Not fortresses but living rooms: How Cities of Shelter could work in the UK

Radical Cities not fortresses but living rooms: How cities of shelter could work in the UK

Borders as processes, not lines

Political theorist Angela Mitropolous has written that it’s more useful to migrant solidarity to think about borders as processes, notlines. She says an obsession withthe geographical location ofa border as a fixed line means “we stop posing questions about what the border does”. 1 Although border processes contain objects (papers, detention centres, walls), the less obvious –but just as sinister –parts ofborder processes are temporal events (raids, arrests, filling in forms at the hospital). Or sometimes they’re neither: rights, checks, rules and regulations, suspicions and exceptions.

In the past, old cities of Europe were surrounded by city walls, to mark and guard the boundaries ofthe city. As capitalism developed, and its side-effect urbanisation occurred, the point ofthe walls was undermined by statecraft and they became a half-knocked-down historical feature ofthe citycentres. Nowadays, cities commonly peter out towards their edges –theydon’t have boundaries to stop people enteringorleaving.

1 [Emphasisadded].Mitropolous,Angela.InBasePublication.“OnBorders/Race/Fascism/Labour/

Precarity/Etc”.(2016). http://www.basepublication.org/?p=107 //Pearl Ahrens

However, the fact that acitydoesn’t have distinct geographical borders doesn’t mean it has open borders, because borders are state processes. In that case, what would it mean to be a ‘City of Shelter’ for migrants in the UK? How could a geographical demarcation defend against a temporal process such as immigration detention, and how would it stop state border processes seeping in through the suburbs? The Radical Municipalism group is a research cluster ofUK organisation Plan C. We think a City of Shelter should be an active process undertaken by the municipality and radical civil society, to enable migrants to live their lives and make roots in the city.

What shouldn’t a UK CityofShelter looklike?

There are currently no Cities ofShelter in the UK. In 2007, Sheffield declared itselfa ‘City ofSanctuary’, which means local charities and the council work to make asylum seekers and refugees feel welcome in the city. This is great, but all residents of Sheffield have their lives interrupted by state border processes, no matter their immigration status. 2 The ‘sanctuary’

2 Boutaud,Charles,Cantwell-Corn,Adam,PaoloMancini,Donato.9October2017.“ThousandsofBritishcitizenssweptupinimmigrationspotchecks"

in the name is meaningless ifthe municipality is ineffective in preventing state border processes from unfolding in the city. Based on Sheffield’s example, there’s a riskthat a much- needed UK City of Shelter would end up meaning nothing to most migrants, in the face ofpowerful state borderprocesses. We, the Plan C Radical Municipalism research cluster based in the UK, believe this liberal model ofarefuge citycould be more effective if a declaration of City of Shelter committed the municipality and radical civil society to not just protect all ‘illegal’ and ‘legal’ migrants from Immigration Enforcement, but also to make an active effort to provide everydaysolidarityto migrants.

The idea of working with the municipality to help migrants may seem strange, given the fact that it’s the council that so often is the enemy ofcurrent migrant solidarity activities by activists in the UK. Aside from the brilliant work already being done by Anti-Raids Network 3 , Schools Against Borders for Children 4 and Docs Not Cops 5 , there is a tendencyforsome migrant solidarityefforts to favoursquats as away to capture and protect a portion ofgeographical space against the ravages ofthe state. Despite the constant danger ofeviction bythe council or the courts, it can feel good to barricade the doors and protect a piece of urban terrain as our own.

From the short, sharp squats ofbanks and million-pound homes to the more open community/social centres, London has had plenty ofpractice defending a territory. Recent squats such as Sisters Uncut occupation of empty council house in 2016, or Focus E15 mothers occupation of an empty block ofcouncil flats in 2014, were antagonistic to their respective borough councils, but unfortunately did not last more than a fewweeks. In Brighton, the Labour-led council has since 2017 introduced Public Space Protection Orders (PSPOs), which criminalisedtheerectionoftentsandtheparkingoflive-invans in certain areas of the city. These new control orders predominantly affect homeless people, and due to the large number of migrants livingon the streets, will negativelyimpact the ability ofmigrants to survive in the city. In this way, it’s clear that attempts by migrants and non-migrants to work together to provide mutual support and shelter are frustrated at every turn by the council and the courts. Across the UK, the ever-present danger of eviction, a process, means even well-defended squats are time-limited. It might even be unhelpful to try and set up a squat for migrant children and their asylum-seeking parents, say, ifit advertised their whereabouts thereby making them vulnerable not just to eviction from the squat, but to eviction from the country. The ruthless dispensation offines

https://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/stories/2017-10-09/review-homeoffice-immigration-checks

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5 Anti-Raids Network website http://antiraids.net/ Schools ABC website https://www.schoolsabc.net/

Docs Not Cops http://www.docsnotcops.co.uk/ and evictions against people with no choice in where to live demonstrates, surely, that the council is the enemy. It seems like the onus is on the municipality to do less: step back, and allowradicalcivilsocietytocovermigrantsolidaritywithoutthe intrusion of institutional processes.

Looking to Europe for inspiration

Examples of squats on the continent show us that when the political will exists, the municipality can take action to provide actual support for migrants. They show us that the problem in the UK is with the exact processes, of criminalisation and eviction, rather than with council intervention full stop. If done correctly, the municipality can create or use new by-laws and processes which actuallyhelp migrant squats last longer than in the UK.

An example ofone such strategy is Naples, where the new Government Resolution no. 446/2016 effectively legalises the squattingofemptybuildings for “civic use” when turningthem into social centres. 6 Alawlike this, framedasanexplicitpromise nottoevictsquatshousingmigrants, couldallowradicalcivilsociety provide more sustainable places for families to live. In Dijon, despite threats from fascists, 60-80 asylum seekers co-organised a squat with the autonomous left which has survived in a disused hotel for 15 months. Although it has been dragged through the courts numerous times, it has benefitted from two rounds of a law loophole called the “trêve hivernale” (winter truce), which effectively prohibits eviction notices during the cold seasons. In contrast to Naples, the trêve hivernale is a legal convention, not a municipal law, yet suggests the possibility for municipalities to introduce more relaxed eviction processes.

The point of these anecdotes is that municipalities have some official powers that civil society does not. Naples’ new by-law did not come out of nowhere: Naples is an excellent example of‘radical municipalism’, which is where radical civil society and the municipality “discuss together the proposals for new municipal laws, in a process ofco-deliberation ofthe regulations that govern the city”. 7 The election ofMayorLuigi de Magistris was one event in a long process of“direct contact, open meetings, popularassemblies in the neighbourhoods, observatories, and by keeping a direct relation with social centres and spaces of activism and active citizenship”. 8 This groundwork meant that Naples’ declaration of ‘City of Shelter’ was accompanied by concrete commitments from the municipality and radical civil society to both put work into migrant solidarity. Combined with the case of Dijon, both show that for the state and for radical civil society, ‘defendinga territory’ is more

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8 Connected Action for the Commons. (2017) “What makes an emptybuildingin Naples aCommons?” P2P Foundation. https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/what-makes-an-empty-building-innaples-a-commons/2017/05/08 European Alternatives. (2017) “In Naples, We Are All Illegal Or No-one Is”. Political Critique. http://politicalcritique.org/world/2017/in-naples-we-are-all-illegal-or-no-one-is/ Ibid.

to do with negotiating process than drawing lines in geography. And ifthis territory is a city, how exactly would an effective City ofshelter playout?

What should a UK City of Shelter look like?

Process is the tool of radical civil society and the municipality working together. But tools aren’t always used to positive, life-enhancingends. Fordecades, theUKgovernment has outsourced the administration of austerity to municipalities, in effect cutting double digits offtheir budgets and letting them take the blame for the resulting chaos in their respective geographical jurisdictions. The decimation ofresources for everyday life –housing, schools, hospitals –through budget cuts has restricted access to safety, education and health for migrants and non-migrants alike. Migrant solidarity should start from resistance to these cuts, on the part of the municipality too. But resistance is not enough, it’s necessary to create new structures of support as well. What type of structures could a City of Shelter create, which would provide real, radical, migrant solidarity? We have three ideas.

1. Moratorium on evictions

Taking inspiration from Naples, a proud declaration ofanindefinitepauseonevictionsofallhousesandsquats would prove a City of Shelter to be true to its name. To create longer-term housing solutions, a ring-fenced pot ofmoneycould be put aside in the council budget to pay for part ofmigrants’ rent. One idea is to combine the models ofThousand 4 1000 in Brighton, a crowdfunding system which rents a house for an asylum-seeking family via 1000 donations of £1 per month 9 , and Greater London Assembly’s civic crowdfunding project, which can support and front 10% ofthe money for a crowdfunded urban realm project. 10 It’s conceivable to imagine aconfluence ofthese two projects, withthe municipality recommending a house or flat, chipping in some rent and relying on radical civil societyto raise the rest. This sortofstructurecertainlyhasflaws, butcouldcommence immediately and would provide a more stable home for migrants than a precarious squat.

2. Legal defence for schools and hospitals that resist the Immigration Act

A necessary part of what a City of Shelter in the UK would mean is to recognise the significant waythat the 2016

9 Thousand 4 1000 website. https://thousandfor1000.wordpress.com

10 Mayor ofLondon. Crowdfund London website. https://www.london.gov.uk/whatwe-do/regeneration/funding-opportunities/crowdfund-london Immigration Act has pushed aggressive border policies forward. The way the Immigration Act 2016 works is that it criminalises people who provide a service to migrants: doctors who don’t report their patients’ nationalities or immigration status become criminals, teachers become liable for reportingtheirstudents’nationalities, andlandlordswhorent to migrants can be prosecuted by the Home Office. Exactly howthe Immigration Act 2016 plays out is still opaque, but itscultureoffearprovidesapretextforimmigrationraidsand xenophobia. A UK City of Shelter should make a priority of shameless resistance to the Immigration Act. Municipalities couldprovidelegalandfinancialsupporttolandlords, schools and hospitals within the city who actively ignore and resist border checks. The unevenness with which the Act is applied across the country could potentially bide Cities of Shelter some time to attackthe ensuinglegal challenges withthe full support of radical civilsociety.

3. PSPOs for immigrationraids

A City of Shelter municipality should make use of every loophole at its disposal to oppose the Immigration Act 2016. Public Space Protection Orders, PSPOs, are like Anti-SocialBehaviourOrders (ASBOs) buttheyapplyto places, not people. They are mini-laws which can control behaviourin acityjurisdiction. Since 2014, PSPOs have made it possible for a municipality to criminalise some behaviours in aspecified areaofthe city, forinstance aparkorastreet. Arguably, immigration raids and spot checks fall under the categories ofanti-social behaviours eligible for criminalisation by PSPO, due to the extent to which they disrupt the lives ofbothmigrantandnon-migrantresidents in acity. A CityofShelter council could impose a PSPO on residential areas ofthe city, which would allow them to fine or prosecuteImmigrationEnforcement. AnotherPSPO couldmake restrict vehicle movement to and from a local G4S Security detention centre or Immigration Enforcement car parks, making it an offence for vehicles to leave to conduct raids. The Mayor ofNaples, Luigi de Magistris, puts emphasis on “not occupied but liberated spaces”. 11 This should be the watchword for future migrant solidarity actions in the UK: “liberated”. Defending a City ofShelter would mean liberating the migrants who live there from the anti-social violence of state processes, and the municipality would take on more responsibility in protecting its residents from interruptions to their everyday lives.

11 European Alternatives. (2017) “In Naples, We Are All Illegal Or No-one Is”. Political Critique. http://politicalcritique.org/world/2017/in-naples-we-are-all-illegalor-no-one-is

Making everyday life

For a municipality, being a CityofShelter would mean imbuing migrant solidarity through-out all processes. This means reaching out to migrants to make resources available to them –not just housing, but language learning, bus tickets to enable them to make use of the dense networks existent in cities. Ideally there would be a network of Cities of Shelter in the UK, which links up with those on the continent. Antje Dieterich details the recent multiplication of institutions in Berlin, where migrants and radical civil societycan loosen the rules around healthcare provision. She says the long-term goal for migrant solidarity activities in Berlin would be “to develop a complex of participatory institutions that allow us to learn, live and work in our future sanctuary.” 12 If this sounds impossible, that’s even more imperative to make it happen. BeingaCityofShelter doesn’t just mean opening up the city boundaries, it means creating processes which benefit everyone, by enabling everyday life.

References:

Anti-Raids Network website http://antiraids.net

BBC. (2017) “RealityCheck: Can the Government Requisition homes?” http:// www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-40303142

Le Bien Public. (2017) “Squat de la rue des Ateliers à Dijon: un délai pour les occupants” http://www.bienpublic.com/edition-dijon-ville/2017/09/29/dijonl-avenir-du-squat-de-la-rue-des-ateliers-se-joue-ce-vendredi

Le Bien Public. (2017) “Squat de la rue des Ateliers à Dijon: la décision re portée” http://www.bienpublic.com/edition-dijon-ville/2017/05/24/squat-ruedes-ateliers-la-decision-reportee

Boutaud, Charles, Cantwell-Corn, Adam, Paolo Mancini, Donato. 9 October 2017. “Thousands of British citizens swept up in immigration spot checks” https://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/stories/2017-10-09/review-homeof fice-immigration-checks

Brighton and Hove City Council. 30 January 2017. “Public Space Protection Orders come into force” https://www.brighton-hove.gov.uk/content/press-re lease/public-space-protection-orders-come-force

Connected Action for the Commons. (2017) “What makes an empty build ing in Naples a Commons?” P2P Foundation. https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/ what-makes-an-empty-building-in-naples-a-commons/2017/05/08

Dieterich, Antje. (2017) “Urban Sanctuary: The Promise ofSolidarity Cities” ROAR magazine, Issue 6. https://roarmag.org/magazine/urban-sanctuary-sol idarity-cities-refugees

Docs Not Cops http://www.docsnotcops.co.uk

European Alternatives. (2017) “In Naples, We Are All Illegal Or No-one Is”.

12 Dieterich, Antje. (2017) “Urban Sanctuary: The Promise of Solidarity Cities”

ROAR magazine, Issue 6. https://roarmag.org/magazine/urban-sanctuary-solidarity-cities-refugees Political Critique. http://politicalcritique.org/world/2017/in-naples-we-are-allillegal-or-no-one-is

Focus E15. (2014) “E15 Open House Occupation” https://focuse15.org/e15- open-%20house-occupation

Garrett, Bradley L. 8 September 2015. “PSPOs: the new control orders threat ening our public spaces” The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/sep/08/pspos-new-control-orders-public-spaces-asbos-freedoms

Gateshead Council. “What are Public Spaces Protection Orders (PSPOs)?” http://www.gateshead.gov.uk/People%20and%20Living/CommunitySafety/ Public-Spaces-Protection-Orders.aspx

Kitsantonis, Niki. (2017) “Anarchists Fill Services Void Left ByFalteringGreek Governance” New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/22/world/ europe/greece-athens-anarchy-austerity.html

Mayor of London. Crowdfund London website. https://www.london.gov.uk/ what-we-do/regeneration/funding-opportunities/crowdfund-london

Migrant English Project, Brighton. http://mepbrighton.com/#1

Minton, Anna. (2017) “Civic crowdfunding is privatisation masquerading as democracy”. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/oct/24/ civic-crowdfunding-erode-democracy-local-authority

Mitropolous, Angela. In Base Publication. “On Borders/Race/Fascism/Labour/ Precarity/Etc”. (2016). http://www.basepublication.org/?p=107

Nye, Catrin, and Sands, Leo. (2017) “Asylum seekers face appeals ‘lottery’” BBC. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-42153862

Page, Jacky. (2017) “Les migrants du squat de la rue des Ateliers à Dijon rest eront au chaud l’hiver prochain” France Bleu. https://www.francebleu.fr/infos/ faits-divers-justice/les-migrants-du-squat-de-la-rue-des-ateliers-a-dijon-rest eront-au-chaud-l-hiver-prochain-1506694289

Schools ABC website https://www.schoolsabc.net

Simmel, Georg. (1903) “The Metropolis and Mental Life”. http://www.laits. utexas.edu/berlin/pdf/scholarship/Simmel_The%20Metropolis.pdf

Squat.net (2016) “Dijon: appel à rassemblement devant le tribunal, en solidar ité avec les migrants du 22 rue des ateliers” https://fr.squat.net/2016/10/04/ dijon-appel-a-rassemblement-22

Squat.net (2017) “Dijon: rassemblement en soutien au squat de la rue des ateliers” https://fr.squat.net/2017/03/23/dijon-rassemblement-en-soutien-ausquat-de-la-rue-des-ateliers/#more-35451

“The Best Hotel in Europe” website. https://best-hotel-in-europe.eu

Thousand 4 1000 website. https://thousandfor1000.wordpress.com