September 2020
Volume 16 No.10
Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper
Continúa el Éxodo Boricua Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper
Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper
Un Periódico Diferente / A Different Kind of Newspaper
Crédito: © César J. Ayala 2020
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Editorial / Editorial
Continúa el Éxodo Boricua En las últimas tres décadas, Puerto Rico ha atravesado por largos períodos de crisis económicas, políticas, sociales y naturales que han impactado profundamente la sociedad puertorriqueña. Una de las mas visibles consecuencias de estas crisis ha sido el alarmante número de puertorriqueños que ha migrado a los Estados Unidos a principios del 2000. Durante los pasados veinte años, el fenómeno de la migración venía incrementándose. La prolongada depresión económica que atravesaba la isla y la quiebra del gobierno estatal unidos al impacto castastrófico de los huracanes Irma y María en septiembre de 2017 crearon una
situación económica y social sin precedentes en la historia moderna de Puerto Rico. Estos factores provocaron la aceleración del movimiento migratorio hacia Estados Unidos. En esta edición, incluimos dos artículos del profesor César Ayala de la Universidad de los Angeles en California que presentan una excelente fotografía de los cambios demográficos que ha experimentado el archipiélago de Puerto Rico. Los artículos fueron recientemente publicados en 80grados, revista digital producida en Puerto Rico. Para leer otros artículos relacionados con el tema, pueden visitar su página virtual - www.sscnet. ucla.edu/soc/faculty/ayala/prdiaspora
Cita del Mes/Quote of the Month “It’s amazing why we keep loving this country and this country does not love us back.” “It’s really so sad. Like, I should just be a coach. I’m so often reminded of my color. It’s just really sad. We got to do better, but we got to demand better.” “We’re the ones getting killed. We’re the ones getting shot.” GLENN ANTON “DOC” RIVERS Los Angeles Clippers coach speaks out on Jacob Blake shooting on August 26, 2020.
Foto del Mes/Photo of the Month
Cultura viva con Bomba de Aquí vía ZOOM La próxima clase de baile y música de bomba y plena con la reconocida folclorista Brendaliz Cepeda y su grupo Bomba De Aqui será los días 14-18 de septiembre de 2020. Para mayor información sobre la clase a través de ZOOM, comuníquese a bombadeaqui123@ gmail.com o visite su página en Facebook, Bomba-De-Aqui.
contents
2 Editorial / Editorial Continúa el Éxodo Boricua 3 Portada / Front Page Puerto Rico: un pueblo diaspórico 4 El despoblamiento de Puerto Rico, 2010-2019 5 Housing Options Don’t Get Off the Ground After Hurricane María, Earthquakes 8 Envisioning New Intellectual Futures: Critical Puerto Rican Studies Analyze the Verano del 19 9 Rebembering Miriam Jiménez Román, Pioneer in Afro-Latinx Activism 10 Opinión / Opinion The Time Has Come for Progressives To Support Self-Determination for Puerto Rico 1 L ibros/ Books 1 Militant Puerto Ricans: Migrants, Armed Struggle & Political Prisoners
Reflexiones sobre la quiebra y la reconstrucción económica 12 Literatura / Literature The Five Horses of Doctor Ramón Emeterio Betances
13 Finanzas / Finances The Five Horses of Doctor Ramón Emeterio Betances 14 Educación / Education Neal touts $1.89 million to HCC for community health program
15 S alud / Health Racial Disparities in COVID-19: Key Findings from Available Data and Analysis
Bomba De Aquí es un grupo folclórico puertorriqueño que mantiene viva la cultura a través del baile y la música de la bomba y plena de Puerto Rico. Founded in 2004
OT TINTNAT E H N I K CALIE por MANUEL
FRAU RAMOS
In the Pioneer Valley …
Alex Morse Has a Second Opponent: Local Media. On August 27, 2020, the online news publication The Intercept posted an article with the above title about the 1st Congressional District race between incumbent Richie Neal and challenger Alex Morse.
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Volume 16, No. 10 n September 2020
Editor Manuel Frau Ramos manuelfrau@gmail.com 413-320-3826 Assistant Editor Ingrid Estrany-Frau Managing Editor Diosdado López Art Director Tennessee Media Design Business Address El Sol Latino P.O Box 572 Amherst, MA 01004-0572
The article described how some local media news outlets picked up the story about the allegations of “sexual misconduct” against Alex Morse and ran with it. However, when on August 12 The Intercept discovered that the claims were part of a long-running plan by UMass Amherst students affiliated to the state Democratic Party to take down the mayor, the story “imploded spectacularly” and broke apart.
Editorial Policy
The article explained that, “While the allegations in the letter had received heavy play on local radio, television, and print media, those later revelations did not, even after the state party was pressured by its rank and file into announcing an internal investigation into its own conduct.” It added that, “The conspiracy angle — the fact that the accusations were part of a long-running scheme by students, with the aid of the state party, to take down the Morse campaign — was barely mentioned.”
El Sol Latino welcomes submissions in either English or Spanish. We consider and review all submissions but reserve the right to not publish them. We reserve the right to edit texts and make corrections for reasons of space and/or style. Submissions may be sent to our postal address or via electronic mail to: info@elsollatino.net.
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El Sol Latino is published monthly by Coquí Media Group. El Sol Latino es publicado mensualmente por Coquí Media Group, P.O Box 572, Amherst, MA 01004-0572.
Portada / Front Page
El Sol Latino September 2020
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Puerto Rico: un pueblo diaspórico por CÉSAR J. AYALA
Este artículo fue publicado originalmente en 80grados.net | 10 de julio de 2020 © César J. Ayala 2020
En 2018, 64% de los puertorriqueños vivían en los 50 estados y la capital federal, el otro 36% en la Isla de Puerto Rico. Al comenzar el siglo la población de la Isla aventajaba, aunque por poco, a la población puertorriqueña de los 50 estados. La ventaja se tornó a favor de los 50 estados en 2006, año en que se terminan las exenciones contributivas 936 en Puerto Rico y se acelera el éxodo iniciado por la pérdida de empleos industriales en la Isla. La economía de Puerto Rico, que a través del siglo veinte nunca pudo proveer suficientes empleos a la población, empezó a colapsar con la eliminación de las 936. Cuando se publiquen los datos del censo de los Estados Unidos del 2020, por lo menos dos terceras partes de los puertorriqueños van a estar en los 50 estados, y un tercio en la Isla. Los puertorriqueños son, hoy por hoy, un pueblo diaspórico.
puertorriqueña, que sobrepasa a la del estado de Nueva York. En el 2018, vivían en el estado de Nueva York 1,073,673 puertorriqueños, 29,738 menos que en el año 2000. En ese mismo periodo la población puertorriqueña de la Florida aumentó en 690,000 personas, para alcanzar la cifra de 1,171,637 habitantes puertorriqueños. Aunque una parte de este aumento gigantesco se debe al nacimiento de niños puertorriqueños en ese estado y a la inmigración de boricuas de otros estados, la mayoría del aumento se debe al flujo de residentes de la Isla. En conjunto, los dos estados de mayor concentración de población boricua, Florida y Nueva York, representan casi el 40% de los 5,771,813 puertorriqueños que viven en el continente (año 2018).
Fuente: Censo de EEUU, American Community Survey, 2000-2018.
El aumento de la población puertorriqueña continental se produce simultáneamente con la diminución absoluta de la población de la Isla. Puerto Rico tenía más gente en el año 2000 que hoy. El gran éxodo de las últimas dos décadas difiere de la gran emigración puertorriqueña de los años 1950 en que aquella ola migratoria no resultó en la diminución absoluta de la población de la isla, la cual siguió creciendo a pesar del gran número de puertorriqueños que partía para los Estados Unidos. Pero en la ola actual, el éxodo y las tasas de natalidad muy reducidas han resultado en la merma de la población de la Isla de 3,810,605 habitantes en 2000 a 3,193,354 en 2018, una diminución de 16%. Podríamos decir que uno de cada seis habitantes se ha ido. El flujo migratorio de las últimas dos décadas también difiere del de 1950 en cuanto a sus destinos. El gran polo receptor de los años cincuenta fue la ciudad de Nueva York, y en menor medida, ciudades como Filadelfia y Chicago. En el siglo veintiuno el principal destino de los puertorriqueños es el estado de la Florida, que hoy por hoy mantiene la mayor población
Hay otros estados que experimentaron gran aumento de la población puertorriqueña entre el 2000 y el 2018. En Pennsylvania el aumento fue de 269,282, para alcanzar una población puertorriqueña de 472,213. En Texas el incremento fue de 129,368, totalizando 213,809 residentes boricuas, mientras que en Massachusetts el aumento fue de 124,182 para alcanzar la cifra de 329,532. La población puertorriqueña de los cincuenta estados, que pronto alcanzará la cifra de 6 millones de personas, se encuentra distribuida como indica la tabla al final de esta nota. De estos hechos demográficos surgen muchas interrogantes. ¿Qué significa que dos terceras partes de los boricuas vivan fuera de la Isla? Evidentemente, los puertorriqueños son un pueblo que habla dos idiomas, pero no todos los puertorriqueños hablan dos idiomas. ¿Qué impacto tiene sobre la Isla, y sus opciones de estatus político, el hecho demográfico de una mayoría boricua en los 50 estados? ¿Persistirá en Estados Unidos la identidad puertorriqueña? ¿Cómo figura el hecho demográfico puertorriqueño dentro del marco de una nación estadounidense muy cambiada, en la cual uno de cada seis residentes (y pronto uno de cada cinco) es hispano? Ya hay más de 60 millones de Hispanos en Estados Unidos (59,740,273 en el año 2018), lo cual en términos económicos representa un producto económico mayor al de los países latinoamericanos más poblados (Brasil, México). El creciente peso continued on next page
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El Sol Latino September 2020
El despoblamiento de Puerto Rico, 2010-2019 por CÉSAR J. AYALA Este artículo fue publicado originalmente en 80grados.net | 24 de julio de 2020
valiente sindicato de maestros, que cuenta ahora con un número reducido de pupilos para sus aulas y escuelas? ¿Es posible que este gran cambio demográfico esconda algún aspecto positivo? ¿Menos contaminación ambiental? ¿Menos tapones en el expreso? ¿Quién sabe? CÉSAR J. AYALA nació en Hato Rey (PR), y creció en Los Frailes y en Santa Rosa I en Guaynabo cuando todavía se usaban los antiguos nombres de los barrios y no existía el concepto “Guaynabito.” Estudió historia en la Universidad de Princeton, Sociología en la Universidad del Estado de Nueva York en Binghamton, y enseña en el Departamento de Sociología de la Universidad de California en Los Angeles en California.
Puerto Rico: un pueblo diaspórico continued from page 3 Entre el 2010 y el 2019, Puerto Rico perdió 14 por ciento de su población, según las encuestas de población del Puerto Rico Community Survey, la versión local del American Community Survey. Los dos extremos son los municipios de Lares y Gurabo. El primero perdió 21% de su población en los últimos nueve años, mientras que el segundo es el único municipio de Puerto Rico que experimentó un crecimiento demográfico positivo.
demográfico latino en Estados Unidos representa, potencialmente, un poder económico y político capaz de redefinir el sistema político norteamericano. ¿Qué significa todo esto para Puerto Rico? No tenemos las respuestas, pero por el momento, vale la pena ir formulando las preguntas.
Encabezando la lista, después de Lares, están los municipios de Guánica y Peñuelas (21%), seguidos de 5 que experimentaron una reducción del 20%: Ponce, Fajardo, Ceiba, Yauco y Las Marías. Mayagüez y San Juan perdieron 19% de su población en este periodo. Bayamón, Loíza, Guayanilla, Villalba y Cataño perdieron 18% de su población. Cuatro municipios perdieron 17% de su población, seis perdieron 16%, y otros 6 perdieron 15%. La hemorragia de población es por todas partes. Cuatro quintas partes de los municipios (64 de 78) perdieron más del 10% de su población en estos 9 años. El municipio de San Juan tiene 75,855 personas menos ahora que hace 9 años, lo cual es una pérdida de más de cuatro veces la gente que cabe en el estadio Hiram Bithorn cuando está lleno a capacidad. Bayamón perdió más de 38 mil habitantes, que es como si llenáramos a su estadio Juan Ramón Loubriel 3 días consecutivos, y sacáramos a toda esa gente del municipio. Ponce perdió casi 34 mil, lo cual es equivalente a la gente que cabe en el Hiram Bithorn más la que cabe en el estadio Paquito Montaner de Ponce, ambos a capacidad. Carolina perdió más de 29 mil habitantes, Caguas y Mayagüez, respectivamente, redujeron su población por 18 y 17 mil personas. En el periodo 2010 a 2019, Puerto Rico experimentó una merma poblacional de más de medio millón de personas, equivalente a más de 28 veces la capacidad del estadio Hiram Bithorn. Para contar nuestras mermas, tal vez será necesario ahora inventar nuevas medidas. Así podremos decir «este año hemos perdido 6 Hiram Bithorns de población,» pero el año próximo «se proyecta una merma de 9 Paquito Montaneres,» o «cinco Juan Ramón Loubrieles,» y así por el estilo, según la preferencia de cada cual, ya sea Cangrejero, León, Criollo, o Vaquero. Así tal vez sea más fácil ponerle una dimensión humana con significado a estos números abstractos. ¿Qué puede significar esta reducción en población para la economía de las Isla? ¿Para los recaudos de impuestos del estado? ¿Qué consecuencias ha tenido esta disminución generalizada para el sistema escolar, y su
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CÉSAR J. AYALA nació en Hato Rey (PR), y creció en Los Frailes y en Santa Rosa I en Guaynabo cuando todavía se usaban los antiguos nombres de los barrios y no existía el concepto “Guaynabito.” Estudió historia en la Universidad de Princeton, Sociología en la Universidad del Estado de Nueva York en Binghamton, y enseña en el Departamento de Sociología de la Universidad de California en Los Angeles n California.
Portada / Front Page
El Sol Latino September 2020
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Housing Options Don’t Get Off the Ground After Hurricane María, Earthquakes by JENIFFER WISCOVITCH • Centro de Periodismo Investigativo This article originally appeared on periodismoinvestigativo.com | August 20, 2020 A bathroom and a bedroom is what’s left of Alexandra Camacho Quiñones’ home in the Amalia Marín sector of the Playa de Ponce neighborhood in Ponce. Her house was destroyed three years ago after Hurricane María, and as time passes, the despair of not having a new home for her and her family of three takes a toll. She has been waiting for a year for the Department of Housing’s (DH) Repair, Rebuild and Relocate (R3) program to begin rebuilding her home. “I keep calling every two weeks, with the same anxiety,” she said. She recalls that she has been in contact with the R3 program regularly since last October.
Photo by Gabriel López Albarrán | Center for Investigative Journalism. Camacho Quiñones and Rodríguez call the R3 offices every two weeks to follow up on their case. Hernández even began to make a subfloor to build a new house himself on the land with money donated and materials that they received after sharing their situation on social networks. However, that money is not enough. “Right now, we laid down the floor, but work is at a standstill, because without money, without help, we can’t do more,” she lamented. “Eventually, I’ll have to start [building] the house myself any way I can, with four walls, any way. The floor is already there. We were thinking of laying down the floor, using the wood that is salvageable and making a big room, so all of us could go in there. But, what happened? When we knocked it down, the wood was rotted. Nothing could be saved,” she added. Photo by Gabriel López Albarrán | Center for Investigative Journalism. Alexandra Camacho Quiñones and Melvin Rodríguez have been waiting a year for R3’s support to rebuild their house on the Amalia Marín plots in the Playa de Ponce neighborhood.
“I called them in despair, telling them that I don’t have a blue tarp, that it ripped off and that I had no way to put it back up because I had no one at home to climb up there, because they can fall, because the roof was split in half and the wood joints were all broken. The hurricane broke all the joints that hold the roof, and they told me: ‘Yes, we’re going to provide you with another tarp,’ but they never came’,” she said. Camacho Quiñones is tired of the inaccurate and changing information that she is given every time she calls to find out about the status of her house. She says she has never received a formal notification with information about her case. “They don’t do anything because they sleep well,” she said in frustration, referring to government employees. A month ago, they told her that the results of the lead test required by the R3 program were ready, and that all that was pending was a visit from a carpenter to give the “final go-ahead.” A week ago, they told her again that everything was approved and ready, including an environmental test that is required by the program. That same day, she decided to call again, but to a different phone number, and to her surprise, she was told she was lacking the appraiser’s visit and the environmental test. Camacho Quiñones warned them that when the carpenter comes to visit, he will not see what they had seen in the initial inspections, since, tired of waiting, her husband Melvin Hernández has demolished the house little by little.
Photo by Gabriel López Albarrán | Center for Investigative Journalism. The family lived in the house until they had to move because of the January earthquakes.
The kitchen was recently demolished to clear the area and leave no debris that could pose a risk during Storm Isaías. Despite the conditions in which Hurricane María left the house and the deterioration of the blue tarp, the family lived in the destroyed house until last January, when they were forced to move due to the earthquakes that mostly affected the island’s southern region where they live. continued on next page
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Housing Options Don’t Get Off the Ground After Hurricane María, Earthquakes continued from page 5 Housing Secretary says case follow-ups should be channeled through municipalities
Housing Secretary Luis Fernández Trichet told the CPI that he does not recall that the municipality of Ponce requested information about Alexandra Camacho Quiñones’ case. As he explained, in cases like this, the municipalities are usually the ones that contact the Department to ask about their status. “There are two people who are assigned to deal with the municipalities and they usually take care of the cases immediately and people are notified about the status,” he said. He also said that if the case is far along or close to going into reconstruction, “it does not make sense to request Section 8.” “We have to validate if her case justifies moving her, because if she should be moved, once the house repair begins, the program pays her for the move if she has nowhere to go,” he said.
Photo by Gabriel López Albarrán | Center for Investigative Journalism. One year after starting the negotiations with R3, Camacho Quiñones has not received an official notification of the status of her case.
Victims forced to pay rent given the slowness of the process
The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) paid Alexandra and her family three months’ rent after the earthquakes. After those three months were up, further aid was denied, and she had to appeal. They were recently notified that their rent payment refund was approved through July. Now, she will have to work on getting an extension of the aid for the coming months. While the case is being evaluated, she has to continue paying the rent again with her own money. When she contacted FEMA, they stressed that the aid is temporary, and she must look for alternatives on her own. The family has not applied for the Section 8 subsidized housing program because, after consulting with the Department of Housing, the agency recommended that they refrain from doing so because they could lose the R3 program aid, which “was already in an advanced stage.” Camacho Quiñones would have preferred to be relocated instead of having her house rebuilt, since the area where it is located is in a flood prone zone. She does not understand how a reconstruction proposal was approved in that area, when the agency has insisted that it will not rebuild in a flood prone zone. “Everyone knows that Playa de Ponce is a flood prone zone, with losses every time there’s bad weather. But when they told me I was ‘approved for reconstruction,’ I said: ‘well, it’s their call’,” she said.
Fernández Trinchet stood by the R3 program, assuring that there are more than 600 houses that are under repair or reconstruction. “Forty-four homes have been completed as part of the program and we’re moving ahead with what we had said of having 300 more homes in repair or reconstruction a month,” he added. He said they have only received a few cases like Alexandra’s, who are able to access the Section 8 or Section 9 (public housing) programs while the R3 works begin. “I’m not seeing an avalanche of cases calling daily,” he said.
Moving at a snail’s pace
According to data from the DH as of Aug. 11, 26,995 people applied to the R3 program, of which 6,052 have been eligible to date. Of those, 266 are in the pre-construction process, 316 under construction, and 45 have been completed for a total of 627 cases to which money was assigned. The Housing Secretary said 2,641 of the total applications for the R3 program are for houses that are still covered with blue tarps. He explained that they will give priority to applications from people with substantial damage where there are blue tarps, the elderly, and people with disabilities. After criticizing the slow pace of the program, Governor Wanda Vázquez Garced said in her State of the Commonwealth and Budget address on July 18, that “excuses were unnecessary and unacceptable,” referring to how the prior Housing Secretary Fernando Gil Enseñat had handled the program, saying she had ordered the new Housing Secretary to “quickly start the construction and reconstruction of homes affected by Hurricanes Irma and María,” three years ago.
Her mother and sister, who were her neighbors, also applied for the R3 program a year ago, but have not had a visit from the inspectors, which would be the first step for them to assess the damage. They both currently live with Alexandra in the rented house, since the house where the mother and sister lived is uninhabitable. The Camacho family’s emotional health has been affected by the loss of their homes. “My mother has always been prone to depression, but after the hurricane she has deteriorated,” Alexandra said. According to information the Center for Investigative Journalism (CPI, in Spanish) got from the Department of Housing, Alexandra’s case was referred to the Deed Approval Program, despite the fact that she claims to have the deed to her property. In her mother, Esmeralda Quiñones’ case, the agency is still determining her eligibility for the program.
Photo La Fortaleza. On July 2, the Governor visited a home under reconstruction by the R3 Program in Juncos. continued on next page
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El Sol Latino September 2020
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Housing Options Don’t Get Off the Ground After Hurricane María, Earthquakes continued from page 6 “These projects will finally begin and today I announce that … we will be starting to work on 300 to 400 housing units per month throughout Puerto Rico, until we fulfill our mission,” the Governor added. However, the Housing Secretary explained what the Governor said: “We’re not saying that there are going to be 300 to 400 houses finished each month. There’s no way that can happen because each home is a different universe. There are houses that may be ready in three weeks…. But there are houses that will take three or four months to finish due to the type of house.”
Changes to program guidelines
According to the Legal Aid organization, the amendments to the R3 Program Guide penalize applicants who invested their money in repairs during the time they have been waiting for assistance. A recent amendment to the Guide states that “the program will not finish informal construction that has been started, but the house would still qualify for reconstruction or relocation.” This means that the program will not reimburse the investment made by the applicants, Legal Aid Attorneys Ariadna Godreau and Paula Fournier explained. Godreau insisted that given the slowness of the program and the lack of information on how their cases are moving along, people, in frustration, are looking for options. The Secretary confirmed to the CPI that program participants who invest in fixing their houses risk having the invested amount deducted and the repairs disqualified from Building Code requirements. “That’s going to be a waste of money and time,” he warned. In addition, he recommended that “they look for housing options with the agency and with the municipalities before starting to invest.” On the other hand, Fournier said that for a fair recovery to occur, it is important to take into consideration the wishes of individuals and communities. Both attorneys recommended that people who are unsatisfied with the R3’s determination should request a reevaluation. The CPI learned of at least two cases where the applicants were not satisfied with the program’s decision to rebuild the homes, as they were only interested in repairs. The Legal Aid team criticized the lack of a transitional housing plan for those who are still waiting for R3, as is the case of Camacho Quiñones and of married couple Reinaldo Gómez and Silvia Soto, who have had to use their money to pay rent for a home. In July, Gómez and Soto received a visit from the Governor and the Secretary of Housing, who went, with the press, to the Ceiba Sur neighborhood of Juncos to inspect the reconstruction work of their home through R3.
Speaking with the CPI, they stressed that after Hurricane María left them homeless, they did not get any assistance, either from the government of Puerto Rico or from the municipality of Juncos, to pay the rent for the house they had to move to. Gómez said he paid for it with his Social Security check. It wasn’t until the church they attended helped them build a structure on their land that they were able to move back again and stop paying rent. On the same day of the Governor’s visit, the couple was relocated to a house where they do not pay rent, until construction is finished. Fernández Trinchet told the CPI that the program does not allow the person to choose what type of help they need because it is up to an engineer or an architect to establish the type of repair the home needs after evaluating it. “The concept of the program is long-term housing, it’s not about: “just fix my windows and that’s it,” he said. He said the DH has to comply with what federal regulations require of the program. “Unfortunately, either we fix the house for you, which can be simple or more complex, but we can’t choose between ‘install the cabinet for me, don’t fix the bathroom.’ That kind of thing does not exist in this program,” he said. Regarding moving R3 applicants into transitional housing, he explained people can only be moved when the type of repair the house needs is determined. However, in Alexandra Camacho Quiñones’ case — in which the necessary repairs have been established — the agency has not yet offered her the alternative of moving.
Mitigation is possible
In response to claims from some communities, Fernández Trinchet confirmed that the agency will be evaluating how to make homes or communities safer to avoid having to relocate. R3 program Guides establish that homes that sustained significant damage and that are located in flood-prone areas are only eligible for relocation. He added that housing mitigation will only be possible in cases where it is cost effective for the R3 program, as was established under former secretary Gil Enseñat’s tenure. “If, after analyzing the mitigation issue in a community, it turns out that $150,000 will be enough to repair each unit, that’s something that can be done. But the concept of mitigation at the community level already entails a much broader and much deeper analysis, and what we don’t want is to make people wait in programs that don’t need mitigation,” he explained. He said that people who opt for mitigation at the community level will be keeping their turn in the R3 program. “[Their wait could be shortened] with mitigation program funds and it will obviously depend on how much it costs to mitigate a community per unit,” he added. Godreau said that relocation will only be available to applicants who have a property title to their home when they apply, or to those who automatically enter the DH’s Deed Approval Program, which provides assistance for participants to get the property title. But she explained that participating in this program does not guarantee that the applicant will be given the deed, so the person could lose the R3 program’s assistance. “The person is left in a limbo that can be extended up to 360 days, then go back to the R3 program and get a decision [from Housing],” the attorney warned.
Photo by Jeniffer Wiscovitch | Center for Investigative Journalism. Gómez and Soto disagreed with the R3 decision to rebuild their home in the Ceiba Sur neighborhood in Juncos. The couple preferred to have the damages repaired.
CENTER FOR INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM (Centro de Periodismo Investigativo - CPI) is an independent, non-profit 501 (c) (3) media organization that does not accept any form of government support. Our organization receives donations and support from foundations, institutions and citizens who share our vision of civic empowerment and value the quality of good and ethical journalism. Donations received are tax deductible in Puerto Rico and the United States.
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El Sol Latino September 2020
Envisioning New Intellectual Futures: Critical Puerto Rican Studies Analyze the Verano del 19 by AURA S. JIRAU Reprinted with permission from the author. Published in Centro Voices e-Magazine - Center for Puerto Rican Studies | August 2020
On July 24, 2020, the one-year anniversary of the resignation of Ricardo Rosselló Nevares as governor of Puerto Rico, a group of Puerto Ricanist scholars came together to reflect on the processes that led to one of the most significant developments in the archipelago’s recent history. This Plaza Pública Virtual: Diálogos sobre el Verano del 19 was the first event organized by the Critical Puerto Rican Studies/Estudios Críticos Puertorriqueños collective. The forum expanded existing conversations about Rosselló Nevares’ resignation via a semi-formal conference setting made up of four panels. The Plaza Pública Virtual facilitated an interdisciplinary discussion that included the Verano del 19’s background, the creativity of its protests, and contemplations on its various impacts on Puerto Ricans in the archipelago and abroad. Critical Puerto Rican Studies was conceptualized by Luis J. Beltrán Álvarez, a graduate student in Political Science at the University of Connecticut. A University of Puerto Rico alum, Beltrán Álvarez sought to create an independent space to investigate and debate new perspectives about Puerto Rican affairs and what is considered puertorriqueño or Boricua more broadly. Estudios Críticos Puertorriqueños does not intend to replace existing academic collectives. Rather, gatherings like the Plaza Pública Virtual build alternative spaces that give wider exposure to voices of graduate students, contingent faculty and independent scholars as they discuss topics that are sometimes overlooked by existing intellectual circles. Beltrán Álvarez also proposed the Plaza Pública Virtual format for the exchange of ideas about puertorriqueñidad. The Critical Puerto Rican Studies organizers, which included graduate students Luis J. Cintrón Gutiérrez (SUNY-Albany), Joseph A. Torres González (CUNY Graduate Center) and myself expanded the concept by acknowledging the historical development of public plazas as spaces of leisure and socialization in the archipelago and abroad. Estudios Criticos Puertorriqueños also recognized the various ways electoral politics occupied public plazas for their campaigns after the US invasion, specifically the Popular Democratic Party and the Victoria Ciudadana Movement. Rather than seeing the COVID-19 pandemic as an obstacle, organizers of the Plaza Pública Virtual took advantage of the normalization of online meetings to hold the event via Zoom. This facilitated the interaction of both archipelago and diaspora audiences and enabled the participation of the general public without travel or conference fees. Overall, the first Plaza Pública Virtual had around eighty people in attendance. Senior scholars supported the Plaza Pública Virtual and the Critical Puerto Rican Studies initiative more broadly. Dr. Ismael García Colón (College of Staten Island and CUNY Graduate Center) mentored the graduate students
that initially came together to organize the event and gave invaluable advice that helped make the Plaza Pública Virtual a success. As a moderator, he invited Dr. César Ayala (University of California-Los Angeles), who opened the event with a presentation about the recent demographic changes that Puerto Rico experienced as a result of the debt crisis and its various sociopolitical effects. Ayala also highlighted the impact of the Puerto Rican diaspora outside of New York and New England, calling for more research on Florida and Puerto Ricans in western United States. Diversity and innovation characterized the Plaza Pública Virtual’s conversations about #RickyRenuncia. Notable instances were Latin American Studies’ doctoral student Luis Cintrón Gutiérrez’s (SUNY-Albany) analysis of memes created during Ricardo Rosselló’s administration and protests triggering his resignation. Parting from Sayak Valencia’s Live Regime theory, Cintrón Gutiérrez argued that memes serve to build a new, hybrid narrative on the Verano del 19 that merges digital and non-digital forms of expression. STEM students Christopher Torres Lugo (Indiana University-Bloomington) and Danilo T. Pérez Rivera (New York University) analyzed the phenomenon of fotuteo in global social media. They noted that the Puerto Rican government was particular in its knowledge of social media usage to manipulate public opinion, but that its actions fell short once popular indignation broke Twitter’s rules as Puerto Ricans exposed #RickyRenuncia to the world. Dr. Melody Fonseca Santos (University of Puerto Rico-Río Piedras) represented the Colectiva Feminista en Construcción during the first Plaza Pública Virtual, asserting that capitalist and patriarchal violence are interconnected. Fonseca Santos pointed out that struggles to get rid of them take the form of resistance against public debt in Puerto Rico. This presentation began a rich debate on broad definitions of decolonization in Puerto Rico and the role women play in archipelago social activism more broadly. But perhaps the most fruitful set of exchanges was that of the last panel, which sought to address the legacies of the Puerto Rican Verano 19. Clinical Psychology PhD candidate José Giovanni Luiggi Hernández (Duquesne University) reflected on how archipelago protests could serve as base for an innovative approach to his field, focusing on the ways colonized Puerto Ricans interact with hope amid crises and resistance. Luiggi Hernández emphasized how the Verano del 19 and archipelago experiences with disaster make visible the social character of wellbeing and suffering, encouraging psychologists to recognize the collective character of political change. Sociologist and independent scholar César Pérez Lizasuain began his presentation with a self-criticism of an article he penned for Puerto Rican online tabloid 80grados. Pérez Lizasuain called for a collective embrace of defeat in the aftermath of the Verano del 19 to consider the options for moving forward amid the absence of structural change after the resignation of former Governor Rosselló Nevárez. The concluding discussion delved into Governor Wanda Vázquez Garced’s administration and the ways she asserts power in a political system that consistently loses its relevance. Estudios Críticos Puertorriqueños is coordinating more Plazas Públicas Virtuales. Organizers are already meeting to plan a second forum this September that will focus on manifestations of archipelago colonization related to twenty-first century socioeconomic hardships and the influence of the Financial Oversight and Management Board. A third Plaza Pública Virtual in November will take up issues related to puertorriqueñidades and their subjectivities, which define archipelago and diaspora experiences and the interplay between Puerto Rican geographies and societies. These events intend to foster concrete collaborations between archipelago and diaspora scholars via an explicit acknowledgement of their privilege and positionality within academic settings. Most importantly, future Plazas Públicas Virtuales will broaden the Critical Puerto Rican Studies project beyond universities and other formal educational spaces, incorporating organic scholars and the general public in reflections on Puerto Rican futures. continued on next page
Portada / Front Page
El Sol Latino September 2020
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Rebembering Miriam Jiménez Román, Pioneer in Afro-Latinx Activism Published in Centro Voices e-Magazine - Center for Puerto Rican Studies | August 2020
winner, The Afro-Latin@ Reader: History and Culture in the United States, with her late husband, professor of Social and Cultural Analysis and expert in Latin American and Nuyorican culture, Juan Flores. The book offered insight into Afro-Latin@ life and new ways to understand culture, ethnicity, nation, identity, and antiracist politics. In an interview with Kim Haas for Los Afro-Latinos: A Blog Following the Afro-Latino Experience, Myriam shared her hopes for the book. When we discussed how we would do this book, I said I wanted a book that addressed some of the concerns I felt when I was young. This kind of book should have been around when I was a kid because blackness was equated with being African American. This limited view left me concerned about my blackness because I grew up as a Black Puerto Rican and I’m very conscious how race and ethnicity have both impacted my life.
We at the Center for Puerto Rican Studies mourn the passing of our former colleague Miriam Jiménez Román. She passed on August 7, 2020 after a hard-fought battle with cancer. Miriam was Executive Director of afrolatin@forum, a research and resource center that works to raise awareness of Latin@s of African descent in the United States. As an activist, she fought to bring about social and economic equity. She served as the Assistant Director of the Scholars-in-Residence Program at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, where she researched and curated socio-historical exhibitions. She also worked as researcher and editor of the Centro: Journal of the Center for Puerto Rican Studies at Hunter College. In 2012, Miriam was listed by Latina Magazine, as one of 6 Afro-Latinas Who Are Changing the World!, in recognition of her for work to expand Afro-Latino history and culture in profound ways. In 2017, Remezcla listed her as one of 8 Afro Latinos Who Made Important Contributions to US History. She was a professor and a writer. She taught courses on race, ethnicity, and gender at Hunter College, Binghamton, Brown, Columbia and New York universities. Miriam’s writings on the Afro-Latin@ experience and inter-ethnic relations can be found in both scholarly and popular publications.
One of the strengths of the book is it’s an eclectic mix of materials, going from the personal essays to academic research, including statistical and historical data. The Afro-Latin@ Reader has a full range of essays that touch your heart and others that push your mind, giving you new ways of thinking of race and ethnicity. Its broad range explores the ways people think about and understand race. Carlos Vargas, Director for Public Policy at the Center for Puerto Rican Studies, expressed Centro’s sadness at this loss. “Puerto Rican, Latines and American Studies have suffered a tremendous loss. Ever assertive and incisive, Miriam challenged us scholars, artists, students, and activists of all stripes to think critically and with awareness about the diversity of our societies—North American as well as Latin American—and to address and fight against the exclusionary treatment some of us perpetrate and inflict upon others on the basis of birthplace, gender, ethnicity and, unequivocally, race. Her contributions enriched the body of knowledge that we seek to influence. ¡Que en paz descanse!” Visit Centro’s webpage to hear Miriam and Juan discuss their book, The Afro-Latin@ Reader https://centropr.hunter.cuny.edu/events-news/events/ forums/forum-understanding-afro-puerto-rican-and-other-afro-latin-cultures
She co-edited the critically acclaimed and 2011 American Book Award
Envisioning New Intellectual Futures… continued from page 8 The attendance and rich discussions of the Plaza Pública Virtual: Diálogos sobre el Verano del 19 demonstrate that there is interest in having analytical conversations about Puerto Rico that go beyond mainstream academic discourses. Critical Puerto Rican Studies serve as an approach to fulfill the urgent need to foster exchanges between archipelago and diaspora minds not only to maintain a high standard in scholarship about Puerto Rican topics but to assess the impact of our work in the communities we study. As graduate students, contingent faculty and independent scholars embrace Puerto Rico’s complexity as a research site, their counterhegemonic approach will most likely transform the golden age of Puerto Rican Studies that we have seen blossom over the last few years. AURA S. JIRAU is a PhD candidate in history at the University of Pittsburgh. She is interested in the ways the Cold War and the Estado Libre Asociado triggered social mobilization and led to the construction new political identities in post-1952 Puerto Rico. Her doctoral dissertation traces the mid-20th-century student movement of her undergraduate alma mater and its relationships with both the island’s political struggles and its broader socioeconomic transformations.
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biingüe arte, cultura, media politics Natalia Muñoz
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Opinión / Opinion
El Sol Latino September 2020
The Time Has Come for Progressives To Support Self-Determination for Puerto Rico by ERIN COHAN | CENTER FOR AMERICAN PROGES | August 1, 2018 Over the past several weeks, the world has watched as Puerto Ricans—on the island, in the diaspora in the mainland United States, and around the world—took to the streets in incredible numbers to denounce the actions of Puerto Rico’s government leadership. The culmination of these protests occurred when Gov. Ricardo Rosselló announced his resignation, effective August 2. What followed was constitutional turmoil on the island, with the appointment of former Resident Commissioner Pedro Pierluisi by Gov. Rosselló, additional public outcry, and Pierluisi’s eventual removal by unanimous Supreme Court ruling. The constitutional successor to Rosselló, Justice Secretary Wanda Vázquez, was sworn in as governor on August 7, and tensions seem to have cooled. The force with which Puerto Ricans showed up during this crisis should not go unnoticed. Puerto Rico has a strong and admirable culture of engagement; its residents are proud and compassionate, regularly participating in the political process. As Puerto Ricans demand a greater say over their own leaders, progressives should not lose sight of the powerlessness inherent in Puerto Rico’s relationship with the federal government. Puerto Ricans do not have voting representation in Congress and cannot vote for president in the general election, though they do participate in party primaries. Puerto Ricans still show up at high rates to vote in their local, quadrennial elections—at times, at a rate 50 percent higher than voters in the mainland United States. And despite all Puerto Rico has been through since the devastating hurricanes in 2017, its resilient people recently rose up against their government to demand accountability—and they got it. At a time when tensions in Puerto Rico have reached an all-time high, progressives and federal policymakers are at an inflection point in their ongoing relationship. Despite efforts from mainland lawmakers and stakeholder groups, Puerto Rico was forced to live through a brutal initial recovery after Hurricane Maria and continues to endure abhorrent treatment by the Trump administration, which seems to relish in playing politics with people’s basic human needs and livelihoods. The United States bears responsibility for much of Puerto Rico’s crisis It has never been clearer that the colonial relationship between the United States and Puerto Rico has been the root cause of the injustice that the island residents have suffered, both during the storm recovery and for several decades before. At the end of the Spanish American War in 1898, the United States invaded Puerto Rico and seized control over the island from Spain through the Treaty of Paris. At the time of the invasion, Puerto Rico was already a nation in the sociological sense, although still under Spanish colonial domination. Even though Congress extended U.S. citizenship to Puerto Ricans in 1917, it was only in 1952 that a very limited form of local self-government was afforded to Puerto Ricans. The local self-government is limited by the application of congressional and federal laws, regulations, actions, and federal court decisions. Despite possessing what is generally considered to be an advanced, democratic local constitution, it is that limited grant of self-rule that has now proven to be politically and practically bankrupt. In addition, colonialism is a form of racism, and the residents of this island continue to face exclusion, discrimination, and exploitation in many forms. Puerto Rico faces a long road of recovery ahead, not only from the immediate impact of the devastating storms but also from a long-standing and ongoing economic crisis. The United States bears responsibility for much of this crisis, as it is a result of the country’s colonial relationship with Puerto Rico as well as a number of misguided federal policy decisions— including the phase out of Section 936 of the U.S. tax code—that eliminated significant incentives for business investment in Puerto Rico, causing the island to spiral into economic collapse and resulting in a pattern of problematic fiscal decisions that made matters worse for decades to come.
Progressives and progressive institutions must support Puerto Rico’s right to decide its own future Resolving Puerto Rico’s political status is the only way to begin to address the island’s significant economic crisis. Progressive institutions have traditionally remained neutral on the topic of the political status of Puerto Rico, despite being lobbied by advocates on all sides of the issue. As progressives find themselves in a new era of attacks on democracy and government institutions, they are also working to propose bold new policy agendas for future leaders to undo years of harm and build a strong, resilient future. Progressive institutions in the mainland United States should begin to take seriously the topic of the political status of Puerto Rico and build it into the larger policy discussions surrounding democratic values. It is time for progressives to firmly declare support for a fair and equitable process of self-determination to give the people of Puerto Rico agency to decide their future. Puerto Rico has held five previous status plebiscites, or referendums, all of which were nonbinding and regarded as political exercises manipulated by the party in power—and in some cases, mainland U.S. politicians and U.S. corporate and other interests—to secure their desired outcome. It is for this reason that stakeholders must work across party lines to ensure this process remains free of undue political influence. In supporting self-determination for Puerto Rico, progressives must call on Congress to pass legislation that recognizes the right of Puerto Rico to its self-determination and to work in concert with the people of Puerto Rico to create an inclusive, open, and fair process by which all noncolonial and nonterritorial options are examined and considered as permanent solutions. Legislation must also include sufficient federal funding and encompass any regulations necessary to bring this process to final fruition, including provisions that clearly state that the outcome is binding and recognized by the U.S. government. Conclusion For too long, the Puerto Rican people have been denied the right to determine their own political future. Instead of empowering them, the United States has often treated Puerto Ricans in a fundamentally unfair and undemocratic manner. Puerto Rico is home to more than 3 million U.S. citizens and is a strong and vibrant society with its own unique culture, traditions, and vision for the future. The Puerto Rican people’s right to determine their own status in our democracy is long overdue. Progressives and progressive institutions should take no other position on the political status of Puerto Rico than self-determination. And once the people of Puerto Rico have declared their intent through an inclusive and fair process, progressives should work to help the island and the federal government implement any changes so that Puerto Rico has the tools it needs to recover and rebuild toward a prosperous future. ERIN COHAN is the chief of staff and vice president at the Center for American Progress. She helped create the Center’s Puerto Rico Relief and Economic Policy Initiative, and she formerly served as director of intergovernmental affairs for the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico Federal Affairs Administration under former Gov. Alejandro García Padilla. The Center for American Progress is an independent nonpartisan policy institute that is dedicated to improving the lives of all Americans, through bold, progressive ideas, as well as strong leadership and concerted action. Our aim is not just to change the conversation, but to change the country
Libros/ Books
El Sol Latino September 2020
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Militant Puerto Ricans: Migrants, Armed Struggle & Political Prisoners
by MICHAEL GONZÁLEZ-CRUZ • Mayagüez, PR | Independently published | August 2020 | 196 pages shifted to harassment of key individuals, infiltration of Description: Facing discrimination from fellow members in unions, activist organizations and a massive media brainwashing organizations, and political parties, Militant Puerto Ricans tells the story of how campaign to demonize leftist militant tactics. Puerto Ricans in the United States participated in traditional politics, while creating clandestine organizations. By 1965, Puerto Ricans had created over Militant Puerto Ricans concludes with a chapter on the six-hundred different political and communal organizations, with different lives of Pedro Albizu Campos’ revolutionary disciples. In approaches, methods, and tactics. Many organizations focused on improving 1999, the U.S. released twelve Puerto Rican political prisoners after a massive conditions in Puerto Rican communities, and others aimed at freeing Puerto protest took place in the island. Puerto Rico received them with hugs, ovations, Rico from its colonial status. and parades. Michael González-Cruz tells us that these revolutionaries were Militant Puerto Ricans focuses on the formation and the strategies of the Young Lords Party (YLP), the Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP), the Puerto Rican National Left Movement (or the “Comité MINP”), the Puerto Rican Student Union (PRSU), the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación Nacional (FALN), the Nationalist Party (PN) and the Puerto Rican Independence Party (PIP). Militant Puerto Ricans tells the story of how leaders and activists who belonged to these organizations, constantly travelled between Puerto Rico and the U.S., strengthening the bonds between activists and organizations in and outside Puerto Rico. Additionally, Militant Puerto Ricans tells us the story of how clandestine organizations, such as the FALN and the Macheteros, organized to make others conscious about Puerto Rico’s colonial status. Militant Puerto Ricans’ timeline starts in 1868, when Puerto Ricans rebelled against the Spanish colonial government in “El Grito de Lares.” After El Grito, rebel bands in Puerto Rico continued their resistance by assaulting landowners, burning their fields, and destroying credit books. These bands were known as the “Tiznados,” who despite their efforts, did not organize into a large-scale revolutionary movement. Puerto Rico would not see a large revolutionary movement until the 1930s, when Pedro Albizu Campos was elected the president of the Nationalist Party, a working-class movement that threatened corporate and colonial powers. The U.S. fought the Nationalist Party by implementing a Gag Law, they tortured and executed Nationalists, and shot peaceful protesters. Facing violent oppression from the colonial government, the armed struggle became clandestine. The Chicago-based Armed Forces of National Liberation (FALN) and the Boricua Popular Army (EPB) [otherwise known as the “Macheteros”] took command. They attacked and destroyed banks, oil pipelines, military equipment, and federal offices. Their aim was not to overthrow the government, but to protest Puerto Rico’s colonial status. The FBI and Puerto Rican police’s tactics against activists were vicious and brutal. Besides their assassinations of activists without due process, one of the most shocking facts this chapter reports on was how a bomb was planted in the Puerto Rican Socialist Party’s daycare center. It was only after 150,000 dossiers on independence supporters were revealed to the public in the late 1980s, that the FBI scaled back its vicious assassination campaign. Instead, their tactics
radicalized by the tragic circum-stances of their nation, their communities, and their reality. In the United States, many became radicalized when they witnessed the police and FBI violently repress the Black Panther Party. Puerto Ricans who have been born and raised in the United States have faced racism and discrimination to this day. Our militants have fought for liberation, occupied buildings and rescued their history. About the Author MICHAEL GONZÁLEZ-CRUZ was born in Aguadilla, Puerto Rico in 1972. He received his PhD in sociology from Binghamton University in 2005. Studied sociology and political science in the University of Puerto Rico, Mayagüez Campus. Served as a lecturer for the Department of Puerto Rican and Latin American Studies in John Jay College and Hostos Community College in New York City. He’s the autor of “Nacionalismo Revolucionario Puertorriqueño: La lucha armada, presos políticos y los intelectuales” [“Puerto Rican Revolutionary Nationalism: Armed Struggle, Political Prisoners and Intellectuals] published by Editorial Isla Negra, San Juan, P.R., in 2006 and 2007. His book was also published by Editorial La rana y el perro, and Venezuela’s Ministry of Popular Power for the Culture in Caracas (2008). Currently, he’s a Tenured Professor in the Department of Social Sciences in the University of Puerto Rico, Mayagüez (UPRM). Is a former director of the Center of Applied Investigations in the Social Sciences (CISA) at the UPRM (20082010). Since 2008, he collaborates with the Center of Documentation of Armed Movements (cedema.org). He continues investigating political violence, social movements, Latin America and the Caribbean. As a student (1990-94), he joined the Pro-Independence University Federation (FUPI in Spanish) and was a founding member of La Nueva Escuela (The New School) (2006-2010). He served as a pro-independence spokesperson for Boricua Ahora Es, an organization dedicated to the decolonization of Puerto Rico’s plebiscite on its political status, where 54.0% of voters expressed themselves against maintaining the current political status. Recently, he presided over Marchemos (Let Us March), a political organization representing Puerto Rican independence in the 2017 plebiscite.
Reflexiones sobre la quiebra y la reconstrucción económica
Por GUSTAVO VÉLEZ • San Juan, PR | Publicación independiente | Mayo 2020 | 140 páginas proyectos de planificación económica y de política Sinopsis: Luego de dos décadas de sufrimiento, y de vivir en una crisis recurrente, debemos comenzar a enfrentarnos con valentía hacia los problemas pública en el Consejo de Desarrollo Estratégico del Gobernador. que nos desafían como pueblo. Desde el 2001 hasta el presente, hemos tenido que batallar contra una larga depresión, una crisis financiera mundial, la Trabajó como Economista en la Junta de Planificación de quiebra del gobierno, el colapso de una administración gubernamental, Puerto Rico y también en firmas de consultoría económica, huracanes, sismos, y otros retos globales. De cara a una nueva década, como lo es Consulta Económica y Planificación Inc., y debemos hacer una profunda reflexión como pueblo y comenzar a delinear un Estudios Técnicos Inc. Entre 1997 y el 2000 fungió como plan de acción, que nos permita dejar en el pasado, la quiebra, la mediocridad Director Ejecutivo del Programa de Desarrollo gubernamental y pavimentar la ruta hacia la prosperidad. Hagámoslo por Empresarial del Municipio de San Juan. Entre el 2001 y nuestros hijos y nietos, que merecen vivir en un mejor Puerto Rico. el 2004, trabajó en la Cámara de Representantes, donde se desempeñó como Sobre el autor GUSTAVO VÉLEZ es Presidente y Fundador de Inteligencia Económica, Inc. Obtuvo su Bachillerato y Maestría en Economía de la Universidad de Puerto Rico en Río Piedras con Magna Cum Laude. Inició su carrera profesional en el 1992, como analista económico en el Consejo de Desarrollo Estratégico, del entonces Gobernador, Rafael Hernández Colón. Allí participó en diversos
Asesor Económico. Allí también fue Director Ejecutivo de la Comisión de Desarrollo Urbano y Vivienda, y de la Comisión de Desarrollo Socioeconómico y Planificación. Entre el 2005 y el 2006, laboró como Asesor Económico del Gobernador de Puerto Rico, Aníbal Acevedo Vilá. En el 2006, fundó la firma de consultoría Inteligencia Económica Inc.
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Literatura / Literature
El Sol Latino September 2020
The Five Horses of Doctor Ramón Emeterio Betances Este artículo fue publicado originalmente en 80grados.net | 17 de julio de 2020 Introducción: Del Covid al cólera según Espada (y Betances) En 1884, a los cincuenta y siete años, Ramón Emeterio Betances redacta desde su exilio en París uno de sus deslumbrantes estudios médicos, El cólera. Historia, medidas profilácticas, síntomas y tratamiento. Lo escribe cuando una epidemia del mal amenaza a Europa por cuarta vez. La obra se destaca no sólo por estar fundada en una investigación exhaustiva de fuentes clínicas. También está nutrida por el recuerdo de su iniciación como galeno a cargo del sector sur de Mayagüez en plena epidemia del cólera morbo tras terminar sus estudios y regresar a la isla en 1856. El joven doctor caborrojeño tuvo la rebelde predilección de ocuparse primero de los esclavos y los desposeídos antes que de la burguesía y la oficialidad. Esto le ganó fama popular como “médico de los pobres” y el creciente recelo de las autoridades coloniales. Entre los abundantes datos y remedios que enumera treinta años después incluye “champaña helada” para contener el vómito y la quema higiénica de los barracones para abolir focos de contagio en las haciendas. Le acecha a través de todo una espantosa memoria –la visión de la cianosis o azulamiento, es decir, la violenta decoloración del rostro y las extremidades como síntoma de una brutal deshidratación. Betances aún ve cómo ojos desorbitados se hunden en la violácea facies del enfermo en una expresión de terror que “no se olvida nunca más cuando se ha observado una sola vez”. Tras su muerte en 1898 y la publicación de la primera recopilación de sus escritos por Luis Bonafoux en 1901, los enjundiosos estudios y capaces dotes del revolucionario como médico –sobre todo ante el cólera– llamaron la atención de sus biógrafos. ¿Cuántos casos debió Betances de haber tratado para lograr una comprensión tan íntima del cólera como padecimiento de los más vulnerables y como metástasis de injusticia social? Esta pregunta de seguro animó la leyenda de su milagrosa omnipresencia entre los esclavos de Mayagüez y Cabo Rojo durante esos años. Para 1913 la escritora María de Angelis ya lo describía “como un ángel que cae en el fondo de la epidemia. En las horas diurnas fatigaba cinco caballos para acudir a todas partes donde se le llamaba”. El enorme poeta social Martín Espada –puertorriqueño nacido en Brooklyn que hoy enseña creación literaria en la Universidad de Massachusetts, Amherst, tras fungir como abogado para inquilinos latinos– rememora la gesta médica del joven Betances contra el cólera en un poema motivado por nuestro presente pandémico para el cual ha dado a 80grados la primicia de su publicación. Espada la concibe como un momento epifánico, como el reto que sella la convicción visionaria del abolicionista y el revolucionario y como una imagen cargada de posibilidad política. Espada actualiza así una potentísima tradición betanciana en nuestras letras que va desde Luis Hernández Aquino, Julia de Burgos, Francisco Matos Paoli y Juan Antonio Corretjer hasta Joserramón Meléndez y Esteban Valdés con el primer gran poema sobre Betances escrito en inglés. Tal como hace en sus célebres trabajos sobre Frederick Douglass, Clemente Soto Vélez y otros íconos históricos, Espada nos invita a repensar viejas fuentes, eventos y figuras para entender cómo la exigencia por la justicia social es una llama que nunca logran extinguir siglos de abuso. ¿Cómo confrontamos esta nueva pandemia para que se traduzca en un proceso de positiva radicalización y mayor militancia? Con Betances, Espada nos convida a transformar la cianosis tenebrosa en un fuego azul que nos libere y que aspire a ser bandera. César A. Salgado CÉSAR A. SALGADO - Columnista | Es catedrático auxiliar en el Departamento de Español y Portugués de la Universidad de Texas en Austin y asesor académico del programa de posgrado en literatura comparada.
The Five Horses of Doctor Ramón Emeterio Betances Mayagüez, Puerto Rico 1856
I. The First Horse Cholera swarmed unseen through the water, lurking in wells and fountains, squirming in garbage and excrement, infinitesimal worms drilling the intestines, till all the water and salt would pour from the body, till the body became a worm, shriveling and writhing, a slug in salt, till the skin burned blue as flame, the skin of the peasant and the skin of the slave gone blue, the skin in the slave barracks blue, the skin of ten thousand slaves blue. The Blue Death, face hidden in a bandanna, dug graves with the gravediggers, who fell into holes they shoveled for the dead. The doctors died too, seeing the signs in the mirror, the hand with the razor shaking. II. The Second Horse Doctor Betances stepped off the boat, back from Paris, the humidity of the plague glistening in his beard. He saw the stepmother who fed him sink into a mound of dirt, her body empty as the husk of a locust in drought. He toweled off his hands. In the quarantine tents there was laudanum by the bitter spoonful, the lemonade and broth; in the dim of the kerosene lamps there was the compress cool against the forehead, the elixir of the bark from the cinchona tree. For peasants and slaves moaning to their gods, the doctor prescribed chilled champagne to soothe the belly. For the commander of the Spanish garrison, there was silence bitter as the spoon. III. The Third Horse At every hacienda, at every plantation, as the bodies of slaves rolled one by one into ditches all hipbones and ribs, drained of water and salt, stripped of names, Doctor Betances commanded the torch for the barracks where the bodies would tangle together, stacked up as if they never left the ship that sailed from Africa, kept awake by the ravenous worms of the plague feasting upon them. Watching the blue flames blacken the wood, the doctor and the slaves saw another plague burning away, the plague of manacles scraping the skin from hands that cut the cane, the plague of the collar with four spikes for the runaways brought back. IV. The Fourth Horse The pestilence of the masters, stirred by spoons into the coffee of the world, spread first at the marketplace, at auction, the coins passing from hand to hand. So Doctor Betances began, at church, with twenty-five pesos in pieces of eight, pirate coins dropped into the hands of slaves to drop into the hands of masters, buying their own infants at the baptismal font. The secret society of abolitionists shoved rowboats full of runaways off the docks in the bluest hour of the blue night, off to islands without masters. Even the doctor would strangle in the executioner’s garrote, spittle in his beard, if the soldiers on watch woke up from the opiate of empire. V. The Fifth Horse The governor circled his name in the name of empire, so Doctor Betances sailed away to exile, the island drowning in his sight, but a vision stung his eyes like salt in the wind: in the world after the plague, no more plague of manacles; after the pestilence, no more pestilence of masters; after the cemeteries of cholera, no more collar of spikes or executioners. In his eye burned the blue of the rebel flag and the rising of his island. The legend calls him the doctor who exhausted five horses, sleepless as he chased invisible armies into the night. Listen for the horses. Martín Espada MARTÍN ESPADA nació en Brooklyn, Nueva York, en 1957. Ha publicado cerca de veinte libros como poeta, editor, ensayista y traductor. W. W. Norton publicó su última colección de poemas bajo el título Vivas to Those Who Have Failed (2016). Entre sus otros poemarios están: The Trouble Ball (2011), The Republic of Poetry (2006), Alabanza (2003), A Mayan Astronomer in Hell’s Kitchen (2000), Imagine the Angels of Bread (1996), City of Coughing and Dead Radiators (1993) y Rebellion is the Circle of a Lover’s Hands (1990). Su obra ha sido reconocida con el Premio de Poesía Ruth Lilly de 2018, el Premio Conmemorativo Shelley del Poetry Society of America, el Premio Robert Creeley, el Premio Literario del National Hispanic Cultural Center, el American Book Award, la Beca del Academy of American Poets, la Beca PEN / Revson y la Beca Guggenheim. The Republic of Poetry fue finalista del Premio Pulitzer. El poema titular de su colección Alabanza, sobre los acontecimientos del 11 de septiembre, ha sido ampliamente antologizado e interpretado. Su libro de ensayos, Zapata’s Disciple (1998), censurado en Tucson cuando el estado de Arizona declaró ilegal el Programa de Estudios México-Americanos, ha sido publicado en una nueva edición por Northwestern University Press. Espada fungió como abogado de inquilinos en la comunidad latina de Boston antes de ser nombrado profesor de inglés en la Universidad de Massachusetts-Amherst.
Finanzas / Finances
El Sol Latino September 2020
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Lemonade or Lemon Aid? - Part II by MILAGROS S. JOHNSON you from driving a far distance, which is when you can detect any potential problems. Buyer’s remorse is not a valid reason for you to return the car once you purchase it. You’ll want to take it on the highway, go up a steep hill, make a few U-Turns, and go over a few bumps. While doing all of this, be sure to keep the radio off and the vents low so that you can listen to the car tell you a story (noises, rattles, knocking, etc.).
In last month’s column of The Con$umer Toolbox, I provided important tips before going shopping for a car. My reason for this is simple. Many of the autorelated complaints consumers have could have been avoided if the consumer had been well-informed before shopping for a car. Our motto is “Education is the Best Prevention,” and we stand by it each and every day. I trust that with the tips provided in this three-part series (Lemon Aid or Lemonade?), you will be better equipped with the consumer tools you need to make an informed decision. By now you should have set a budget, have a better idea of where your credit rating stands, and hopefully, been pre-approved for an auto loan. The next important step for you to take is to ask a family member or friend to accompany you. Be certain though that he/she knows about the mechanics of a car, and commits to being your backbone and support team. Also, make a vow not to rush into anything! When walking into a dealer, never tell the salesperson how much you want to spend or what you want your payments to be. Doing this only tells the dealer how to price the vehicle to fit your budget and financial needs. The dealer may also try to sell you add-ons (extended service plan, tire protection, etc.,) if the price of the car is less than what you were prepared to spend. And, never allow the dealer/salesperson to choose the car for you. Before taking the car on a road test, check under the hood for oil or fluid leaks, and check the gas gauge to make sure the car has at least a quarter tank of gas. Dealers are known for keeping the gas tank near empty to avoid
If you are satisfied with how the car performed and handled, upon returning to the dealer be prepared to make the first offer and negotiate the price. Before agreeing to anything, let the dealer know that you want to have the car checked by your mechanic. Don’t sign anything until you are 100% confident with the quality and dependability of the car. Better yet, go home and sleep on it. Don’t give into pressure! Remember that there are other cars and dealers out there if this one is not the best investment for you. As a good friend once said to me, “There’s always another train coming.” Tune in to next month’s edition of The Con$umer Toolbox where I will provide you with the lemon law protections you have in Massachusetts, as well as the dealer’s obligations. Stay safe, be well…and stay informed. MILAGROS S. JOHNSON is the Director of the Mayor’s Office of Consumer Information in Springfield, a Local Consumer Program funded by the Massachusetts Attorney General’s Office.
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Educación / Education
El Sol Latino September 2020
Neal touts $1.89 million to HCC for community health program HOLYOKE, MA | HOLYOKE COMMUNITY COLLEGE | August 10, 2020 -– Congressman Richard Neal visited Holyoke Community College Friday, Aug. 7, to announce the awarding of four-year, $1.89 million federal grant aimed at helping families impacted by opioid use. The funds – $399,676 in the first year – will enhance HCC’s existing Community Health Worker training program with the goal of increasing the number of CHW’s qualified to work on integrated opioid use disorder teams in area health centers in medically underserved communities. The grant comes from the Health Resources and Service Administration (HRSA), part of the U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services. “We all know someone who suffers from this epidemic,” Neal said during a press event outside the HCC Campus Center. “This disease touches all people from all walks of life. We must continue to work together to combat this critical public health and safety issue, and I am grateful for the good work HCC continues to do in this realm.” HRSA’s Opioid-Impacted Family Support Program supports training programs that enhance and expand paraprofessionals knowledge, skills, and expertise. It aims to increase the number of peer support specialists and other behavioral health-related paraprofessionals who work on interprofessional teams to provide services to children whose parents are impacted by opioid use disorders and other substance use disorders, and their family members in guardianship roles. HCC’s partners in the grant project include Behavioral Health Network, Holyoke Health Center and the MassHire Hampden Country Workforce Board. “Funding to launch this new program could not come at a more critical time for our community and economy,” said HCC president Christina Royal. “COVID-19 has made clear how essential community health workers are in
1st Place
ROYALS
MARINERS
4th Place LOS AGRESIVOS
HCC president Christina Royal talks to Congressman Richard Neal during a press event outside the HCC Campus Center on Friday, August 7, 2020
Community health is an emerging healthcare field and community health workers are typically employed by agencies to focus on underserved populations, conducting home visits and connecting clients with needed services. They do not provide medical care. Five years ago, HCC became one of the first colleges in Massachusetts to offer a community health worker certificate program, which is part of the college’s Foundations of Health program. The funding from the grant will provide training for an additional 100 individuals (25 students and incumbent workers each academic year for four years) as CHWs in western Massachusetts. Each participants will receive $3,000 to help defray the cost of tuition, fees and supplies, and a $5,000 stipend while they’re in Level 1 training. The grant will also allow for the creation of a registered apprenticeship program with HCC’s partners that will be the first of its kind in western Massachusetts. Students who enter an apprenticeship after they finish training are eligible for an annual stipend of $7,500.
SPRINGFIELD OLD TIMERS SOFTBALL LEAGUE PLAYOFF BRACKET 2020
Marshall Roy (School) Sept. 5th / 10:30am 8th Place
addressing the wide range of physical, behavioral and mental health issues faced by members of our community. Through this program and with our partners, we will not only have the ability to support more families struggling with substance use, but we will also be creating more jobs in a sector central to our region’s economic growth.”
Van Sickle Field Sept. 12 & 19 / 12pm
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HARTFORD
Rules: Quarter Final 3-2 (One Saturday) 1 Umpire
Marshall Roy (Street) Sept. 5th / 10:30am 7th Place
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Marshall Roy (Street) Sept. 5th / 2:00pm 6th Place
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Semi Final 5-3 (2 Saturdays) 2 Umpires Championship Final 5-3 *2 Saturdays) 2 Umpires www.springfieldoldtimers.com
Salud / Health
El Sol Latino September 2020
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Racial Disparities in COVID-19: Key Findings from Available Data and Analysis by SAMANTHA ARTIGA, BRADLEY CORALLO, and OLIVIA PHAM | KAISER HEALTH NEWS | August 17, 2020 Over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a growing focus on its disproportionate impacts on people of color, particularly as availability of data to understand racial disparities has increased. This brief summarizes key findings from data and analyses examining COVID-19 related cases, deaths, hospitalizations, and testing by race and ethnicity as of early August 2020 to provide increased insight into these disparities. Key findings include the following: Multiple analyses of available federal, state, and local data show that people of color are experiencing a disproportionate burden of COVID-19 cases and deaths. They show particularly large disparities in cases and deaths for Black and American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) people and widespread disparities in cases among Hispanic people compared to their White counterparts. For example, KFF analysis of state reported data showed that, as of August 3, 2020, Black individuals accounted for more cases and deaths relative to their share of the population in 30 of 49 states reporting cases and 34 of 44 states reporting deaths. Other analysis of state-reported data finds that, as of August 4, the COVID-19 related death rate among Black people was over twice as high as the rate for White people, while the mortality rate for AIAN people was nearly two times that of White people. Data also reveal disparities for Asian and Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander (NHOPI) individuals in certain areas and show a sharp, recent rise in mortality rates for NHOPI and Hispanic people. Analyses further find that disparities in COVID-19 related deaths persist across age groups and that people of color experience more deaths among younger people relative to White individuals. There is limited data and research to understand of impacts for subgroups, such as immigrants, who may be at increased risk. Data show that Black, Hispanic, and AIAN people are at increased risk of hospitalization due to COVID-19. For example, data from Coronavirus Disease 2019-Associated Hospitalization Surveillance Network (COVID-NET) show that, from March through July 18, 2020, age-adjusted hospitalization rates due to COVID-19 for Black, Hispanic, and AIAN people were roughly five times higher than that of White people. Several studies using health system data also point to a higher risk of hospitalization for Black and Hispanic patients. Reflecting these higher hospitalization rates, analyses show that people of color make up a disproportionate share of COVID-19 hospitalizations relative to their share of the population or total hospital visits. Studies find racial/ethnic disparities in COVID-19 among Medicare beneficiaries, nursing home facilities, pregnant women, and children. Preliminary Medicare COVID-19 data show that Black, Hispanic, and AIAN Medicare beneficiaries had higher rates of infection and hospitalization compared to White beneficiaries. Analysis finds that nursing homes where a higher share of residents are people of color are more likely to report a COVID-19 case. Studies also find disproportionate shares of infection among Hispanic and Black pregnant women and a higher risk of hospitalization among Black and Hispanic children. Data to understand variation in testing by race/ethnicity remains very limited but suggest people of color may face increased barriers to testing. Very few states report testing data by race/ethnicity. Data on testing within community health centers analyzed by KFF show that people of color represented more than half of all people tested (57%) and confirmed cases (56%) at health centers, and that Hispanic patients made up a higher share of positive tests compared to their share of total tested patients. Analyses suggest that testing sites in and near predominantly Black and Hispanic neighborhoods are likely to face greater demand than those near predominantly White areas, which could contribute to longer wait times, and the share of people of color in an area is associated with an increase in travel time to a testing site. One study also found that, in New York City,
more tests were performed in neighborhoods with a higher share of White residents, while the highest shares of positive tests were in neighborhoods with more people of color and lower socioeconomic measures. Reporting on testing site locations in Texas suggests that testing sites are disproportionately located in areas with larger shares of White residents. Together, these data show that people of color are bearing a disproportionate burden of COVID-19 cases, deaths, and hospitalizations and that they may face increased barriers to access testing. Other analyses also suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic is taking a larger economic toll on people of color. These disparities in COVID-19 reflect and compound longstanding underlying social, economic, and health inequities that stem from structural and systemic barriers across sectors, including racism and discrimination. For example, prior to the pandemic, people of color had higher rates of health conditions, were more likely to be uninsured and face barriers to accessing health care, and were more likely to have lower incomes and face financial challenges. These underlying disparities put people of color at increased risk for exposure to the virus, experiencing serious illness if they are infected, and facing barriers to accessing testing and treatment. The health and economic impacts of COVID-19 could further widen racial disparities at a time when there is a growing focus on and call for racial justice and health equity. Overall, the findings highlight the importance of considering how COVID-19 relief and response efforts will address inequities, including in decisions related to distribution of treatments and vaccines once they become available. Prioritizing equity will be key for addressing the current gaps in COVID-19 and health care more broadly and preventing widening of disparities in the future. KAISER HEALTH NEWS is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.
Breathing Space Yoga of Holyoke ofrece:
Yoga en Español con Angélica Martes de 5:30 pm a 6:30 pm Comienza el 1 de septiembre Transmisión en vivo - por donación
Esta clase incluye secuencias de flujo y poses individuales, seguidas de descanso. Esta clase es para aquellos que buscan una práctica clásica de yoga para apoyar el equilibrio, la flexibilidad, la integración mente / cuerpo y la fuerza. Alguna experiencia con yoga útil. Aunque Angélica es puertorriqueña, no es una hablante nativa de español. Ella está aprendiendo activamente el idioma y agradece cualquier comentario. This class includes flow sequences and individual poses, followed by rest. This class is for those looking for a classic yoga practice to support balance, flexibility, mind / body integration, and strength. Some yoga experience useful. Although Angelica is Puerto Rican, she is not a native Spanish speaker. She is actively learning the language and welcomes any feedback. This class is livestream, by donation.
Regístrate aquí: breathingspaceholyoke.com Para mas Información: 413 437-0747 breathingspaceholyoke@gmail.com
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El Sol Latino September 2020
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