How Can a World Polity Framework Be Used to Analyze the Establishment and Redevelopment of Transitional States?

Nadine Yassin How Can a World Polity Framework Be Used to Analyze the Establishment and Redevelopment of Transitional States? This paper uses a world polity approach to analyze the establishment and development of transitional states. To do so, I shed light on the world polity theory as specified by previous literature. The notion of an interconnected set of actors and institutions as being part of a world society is introduced to understand how action in the international community is a byproduct of an interrelated set of context-specific processes. Special attention is given to nation states and international non-governmental organizations to set the stage for where transitional states fall within this paradigm. A causal historical analysis of the Arab Spring is used to describe how a world polity model can be used to analyze how transitional states come into fruition. From this, I offer a case analysis of the ways international non-governmental organizations influenced humanitarian aid in post-revolutionary Egypt as part of redeveloping this transitional state by using the example of anti-female genital cutting campaigns. It was found that these organizations were able to effectively translate world cultural scripts to influence humanitarian action. Overall, this paper highlights how the world polity theory can indeed be used to examine complex transitional states in an innovative and profound manner. Abstract

Introduction This paper seeks to understand the ways in which transitional states are created and reimagined. Transitional states are complicated environments in which various institutions must be rebuilt through the use of systemic agenda setting and reformative action as specified by local and international actors. In this paper, I will analyze the ways in which a world polity approach can be taken to understand how exactly a complex transitional state may come into being, and how an interrelated set of actors becomes paramount in the redevelopment of various essential dimensions of these nation states. There will be an emphasis on the role that international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) play within these nation states in terms of both humanitarian aid and as the carriers of world polity themes. This will be achieved through a causal historical analysis of the Arab Spring and the ways in which transitional states were established within a world polity model. Likewise, I will also offer an analysis of the ways in which INGOs were able to translate world cultural scripts regarding offering humanitarian aid to post-revolutionary Egypt following the Arab Spring. This will be achieved through a case analysis of female genital cutting (FGC) and the rhetoric of anti-FGC campaigns as perpetuated by INGOs working in transitional Egypt following the revolution. While there is a significant amount of literature detailing the role world polity plays in the development of humanitarian aid, and global structures, as it exists currently, there is very little literature pertaining to the link between world polity and transitional states, especially in the context of the Arab world. Ultimately, I anticipate that a world polity approach will be able to offer a profound dimension of analysis pertaining to the ways a transitional state can emerge and how global actors can play integral roles in the redevelopment of these fragmented nation states. World Polity World polity is a school of thought developed in the 1970s by John W. Meyer. This theory analyzes the relationship between rules, practices, and institutions on a global scale, asserting that “contemporary constructed ‘actors,’ including nation-states, routinely organize and legitimate themselves in terms of universalistic (world) models such as citizenship, socioeconomic development, and rationalized justice.” 1 Under world polity theory, the geopolitical world is a social system bound by a set of global norms, ideas, interests, and meanings that propel action. Initially, world polity theory focused on analyzing the role and evolution of inter-state relations. This then shifted in the 1980’s and 1990’s to accommodate the rise of globalization, thus providing for more analysis concerning the role of global actors in transnational social movements. The world polity theory is best defined as an analytical framework that interprets global relations, structures, and practices by viewing the world as a system of interrelated independent parts that each advance global social change. This world system is regarded as a world society that possesses the same components of the national society we live in: norms, practices, culture, etc. This ‘world society’ thus becomes a cultural framework that makes various actors

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‘subunits’ of the world system and then defines them as models for social change and action. The world society theory provides a sociological institutionalist account of global relations with a cultural model that defines and legitimizes actors. Social actors, and their associated structures and behaviors are viewed as being shaped by the broader global environment. In this theory, nation states, INGOs and other relevant actors are placed in a cultural context which determines their identity, structure, and behavior. Essentially, the world polity theory gives meaning to these particular actors and their actions for propelling global and social change within a broader analytical framework. The world polity stresses the homogenization of these actors within this world society and the isomorphic results of their actions. The world polity approach also sheds light on the mechanisms by which global actors define themselves in accordance with the norms perpetuated by world society. With the spread of globalization and the homogenizing mission of the world polity, these global actors are legitimized in rather the same manner due to the shared fundamental cultural themes of the overarching world society. These cultural themes become shared norms by which global actors assert themselves as both rational and capable of economic and political expansion. These cultural themes are: universalism; individualism; rational voluntaristic authority; dialectic rationalizing progress; and world citizenship. The universalistic themes upon which actors, most notably nation states, are built lend themselves to ideologies such as equality, and justice.1 This follows a neo-institutionalist perspective in that these actors, become assemblages or institutions which function with one another based on common fundamental values and understandings of a more broad systemic structure. Due to the interconnectedness of these legitimized actors, however, they find themselves in pursuit of similar goals and resources thus creating a source of tension. Individualism thus comes into play in that the collectives which constitute these actors are nothing more than a collection of individuals, each who possess their own right to agency and freedom. The role of the individual within this universalistic framework becomes one of coming together and working with other actors to find the means to obtain these ubiquitous goals and resources. In coming together to form the body of a collective, these actors often employ a particular type of authority called rational voluntarism. These actors, most notably INGOs, exercise their agendas in accordance with a decentralized authority meaning that each actor is responsible for both legitimizing themselves and diffusing universalistic themes. This can be achieved with a dialectic rationalizing process in which there is a context specific, gradual production and distribution of the means for obtaining a comfortable life. Furthermore, in practicing each of these world society norms, these actors achieve world citizenship, thus enhancing their legitimacy.1

This ‘world society’ thus becomes a cultural framework that makes various actors ‘subunits’ of the world system and then defines them as models for social change and action. ‘‘ ’’

The Nation State The nation state occupies a particular role within the structure of world polity theory. While world society itself is stateless, taking a neo-institutionalist approach into account, the institutions composing a nation state are structurally very similar thus providing for a foundation upon which all nation states build themselves. For example, all nation states, or sovereign states bound by a set of cultural and political norms, are heavily dependent on public sectors such as health, and education. A popular model used to exemplify the diffusion of universalistic principles amongst nation states can best be demonstrated by the idea of the development of a previously unknown island society.1 In this example, Meyer et al. assert that this unknown society would be analyzed by outsiders on the basis of potential economic outcome thus rendering it’s future development in the international community to the cultural norms posited by the world society theory. This would entail that the institutional development of essential sectors such as education or health care would follow suit with preexisting models, which are often times those present within the neighboring regions given the tendency of norms to diffuse on the basis proximity. This is largely due to the tightly coupled nature of local norms and world society norms within nation states, which thus incentivizes the dissemination of these ideologies on the basis of the presence of shared local norms. Furthermore, the many facets of the nation state are linked to themes of equality and socio-economic progress which are similar to the goals of other actors within world polity. What sets a nation-state apart, however, is its necessary commitment to human development on a more individual basis within a given society. As mentioned, the cultural norm of individualism functions with the thought that each actor is a collective of individuals; and partly as a result, nation states fall within a similar paradigm. Nation

states are constructed by organizations of individuals both inside and outside of state lines, who legitimize themselves through state and policy formation. The legitimization of these actors, and thus institutions, is based on the development of human capital within the civilian body. To promote human welfare in line with global norms, it becomes a nation states main priority to catalyze development along the lines of socio-economic principles similarly to other global actors, yet nation states also include context specific frameworks to allow individual civilians to attain their full potential.1 This is often times achieved through government action. For example, within a capitalist society education is paramount for the growth of a nation state in order to prepare individuals to join the job force as a means to achieve societal equality. However, the structure of a national education system is often based on the local principles of the nation state, thus also promoting individual development on a more intimate level. For instance, the French education system aligns with the values of the French Republic: liberty, fraternity, and equality. These values pertain to universalistic models present with in world polity. However, the French system also provides for culturally specific courses pertaining to the French identity, and themes of individual agency as inspired by renowned French authors. In Cote D’Ivoire, a country colonized by France until 1958, a French education system is still used in accordance with overarching world polity values. Despite this, following the 2011 civil war between supporters of the acting president Laurent Gbagbo and supporters of the internationally recognized president-elect Alassane Ouattara, the government of Cote D’Ivoire reformed its education system to still follow the French system, but to also now incorporate a socio-cultural dimension into the systemic conceptualization. For example, there is now more of an emphasis placed on African identity. Likewise, many schools were shut down following this armed conflict, and in reopening these schools, the government of Cote D’Ivoire sought to change the administrative structure of the education sector. These entailed providing access to, and funding education in remote areas of the country, thus universalizing the right to education within this particular sensitive context.2 Due to the context of this nation state, these state actors made schooling compulsory for children aged 6-16, changing the way the nation state develops human capital within this transitional society. Thus, in cultivating the individual through the dissemination of world and local principles, the nation state is able to situate itself as a specified ‘rational other’ within world society with relations to the individual, other rational actors, and the international community. International Non-Governmental Organizations International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) play an important role in advancing international level change regarding a variety of issues pertaining to: public health, human rights, education, health care, public policy, and various social sectors. The role of an INGO is largely one of influence, guidance, and education regarding the meticulously planned actions that lead to substantive global and social change. Although these organizations often work alongside nation-states, the premise for an INGO is that they are non-profit, government independent entities with an emphasis on affecting both large scale and smallscale international change.3 INGOs can work under an operational framework, an advocacy framework, or both. An operational framework encompasses administrative initiatives to foster and nurture community-based projects to propel change, whereas an advocacy framework includes influencing the policy making process of a country in order to raise awareness about a certain issue or set of issues.3 Many large INGOs utilize a mix of both advocacy and operational tactics in order to most effectively advance their various agendas. Despite these different frameworks, almost every INGO places some sort of emphasis on humanitarian workmany INGOs are essentially meant to advocate for the people. INGOs constitute the structural backbone of world polity, particularly in the diffusion of universalistic principles. INGOs are cited as, “more or less authoritative transnational bodies employing limited resources to make rules, set standards, propagate principles, and broadly represent "humanity" vis-a-vis states and other actors.” ⁴ The role of an INGO is to, “enact, codify, modify, and propagate world-cultural structures.” ⁴ INGOs, however, do not play a direct role in making policy or in taking government action, as their

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INGOs are already present in many transitional societies due to their key tangible function of providing humanitarian aid. With this presence, as well the general atmosphere of development in terms of rebuilding society, INGOs provide influence in the reimagination of every sector within a nation state. ‘‘ ’’

role is largely one of influence, support, and of providing tools and resources to achieve change. This thus makes INGOs key social actors who help shape the social reality of world culture and thus the global society. Furthermore, INGOs do also play a role in perpetuating the homogenizing mission of world polity which may in a sense foster conflict between entities that differ from the ‘norm’. Likewise, there is indeed a set hierarchy and power dynamic between actors within the world system which thus accounts for why some agendas are sustained and taken in to be the norm. While, states are often responsible for aiding individuals to attain world citizenship, this is primarily achieved through national citizenship. States cannot be forced into the dissemination of world cultural themes due to their sovereign status. INGOs work as rationalized others in order to directly diffuse these world cultural themes. INGOs have relatively few economic resources as compared with nation states or global corporations, and therefore rely on the interconnected system of actors in order to propagate their particular, often times universalistic agendas.⁴ Many INGOs are thus tasked with the translation of global identity as well as with the distinct rights each individual possesses within these nation states. The link between world society, and development of institutional change as perpetuated by INGOs is clearly articulated in the study The Globalization of Women’s Status: Consensus and Dissensus in the World by Nitza Berkovitch and Karen Bradley.⁵ In this study, the authors take a world polity approach to exemplify the world cultural processes that define the status of women. Through the use of a casual analysis, the authors examine the case of female genital cutting (FGC), and the changing definitions of it in relation to an increasingly more globalized world in which women’s status is heightened through access to resources such as education. They assert that cultural meanings change in the midst of global discourses, thus meaning that the legitimacy of certain issues changes as well. Here, they posit that over the period from 1945-1995 principles of universalism and individualism aided in defining FGC, and legitimizing humanitarian campaigns against it. FGC was cited as being a byproduct of the objectification of women in which they were seen as a means to a reproductive end. With the rise of modernization, which is linked with world polity principles, the definition of women’s status changed thus incentivizing women’s rights INGOs to undertake an anti-FGC stance. Likewise, in legitimizing their mission against FGC, and thus in support of women’s rights, these INGOs defined education as being of the upmost importance for heightening the status of women. As such, these INGOs constructed meanings of the importance of women’s education in line with world polity themes thus exemplifying how reimagining social institutions such as education can be a product of the world culture framework. With the role INGOs play within both the general framework of world society, and within the nation state as the primary influencers of world culture, INGOs become essential in understanding how other actors catalyze action within national and transnational bodies. Transitional societies allow for a clear analysis of how INGOs incentivize action, and relate to other social actors. Transitional societies are nation states that have recently undergone some sort of substantive change. These changes often come in the form of recent elections, civilian uprisings, or violent conflict- events during and after which INGOs can play a significant role in redeveloping society. Due to this transitional status, in rebuilding the fundamental framework of the nation state, transitional societies must also reimagine the relationship between the various sectors of life. It is in doing so that the influence of INGOs in relation to the primary functions of a nation state becomes apparent. INGOs are already present in many transitional societies due to their key tangible function of providing humanitarian aid. With this presence, as well the general atmosphere of development in terms of rebuilding society, INGOs provide influence in the reimagination of every sector within a nation state. Likewise, transitional states are actors that deviate from the norm of what world polity conceptualizes as a nation state. As such, it also becomes an INGOs task to aid in homogenizing mission of world polity by reimagining these states in line with world cultural themes. For instance, following the armed conflict of 2011 Cote D’Ivoire became a transitional society. In the reimagination of the education sector, the INGOs already present in the country exercised significant influence as to how the education system would be structured. Organizations such as Partenariat Mondial pour L’Education, International Rescue Committee, and the Global Partnership for Education were essential in formulating the 2016 Sectorial Education Plan which detailed a plan of action for the reformation of the education system in Cote D’Ivoire through 2025.2 conceptualizing this plan of action, each INGO offered an expert opinion concerning the diffusion of world cultural principles to be present in the newly conceived education sector. Likewise, these INGOs employed an intricate network of social actors both nationally and internationally to ensure the propagation of such education reform. Due to this transitional status, in rebuilding the fundamental framework of the nation state, transitional societies must also reimagine the relationship between the various sectors of life. ‘‘ ’’

Historical Context In order to more holistically analyze how world polity impacts transitional societies, this section will offer a historical analysis of the role world polity played in the spread of civilian uprisings within the Arab world. As mentioned earlier in this paper, world polity themes often spread across nation states in close proximity to one another due to shared local cultural values. This case analysis will focus on the spread of pro-democratic thought, and revolution within the Arab world as perpetuated by the Arab Spring. The Arab Spring serves as a powerful example of how world polity can work to help diffuse themes of world culture, and develop transitional states. Likewise, within the context of the Arab Spring, there will be a specific focus on the case of Egypt and the role INGOs played in perpetuating civilian uprisings, and thus in establishing a transitional nation state within the world polity model.

Civilian led revolution has been integral for the reimagination of the social order in which we live. It is revolution that shifts the paradigm of what’s believed to be known in favor of what the future may hold. At the surface level, revolutions entail the dismantling and reformation of some societal structure. Often times, civilian led revolutions are in opposition with repressive governments or as a result of financial or food crises. They are perpetuated by the people, for the people. There have been political revolutions (which are the most well-known due to how these changes permeate into greater society), artistic revolutions, technological revolutions etc. In discussing the nature of civilian led revolution, it is important to express that revolutions are inspired by hope before they are inspired by anything else. Revolutions in every part of the world take hold due to hope of a better future. They function on the basis of a solidarity that exists as part of a collective experience. The Arab Spring has been one of the most controversial revolutions of the modern era. It was a string of revolts, uprisings, and armed conflicts that spread over both the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) as a result of oppressive government politics and the low quality of life these particular governments entailed. The Arab Spring began in 2010 following protests in Tunisia, a country that has long been seen as a stronghold for progressive change in the Arab world. On December 17th, 2010 Tarek el-Tayeb Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor operating in Sidi Bouzid, set himself on fire in response to the unjust confiscation of his assets, and his subsequent public beating by police officers. His death served as a catalyst for widespread public action against Tunisia’s autocratic government. During this time, Tunisia was ruled by President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali for 23 years as a one party state under the Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD). Despite the country’s economic stability as a result of the privatization of certain public sectors, the regime was unpopular due to the government’s repression of those in political opposition to it. Following Bouazizi’s death, protests began and became increasingly more violent with each day. In response, the Tunisian government deployed police forces to stop the protests, which only exacerbated the growing tension due to excessive police brutality. Citizens protested against the lack of political freedom, food shortages, corruption (which was further exposed as a result of WikiLeaks), and the high unemployment rate. These protests, with the support of the international community, ensued for 28 days over a period that is now known as the Jasmine Revolution. On January 14th, 2011 the regime was overthrown and Ben Ali was exiled to Saudi Arabia. Following this overthrow, a state of emergency was declared in Tunisia and an interim government was put in to place. The protests in Tunisia spurred a wave of pro-democratic thought in the Arab world, and inspired civilians to uprise in: Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. Despite the fact that not every country was placed into a transitional status via regime change, the Arab Spring still had substantive influence in each of these areas. Concerning future discussions of the role world polity, and INGOs play in the redevelopment of transitional societies, it is important to note the glaring similarities that characterize countries in the MENA region. The Arab world is, and has always been characterized by a patriarchal system (similarly to every other region in the world). While this system predates the presence of Islam in the region, the mix of religion and patriarchal culture has set the stage for shared socio-political themes in Arab society. Likewise, as Nesrine Malik writes, the root of the problems in Arab society can be characterized by a “political oppression and stasis that enables these structures [the patriarchy] to become de facto governance where entrenched tribal allegiances, pre-Islamic mores, and social tradition trump weakened political culture.” ⁶ This shared foundation can begin to shed light on the ways themes of democracy and revolution spread in MENA. Prior to these revolutions, many Arab countries were in the midst of a gradual economic rise. From 1991- 2010, coinciding with the oil boom and the rise of global

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"Revolutions in every part of the world take hold due to hope of a better future." The Arab Spring

ization, Arab countries became heavily invested in the international business, real estate and the oil industries. This involvement created jobs, especially in the Gulf states, allowing for the overall employment rate in the region to grow. This can further be exemplified in Hafez Ghanem’s book The Arab Spring Five Years Later: Toward Greater Inclusiveness.⁷ In this study, Ghanem identifies what he calls Arab countries in transition. These countries: Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Tunisia, and Yemen were in economic transitional states prior to the Arab Spring, and all experienced a steady increase in average GDP growth rates. Egypt’s growth rate from 2000–2010 was in between 4–6 percent; Jordan between 6–7 percent, while Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen grew around 4.5 percent a year.⁷ While there was a notable amount of economic growth, thus providing for a better quality of life on the surface, this growth also served to marginalize large factions of the population. Women and the youth were pushed out of the labor force, and the middle class squeezed.⁷ This thus sheds light to the rise of a shared experience of inequality and general dissatisfaction with life amongst people in the Arab world prior to the Arab Spring. Likewise, Arab countries also have a shared general culture, thus directly influencing the ways democratic thought spread amongst the population during the Arab Spring. Many Arab countries are characterized by Islamic religion. This can be seen in the implementation of Sharia law, the use of a lunar calendar, and the general cultural practices. With this, it is also important to note that the Arab world is home to a number of different ethnic tribes, which each possess a distinct culture of their own thus impacting local culture. As mentioned earlier, on top of this, Arab society is also characterized by a very particular patriarchal system that defines the role of women, men, and youth. It was the youth, the next generation, that spearheaded the demonstrations of the Arab Spring, and shook the foundations of society. The youth took to social media, where there was already talk of democracy and revolution, and mobilized the population. These social media slogans essentially encompassed the grievances leading to each uprising: economic instability, political problems as perpetuated by this, and the need for human dignity. ⁷ The Arab Spring can thus provide a powerful example for the ways in which world polity works in revolutionary transitional states, as well as its influence as to how INGOs offer aid within these complicated environments. The events in Tunisia catalyzed the Arab Spring. Tunisia has long been seen as the beacon of light for long lasting progressive change in the Arab world. This can be attributed to Tunisia’s status in the international community as one of the most economically developed countries in the Arab world. It can thus be argued that this, coupled with Tunisia’s more progressive general society, has transformed the country in to a relatively powerful global actor within the sphere of the Arab world, despite the glaring shortcomings of ex-president Ben Ali’s 23 year rule prior to his exile. With this, it is sound to say that Tunisia has substantial influence in the Arab world. This can be further demonstrated with Tunisia’s status as a pioneer for women’s reproductive rights in MENA. Tunisia made abortion legal in 1973, making it the first Arab country to do so. Despite the fact that as it currently stands, only Turkey and Tunisia have legalized abortions in MENA, Tunisia’s legalization of abortion has long been used as both a point of origin and frame of reference for women’s reproductive rights policy in the region.⁸ The ideology behind the Arab Spring itself is also indicative of the influence that this homogenizing mission has on world polity The Arab Spring was inspired by pro-democratic thought. People were in the streets protesting for their right to equality, justice, and human dignity. These are all functions of the universalizing theme of world polity. Essentially, in advocating for equality and justice, participants of the Arab Spring were advocating for their right to world citizenship, which also gives analysis as to why the Arab Spring was backed by the international community. Democracy is often cited as an indicator for the potential of human development in a given region, which as posited by world polity theory, is important for a nation-state’s world citizenship. Likewise, there was a substantial emphasis placed on the role of the individual. The thought process of the Arab Spring was that the individual person had the right to demand civil liberty in the midst of oppressive regimes. Furthermore, it is also important to note that not all countries that participated in the Arab Spring called for the complete dismantling of autocratic regimes. Many citizens of monarchies, such as that of Jordan, protested in favor of incorporating a more democratic approach within the already preexisting system. ⁷ T ransitional societies, occupy a particular position in the realm of the world community. Due to their status as nation states, regardless of the events occurring on the ground, transitional states are still integral for the cultivation of human capital. Despite this, however, many transitional states achieve their transitional status as a result of internal tension- often times as a result of political conflict. INGOs become necessary in rebuilding these nation states through their influence, thus helping their citizens achieve a stronger sense of world citizenship. In the case of Egypt, following the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak’s regime, INGOs "The citizens of Egypt were protesting against censorship (claiming the right to free speech, and the right to assembly), police brutality, torture, and unjust imprisonment." Egypt

"This emergency law placed Egypt into a continuous state of emergency, thus suspending constitutional rights, allowing for the police to exercise power without restrictions, legalizing censorship, and limiting political activity."

Cairo, January 17, 2011

"Abdu Abdel-Monaim Kamal set himself on fire outside of a government building in Cairo in protest of government repression."

Human Rights Watch, February 3, 2011

"The Human Rights Watch called for the country of Egypt to 'stop attacks on peaceful protestors' thus completely foregoing it’s impartiality in the Egyptian Revolution."

Mubarak Regime, February 11, 2011

"President Mubarak resigned and transferred power to the Supreme

Council of the Armed Forces, thus officially turning Egypt into a politically transitional state."

aided in the organization of the electoral process, research on presidential and parliamentary elections, the organization of election campaigns, civilian education seminars, and consultations for citizens.⁹ Following the events in Tunisia, the Egyptian revolution began on January 17th, 2011 after Abdu Abdel-Monaim Kamal set himself on fire outside of a government building in Cairo in protest of government repression.10 While the Mubarak regime did much for the development of economic capital in this country through its role in privatizing a substantial portion of the public sector, it was characterized by corruption and human rights violations as a result of a 31 year emergency law. This emergency law placed Egypt into a continuous state of emergency, thus suspending constitutional rights, allowing for the police to exercise power without restrictions, legalizing censorship, and limiting political activity. However, following the self-immolation of Abdu Abdel-Monaim Kamal, political activity skyrocketed in the form of protests. These protests were spearheaded by the Egyptian youth. These protests were often met with violence; however, the growing use of force only motivated the people to fight harder. The citizens of Egypt were protesting against censorship (claiming the right to free speech, and the right to assembly), police brutality, torture, and unjust imprisonment. Amid the tension and growing violence, on February 1, 2011, then President Mubarak announced that he would not stand for reelection. Following this, the regime invited the banned Muslim Brotherhood to participate in its talks with protesters, which only exacerbated the tension. On February 11th, 2011 President Mubarak resigned and transferred power to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, thus officially turning Egypt into a politically transitional state. Prior to the Egyptian Revolution, Mubarak’s regime was the subject of international scrutiny due to the human rights violations that characterized it. INGOs such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch played integral roles in berating the government’s repressive politics. Their presence served as a voice for the international community, as they were on the ground witnessing the events and talking to people. In the case of the Egyptian Revolution specifically, INGOs served as a mechanism to disseminate information amidst Egypt’s censorship laws. For example, Amnesty International publishes an annual country report. The 2010 annual country report for Egypt highlighted issues of torture and human rights violations.11 This report was generally seen as having substantial influence on the population of Egypt given that the people were able to gain access to sensitive information, thus further mobilizing protestors. Likewise, Amnesty International is a powerful social actor within the system of world polity, and as such, its status as a large INGO means that this report also had substantial influence on how the international community perceived the growing political tension in Egypt at the time, thus le

gitimizing and defining future humanitarian action by other actors. Human Rights Watch, on the other hand, has been intrinsic in the call for aid in Egypt. Human Rights Watch has historically played a prominent role in Egypt in terms of assessing for human rights violations, and making future suggestions. Similar to Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch publishes a world report, thus also shedding light on the political suppression that occurred in Egypt both before and during the revolution. Human Rights Watch, however, also has people on the ground, monitoring peace, talking to people, and watching tension unfold on a day to day basis. In doing so, Human Rights Watch gained the trust of the population, and has acquired a special type of credibility. The organization also publishes articles detailing political events in Egypt on a quotidian basis. Human Rights Watch was one of the most vocal INGOs against the Mubarak regime. On January 30th, 2011, the INGO published a scathing article advocating for protestors to continue fighting against the Mubarak regime, which it cited as engaging in torture.12 It even went as far as to recommend changes to the legal framework of Egypt in order to hold people accountable for human rights violations. Furthermore, on February 3, 2011, the Human Rights Watch called for the country of Egypt to “stop attacks on peaceful protestors” thus completely foregoing it’s impartiality in the Egyptian Revolution.13 Following the revolution, through the lens of world polity, the recommendations Human Rights Watch made regarding humanitarian aid in transitional Egypt were heavily considered and taken into account, specifically in the form of foreign aid, thus further exemplifying the substantial influence INGOs have in defining the context of a nation state, and in mobilizing aid. This can further be exemplified by the United States, arguably the most powerful global actor, applying pressure for Mubarak’s regime to reform the government and refrain from the use of force despite amicable foreign and business relations between the two governments at the time following this report. INGO aid with Transitional Societies Due to the fragmented and fragile nature of transitional states, humanitarian aid becomes paramount for the redevelopment of various essential sectors of life. INGOs thus become integral for the cultivation of economic and human capital within these particular contexts. Not only do these organizations fulfill their tangible purpose of administering aid, but they also work to redefine the purpose of this aid, and what it entails thus also reconceptualizing the human rights violation itself in in accordance with world polity principles. For this section, there will be a focalization of INGO aid regarding female genital cutting within Egypt following the revolution. This country was chosen due to its transitional status, the prevalence of FGC, and the continuous presence of INGOs during this period. Egypt Concerning future discussions of INGO aid in transitional Egypt, it is important to first paint a picture of the socio-political context surrounding the use of FGC in the country. Egypt is an Islamic, patriarchal country. As such, pre-marital sex is seen as a taboo, thus meaning that there is an especially high value placed on a woman’s virginity. This is further exemplified with the prevalence of virginity tests in the country, in which spouses or family members check to ensure a woman is a virgin on her wedding night.14 Due to the prominence of these tests in society, Egyptian Arabic has evolved to coin words for virginity checks; dukhla baladi, virginity tests by family members, and dukhla afrangi, virginity tests by a husband. In 2000, a Demographic Health Survey in revealed that 97% of married women underwent an FGC procedure.15 Furthermore in 2008, it was found that 50.8% of schoolgirls in Egypt were circumcised.15This thus indicates that FGC in Egypt is a result of historical processes that have been perpetuated by societal norms. As it stands currently, there is only one law criminalizing the use of FGC in Egypt. This law, Article 242-bis and Article 242-bis (A) prohibits the use of FGC without medical justification, however, what constitutes as medical justification is left in ambiguous terms.16 Likewise, the Child Act No. 12 of 1996 prohibits FGC on children (under 18 years of age). Elizabeth Boyle highlights the use of FGC in Egypt in her book Female Genital Cutting.17In this book, Boyle seeks to identify the evolution of debates and action against female genital cutting. In doing so, she offers profound analysis, and explanation of the development of anti-FGC rhetoric campaigns as perpetuated by INGOs, She takes a world polity approach to explain the interconnected system of actors, namely INGOs, the media, and nation-states, and their roles in defining FGC as a human rights viola

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It is seen as a connection to ethnic and identity, social status, and womanhoodit is a rite of passage in these communities. FGC has occurred in Egypt for thousands of years, and is considered to be the norm. ‘‘ ’’

tion, and in advancing humanitarian aid. Furthermore, she states that, the “structural location of actors in the international system appears to be closely linked to the anti-FGC strategies they adopt.”17 She offers a specific case analysis of Egypt, and the ways in which these reforms were taken into account prior to 2002. In particular, powerful INGOs tended to favor a coercive strategy in their campaigns meant to exercise influence and persuade nation states to adopt reform efforts through directly condemning FGC.17 In doing so, INGOs set the stage for future discussions and reform efforts surrounding the issue, as can be seen with current international FGC debates. The period between 2011-2014 serves as a period for analysis of INGO aid in Egypt regarding FGC. Following the Egyptian Revolution, Egypt was transformed into a transitional state. Egypt’s political climate was incredibly fragile thus giving rise to institutional instability that permeated into every aspect of life. After the Mubarak regime was dismantled, power was given to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Egypt’s military until elections could be held. In 2012, the Egyptian population elected Mohamed Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, into office. In 2013, he was deposed in a coup d’état led by General Abdel Fattah El-Sisi. As a result of this coup, El-Sisi was elected as president of Egypt in 2014. In accordance with this, the Egyptian Constitution was ratified in 2014, and does not explicitly mention FGC. In 2011, the percentage of Egyptian women who underwent FGC was 87.2%.16 By the end of 2013, however, this number was 77%, indicating over a 10% drop.18This change can be best attributed to the increase of continuous INGO presence in this country from 2011-2014 as a result of the general political climate. INGOs that place emphasis on public health, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Doctors Without Borders, Plan International, and 28 Too Many were on the ground, in the most remote regions of the country, administering aid. In doing so, these organizations, like Human Rights Watch, acquired a special kind of credibility amongst the population. These INGOs have aided in the establishment of 24 hour emergency referral systems, hospital transports, and educational as well as advocacy frameworks. These INGOs, most notably Plan International, also work closely with governmental bodies such as the Ministry of Health, and the National Council for Childhood and Motherhood during this period, where they are able to exert considerable influence in the policy making process.19 While these INGOs are not able to directly make policy, as their role is one of influence, the coercive approach they have historically adopted regarding FGC has a profound impact on the ways in which political action is taken. As FGC is a multifaceted issue, there are many factors each contributing to the development of state legislation. Irem Ebeturk explores this ideology of international action concerning complicated issues in her study, Constructing Global Social Problems: The Case of Child, Early, and Forced Marriage.20 Ebeturk uses a world polity approach to examine the global legislative shift leading to a redefinition of child marriage as an issue of humanitarian concern, and the role of INGOs in spearheading this movement. In this study, she used qualitative methods of in depth interviews, and content analysis to shed light on the global cultural scripts surrounding the debate against child marriage. Here, she analyzed the history of girls rights movements in relation to forced marriage legislation within the overarching framework of world polity. She found the debate against forced marriage took a moral and instrumental perspective, in which childhood marriage was defined as hindering economic development, and girls were posited as the saviors of humanity. Through an analysis of the ways girls were framed within these campaigns, Ebeturk offered an explanation of how INGOs, the structural backbone of humanitarian change, defined girls, marriage and forced marriage using world cultural themes. Ultimately, her study exemplifies how world cultural scripts, which are often conceptualized by INGOs, are crucial for understanding humanitarian aid as perpetuated by legislative reforms, and international mobilization Regarding the role of INGO aid in post-revolutionary Egypt, I will take a similar approach to that of Ebeturk. I will analyze the anti-FGC rhetoric of powerful INGOs working in the region from 2011-2014 in order to shed light on the ways world cultural scripts are used to influence and incentivize humanitarian action. The International Committee of the Red Cross is known as one of the most powerful social actors in global society. The organization was founded in 1863 with the objective of aiding victims of armed conflict. The ICRC has worked in Egypt since the beginning of the Second World War. In Egypt, the ICRC has offered assistance in terms of "In 2011, the percentage of Egyptian women who underwent FGC was 87.2%. By the end of 2013, however, this number was 77%, indicating over a 10% drop."

field medical assistance, food relief, restoring family links, the transfer of persons across the demarcation lines, as well as the repatriation of prisoners of war and mortal remains.21 Likewise, the ICRC has established a branch of the Red Crescent that works exclusively in Egypt to alleviate human suffering as a result of violent unrest. In transitional Egypt, the ICRC offered substantive aid in the form of cargo, carrying first aid kits and other forms of assistance in terms of resettling and integrating: refugees, displaced peoples, and local populations directly affected by the conflict. In 2008, the International Committee of the Red Cross released a press statement detailing it’s commitment to combatting against all forms of gender based and sexual violence, including female genital cutting. Furthermore, in 2004, at the Pan-African Conference which brought together 53 Red Cross and Red Crescent National Societies of the region (including Egypt), there was an explicit official endorsement made to address the harmful practice of female genital cutting. Likewise, fighting against female genital cutting has been cited as a strong focal point for agendas set by the African National Societies branch of the International Committee of the Red Cross. Doctors without Borders was founded in 1971 in response to the Biafra war and famine. Since its establishment, the INGO has works to provide emergency medical assistance to people impacted by violent conflict, epidemics, or lack of access to health care. The organization is renowned for its political neutrality when working in these zones, and its emphasis on medical ethics. In post-revolutionary Egypt specifically, Doctors without Borders worked to offer integrated healthcare to Egyptian citizens, and refugees living in the country. This medical aid comes in the form of establishing clinics that are adapted to the specific needs of patients in the region along the lines of: general medicine, mental health, sexual and reproductive health, physiotherapy and social support. In 1999, Doctors without Borders released an official statement attesting that the organization, “strongly opposes the practice of any form of female circumcision on the basis of the contravention of human rights which the practice represents, and its adverse health consequences.” 22 Furthermore, the organization has released statements detailing that given the intensity of the cultural and social traditions that allow the practice to exist, Doctors without Borders acknowledges “its [FGC] eradication will require a sustained effort over a very long term.”22 Thus implying that the organization is working to completely eliminate the practice. The INGO has also explained that they support local initiatives against the practice to avoid marginalizing the communities in which it is practiced. Plan International is an INGO that works very closely with the government of Egypt to provide a better future for younger children. This INGO was established in Egypt in 1981, following and agreement with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Plan International is also directly supervised by the Ministry of Social Solidarity. It is thus sound to say that Plan International has profound influence to the policy making processes occurring in Egypt. The INGO has four strategic programs meant to holistically aid the children of Egypt. There is: Protection and Participation of Children; Youth Development and Leadership; Girls and Women’s Empowerment; and Active Citizenship, Civil Society Participation, and Alliances with the Government and Private Sector.19 Within the Women’s Empowerment and Active Citizenship sector of this strategic plan, Plan International has a faction dedicated to reducing the harmful traditional practice of female genital cutting. In transitional Egypt, this mission was mostly achieved through educational practices, community engagement, and providing access to healthcare facilities. The rhetoric surrounding FGC used by Plan International is very overt in its condemnation. Plan International has stated that it seeks to eradicate all forms of violence against women, namely FGC. Likewise, it has stated that FGC is a harmful practice. Furthermore, Plan International works directly with the National Council for Childhood and Motherhood, a faction of the Egyptian government that directly addresses FGC policy in the country. Here, Plan International has worked to provide external, and internal support to the program, while also serving as an expert on These INGOs each seek to denounce FGC by underscoring the existence of women as fellow human beings. This lends itself to universalistic models of equality, and justice for all. ‘‘ ’’

the ground. The rhetoric used by these INGOs regarding FGC directly denounces the practice. Using Elizabeth Boyle’s strategic analysis of INGO campaigns, it can be seen that these INGOs have indeed taken a coercive strategy.17 They have all publicly condemned the practice of FGC, thus also using their influence to sway policy making processes. Doctors without Borders and the International Committee of the Red Cross are both incredibly powerful social actors, and as such they have a profound influence on the international community, and how it perceives various agendas. Plan International, on the other hand, takes a more on the ground approach to their condemnation of FGC, thus providing for more credibility in terms of the organizations relationship to the government of Egypt. Due to the role these INGOs played in providing aid during and after revolution, they have already legitimized themselves and their agendas

in the eyes of the Egyptian people. World culture principles can also be seen in the rhetoric these INGOs have taken. In each of these various agendas, and campaign slogans, there is an emphasis placed on the status of women. These INGOs each seek to denounce FGC by underscoring the existence of women as fellow human beings. This lends itself to universalistic models of equality, and justice for all. Likewise, it highlights the humanity of the individual women and girls who undergo this procedure. These INGOs have thus succeeded in translating world cultural scripts of universalism and individualism simply in the rhetoric of their official statements and thus strategic plans of action. Likewise, these INGOs placed special emphasis on future development while working in post-revolutionary Egypt, thus also exerting influence in redeveloping transitional Egypt. This can be seen in the establishment of reproductive health hospitals, the implementation of educational and community engagement endeavors, and the cultivation of the next generation through the development and redevelopment of education, and child rearing sectors. These INGOs have all taken preventative measures while working in post-revolutionary Egypt and have, in a sense, used their role within this complex environment to inspire gradual and progressive change. saw a development in individualistic thought through the ideology that the individual has the right to demand progress in their nation states. Furthermore, in the case of female genital cutting in post-revolutionary Egypt, it was found that INGOs adopted a coercive strategy in exerting their influence for the anti-FGC cause, thus exemplifying a dialectic rationalizing process and also falling in line with the world polity theory. Likewise, the rhetoric employed by these INGOs often times was that of world cultural themes. Therefore, this essay has exemplified the ways that a world polity approach can indeed be taken to analyze the composition transitional nation states.

Conclusion

This essay has discussed the ways in which a world polity framework can be used to analyze the development of, and reimagination of transitional states. In the midst of globalization, the world polity framework views the world model as a system of interrelated actors and institutions, each with the purpose of legitimizing themselves along the lines of a world cultural process within the context of a world society. These world cultural processes: universalism; individualism; rational voluntaristic authority; and dialectic rationalizing processes become integral for attaining world citizenship. As such, nation states become breeding grounds for the development of human and economic capital. Meanwhile INGOs serve as the structural backbone of world polity and are also tasked with translating world cultural scripts through substantive influence. Transitional nation states, however, occupy a particular position within the world polity framework. These nation states are often fragile environments in which various institutions fragmented. Despite their need for redevelopment, these states must also fulfill their role of developing human and economic capital. In the case of the Arab Spring, it can be seen that waves of pro-democratic thought, a universalistic principle of world culture, spread across countries in MENA along the lines of world polity. Starting with the events in Tunisia, the Arab Spring spread across a number of Arab countries, and established transitional states in many. Likewise, the Arab Spring

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Nadine Yassin is a senior at the Emory College of Arts and Sciences studying Sociology and French. She is passionate about human rights and hopes to work in the field professionally. Her main areas of interest are women and children’s rights, education reform, and mental health accessibility with an emphasis in post-conflict states. She has experience doing work in refugee reintegration, research, and conflict resolution. Likewise, she is incredibly interested in facilitating cross-cultural understanding on many levels, and tries to incorporate that into her life both professionally and personally.