisciplinary participants from urban planning, architects, regional developers and landscape architects. The aim of this study is to develop transformational urban design projects with the aim of bringing high public values in the middle and long term to the city by considering urban design of İznik and Kandıra as a workshop. The focus of the workshop is on identifying, evaluating, analysing, synthesizing, developing the theme and developing the "Public Space" and "Common Area" and adding "Value" to the towns and overall city image. The examination of the workshop was coordinated in relation to topics: "a. cultural and historical basis, b. natural and environmental resources, environmental planning and design, c. social and economic formation and dynamics, and d. spatial structure, settlement texture and settlement plan. Throughout the İznik Urban Design Workshop, 5 socio-spatial concepts were identified that can be used to inform the design process and create urban development opportunities within İznik. Keywords: Design Education, Urban Design, Public Space, Urban Value
*Ersan Koc, email: tanburaersan@gmail.com Faculty of Architecture and Design, Department of Architecture, İzmit/Kocaeli Turkey, 90
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1. AIM AND FRAMEWORK OF THE URBAN DESIGN STUDIO The aim of this study is to develop urban design and transformation projects with the aim of bringing high public values to the city in middle and long term by considering the urban design Bursa-İznik and Kocaeli-Kandıra cities within an urban research and design studio. The studios focused on the objectives of identifying, evaluating, analysing, synthesizing, developing the theme and developing the design process "Public Space" and "Common Area", adding "Value" to the city image. Urban design aims to develop spatial contexts that will positively serve and contribute to the quality of life of the city with the common professional practice area of Urban and Regional Planning, Architecture and Landscape Architecture. An approach in this context envisages a set of values consisting of three components that complement each other in urban design. 1. To discuss the contribution of value at different levels including the social, the cultural and the spatial. This will also provide renewal and will positively transformation of urban private property. 2. To improve the diversity of use values in relation to different social and economic classes, transforming the orientation of urban design. 3. To develop areas of value in which to discuss how to create an economic concept of externalities through spatial intervention. This paper aims to develop the approach of “learning and teaching the craft by evaluating the place” with “mixed programs” in the urban design studio with the goal of conceptualizing the cities multidimensional values. The article will discuss the methodological approach of the workshop, urban development and quality of life determinations, urban design and transformation visions, evaluation of student projects and conclusions for public administrations and design professionals. This article discusses the progress of spatial values by embracing the notions "space / place" and "environment / medium", where perceptions and opinions are co-constructed by multiple decision makers and user groups around common dimensions of shared values and common space in the city. Focusing on how the "values" derived from the "place as environment" and by "urban dwellers as socio-cultural stakeholders" are generated by spatial quality and usage diversity, produced by the values that are constantly re-described and opened up by specific use of spaces and situations. These values are used within the evaluation and design process to improve urban quality and to improve the positive perceptions of space. The main reasons why the studio was chosen as the subject of Kandıra and İznik Cities are: • •
To discuss current urban planning and conservation-use problems with urban design projects within Iznik. During the workshop, we will compile and support ideas about spatial quality and transformation with jury members consisting of urban planners, regional developers, landscape and building architects for the development of public spaces and structures.
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To evaluate current urban design projects dealing with different parts of the city in relation to potential of urban transformation as a model for enhancing the quality of urban life.
The concept of "urban transformation" within the workshop has been intensively and extensively discussed. Architectural candidates will produce original solutions in different spatial contexts pertaining to urban transformation. In areas of "distortion, collapse, trivialized on, passivity problems observed at risk areas and buildings can be damaged or damage from disasters" require spatial intervention and transformation, producing the solution for problems. Besides the general urban problematic discussed, the studios also covered: • • • • •
Supporting local developments Positive expansion of the city's social, cultural and scientific environment Diversification and development of the urban image Aesthetic quality upgrading Ownership, development and the conservation of urban memory
The studies towards transformational action are treated holistically: the socio-cultural dimension is conceptualized in relation to the physical-environmental dimension.
2.“STUDIO UPMA+T” PROCESS The studio aims to emphasize the public nature of spatial design. The public sphere should and will take into consideration the levels and types of individualities, but not necessarily glorify them. In addition, collective and public values must be able to support personal creativity without oppressing public space. The expression of publicness through colour, diversity and participatory processes can eliminate monolingual and monolithic circles and can lead to the achievement of mixed/multicolour environments. In the final analysis, the cities historiography and socio-cultural dynamics should be dealt with by multidimensional spatial intervention. "Studio upma+T: urban/public/mixed use/agriculture + transformation" is being carried out in the project areas with special precaution in terms of the publicity of the cities studied, considering the positive contributions of the participants. Participant responses are expected to shape the designs by evaluating needs. Below are some basic concepts in the workshop process: • •
To develop the student’s ability to make decisions and produce solutions at different spatial scales within a comprehensive design and planning framework, To be able to approach the selected area and its surroundings as a place of urban design within the framework of hypothetical scenarios combining natural and historical
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environmental conservation objectives and social and economic development targets in workshops, To provide the basic framework of application in the planning and design studies of the selected city-design concepts to be developed on the upper scale To enable students to approach problem areas at every design scale in the context of development / conservation scenarios, including utopian modes of inquiry.
“Value” as a “Design Goal”: In almost all urban design workshops, the question "to whom does the city belong to?" is given so the design team can produce down to earth observation and idea schemes before putting the spatial product targets on the design table. The workshops responded to this question through the "Conservation-Effective Use-Sustainability Balance" triangle. The question of who produced the city's urban identity and the city-shaping elements was approached through three actor categories urban environment - landscape or architectural - in all types and contexts, forms the “citizens” (urban residents / individuals) who are primarily in first level relationship and communication. The form and layout of the city is the most fundamental determinant of the academic and scientific activities of the city and the region planners, landscape architects and architects in the professional and subsequent form, the second level. This determination evolves into a new generation of designs that are produced by independent professional bands with affirmative or critical attitudes and which revise the actions of the next generation of practitioners. The third set of institutions are the "public agencies" which direct, supervise and control/guide the professional environments , which the possible conflicts affect the demands and complaints from the citizens, the individuals and the social groups formed by different interventions. During the workshop, the debate over these three categories of actor groups has hindered spatial design management schemes from being purely images, and directed them to combine usage, change, and design values in processes related to the stages of implementing ideas. This kind of approach required frequent inquiry into the question of “where the city's inhabitants and designers may come together in the framework of the normative models described by the projects”. In the final analysis, the design process, the executives and participants have sought to find ways for citizens to be active subjects within the urban transformational process. All these subjects become an integral part of the social production of the city space in the stories of touching the space, feeling the space, converting and re-converting it. When using the space, it provided an opening that emphasized the "use-based value" of the city space to intervene and search for the different ways of transforming it. It has made it possible for studio participants to constantly reshape the space in the direction of their own needs and expectations, to live as urban entities in the city, to constantly transform and to introduce new functions and meanings. In this way, during the workshop, the space is stripped away from an absolutist framework and equipped with the means of acquiring associative content, allowing the designs to be shaped around "value" clusters. The user of the place, the owner and the direct responsibility of the place is considered to be less important, and the inviting, collective and unifying qualities of the streets, historical buildings, walls and other hard landscape elements have been emphasized.
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Two tables discuss the methods applied in the workshop process and the main topics covered including urban, architectural and landscape design.
Table 1. The method applied in the workshop process and the main topics covered. QUESTIONS USED AS A GUIDE FOR THE STUDIO PROJECT FOCUS How can the project area and boundaries be described? / QUESTIONS What are the problems of the cities and the project area? / How can the project area be addressed to the current problems of KandÄąra and Iznik Cities? / What are the projects and approaches that public administrations and private and / or civil society initiatives in the present are addressing in urban centres? URBAN How is the concept of Urban Transformation in Turkey TRANSFORMATION addressed? / What kind of spatial, financial and QUESTIONS organizational models are being considered? / How is the concept of Urban Transformation in the World different from that of Turkey? / What kind of spatial, financial and organizational models are being considered? / What are successful examples and why are these examples successful method and spatial approach? DESIGN AREA How can urban centres and project areas with proposals be QUESTIONS integrated? / How can we organize the use of "HousingCommerce-Culture-Service" in Central Use Integrity? / How are "Mixed Use (MIX-USE)" types organized? / How can the transformation from Sub-Centre to 1st Degree Trade Centre be handled? / What financial and organizational models are needed? (REIT, cooperative experiences ... etc) / How and with what processes high-quality spaces that can provide social-cultural vitality, which emphasize Street Life and Public Values can be produced.
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Table 2. Workshop research topics: Urban, architectural and landscape design issues addressed to improve approach Sub-topics related topics CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL BASIS SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY AND SPATIAL DEVELOPMENT: Socio-economic history and spatial development of the Project Area: Organization of production and commercial activity, production associations, historical formation of settlement doctrine / HISTORICAL RESOURCES AND CULTURAL VALUES: Historical values, historical structures and fields. Different types of activities that contribute to cultural values and urban culture. NATURAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL RESOURCES, ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING AND DESIGN ECOLOGICAL SYSTEM / ECOLOGICAL PLANNING AND DESIGN: World examples of plants and animals, forests, natural life, natural landscape, cultivated areas, lake ecology, ecological planning and design world examples (goals and targets, planning methods and techniques). / NATURAL ENERGY RESOURCES AND ALTERNATIVE ENERGY SYSTEMS: Solar energy, energy sources, wind potential, thermal and bio-chemical energy sources, comparative costs in the use of energy sources, global examples and applications in alternative energy systems. / ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES AND PLANNING: Environmental problems related to natural and environmental resources and global cases for planning and environmental problems. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND DYNAMICS ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES / INDUSTRY AND SMALL INDUSTRY: Production capacity, technological level, capital accumulation and distribution, labour force structure and organization, commodity-product flow and marketing conditions. / ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES / SERVICES SECTOR: Trade, tourism activities (accommodation facilities, tour arrangements, related organizations, etc.) and handicrafts, professional activities, retail and wholesale trade, transportation, capital and labor force structure. SPATIAL STRUCTURE: RESIDENTIAL PATTERN AND BUILT ENVIRONMENT SPATIAL STRUCTURE AND URBAN PATTERN TYPOLOGY: Distribution of settlements, density of areas, land use, forms of settlement, forms of housing and quality of settlement. / PROPERTY PATTERNS: Forms of ownership, land ownership, distribution of public land and land. / URBAN COMPOSITIONS AND NATURAL DISASTERS: Areas with risk of earthquakes and other natural disasters, earthquake and natural disaster risk planning principles. / ENVIRONMENTAL AESTHETICS: Formal, schematic and symbolic aesthetic problems. Objective and subjective models, urban image: World examples and applications. / TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM: Transportation infrastructure (road, railway, etc.), traffic volumes, use of transportation types and vehicles, distribution and capacity of transportation services at regional, subregional and urban scale. / TECHNICAL INFRASTRUCTURE: Water and waste water systems, energy infrastructure, communication, solid waste / refuse collection and storage, other technical infrastructure. / LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE: Administrative
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grading, problems in municipal organization, area management and problems, management problems of urban development within the area.
3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE SURVEY CONDUCTED THROUGHOUT THE STUDION: Urban Design is an applied field of spatial science that examines how the physical forms of cities are acquired and the internal and external dynamics of the processes that renew them. Urban design is not only about the design of cities, but also about how cities have grown and changed. This action area also includes exploring how urban building traditions are expressed in present spatial forms (Cuthbert 2006, p 1). The ownership of the local community in urban design and implementation processes is very important. In some areas, local interests may be coordinated by neighbourhood or municipal councils, while in others it may be necessary to establish new community forums. In these cases, it is necessary to ensure that local people take initiative in terms of urban development (Barton & Grant 2010, p 26). Design professions represent highly logical and systematic ways of reasoning and these design practices must interface with different levels of organization that require the application of different types, levels and design application layers. The starting point for assessing the health of a neighbourhood or a county is the people in the region: their quality of life, living conditions, social networks and topics that concern them. Even when a town / district strategy is primarily environmental or economic, it is vital to place people in a central location. A holistic view of human beings helps build community awareness, an awareness that will protect the interests of the urban whole and future generations (Barton & Grant 2010, p 27). These application interfaces are, in part, areas where the overall complexity of the nature and essence of 'Design Thought' occurs. The creation of frameworks by examining the vision / themes presented by professional designers as a means of creating greater perception can provide higher public benefits to organizations and practitioners in other fields. It is imperative to elaborate the stages of application of the design and to clarify these applications in a more sophisticated manner so that the "Design Thought" can realize its true value for these practitioners and organizations. The important contributions that designers and design researchers can bring to the professional world are based on such an eclectic / synergistic grip (Dorst 2011, p 531). Studio pedagogy typically starts with an open-ended question, taking into account the current problems between the "real world" and the "actors in the real world," giving students a multitude of design options. This is followed by structured dialogues between workshop executives, students, and a group of external stakeholders, as well as experts and decision-makers, often with knowledge specific to the problem studied. The "pedagogical design challenge" of "design-studio appraisal" lies in offering sculpture to explore the value created by design, and the opportunity to discover how designers embrace value appreciation in their design decisions (Long 2012, p 436). A design student will begin to develop his own methodology to adapt gradually and approach design problems by taking a critical approach to model methodologies when he gains mastery of design processes and field design while experiencing the experience of how urban information is interpreted and applied. The success of designing in a student is a kind of excitement, and failure 96
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is part of the learning process. The experience of these emotional experiences, especially the experience of discovery and insight, will motivate the testing, adaptation, and discovery of alternative methodologies that promise to result in more efficient generative concepts. When they ultimately discover and internalize their own methods of solving design problems, the student will demonstrate his field knowledge in the skilful use of procedures followed in the course. The desire to discover the limitations of the space from the present situation and to increase the design performance will lead to expertise by researching alternative methodologies as well as developing new insights, methods and procedures (Curry 2014, p 644). Urban design has to make it possible to play a more definite role in the design of artistic direction in order to advance the debate by focusing on the way of becoming an art field. Using an analogy with architecture, urban design can also be interpreted as an "integrative art" and, more specifically, "articulation of the space and a dynamic state". Urban designers should manifest the connections of the concepts of "value as a meaningful difference" and "value as ethical principles" in public and private spaces where everyday practices are experienced, with the aim of adding value to the city together with all other actors in the "value as net benefit" (Marshall 2015). In this context, Urban Design Projects should also be considered as a tool that central and local governments will use to reach a common goal. In this context, large urban projects that create cultural and artistic synergies that reveal new generation technologies that provide new initiatives for urban identity; social-cultural infrastructure projects targeting social benefit and value as well as private enterprise projects in urban regimes should be considered as important urban regimes. Urban Design Projects should be perceived as an action plan in the context of assessing the urban development plan as a remediation project at the urban scale. These projects should be able to provide strong technical and conceptual innovations. These projects should also protect local cultures and habits. For this, urban citizens should be provided to participate in urban design projects (Çubuk, 2017, p 16).
Table 3. Examples of theoretical and practical discussions from international research projects aimed at adding value in public spaces. (Compiled and interpreted by the author.) SOURCE PROJECT METHOD, PROJECT OUTPUT, PRODUCTS OBJECTIVES AND TARGETS (Bonaiuto To investigate the effects of It has been observed that when the buildings v.d. 1999) "good design practices" with a have aesthetic value, practical use and strong survey study to measure external linkage, they increase the feeling of neighbourhood belonging. loyalty to the neighbourhood and that the neighbourhood attachment of the low income social classes is higher. (Fodor, To examine the economic, Good urban design solutions have been shown 1999) social and environmental to be a positive contribution to quality of life, impacts of urban sprawl over with efficient use of infrastructure, protection North American samples. 97
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of open spaces, increased air quality and reduced air pollution. Examination of housing The investment climate has been revitalized improvement projects in the without increasing housing prices and without local housing sector. compromising affordability.
Investigation of how rent behaviour is mixed and how social and cultural relations are affected in residential areas. (Peiser& Investigating the economic Schwann, contribution of open-space 1993) investment in a residential neighbourhood in Radburnstyle residential neighbourhood in Dallas. (Bressi, An examination of landscape 1998) and planning projects based on "art" through the "Radnor Gate Development Strategy" document. (Gehl& An examination of what can be Gemzoe, done to improve the public life 1998) of "The Streets and Places" before and after the production of design mats for different types of venues in Stockholm, Perth, West Australia and Melbourne. (HassTheoretical and practical Klau v.d., comparison of European and 1999) British cities with observation, survey and physical mapping methods. (Lennard, Investigation of public spaces 1984) in western Europe over twenty-one "with the ethics of public space, theatrical qualities, market prospects, festivals, celebrations and street entertainment through stakeholders and users.
Instead of use zoning (zoning), street-level usage diversity is preferred. "Street" is often a more effective "revitalization" strategy than "Island" based zone. The inhabitants of the area fully appreciate the investment in open space.
Developments throughout the project led to further changes in towns and local businesses and led entrepreneurs to invest more design.
Where the public space was invested with good designs, public vitality emerged. The revitalization of public life on the streets was supported, even in cold cities like Copenhagen or even in private car oriented American cities.
It has been observed that European cities are ahead of British cities in terms of public quality of life.
Public spaces – “with the recognition of different forms of behaviour, emotions and relationships”, “the reduction of access inequality”, “the increase of encounters and communication environments and possibilities”, “the encounter of individuals with others different from themselves”, “the prejudice being criticized and removed by such 98
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In the US, investments in conservation and development of open spaces are examined through academic studies, economics, and first-hand data assistance from users. Investigate school and education infrastructure investments and revitalization projects of neighbourhoods.
encounters”, “the elimination of the physical and mental handicapped” - contribute greatly to the development of democratic and ethical values. Investing in the open space increases the total tax revenue as it increases the property values in the neighbourhood. Investment in open space increases the quality of life and quality of life in society. Firms tend to invest in places where public agencies invest in open spaces. Whether it is architectural or urban design, well-designed projects increase the quality of life and improve the quality of the surrounding settlements.
4. STUDIO RESULTS AND OUTPUTS At the Urban Design Workshop, 5 socio-spatial concepts inform the whole design process and were identified through identifying development opportunities for Iznik. Use Value: the concept aims to support the process of urbanization by discussing public open and closed areas more frequently, increasing development opportunities. The concept of the ‘museum city’ has been applied in the development of new spatial constructions between urban memory and historical layers, Change Value: The dominance of urban space over rural space was investigated in relation to texture and the physicality of the neighbourhood. The damage to the new form of agricultural land were investigated in relation to potential public spaces that are necessary for life-quality improvement. The recreational possibilities of the olive groves may allow for open space conservation. Also, restricting the use of the multifunctional and historical buildings can assist the conservation of open spaces. Design Value: A balanced distribution of public open spaces, closed spaces and private spaces around the mixed-use themes is desirable. With high-quality architecture and urban design solutions, spatial organisation has been intensively debated not only on new forms of urbanities, but also on multi-layered value spaces that are expected to be explored on the ground. Interactions of Memory and Spatial Organization: The character of the place - nourishing the memory and memorizing – can be used as basic principle in understanding historical value. Historical buildings and areas have been reconsidered together with public open space provision. The focus has been on the idea that the process of urbanization can be promoted by building spaces which stores and conveys memory through plastic encounters.
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Choosing Contrast and/or Harmony / Design as Conflict: Contemporary, modern and new units were brought together with historic spaces through the design process, supporting multifunctional aims. The students were also asked to interpret this conflict. The City Walls is an example of the synthesis between contemporary and historic. Its tracks and ramps are a second level of structure above an excavation area, with experiments such as the archaeological research centre. In addition, these three development visions introduced new identities without harming agricultural production facilities and the approaches that must be followed in order for visions to be implemented. Agriculture City: With the determination that the Industrial Revolution occurred with sharp breaks with agriculture, soil and water culture, it was expected that designers would search for ways to re-negotiate with the land. The possibilities of contributing to design and spatial use programs were researched through the re-reading of olive groves, gardens, neighbourhood gardens, gardens in parcels and agriculture fields outside the city through “Soil Culture” Tourism City: Tourism has been criticized as a passive navigation function and the possibilities of supporting different tourism sectors of public open and closed areas have been investigated. The indoor and outdoor workshops, indoor and outdoor museum city infrastructure, the qualified spatial festivals and related design solutions will enable longer visitor stays in the cities. Culture City: It has often been assessed that the cultural infrastructure is not a physical infrastructure problem but rather a healthier way to be addressed by various means of expression, including an atmosphere, a city spirit and a public space, provided that the culture of humans is a collective product of symbols, meaning-loading traditions and tongues used in the process of anthropological evolution. Culture is always multi-layered and multi-faceted. It can also be supported by historical buildings, in which important revolutionary events took place. Social structures can reveal new forms of expression that are new and open to exploration in their metamorphosis processes. With Iznik in particular, the culture has strived to be supported by the possibilities of interaction, expression, product display and collective action that open and closed spaces can offer Table 4. Kocaeli University Architecture Department Architecture and Urban Design Project Workshop Setting, ((1) KOU- Education Commission of Architecture Department 2016-2017 Spring Semester Document+ (2) Studio context of the concepts) MAIN BODIES OF THE STUDIO (1)
CONCEPTUAL CONTEXT (2) Urban Context and Practice + Historical environment relation in urban context GOAL • Designing / discussing design • To contribute to the city's processes in a workshop public space and space environment through a specific diversity by evaluating 100
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program, theme or field, and qualified and specialized projecting the tools used by the building and building acquired knowledge to groups, which are products differentiate and improve by of different historical the turn of design context periods, in terms of today's belonging. publicity? CONTENT • Determination of design • Improving urban continuity themes and problems in urban to become new and up-tocontext continuity, definition date through in-city and outof urban touch, components, of-city continuity, streets, squares, courts, social increasing the opportunities analysis in urban part, for observation on the axis functional analysis, of themes and visions with examination of natural and surveillance and artificial topographic qualities, creation towers and associating of architectural programs, urban parts with alternative production of scenarios for city identities. future BASIC CONCEPTS AND KEYWORDS: Urban, urban design, public space, private space, active / passive green space, urban texture, planning, urban strategy, infrastructure, building group, urban transformation, renovation, functioning, ownership, ownership, square, street, road , Pedestrian, ecology, sustainability, urban economy, urban life, island, parcel, location, location, neighbourhood, environment, landscape, zoning, space sociology, space politics, context, history, time, space, culture, heritage, identity , Memory, historical environment, protection, repair, restructuring, reuse Learning Outcomes (LO) LO 1) To carry out literature researches in accordance with the area and project subject appropriate to the relation of urban / non-urban coastal / natural environment.. LO 2) To make field analysis for the given area. LO 3) Evaluating field analysis results and using them for design. LO 4) To develop two and three dimensional designs through evaluations.
The Kandira and Iznik studios were evaluated through an interdisciplinary and collaborative approach. The benefits and studio learning outputs of the urban design workshop (LO) can be outlined. The evaluations were based on the four learning outcomes that are summarized below. LO1) Periodic group work and discussions between different disciplines and institutions were conducted in order to provide multidimensional thinking in studio and workshop environments. Literature researches have been carried out in different contexts in relation to the area and project theme that are appropriate for the relationship between lake shores and natural environments in urban contexts.
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LO2) Evaluation, analysis and syntheses were carried out by means of intensive communication and negotiation through field work, criticism, proposals, seminars, intermediate presentations, final presentations and exhibitions in front of the jury. LO3) Self-efficacy, public responsibility and civic engagement, group work, highly skilled juries, and realistic studio processes have been used to design and evaluate the results of field analysis through oral presentations supported by graphical presentations of ideas. LO4) The urban design studio in Kandira and Iznik develops evaluated two and three dimensional designs by presenting products that are effective examples for interdisciplinary and collaborative work in urban design education. 5. Multi-layered Value Components and Urban Identity Prospects: Since the start of the industrial revolution – especially in the 19th century – Turkish cities have been shaped by countering continuous growth, development and transformation. War-like extreme crisis situations, migration waves triggered by political decisions, urban infrastructure financing preferences such as transport infrastructure expansion, changes in production and industrial geography, breakdown and urbanization from agricultural land and central-local investment policies are some major dynamics contributing Turkish urban formation. Urban formation was sporadic and unpredictable due to various conflicting dynamics. The objectives of national and local development brought together the frequent discussions of "Metropolitan" and "Metropolis" qualities in Turkey after 1980. This urban orentation has decided the fate, form and shape of Turkey's production, consumption, culture and environmental spaces for the last 30 years. In the design process, ideas for a new generation of spatial constructs that can accommodate local people's production and consumption patterns, with the potential for social innovation have been proposed. The workshop aimed at stimulating socio-spatial development andchange. The proposed transformational projects and the development proposals are intended to be widespread, generally improving the life-quality of all social groups. Resolving various problems can be achieved through training, production and the creation of self-actualization opportunities. These projects and places should be given meaning in the proposed framework. The public should recognize the psychological and social value of public space and the public should use the urban texture more rationally. In this framework, the artistic approach should create environments with identity and attractive public spaces, integrating new developments with the natural and historical environments. Part of the approach aims to achieve an environment that balances building heights in delicate areas as to not pollute the environment, improving the identities of settlements with plans. ‘Architectural harmony’ (Çubuk, 2017, s16) should be realized through balancing multiple dynamics and elements, synthesising such elements and dynamics. The interpretation of cultural change through spatial analysis was placed at the centre of the theme / approach / vision of the students in the intermediate stage. There were several valuable 102
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discussions on the form and spatial design of public open spaces and the relationship between these spaces and the identity of the city. The commercial use of the plaza, the socio-cultural usage of cafés and restaurants, could be expanded to other areas, reflecting the cultural orientation of citizens. This article aimed to compiling the "Urbanism and Transformation" approaches of the workshop, which we have carried out around the transformational contexts and the "generalization” processes of “urban design, architectural solutions and landscape architecture” in the example of Iznik and Kandıra". This information cluster has the potential to offer solutions to development dilemmas that the cities in question can encounter in the short and medium terms. It is the sincere motive of the author that urban design and "value" creation projects, the theoretical approach / framework, the stimulation of social and cultural development can positively contribute to the municipality culture of Turkey and other emergent developing economies
REFERENCES: Arü K. A., 1984, Şehirsel Tasarım Lisansüstü Ders Notları, M.S.Ü. Mimarlık Fakültesi, Şehir ve Bölge Planlama Bölümü, İstanbul Bonaiuto M., Aiello A., Perugini M., Bonnes M., and Ercolani AP., 1996. “Multi-Dimensional Perception of Residential Environment Quality and Neighbourhood Attachment”, Journal of Environmental Psychology 19(3), 331-351 Bressi T.W., 1998. “Building a Civic Framework”, Places, Fall-1998, 12(1), 24-25 Barton H., Grant M., 2010. Shaping Neighbourhoods: For Local Health and Global Sustainability, (2nd edition) Abingdon, Routledge, Bakan. K., 1987. Türkiye'de Kentsel Dış Mekânların Düzenlemesi, TÜBİTAK, Yapı Araştırma Enstitüsü, Yayın No: 4-5, İstanbul Chiaradia, A.J.F. and Plimmer, S.S.F., 2016. “Values in urban design: A design studio teaching approach”, Design Studies 49, 66-100 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.destud.2016.10.002 Cuthbert, A.R., 2006. The Form of Cities, Political Economy and Urban Design, Blackwell Publishing, University Press. Çubuk M., 2017. "Kentsel Tasarım Deneyimi: Dünyadaki Gelişimin İzinde Kentsel Tasarımın Türkiye’ye Yansıması ve Gelişmesine Bakış: Kentsel Tasarım Rehberlerinin Hazırlanması Projesi: Arama Konferansı, Ankara 103
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http://www.csb.gov.tr/db/mpgm/editordosya/file/Kentsel%20Tasarim/Kentsel%20Tasarim%2 0Rehberleri/ KentselTasarimDeneyimi_20012017.pdf (accessed 09.03.2017) Davis J., Uffer S., 2013. Grosvenor: Evolving Cities, Resilient Urban Form, Governance and the Creation of Long Term Value, The London School of Economics and Political Science Press, London erişim https://lsecities.net/publications/reports/evolving-cities/ (accessed 10.02.2016) Dorst K., 2011. "The core of ‘design thinking’ and its application", Design Studies. 32(6), 123142 Fodor E., 1999. Better NOT Bigger: How to Take Control of Urban Growth and Improve Your Community, Gabriola Island-British Columbia, Canada: New Society Publishers Gehl J. and Gemzoe L., 1998. Public Spaces, Public Life. Copenhagen: The Royal Danish Academy Graeber D., 2001. Toward An Anthropological Theory of Value: The False Coin of Our Own Dreams. New York: Palgrave Macmillan Press Groves R. and Niner P., 1998. A Good Investment? The Impact of Urban Renewal on an Inner City Housing Market, Bristol, The Policy Press Haas T., and Olsson K. 2014. (Editors) “Emergent Urbanism, Urban Planning & Design in Times of Structural and Systemic Change”, Ahsgate, Farnham Hass-Klau C., Crampton G., Dowland C. and Nold I., 1999. Streets as Living Space: Helping Public Places Play Their Proper Role, Good Practice Guidance with Examples from a Town Centre Study of European Pedestrian Behaviour, London: Landor Publishing Ltd İnalcık, Halil. 2000. "Osman Gazi'nin İznik (Nicaea) Kuşatması ve Bafeus Savaşı". Öz, Mehmet ve Özel, Oktay. Söğüt'ten İstanbul'a (1.baskı). İmge Kitabevi. Jones, P., Roberts M. And Morris L., 2007. Rediscovering Mixed-use Streets the Contribution of Local High Streets to Sustainable Communities, The Policy Press, Bristol Jupp B., 1999. Living Together, Community Life on Mixed Tenure Estates.London:DEMOS Kluckhohn C., 1951 “Values and value-orientations in the theory of action: An exploration in definition and classification” in T. Parsons, & E. Shils (Eds.), Toward a General Theory of Action. Cambridge(MA): Harvard University Press. Lennard S.H.C., 1984. Public Life in Urban Places: Social and Architectural Characteristics Conducive to Public Life in European Cities, New York: Gondolier
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Lerner S. and Poole W., 1999. The Economic Benefits of Parks and Open Spaces, San Francisco: The Trust for Public Land Publishers Long G., 2012. “State of the Studio: Revisiting the potential of studio pedagogy in U.S. based planning programs”, Journal of Planning Education and Research, 32(4), 431–448 LSE Cities Programme, 2013. Local City. Cities Studio Publications, The London School of Economics and Political Science,London (erişimhttp://www.lse.ac.uk/LSECities/citiesProgramme/citiesStudioPublications.aspx Marshall S., 2015. “Refocusing urban design as an integrative art of place”, Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers: Urban design and Planning, 168(1) (2015), 8–18 Peiser R. and Schwann G., 1993. “The Private Value of Public Open Space Within Sudivisions”, Journal of Architectural and Planning Research 10(2), 91-104 Polat, S., 2015. “Interdisciplinary Approaches and Collaboration in Architectural Education: Urban Creation Workshops in Paris”, Global Built Environment Review. 9(2), 69-92 Stevenson, A., and Waite, M. (Editors). 2011. Concise Oxford English Dictionary (12th edition.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Strickland R., 2000. Neighbourhoods for Learning Places, Places. 13(1), 92-104 Terrence C. S. J., 2014. "A theoretical basis for recommending the use of design methodologies as teaching strategies in the design studio", Design Studies, 35(6), November 2014, 632–646 Wallace, W.L., 1994. A Weberian Theory of Human Society. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.
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Commentary
Transitioning Cities: A Commentary on Cities in Transition and Beyond Eamon Reid* Lancashire, UK
Abstract This commentary combines two readings: a re-reading of Shakur’s (2005) edited volume Cities in Transition and a conceptual interpretation of the articles presented in this volume. This reading discusses the notion that contemporary “developed” cities (developed world cities) are transitioning in contemporary times alongside “developing” cities. The conservation of vernacular architecture in the contemporary context could be linked to wider political and conceptual concerns. Drawing on fieldwork observations and the interpretation of literature, the author attempts to re-translate and re-interpret articles from Shakur’s edited volume alongside contemporary developments. The emphasis is on the political: the political and conceptual questions raised through reinterpretation of problematics pertaining to collective memory, the role of the vernacular and the contestation of space. How can we understand the problems opened by Cities in Transition and the problems left open by the articles in this volume, pertaining to the political constraints of implementing thoroughly conceived plans? The commentaries modest goal is to open the space for debate and discussion relating to the political dimensions of the built environment, including construction and design. Keywords: Transitional Cities, Contestation, Collective Memory, Vernacular Architecture, Intensity.
Eamon Reid* email: eamon_reid@go.edgehill.ac.uk Research student, Geography/Media Studies, Edge Hill University, Lancashire, UK
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Introduction This commentary re-reads Shakur’s (2005) edited volume Cities in Transition (CIT from here onwards) alongside a conceptual interpretation of the articles presented in this volume. The readings discuss the notion that contemporary “developed” cities (developed world cities) are transitioning in contemporary times alongside “developing” cities. The difference however pertains to the intensity of transition or the degree of transformation: specific cities are transitioning at a higher rate than other cities. Also, intensity does not always refer to similar phenomena (the influx of refugees in Europe, capital investment in Shanghai and so on), it only refers to the degree of change or the rate of transition of a specific variable. The conservation of vernacular architecture in the contemporary context (the previous articles presented in this volume and certain chapters within CIT) could be linked to wider political and conceptual concerns, including transitional built environments. The transitory status of contemporary world cities does not diminish the importance of localized architectural styles. The commentary attempts to re-interpret articles from Shakur’s edited volume CIT alongside contemporary developments, including the articles presented in this volume by discussing a multitude of examples. The emphasis is political. The political and conceptual questions raised through the reinterpretation of problematics pertaining to collective memory, the role of the vernacular and the contestation of space are ambiguous and complex. They also refer to different applications of the term intensity: the intensity of the local within the global (the prevalence of the vernacular), the intensity of individual memories within the collective imagination (who’s memories are prevalent?) and the intensity of contestation (how radical or intense is an instance of spatial contestation?). How can we understand the problems opened by CIT and the problems left open by the articles in this volume, pertaining to the political constraints of implementing thoroughly conceived plans? How can contestation (spatial political action) be managed or incorporated within the planning process, or does politics necessarily exceed notions of planning inclusion or inclusionary design? This commentary could possibly open the space for such a debate but cannot arrive at affirmative answers or conclusions. However, the initiation of the discussion and the [re]activation of the concerns of CIT is a partial step in the direction.
The vernacular and the Built Environment The vernacular, ‘the language or dialect spoken by the ordinary people of county or region’ is a term that in architectural discourse is defined more technically, without losing its common meaning. Vernacular architecture is a style (unique in each instance) that attempts to reflect and postulate (on this point see Jencks, 1985: 30-1) localized tradition through utilizing locally available construction materials, incorporating traditional aesthetics into urban design and 108
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attempting to meet the needs of local populations and publics (Misra, 2016; Previtali & Zhai, 2016; Adhikary, 2016; Foruzanmehr, 2011; Khattab, 2005). The technical definition of vernacular does not give rise to any singular style or movement (e.g. the technical definition of modernist architecture could give rise to the singular ‘modernist’ movement with individuated leitmotifs within the movement), as vernacular style is particularized and localized in each instance. Vernacular British architecture is not the same as vernacular Turkish architecture even if their emergence can be explained by the same technical definition. In a similar fashion, the functions of the vernacular architecture differ depending context and application (e.g. the conservative uses of British traditional architecture (Burnskill, 1997: 32-40, 182-198; Scruton, 1994; Scruton, 2013: 3-22, 35-66, 192-216) versus a progressive return to local republican leitmotifs in Turkey). The prevalence of the vernacular (local) amongst universal (global) style thus has different political meanings depending on context. Culturally exporting modernist architecture to the developing world (such as the case of Doxiadis in Islamabad) and the resistance to such practices takes on a different political meaning than the European vernacular revival against avant-garde modernist architecture (tradition against radicality or tradition against empty or ‘nihilistic’ design). It is not simply that the application of vernacular style in the developing world is progressive and its application in the developed world is conservative (this however can be the case, especially if we look at spatial contestation within multi-cultural built environments in Britain (see Vaughan, 2007; Brice, 2007; Khan et al, 2007; Nasser, 2005: 42-55)). The complexity and ambiguity is that the divide between developed and developing ‘worlds’ does not necessarily apply to their cities (for instance, a colleague once stated that ‘Naples was a pocket of the third world within Europe’). Moreover, the current condition of certain European nations (i.e. the economic condition of Greece during its perpetual economic stagnation and recession) and their cities can be compared with traditionally ‘developing world’ cities (including ‘nations within cities’). The difference is one of intensity. This difference not only relates to the intensity of the vernacular within the built environment (how many vernacular buildings are present in relation to ‘global’ buildings), but also to the intensity of development (or underdevelopment) and the intensity of variables (e.g. economic condition, the size and distribution of the urban population, migratory patterns, etc.). Variables may undergo processes of intensification or de-intensification (see Davis, 2006: 20-50; Burchel, 2002: 61-77; Nolan, 2002: 112-137; Koslowski, 2002), in the contemporary context, migratory patterns are a significant indicator of intensification and de-intensification processes. The differentiation of population intensity (i.e. density within space) effects both developed and developing nations, such as China, where large population flows are effecting urban formation, organisation and social structure (Changmin, 1997; Eades, 2014; Lei, 2014; Mou et al, 2013; Schulz, 2012; see also Nail, 2015: 11-20; Woods, 1982: 9-22; Liu, 2005: 191- 200). Transitory movements tend to refer to a forward progression or movement, but they can also refer to a backwards or regressive movement: decline (see Kreichauf, 2017: 75-95; Ligon, 2017: 109
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221-233; Campkin, 2013: 57-77; see also Dorling, 2014). The movement against regression or decline is also an appropriate context for the application of vernacular design: utilizing the vernacular for the sake of tourism (such as the case of Chester in Britain or the revitalization and reconstruction of Barcelona’s traditional old town or building hotels on the Turkish island of Yassiada). The ‘tourism question’ (when presented within this volume) emphasise the alteration of functions and the prevalence of global style that is detrimental to local ways of life (the negative effects of the touristic functions of the Istanbul bazaar to the non-sustainable hotel construction on the island of Yassiada). The relation between tourism and the vernacular is also one of intensity: the intensity of global capital within the localized built environment (Cohen, 1998: 827; Clark & Wojcik, 2007; Dixon, 2014: 1-20, 153-160; Glaeser, 2011). How progressive or conservative the intervention of capital within the built environment is requires further investigation and interpretation. The crucial factor to emphasize is that the utilization of vernacular architecture is never simply neutral and the political is never absent from its application. Collective memory and the Identity of the Built Environment The cultural dynamic that is expressed by vernacular architecture relates to the notions of collective memory and identity. A multitude of architectural and spatial critics emphasize the important role of mimetics and identity expression within the built environment (Lynch, 1975; 1995: 35-47, 87-97, 205-226; 1984; 6-35; Jencks, 1985; Rossi, 1982: 20-34, 112-114, 127-131; Boyer, 1996; Tuan, 1977: 136-149, 161-179), linking it to both the experience of space and the process of design and construction. Both the notions of collective memory (the memory of a group of people, passed from one generation to the next) and identity (the fact of being who or what a person or a thing is) have various politico-critical interpretations and definitions that betray their common (or ‘vernacular’) uses. In this context, the identity of the object (for instance, the Porsuk riverfront in Eskisehir, the Istanbul Bazaar, the Republican Square in Bursa the island of Yassiada) relates to the objects historical being. How the object (an urban artefact or singularity) is remembered and the accordingly essential elements that express the objects identity is predicated on its historical actuality: the urban singularities (i.e. Bursa’s republican square) original form is foundational for both mimetics and identity. The problem however is that the objects morphogenesis (how the artefact transitions or how space-time (the built environment and its socio-cultural context) transitions around the object) can be remembered differently in relation to the generational composition of the public. In other words, different age groups relate to urban singularities differently (how a young teenager relates to Istanbul’s historical district will differ to an ex-craftsman). ‘Time-space compression’ (Harvey, 1990: 260-307) does not affect the differential relationship towards architectural objects, as the reduction of distance and the intensification of cultural homogeneity does not 110
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reduce the difference between generations, it only decreases the duration of a generation through acceleration (see Sloterdijk, 2012). How different agents (age is but one example) relate to objects differently introduces an antagonism into the interpretation of collective memory (see Trabsky, 2015; Slessor, 2011; Congleton & Rajaram, 2014; see also Acuff, 2012; see also Moctezuma-Barragan, 2005: 71-88): who’s memories are included and excluded when collective memories are introduced into the design process? At what epoch (time-period, i.e. the 19th century) does the objects history determine its identity, thus is used as the reproductive aim within the urban design process? In other words, how does the architect or designer choose what historical period to represent when conserving or regenerating an architectural object? (Is the Porsuk riverfront more ‘actual’ or authentic in the 19th century or the early 20th century?). The ideological and political problems relating to collective memory and identity (in the context of architecture and the built environment) are complex and ambiguous. One of the significant problems is that empirical assessment, investigation and evaluation cannot close the gap between perception (how an object is viewed) and its representation. Choosing what identity to represent and what collective memories to express is a political choice. Spatial Contestation: Political Intensity within the Built Environment Shakur (2014) defines the notion of contested spaces in relation to ‘segregation’ (he emphasises racial segregation and stratification in the colonial era), as the contestation of space (the action or process of disputing or arguing within, through or about space or spatial formation, the built environment) is inter-related to the notion of the ‘disaffected communities’: the product of a governing body does that does not recognise the needs of its populations (i.e. the ethnic-migrant population in districts of Amsterdam). The notion of spatial contestation has two significant inter-related variants: the actual-physical and the virtual-ideological. Physical (actual) spatial contestation relates to political action through and in space (Badiou, 2012: 17-61; Zizek, 2012: 7-19, 63-77; Sitrin & Azzellini, 2014: 14-39; Harvey, 2014: 1-5; Lefebvre, 1991; Butler, 2012: 65-72, 97-104, 143-155, Nightingale, 2012; Tammaru et al, 2016: 1-30). Political riots in Oldham (Shakur et al, 2007), the London riots of 2011, the political protests in Egypt and Tunisia (Hussein, 2012), the #SaveOurSteel protests in Scunthorpe and other British steelwork towns (Reid, 2017) to the spatial politics of squatter settlements (Bahre, 2007: 134-147; Turgut, 2007: 158-167) can be termed both physical and actual as they relate to the motion and the presence of actual bodies within space: the active engagement of citizens during a political event. Actual-physical contestation can also be understood in relation to the concept of intensity: spatial intensity (how many bodies are active) and temporal intensity (the duration of the event) can be measured and analysed in relation to effects (outcomes, transition, etc.). Virtual-ideological contestation relates more directly to the political problematics pertaining to 111
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both the use of vernacular architecture and collective memory, as the virtual (or the imagined, the perceived) relates to what a spatial object represents, what it expresses (Deleuze, 1990: 1426; see also Scott & Swenson, 2015; Minkenberg, 2014; McQuire, 2016: 124-156; Dikec, 2016). While the spatial object (such as the groves in Istanbul or the Bazaar) is a physical object (it exists within space), what the object represents (its ideological significance) and its meaning (its effect on identity formation) cannot be reduced to its physicality (its materiality). However, the meaning of an object and the aesthetic quality of the built environment can be contested. While actual-physical contestation relates to direct political action (the event), virtual-ideological contestation implies indirect political activity (alterations to design, aesthetic criticism of the built environment, altering the perception of the environment, etc.) The physical and the ideological (i.e. the actual and the virtual) are inter-related notions, as the aesthetic meaning of an architectural object cannot be separated from its material-physical existence, even if it can be understood and analysed as an independent variable. Moreover, the aesthetic and cultural value of architectural objects and how they are perceived cannot be separated from the populations materiality. Disaffection, the predicate of spatial contestation (the intensive variable that causes spatial contestation), can be related to both the actual-physical and the virtual ideological. Disaffection can also be related to intensity (how intensely a community or a population is disaffected), the crucial political term that relates disaffection to the application of the vernacular, to the representation of collective memory and to the physics of spatial politics. Shakur (2014) holds that disaffected communities are multiplying in contemporary times, thus intensifying spatial contestation. It is this increase in contested spaces that problematize architectural discourse and practice on a global level. Contestation introduces what Lyotard (1984: xxiv-xxv, 53-60) calls ‘instabilities’. Instabilities, in this context how not meeting the populations needs induces disaffection, what can be interpreted as a political instability (as disaffection leads to contestation) is related to the ‘production of space’ (Lefebvre, 1991): what space is produced and for what population? Coda: Cities in Transition today This commentary attempted to briefly discuss problematic issues pertaining to issues located within CIT and the articles within this volume, focusing on a political interpretation of intensity: developing and developed world cities are undergoing both global and local scale transitions that may best be understood through an analysis of intensity (the intensity of variables). CIT’s major contribution was its scale, explicating transitionary movements within a multiplicity of world cities. This emphasis is crucial. In the global context (post ‘time-space compression’ (Harvey, 1990: 260-307)), the crucial analytical difference is intensification: segregation and destitution in certain spaces of Amsterdam or London is different to the level of destitution in Dhaka (see Shakur, 2007) due its intensity. In short, destitution is a global notion while its intensity is not. This applies to the discussions of the vernacular and to notions of collective memory. The 112
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application of the vernacular in developed world is not fundamentally different to the application of the vernacular in the developing world. That is not to say that the colonial uses of European architecture in the Americas or in South East Asia (or even the Japanese imperial uses of architecture in Korea and parts of China in the 20th century) is neutral or is not different to their uses in core imperial cities (London, Tokyo, etc.). It is to say that in the 21st century, the use of the vernacular is opposed to the global as such, if the ‘global’ designates a political-economic orientation (global capital). The political interpretation of this opposition can only be made after the application of vernacular architecture within a specific context. Collective memory and the conservation of memory can be included in this line of thought, in the sense that collective memories representation of the historical being of ‘urban singularities’ or ‘urban artefacts’ is opposed to the global utilization of space as such (reducing the republican-square in Bursa to corporate usage). Collective memory however cannot be globalized in the same way that vernacular architecture could be (traditional Japanese architectural style being deployed in the US), as collective memories are routed in a site: place. Style can be globalized, but its local cultural meaning cannot. Contested spaces (the contestation of space) can be related to the application of the vernacular and the representations of collective memory, as disaffected communities have memories (that are both singular and collective) and have their own ideas of the ‘vernacular’. Both the articles in this volume and CIT could be related to the notion of contested spaces (in both variations of the notion) and to the notion of intensity. This commentary, as previously stated, cannot offer affirmative answers or conclusions, it can only point towards the fruits of analysing the variations of intensity in the context of the built environment. References Acuff, J.M. 2012. Spectacle and Space in the Creation of Premodern and Modern Polities: Towards a Mixed Ontology of Collective Identity. International Political Sociology. Vol 6. 2, 132-148. Adhikary, N. 2016. Vernacular architecture in post-earthquake Nepal. International Journal of Environmental Studies. Vol 73. 4, 533-540. Badiou, A. 2012. The Rebirth of History: Times of Riots and Uprisings. Verso, London. Bahre, E. 2005. Housing for the Urban Poor in Cape Town: A post-Apartheid Dream or Nightmare? In Shakur, T. 2005. Eds. Cities in Transition: Transforming the Global Built Environment. Open House Press, Cheshire.
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Boyer, C.M. 1996. The City of Collective Memory: Its Historical Imagery and Architectural Entertainments. MIT Press. Brice, K. 2007. Sleepwalking to Segregation or Wide-awake Separation: Investigating Distribution of White English Muslims and the Factors Influencing their Choices of Location. Global Built Environment Review. Vol 6. 2, 21-32. Burchel, B. 2002. The prevalence and redistribution of job insecurity and work intensification in Burchell, B., Ladipo, D., Wilkinson, F. 2002. Eds. Job Insecurity and Work Intensification. Routledge, London. Burnskill, R.W. 1997. Traditional Buildings of Britain: Introduction to Vernacular Architecture. Orion, London. Butler, C. 2012. Henri Lefebvre: Spatial politics, everyday life and the right to the city. Routledge, Oxon. Campkin, B. 2013. Remaking London: Decline and Regeneration in Urban Culture. I.B.Tauris & Co, London. Changmin, S. 1997. Floating Population in Shanghai – A Perspective of Social Transformation in China. Koloner China-Studein Online: Arbeitspapiere zu Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Chinas. http://www.phil-fak.uni-koeln.de/fileadmin/chinastudien/papers/No_1997-12.pdf Accessed 27/04/17. Clark, G.L., Wojcik, D. 2007. The Geography of Finance: Corporate Governance in the Global Market Place. Oxford University Press. Cohen, B.J. 1998. The Geography of Money. Cornell University Press. Congleton, A.R., Rajaram, S. 2014. Collaboration Changes Both the Content and the structure of memory: Building the architecture of shared representations. Journal of Experimental Psychology. Vol 143. 4, 1570-1584. Davis, M. 2006. Planet of Slums. Verso, London.
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Historic Built Environments & Its Adaptability Today: Transforming Contemporary Turkish Urban Entities Edited by Tasleem Shakur
The question of the place of vernacular architecture in todays globalized world is a perplexing and complex phenomenon. It has become an imperative to conserve the collective memories that are represented and embodied through monuments and heritage sites. How to conserve such identities while progressively transforming urban spaces is however a difficult task. The politics of place identity is also a difficult dynamic to navigate. Does the conservation of heritage architecture within Europe have the same political dynamics as the conservation of developing world vernacular architectures? Most importantly, there appears to be a positive relationship between conserving the vernacular and the production of a strong sense of community.
The comparison between historical traditional community settlements with both modern and postmodern forms of community settlement does not seem to be a popular research subject. It is even harder to identify serious studies analyzing aspects of architecture and urbanism within major Muslim countries of the world. The politics of vernacular architectural styles, collective memories and globalizing (post)modernity’s appear to overlap at this conjuncture. If there is any truth in the statement that ‘indigenous architecture have been grossly abused by foreign influences and this has brought series of acculturation that alienate the original cultural values’, then the balance between the study western vernaculars and ‘eastern’ vernaculars needs addressing.
The question of how to address such balance remains open, but it is evident that non-western forms of vernacular architecture requires further consideration, beyond simply aesthetic value. Such architecture allows for both contemporary adaptability and the historical reaffirmation of place identification. If there is a political dynamic to be identified within vernacular architectures, it is in how historical districts and sites can stimulate and sustain vibrant community compositions.
This volume attempts to readdress this balance by focusing on Turkish urban entities, with articles investigating heritage sites from Bursa to Istanbul. This volume was predicated by research findings presented at the 26th International Building and Life Fair and Congress in 2014.
Contributors: Tasleem Shakur, Bilge Ulusay Alpay, Pelin Gokur, Iclal Kaya Alpay, Erdem Kaya, Meltem Kaya, Kaya H Serdar, Sibel Polat, Neslihan Dostoglu, Tunali Selma, Ayse Duygu Kacar, Aysen Celen Ozturk, Terane Burnak, Gokce Onal Ketizmen, Hatice Dulger, Ersan Koc, Eamon Reid
Global Built Environment Review www.globalbuiltenvironmentreveiw.co.uk
GBER Special Edition 2017 GBER (Global Built Environment Review): ISSN 1474-6824 www.globalbuiltenvironmentreview.co.uk