NOVERMBER 2010 ISSUE

CHANGE OF GUARD AT BGSBU UNIVERSITY

BALRAJ PURI

Essay : Ambiguity of Three Positives J&K Must Kashmiriyat Focus at

J&K : The Question of a Accession

J & K ’ S M O N T H LY M A G A Z I N E

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Epilogue Jammu, November 1 ,2010 / Vol 4 / Issue 11 | Price Rs. 30 | Postal Regd. No. JK-350/2009 | www.epilogue.in

N E W S ,

C U R R E N T

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Three Idiots and Worlds Arguably 'Toughest' Job

Quick Guide : J&K ECONOMIC PROFILE

A land of varied attractions, Jammu has a surprise waiting for you at every corner.

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Patntiop 87 Kms from Katra Krimchi 55 Kms. from Katra

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Epilogue because there is more to know

CONTENT

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Editor Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Publisher Yogesh Pandoh

Research Officer Raman Sharma Phones & email Office : +91 191 2493136 Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Administration: +91 94191 82518 subscriptions : +91 90188 87136 editor@epilogue.in subscription@epilogue.in Printed and Published by Yogesh Pandoh for Epilogue NewsCraft from Ibadat House, Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K - 180012 and Printed at : DEE DEE Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New Rehari Jammu (J&K)

Eye Witness The Question of Accession

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Exclusive Stories October 1947

9

Rakesh Ankit

Current Affairs Three Idiots and Worlds arguably ‘ toughest’ job

Associate Editors Irm Amin Baig Tsewang Rigzin Zorawar Singh Jamwal

Art Editor Keshav Sharma

3

Balrajj Puri

Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran Manu Srivastsa

General Manager Kartavya Pandoh

Contributors to this Issue

13

Zafar Choudhary

Volume 4, Issue 11, November 2010

Is Pakistan Re-poistioning itself in Kashmir ?

Islamabad’s Five Likely Strategies

16

D Suba Chandran

I N FOCUS Muslims in Indian Administration

Pakistan and Militant Groups in Kashmir Musharraf’s Admission

20

Radha Vinod Raju

25

Missing Link or Connecting Link Muslims in Indian Administration Towards Inclusion Dr. Shahid Iqbal

26 26 27 28 28 28 29 29 30 31

Muslims : Selections in IAS Muslim IAS Officer in Indian States Chief Secretaries : Heads of Bureaucracy in States Muslims in Top Scale Muslim : Secretaries to Gol Bank Muslim : In Top Commissions Literacy Rate and Share in Administration Gender and Empowerment : Muslim Women in IAS Muslim Share in another Civil Services : Group ‘A&B’ and IFS Conclusion and Discussion

What really is at state in Kashmir

21

Zeenat Zeeshan Fazil

China-India : Return to Robust Relations ?

23

Swarn Singh

Ladakh Education in Ladakh

32

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Notes from Leh

34

Manisha Sobhrajani

Report BGSB University

35

Epilogue Bureau

Column Raja Ranjit Dev’s Inclusive Policies 40 and Politico-Economic Developments in Jammu Prof. Jigar Mohammad

Digest Quick Guide : J&K’s Economic Profile 43

Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction of courts and competitive tribunals in Jammu only.

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CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Ankit Rakesh; (Exclusive Series p9) is a young historian from Bihar. As a Rhodes Scholar recently he studied various missing links in the making of Kashmir conflict. Based on his first hand study, he is contributing exclusive series to Epilogue Chandran, D Suba; (In Focus, p16) is Deputy Director at Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies. Author of many books and an acclaimed expert on Kashmir and Indo-Pak relations, he is Consulting Editor of Epilogue Magazine Fazil, Zeenat Zeeshan; (Issues, p21) is a Srinagar based researcher engaged with Charkha Development and Communication Network Iqbal, Dr Shahid; (in Focus, p25) is an officer of Indian Administrative Services, Jammu and Kashmir cadre. Presently he is posted in Leh. Mohammed, Prof Jigar; (History, p40) is professor of History at the University of Jammu. He is associated with Epilogue since inception as Editorial Advisor on History of Jammu and Kashmir

Puri, Balraj; (Eye Witness, p4) is a journalist, writer and social activist based at Jammu. He is Director of Institute of Jammu and Kashmir Affairs. Engaged in public life since 1942, he is recipient of many national awards, most notably Padma Bhushan in 2005.

Raju, Radha Vinod; (Current Affairs, p20) is former Director of National Investigation Agency of India. Earlier he served as Additional Director General of Jammu and Kashmir Police reached at manisha@samarpanfoundation.org Singh, Swarn; (Current Affairs, p23) is Professor at Jawahar Lal Nehru University, New Delhi Sobhrajani, Manisha; (Features, P.34) is a Delhi based independent researcher working on the various aspects of Kashmir conflict. She divides her time between Delhi and Jammu and Kashmir

Readers' requests for getting in touch with the authors, for feedback, comments and further discussions on their subjects of interest, are welcome. Since all authors/contributors are not interested in taking mails directly, the readers are requested to send us interview requests at editor@epilogue.in for passing on to the authors

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Vol. 4, Issue 11

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Eye witness

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Excerpts

The Question of Accession BALRAJ PURI

T

he circumstances and the manner in which the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir acceded to the Indian Union in October 1947 provide vital clues to our understanding of the vicissitudes of its later politics and its emotional, political and constitutional ties with the rest of the country.

The Hindu maharaja of the state, who had the constitutional authority under the India Independence Act to decide its future affiliation when the country was partitioned into two dominions, was reluctant to opt for India. It was not any easier for the large Muslim population to take such a decision especially as the partition line was being drawn more or less along communal lines. The year of independence had also witnessed a collapse of the citadels of the 'nationalist Muslims' in the subcontinent.

Jammu and Kashmir was one of those princely states, which did not join the Constituent Assembly of India, set up under the Cabinet Mission Plan that had commenced functioning since December 1946. The maharaja of the state refused to yield despite a warning

by Jawaharlal Nehru, then vicepresident of the interim government, that such an act by any state would be considered a hostile act. The unequivocal support of the Muslim League to 'the sovereign right of the princes' strengthened the recalcitrance of the maharaja in not joining the Constituent Assembly.

On 17 June 1947, the Muslim League

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leader, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, declared: Constitutionally and legally the Indian States will be independent and sovereign on the termination of paramountcy and they will be free to decide for themselves to adopt any course they like; it is open for them to join the Hindustan Constituent Assembly or the Pakistan Constituent Assembly or [to] decide to remain independent.

More specifically, on 11 July 1947, Jinnah said that 'if Jammu and Kashmir opted for independence, Pakisran would welcome and would sign friendly agreements with her for [the] common weal of both the peoples. Liaquat A.H. Khan, the leader of the Muslim League in the interim government, had declared that the states were perfectly free to refuse to have anything, to do with the Constituent Assembly.

HINDU RAJ VS SECULAR INDIA The maharaja was in no mood to join the Indian dominion even when partition became inevitable. He was supported by loyal Hindu leaders in Jammu who vociferously argued that a Hindu State, as Jammu and Kashmir claimed to be, should not merge. its identity with a secular India. The working committee of the All Jammu and Kashmir Rajya Hindu Sabha (the earliest incarnation of the present Bharatiya Janata" Party in the state) formally adopted a resolution in May 1947 reiterating its faith in the Maharaja and extended its 'support to whatever he was doing or

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might do on the issue of accession. In a press statement issued in May 1947, the acting president of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, Chowdhary Hamidullah Khan, also urged 'His Highness' to 'declare Kashmir independent immediately and establish a separate constituent assembly to frame the constitution of the State.' He assured Muslim co-operation and support to the maharaja as the first constitutional ruler of an independent and democratic Kashmir. He said, in a press conference, that 'Should the Pakistan government invade Kashmir, Muslims of the state will rise in arms against Pakistan and if necessity demands, they will seek Indian help.

All those who raised pro-India voices, including me, were condemned

by Hindu chauvinists as anti-Hindu and traitors. The Jammu daily Ranbir, edited by Mulk Raj Saraf, was banned by the state government in June 1947 for demanding accession to India and the release of Sheikh Abdullah. The All India Congress Committee had resolved on 15 June 1947 that the Congress could not admit the right of any state to declare its independence. During his visit to the state in July 1947, Lord Mountbatten had also tried to persuade the maharaja to accede to either of the two dominions before 15 August 1947. He instructed the British Resident in the state to continue to give the same advice to the maharaja. Quoting

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Excerpts

Mountbatten in his Mission with Mountbatten, Alan Campbell Johnson states that, 'the State's ministry, under Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel's direction, went out of its way to take no action which could be interpreted as forcing Kashmir's hand and to give assurance that accession to Pakistan' would not be taken amiss by India. Envisaging no trouble if the Maharaja acceded either way, Mountbatten said that the 'only trouble that could have been raised was by nonaccession and this was unfortunately the very course followed by the Maharaja.

As communal tensions spread within the Jammu region and the surrounding Punjab, the loyalty of the Hindus and Muslims began to gravitate to India and Pakistan respectively. On 19 July 1947, the working committee of the State Muslim Conference again drafted a resolution in favour of independence for the approval of the General Council of the party which met at Srinagar. The Council was sharply divided between followers of Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas and Ch. Hameed Ullah, leaders from Jammu region, on the one hand, and Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah of Kashmir on the other.

Eventually they agreed on a modified resolution which 'respectfully and fervently appealed to the Maharaja Bahadur to deelare internal autonomy of the State... and accede to the Dominion of Pakistan in the matters relating to defence, communications and external affairs. However, the General Council did not challenge the maharaja's right to take a decision on accession, and it acknowledged that his rights should be protected even after acceding to Pakistan. Jinnah's personal secretary Khurshid Ahmad, who was in Kashmir during those crucial days, assured 'His Highness' that 'Pakistan

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would not touch a hair of his head or take away an iota of his power. The Hindu Sabha, in a bid to reconcile its loyalty to the maharaja with the groundswell of pro-India opinion amongst Hindus modified its stand on the question of accession. Pandit Prem Nath Dogra, who later became the president of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, moved what was called a compromise resolution in the party (between pro-RSS and non-RSS factions, of which the latter led

by G.D. Mengi was pro-India), on the eve of Indian independence. It was left to the maharaja to 'decide the issue of accession to India at an appropriate time.'

Jammu and Kashmir was one of those princely states, which did not join the Constituent Assembly of India, set up under the Cabinet Mission Plan that had commenced functioning since December 1946.

The maharaja of the state refused to yield despite a warning by Jawaharlal Nehru, then vicepresident of the interim government, that such an act by any state would be considered a hostile act On 15 August 1947, the Government of Pakistan accepted the offer of the Jammu and Kashmir State for a standstill agreement. Under this agreement the central departments of the State functioning within the Lahore circle were to be under the jurisdiction of Pakistan. Accordingly, Pakistani flags fluttered over the offices if the post and telegraph department throughout the state. The Government of India, however, insisted on prior negotiations with the J&K government, but the latter did

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not respond to the suggestion. Thus, no such agreement could be signed.

Prime Minister Nehru prophetically apprehended that 'Pakistan's strategy is to infiltrate now and to take some big action as soon as Kashmir is more or less isolated because of its coming winter.' In a letter to Home Minister Sardar Patel, he expressed the view that the only course open to the maharaja was to seek the cooperation of the National Conference (NC) and accede to India.

This would make it difficult for Pakistan 'to invade it [the state] officially or unofficially without coming into conflict with the Indian Union. If this advice had been heeded in time, there would have been no Kashmir problem today.

Meanwhile, communal tensions continued to grow in Jammu. There was serious trouble in the Muslim majority Poonch estate within the Jammu region.

This began with some local demands like the rehabilitation of 60,000 demobilised soldiers of the British Army belonging to the area. As issues got mixed up, the agitation finally turned communal. The State Army was used to crush the local unrest, but 'the traditional loyalty of a large number of Muslim troops of the State forces towards the Maharaja could no longer be taken for granted under the changed circumstances. The soldiers refused to fire on the demonstrators with whom they had religious and ethnic ties. They desired the army and the agitation took the form of an armed revolt. The supply of ammunition and other types of assistance from across strength to the revolt. It also gathered support sentiments is Poonch which had been offended when the area brought under direct control of the Jammu Durbar e British courts in 1936.

Until then it had been a separate jagir under the descendants of Dhian Singh,

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Excerpts

the brother of Gulab Singh, for about a century.

By October, communal riots had spread all over Jammu and Gandhi held the maharaja responsible for this. The State Army was also weakened by desertions and shortage of ammunition. It was also too thinly spread from Gilgit to Jammu, to overcome the revolt in Poonch and the adjoining areas, since the revolt was actively supported by Pakistan. Regular supplies of foodstuffs, petrol and cloth from Pakistan were stopped. The communication system (under the administrative control of Pakistan vide the standstill agreement) did not render proper service. The situation was rapidly approaching a stage which would have affirmed Gandhi's prophecy of October 1946, that if the maharaja persisted in his policy, the state might disappear as a unit.

Mountbatten and Nehru had also forseen a similar situation if the maharaja did not accede to the Indian Union in time.

Hence of his dominion was increasingly threatened, :sperate attempts to mend his fences with Pakistan.

As the very existence of his dominion was increasingly threatened, the maharaja made desperate attempts to mend his fences with Pakistan. On 1th October, his newly-appointed prime minister, Mehar Chand Mahajan, offered to make an impartial enquiry into Pakistan's allegations that the Kashmir State Army had attached Muslim villages of Poonch. The Pakistan Governor General welcomed the offer of an enquiry on 20th October and invited Mehar Chand Mahajan to Karachi to discuss the matter.

The new prime minister reiterated that the Independence Act gave complete authority to the ruler on the issue

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of accession. He expressed his ambition to make Kashmir a Switzerland of the East, which would be on the 'friendliest of terms with both the dominions.' He expected 'as worthy a treatment from Pakistan as from a good neighbour.' He ridiculed the suggestion of Indian leaders to form a responsible government in the state by retorting that there was no responsible government even in India.

In his view, the maharaja 'was all the time hoping that Kashmir could retain an independent status without acceding to either Dominion. Meanwhile, the Pakistani government sent Major (later Colonel) A.S.B. Shah, the-u Joint Secretary of the Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affair to Kashmir, where he met various officials including Prime Minister M.C. Mahajan. According to Mahajan, Shah had brought with him a blank Instrument of Accession to Pakistan, which he hoped the maharaja would fill and sign. On 21 October 1947, the maharaja appointed Bakshi Tek Chand, a retired judge of the Punjab High Court, to frame the constitution of the state. But, already, Path an tribal invaders,' sponsored by the Pakistani Government, were marching to Srinagar. Thus all seemed set to prove that it was not an empty boast of Jinnah when he had reportedly declared that 'Kashmir is in my pocket.'

THE UNIQUENESS OF KASHMIR One major factor that prevented this eventuality was the response of the people and leaders of the Kashmir valley to the question of accession. In order to understand how and why they behaved the way they did, it is necessary to understand the peculiarities of the Kashmiri personality, and the historical, cultural, political and geographical inputs that moulded it.

Kashmir valley is one of the three

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distinct regions of the state. Its population was less than that of Jammu, which also had a Muslim majority, before 1947.

The Northern Region, consisting of Ladakh, Skardu, Gilgit and Baltistan, was many times greater in area than the Jammu and Kashmir regions combined, and is also overwhelming Muslim, alongside a significant Buddhist and tribal population. Kashmir is mostly inhabited by pre-Aryan and non-Aryan communities. Jammu is almost entirely Aryan while the northern region is inhabited by the Dardic-Tibetan races. The Line of Control (LoC) divides the Jammu region while leaving intact the Kashmirispeaking region on the Indian side.

Within the Northern Region, Ladakh is on the Indian side whereas Gilgit, Baltistan and Skardu are on the Pakistani side.

On the eve of the partition, Jammu was paralysed by communal riots and the people were largely polarised on communal lines, pardy as an impact of communal developments in the neighbouring Punjab. The maharaja, who belonged to this region, was incapable of providing leadership to its people.

The Northern Region was too sparsely populated to be of much political consequence. Thus, it was Kashmir, geographically compact and culturally homogenous, that stood out politically, with its people mobilised in mass struggle against the feudal system with the nonKashmiri royal family belonging to Jammu at the top. Kashmiris-a people with a unique civilisation and fivethousandyear-old history-had found a charismatic leader in Sheikh Abdullah who led the National Conference, the banner under-which the Kashmiris were fighting the monarchy.

Kashmir's history has been one of gradual accretion of cultural attributes

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Excerpts

over numerous waves of migration. The valley has been a melting pot of ideas and cultures. It received every new creed with discrimination an enriched it with its own contribution, without throwing away its earlier acquisitions.

All the people who migrated to Kashmir from ancient times merged their individual identities into one whole. The proverbial beauty of Kashmir has further inspired a sense of collective pride in the Kashmiri mind about its uniqueness.

As G.M.D. Sufi observes in his monumental work, Kashir, 'the cult of Budha, the teachings of vedanta, the mysticism of Islam have one after another found a congenial home in Kashmir.'23 Even the people who came from Arabia, Iran, Mghanistan and Turkestan more than six centuries ago were so mixed with Kashmiri Muslims in culture, civilisation, and through matrimonial relations, according to the renowned Kashmiri scholar and historian, Mohammad Din Fauq, that 'all nonKashmiri traces are completely absent from their life.

The Kashmiri language is another basis of the distinct personality of Kashmir. According to Sir George Grierson, a pioneering authority on Indian languages, Kashmiri is not of Sanskritic but of Dardic origin. The Encyclopaedia Britannica states that 'Kashmiri is neither Iranian nor IndoAryan.'

Kashmir had a 250-year-Iong history of indigenous Muslim rule before Akbar annexed it to the Mughal empire in 1586. The next four centuries (361 years, to be exact) are regarded by the Kashmiris as a period of slavery when they were ruled in turn by the Mughal, Pathan, Sikh and Dogra kings. The common thread running through this long period was of rule by aliens, whether

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Muslim or non-Muslim.

Maharaja Hari Singh was both nonMuslim and non-Kashmiri. The struggle against his rule culminated in the 'Quit Kashmir' movement on the eve of Indian independence, and addressed the religious, regional and democratic urges of Kashmiris. The watershed in the history of Kashmir is, thus, not Islam, as is often regarded in the rest of the subcontinent, but the changeover from a Kashmiri to a non-Kashmiri rule.

Nehru had established his political and emotional links with Kashmir a decade earlier, describing himself as a son of Kashmir. On the eve of assuming office as head of the interim government of the country, in June 1946, he rushed to Kashmir to identify himself with the popular Quit Kashmir movement which Jinnah had condemned as a movement of 'goondas.' Nehru was forcibly prevented by the police from entering the state and received some bruises in the process. He visited Kashmir again a month later when he donned a lawyer's robes to defend Abdullah who was on trial for charges of sedition.

Meanwhile, the All India State's People's Conference, an ally of the Indian National Congress in the princely states, elected Abdullah as its president while he was still in jail.

Gandhi's visit to Kashmir on 1 August 1947 was another crucial factor that influenced the Kashmiris. He described the Amritsar Treaty that gave the maharaja the legal title to rule Kashmir as a sale deed that lapsed with the lapse of paramountcy. In sharp contrast to Jinnah's stand, he unequivocally declared that sovereignty belonged to the people and not to the ruler. He paid a unique tribute to the people of the valley by acknowledging that in those days of communal strife Kashmir was the only ray of light in the benighted sub-

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continent. The moral appeal of Gandhi combined with Nehru's emotional appeal was irresistible-both appealed to the sentiments of Kashrniri patriotism to neutralise the appeal of Muslim communalism.

AZADI On 29 September Abdullah was released from prison. This delay was due to the maharaja's insistence on securing a pledge of loyalty from him. As a hero of Kashmiri nationalism, Abdullah side-tracked both the HinduMuslim and the India...Pakistan polarisation that was developing all around Kashmir by declaring that the issue of accession was secondary. The primary issue was freedom and the formation of a responsible government-for an enslaved race could not decide its fate.

He acknowledged his ideological affinity with Gandhi and Nehru and recalled Jinnah's hostility to the struggle of the Kashmiri people. But as Pakistan had become a reality, he was willing to negotiate with the governments of both the countries to find out where Kashmir's interests would be secure.

Dr Mohammed Din Tasir and Sheikh Sadiq, the two Pakistani emissaries who met Abdullah in Srinagar, did not buy his argument. Abdullah has recorded in his autobiography, Atash-i-Chinar, that they insisted on a decision in favour of Pakistan. Otherwise, they observed, 'other means would have to be used.

The meeting was far from cordial.

Abdullah next sent his colleagues, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq, to talk to Pakistani leaders while he himself proceeded to Delhi where he stayed as Nehru's guest.

According to Abdullah, Bakshi and Sadiq could see neither the prime minister nor the Governor General of Pakistan. But he regrets that while they were discussing his probable visit to Pakistan with

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Eye witness

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Excerpts

second-rank leaders of that country like Nawab Mamdot and Mumtaz Daltana, ‘raiders sponsored by Pakistan were crushing under their feet the land and rights of the people of Kashmir.’

The trust that Gandhi and Nehru expressed in the people and leadership of Kashmir and their unequivocal support to the Kashmiri urge for freedom and their right to self-determination had baffled the leaders of Pakistan. In desperation, they decided to settle the future of Kashmir by the power of the gun. The 'tribal raiders' that Pakistan had sent to Kashmir overran the defences of the Dogra army led by Brigadier Rajinder Singh, and reached the outskirts of Srinagar. En route they committed many atrocities on the people, irrespective of their religion. 'At Muzaffarabad,' according to Mohammad Aslam Khan Khattak, who was the honorary secretary of the scheme, 'valuable time was wasted while two chiefs contested who would be Amir of Kashmir when it had been conquered. 'As a consequence of this needless violence and loot [in 1947],' M.P. Bhandara observes, 'Operation Gibraltar launched by Ayub government in 1965, too, was a failure.'

The tribal invasion roused the anger of a self-respecting Kashmiri community against the threat that Pakistan posed to its freedom, identity and honour. This course of events left the Kashmiri leadership and the maharaja no option but to turn to India. When the Governor General refused assistance, unless the state acceded to India, Mehar Chand Mahajan flew to Delhi on 26 October. He conveyed to Nehru the maharaja's willingness to accede to India. But this message was accompanied by a demand from Maharaja Hari Singh that 'the army must fly to Srinagar this evening, otherwise I will go and negotiate terms with Jinnah.' That the

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maharaja had not closed the Pakistan option despite what it had done to the state enraged Nehru who, Mahajan records in his autobiography, gave vent to his temper and 'told me to get out.'

However, Nehru's attitude softened after the intervention of Abdullah, who came in from the adjoining room.

Thereafter, the maharaja signed the instrument of accession, which the Governor General accepted on 27 October. The Indian army was rushed to clear the state of invaders. The Kashmiris welcomed the army as the defenders of their 'honour, freedom and identity.'

The accession of the state of Jammu and Kashmir to India, supported by the constitution authority of the maharaja and, politically and emotionally, by the people of Kashmir, was the greatest triumph of Indian nationalism after independence. It was Sheikh Abdullah who had led Kashmir's accession to India. But he could not have succeeded if the Kashmiri mind had not been what it was. Because of its inherent qualities, it responded to the emotional and ideological appeal of Nehru and the moral appeal of Gandhi. The ignorance and distrust shown by the Pakistani rulers, in sharp contrast to the empathy of the Indian leaders, pushed Kashmir to the Indian Union.

Pakistan had no justification for its policy. Neither the maharaja nor Sheikh Abdullah had provided any provocation.

Both were eager to negotiate with the Pakistan government, but had delayed the decision on accession for their own reasons. Mehar Chand was prepared to fly down to negotiate terms with Jinnah even on the day the maharaja was seeking armed help from India. There are also indications that both the maharaja and Abdullah might have settled for independence had the Pakistan govern-

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ment guaranteed it. In fact, in his letter enclosing the instrument of accession to the Governor General of India, the Maharaja wondered 'whether it is not in the best. interests of both the Dominions and my State to stay independent.'

Durga Das rightly observes in his i n t r o d u c t i o n t o S a r d a r Pa t e l ' s Correspondence which he edited, that the maharaja and Sheikh Abdullah 'shared and worked' in their own way for a similar objective, namely independent Kashmir.' If they acceded to India, he adds, 'it was because by' invading Kashmir, Pakistan left them no other choice.' Sheikh Abdullah often told the present writer during the years of his alienation from India that had his relations with the maharaja not been so strained, both could have jointly worked for and achieved independent Kashmir.

The urge for azadi, which motivated the people of Kashmir to resist the Pakistani invasion and cooperate with the Indian army, subsumed a wide range of aspirations. It expressed their desire for independence, freedom, identity, autonomy and dignity. 'India has come to defend our azadi while Pakistan tried to enslave us' was the refrain of the Kashmiri leaders as they defended their decision to accede to India.

The basic urge of the Kashmiris has not changed much over the years they have been a part of India. The slogan of azadi, by the end of the eighties, no longer meant respect for and emotional attachment with the Indian nation but expressed a feeling of alienation. The militants trained and armed by Pakistan now assumed the leadership of the azadi movement.

Excerpted from Puri’s book “Kashmir : Insurgency and After” (Orient Longman)

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EXCKYSUVE SERIES

9

New Research on Kashmir

October 1947 RAKESH ANKIT

An action-packed, perilous month full of dramatic personalities and remarkable events of immediate, intermediate and long-term significance, October 1947 was a milestone in the modern history of not one but two and perhaps three nations. Those 31 days achieved nothing but desperation and defeat – for the raiders; for Pakistan; for the old (Hari Singh) and the new (Sheikh Abdullah) Kashmir(s) and, not the least, for India.

T

o paraphrase Bismarck, the hinges of history are loosened on some dates. For Jammu and Kashmir, October 1947 is such a pivotal date. It opened with a provisional republic government being established at Muzaffarabad by the Muslim Conference with Mohammad Anwar at its head and ended with a provisional emergency administration being established at Srinagar by India with Sheikh Abdullah of the National Conference at its head.

In between, it saw the beginnings of a daring raid and the sad end of a dynasty; collapse of negotiations between Srinagar and Karachi and signing of accession between Srinagar and Delhi.

In the process, it made de facto the de jure division of the territory of the state.

The first event of any note in that fateful month occurred on the 6th when Sheikh Abdullah was released from prison in Srinagar and set off to meet Nehru in Delhi. Simultaneously, Maharaja Hari Singh removed Messers Banbury and Powell from their command of Kashmir Armed and Police Forces and replaced them by Hindu officers. These were widely perceived as 'a clearing of the decks for action as soon

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as the Maharaja feels that he can rely on new road from Pathankot for supplies and possibly military assistance from India'.i However, on the 10th, came reports that the Maharaja is bargaining for better terms with Pakistan by making it appear that he contemplates joining India.ii Three days later, on the 13th, Norman Cliff – special correspondent with News Chronicle – confirmed the worst kept secret since 9 September that Pakistan had cut off Kashmir's supplies of petrol, sugar, salt and kerosene as well as stopped trade in timber, fruits, fur and carpets in spite of the standstill agreement signed in August as well as the trade agreement of 1870. He also mentioned, almost in passing, that Soviet posts had advanced 20 miles through what had previously been no man's land in the areas adjoining Gilgit in present-day Tajikistan.

In the first fifteen days of October, then, the proverbial lull before the storm prevailed in Kashmir. Outwardly there was a tense calm and quiet apart from Poonch and Gilgit which were plainly slipping out of Srinagar's hands.

Meanwhile, Chitral, Swat, Dir and the Pir of Manki Sharif warned Hari Singh against accession to India which was

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sure to shatter the already thin veneer of stability and legitimacy of the Dogra dynasty. The next ten days from the 15th to the 25th saw a hectic traffic of telegrams between Srinagar on one hand and Karachi and London on the other with New Delhi conspicuously absent, hard as it may appear to believe now, during this round of accusations and counter-accusations. Srinagar turned first to distant London with its litany of complaints against Karachi/Rawalpindi than the nearby New Delhi.

One can now see what these were – the last-ditch attempts at negotiations which were doomed to failure given the digging of heels by all parties in an atmosphere which was thick with mistrust, misapprehensions and mistakes. On the 15th, Mehr Chand Mahajan, Hari Singh's third Prime Minister in three months, wrote similar letters to Liaquat Ali Khan and Clement Attlee. It complained against 'permitting threats [alluded to above]to invade Kashmir to be made from Pakistani territory'; 'actively conniving at armed incursions into the Poonch area'; 'arming the border peoples' and, finally, 'permitting the murder or wounding, in cold blood, of the majority of a party of 200-odd state sub-

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iii

jects en route from Rawalpindi'. These specific charges were, of course, in addition to the continuing requests to resume trade and lift embargo of essential items.

Liaquat replied four days later with charges of his own. He claimed that Kashmir troops were being infiltrated by Sikhs and Muslims were being systematically massacred in Poonch. He refused to acknowledge the embargo and asked Mahajan to meet the Joint Secretary at Rawalpindi to clear the air in this regard. He also invited Mahajan to visit Karachi or to send a representative 'to seek an impartial enquiry'.iv Attlee replied quickly but lamely. He merely acknowledged Mahajan's request for help against Pakistan and expressed his desire that Srinagar and Karachi would reach an early settlement. For far too many 'obvious reasons', it was impossible for London to do anything concrete with Mahajan's request, as the Commonwealth Relations Office submitted to the Prime Minister. v During the four days which it took Liaquat to reply to Mahajan's missive, the latter wrote to Jinnah, as well, on the 18th, requesting his intervention.

Jinnah took half of Liaquat's time to repeat Liaquat's reply.vi He invited Mahajan on the 20th to Karachi to settle the differences – the same day on which the first batch of 900 Mahsuds started for Poonch, Domel and Baramulla.vii On his part, nurturing his own doubts at the sincerity of these invitations and his lack of confidence in the 'impartial enquiry' Pakistan offered, Mahajan neither responded to Jinnah or Liaquat nor went to Karachi or sent someone.

This 'no-response' attitude is questionable; more so when, later, Mahajan chose to visit New Delhi instead on the 25th. Indeed, if this prejudicially affected Pakistan government's atti-

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tude towards Srinagar and increased their doubts of Mahajan's bona fides then it is perfectly and reasonably understandable. Mahajan was to get a warning from a fuming Liaquat on the 22nd, for his troubles, of the 'gravest consequences' if Kashmir acceded to India.viii On this occasion, Liaquat's timing – intended or otherwise – was spot on for the rumbling of what would be called the 'great tribal raid or invasion of Kashmir' of 25 October 1947 had already begun along the Muzaffarabad border, certainly unknown to Mahajan

Three days later, on the 13th, Norman Cliff – special correspondent with News Chronicle – confirmed the worst kept secret since 9 September that Pakistan had cut off Kashmir's supplies of petrol, sugar, salt and kerosene as well as stopped trade in timber, fruits, fur and carpets in spite of the standstill agreement signed in August as well as the trade agreement of 1870.

and probably unknown to Liaquat as well in terms of the specifics. The Times duly brought the raid to global light on 25 October 1947.

Mahajan made one last attempt to stir London into action on Kashmir's behalf. On this occasion it was the Foreign Office which unambiguously advised Attlee that they doubted 'whether there is any case for our intervening with the Government of Pakistan on the lines suggested by the PM of Kashmir'.ix Hari Singh, now, appealed to India before leaving Srinagar and on the

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26th, Mahajan wrote to Lord Mountbatten requesting help who replied the next day setting out the terms of India's intervention – provisional accession, release of Abdullah, emergency administration headed by him and plebiscite once the raiders had been thrown out.

At last, New Delhi was in the thick of things. The political and official class there had first become aware of the happenings in Muzaffarabad on the 24th. Sir George Cunningham, Governor NWFP, had sent a letter to General Rob Lockhart, C-in-C Indian Army, on the 20th which was read on either the 23rd or the 24th and is worth quoting: 'I am afraid that certain people up here have been playing with fire. I have pointed out to them the probable results of their activities and they have at last realised, I think, the dangers. But I am afraid that it may be too late.

Anyhow, we shall know one way or the other long before you get this'.x On the morning of the 25th, a meeting had taken place of the military mind to explore and examine possibilities and plans of involvement. In the afternoon, officers from the Army and the Air force were sent to Srinagar to talk to the State troops and the infantry started its preparations for any eventuality. On the morning of the 26th, the officers returned and reported their impressions of the about-to-begin battle. By afternoon, plans were finalised and ready to be taken to the political masters as by now it had become clear that India would intervene following accession.

On the morning of the 27th, first Indian troops flew to Srinagar.xi So did someone else except his destination this time, it was his second trip in two days having accompanied the officers to Srinagar on the 25th as well, was Jammu. V. P. Menon had the instrument of accession in his

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hands and his task was to get the Maharaja to sign it. Hari Singh and his entourage were by now in Jammu.

Menon was back in town by early afternoon having got what he and Mountbatten wanted. M. M. Batra, the deputy PM, had signed the instrument of accession on behalf of Maharaja Hari Singh.

London was formally informed of the invasion by its respective HighCommissioners in New Delhi and Karachi on the 25th itself. Nehru too sent a first cable outlining India's position. Attlee wrote separately to Nehru and Liaquat the following day in different voices. He urged Nehru to 'not let your answer to this appeal [Srinagar's for help] take the form of armed intervention as it would result in communal disorder and tempt Pakistan to intervene leading to war'.xii He appealed Liaquat to 'do everything possible to prevent armed intervention in Kashmir by Muslims or tribesmen seeking to pass through Pakistan administered territory' and hoped that 'it will be possible for you to use your influence with any such who have already entered Kashmir to return home'.xiii Next day, the 27th, once informed of the signing of the instrument of accession and the air-lift of Indian troops, Attlee asked Nehru to 'inform the Pakistan government of your military action and troop movements' and requested Liaquat to 'do what you can to control the tribesmen'.xiv On the 28th, the Indian Prime Minister took to pen. He explained, in notes to Attlee and Liaquat, India's reasons for accession, its provisional nature and sending of troops. In reply Attlee refused to 'comment on any action taken by India' and instead asked both Nehru and Liaquat to convene a joint conference with Hari Singh.

On the same day, Field Marshal Claude Auchinleck prohibited the use of British forces for operational purposes

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in Kashmir by either India or Pakistan.

This came in response to Jinnah's order to General Gracey, C-in-C Pakistan army, of the previous day, 27th, to move regular Pakistan troops into Kashmir as a response to the Indian air-lift. Gracey had refused and called the 'Auk' – the Supreme Commander of both dominions' forces. Auchinleck eventually had to fly into Lahore on the 28th and explain his decision to Jinnah in person. On the 28th itself, Mehr Chand Mahajan issued a statement regarding accession and its reasons. This first round of explanations

On the same day, Field Marshal Claude Auchinleck prohibited the use of British forces for operational purposes in Kashmir by either India or Pakistan. This came in response to Jinnah's order to General Gracey, Cin-C Pakistan army, of the previous day, 27th, to move regular Pakistan troops into Kashmir as a response to the Indian air-lift. Gracey had refused and called the 'Auk' – the Supreme Commander of both dominions' forces. was over on the 29th when Pakistan, finally, made a comprehensive public rebuttal. The stage was now set for Liaquat's famous 'accession achieved by fraud and violence' speech which so distressed Nehru. India responded on the 30th by asking Pakistan to seal its borders with Kashmir. Jinnah publicly refused the request in a speech the same day where he raised the cry of 'Islam in danger'. A 1200 word official communiqué too was issued from Karachi asserting that the Pathan raid was the inevitable result of the provocative actions of the Governments of Kashmir and India against the Muslims.

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On 31st, a frantic week of a fraught month ended. The British, the Indian and the Pakistani sides prepared their first appreciations of what had happened and braced themselves for the long road ahead – of military and diplomatic battles. It would only be fitting to end this recapitulation of October 1947 by taking a look at the very initial positions outlined by the contending parties.

First Pakistan: 'There is no doubt that state troops first attacked Muslims of Poonch leading to refugee exodus to Pakistan.

Further killings in Jammu lead to “1, 00, 000” refugees from Jammu to West Punjab'.

'The refusal of Kashmir to send a representative for an impartial enquiry and their failure to reply to Governor-General's invitation to the PM to come; the deliberate causing of disturbances in their state by employment of troops to attack Muslims; the fact that by 9 AM on the morning of the day on which Kashmir's accession was accepted, Indian airborne troops had landed in Srinagar clearly show the existence of a plan for accession against the will of the people possible only by the occupation of the country

by Indian troops. This plan is clear from the start'.

'Kashmir's action can not be based on the action of Pathans who did not infiltrate into Kashmir, as they are not reported to have done so, till 22 October and correspondence with the State ceased on 20 October. All that could be done short of use of troops which would have violently disturbed the frontier was done to prevent their going to Kashmir'.

'In these circumstances, Pakistan can not recognise accession achieved by fraud and violence'. xv

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Next, India: 'Pakistan was behind the incursion of tribesmen from NWFP. The plan was to reach and take over Srinagar by 26 October and announce accession to Pakistan'.

'From Indian perspective, Kashmir could not be allowed to be overrun and tribal control was unacceptable. India is supported by Sheikh Abdullah and more than 50% of the Muslims of the state. There is Russian danger to be had in the immediate vicinity incase of chaos'.

'We are anxious for peace and prepared to discuss with Pakistan. No intervention was made in Kashmir till the last moment when we were given no choice and we did inform Pakistan government [so any talk of planned coup is nonsense]. In fact, well-armed, wellequipped and well-led raiders were allowed to pass through Pakistan territory. They could have been easily stopped in the Jhelum valley'.

'Raiders must be driven back. We invite Pakistan to join in this. We shall then withdraw our troops and conduct plebiscite. Pakistan will be discussed with on the modalities of the plebiscite. We have informed Pakistan at every step. They, instead, have not informed us of anything'.xvi

Finally, the British: 'It is natural for Kashmir to have acceded to Pakistan given its Muslim population; its communications which pass through Pakistan and its revenue/trade/transport/custom dependence on Pakistan via the 1870 agreement'.

'Kashmir's failure to respond to Pakistan's proposal of 19 and 20 October suggest that it valued differences with Pakistan as providing an excuse for accession to India. As do the attack on Muslims in Poonch by the State troops'.

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'There is no evidence for Pakistan having organised invasion. Instead they brought strong political pressure on the tribes and did not recognise the Provisional Government of the Muslim Conference even though India had openly facilitated Junagadh's Provisional Government in similar circumstances'.

'Pakistan was unwise in not physically stopping tribesmen and doubtless local authorities showed some connivance [in particular, Abdul Haq, DC Rawalpindi and Syed Ikramul Haq, ICS attached to Ministry of Defence]. But it must be remembered that we could not prevent Muslims from joining in Kashmir disturbances in 1931 with much more troops. Moreover, Pakistan is weakened by refuges problem. Then, Muslim slaughter in Delhi, Jammu, and East Punjab excited the tribes and gave them direction. Pakistan government (like Indian Punjab) had difficulty in imposing its authority over local officials'.

'There was no need on the part of India to accept accession. Troops could have been send otherwise and it was an unnecessary and provocative mistake.

There was no prior consultation with Pakistan on this matter. There was also needless provocation in the form of Sikh troops which were sent and this could have been avoided'.

'All this does seem to suggest that one object of the Government of India was to secure Kashmir's accession to India and Pakistan could be hardly expected to put any other interpretation. The task now is to stop fighting and arrange plebiscite'. xvii Of course, these were only the first impressions and each one of the above were modified in the light of new and fresh information from the battlefield and persuasion on the diplomatic front as October turned into November, then

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December and 1947 turned into 1948 and beyond. But for now it could be said that an action-packed, perilous month full of dramatic personalities and remarkable events of immediate, intermediate and long-term significance, October 1947 was a milestone in the modern history of not one but two and perhaps three nations. Those 31 days achieved nothing but desperation and defeat – for the raiders; for Pakistan; for the old (Hari Singh) and the new (Sheikh Abdullah) Kashmir(s) and, not the least, for India. In the process, they saw not just the beginning of the first IndiaPakistan war but the story of the making of a conflict which endures to this day. i. 6.10.47, Shone to CRO, T. No. 108, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, India Office Records (IOR), London ii. 10.10.47, P. J. Patrick to Gordon-Walker, Stephenson & Archibald Carter, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR iii. 15.10.47, Mahajan to Attlee and Liaquat, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR iv.

19.10.47, Liaquat to Mahajan, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR v.

Attlee to Mahajan, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR vi.

20.10.47, Jinnah to Mahajan, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR vii. 8.5.48, Cunningham to Mountbatten, MSS Eur D670/9, Cunningham Papers, IOR viii. 22.10.47, Liaquat to Mahajan, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR ix. Attlee to Mahajan, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR x. 20.10.47, Cunningham to Lockhart, MSS Eur D670/9, Cunningham Papers, IOR xi. From Delhi to London, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR xii. 26.10.47, Attlee to Nehru, T. No. 303, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR xiii. 26.10.47, Attlee to Liaquat, T. No. 302, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR xiv. 27.10.47, Attlee to Nehru, T. No. 1163; Attlee to Liaquat, T. No. 302, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR xv. POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR xvi. 29.10.47, From Delhi to London, T. No. 1116, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR xvii.31.30.47, POL 1486/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR

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Three idiots and worlds arguably 'toughest' job ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

From Akbar's emissary to Yusuf Shah Chak in 1580, the job of interlocutors has rarely been successful in Kashmir. Of late any engagement in Kashmir is dubbed as world's most difficult job. In 2010, Manmohan Singh's three-member team is faced with criticism even before first assessment note is jotted down in their diaries. Their position is being undermined for non-political backgrounds and they are being accused of pre-empting options. There is still hope. This rare combination of journalist-economist-academician has a deep understanding of the sentiments and diversities in Jammu and Kashmir as they have already spent a good part of their life in studying this troubled part of world. After an Aamir Khan trendsetter of Bollywood, 'idiot' is these days an attractive definition for the one who thinks out of box, the one who do things differently and from the heart to get maximum out of what one is made for. The three interlocutors can create a history with their sustainable creative engagement with all shades of opinions in Jammu and Kashmir to bring the parties and the governments to a common ground. This is an 'idiot's' job and the politically correct politicians could not have done that. Therefore, people must stop crying for a political heavy weight as his wisdom would have crumbled under his party weight. Let idiots do the job.

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s main outcome of an All Party Delegation to Kashmir, the Government of India recently appointed three non-political interlocutors to talk to various groups in Jammu and Kashmir. Names of Dileep Padganokar, a journalist, MM Ansari, an economist who recently retired from the Central Information Commission and Radha Kumar an academician earned an immediate ridicule from parties ranging from Hurriyat to BJP. Everyone had expected a senior political head with a clear mandate from New Delhi. Before they could catch up with their first target in Srinagar, the team leader Dileep Padgaonkar made two statements, at different occasions, which has put the whole exercise under sharp criticism.

Dictionary describes interlocutor as someone who takes government policies to public and bring public opinion back to the government. Then, Dileep Padgaonkar does nothing wrong in putting Pakistan as an essential party to resolution of Kashmir issue. Talking Kashmir with Pakistan has been a legacy of the Shimla Agreement and Prime Ministers Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh have done that well. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has defended the right of interlocutors in expressing their opinions. That said, the lesser they talk the better it would be in facilitating people to talk.

Observers, however, believe that the statements were tacit and much required and they were made carefully to address two particular constituencies. The Kashmiri separatists have called for a total boycott of the interlocutors and in Jammu two key parties –the BJP and the Panthers Party –have done exactly the same. Radha Kumar says 'at least there is one similarity between Valley and Jammu'. Separatists say that the appointment of interlocutors and meeting with them serves no purpose as

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dialogue was required at highest level and that too after addressing the five conditions set earlier by Syed Ali Shah Geelani. Separatists, at this stage, precisely do not want to engage in a dialogue which is being held keeping in mind the stated position of the Government of India. Dileep Padgaonkar makes that amply clear when says, “any solution will have to be found within the ambit of the constitution of India”. Therefore, the separatists accuse them of carrying the Indian agenda. In Jammu, the interlocutors are being accused of toeing separatist line and dragging Pakistan into an 'internal issue'.

So whose purpose are the interlocutors actually serving? That is perhaps the most important question and answer can be traced from the size of crowds that gathered at the Guest Houses in Srinagar and then in Jammu to have a word with the interlocutors.

Kashmir issue is not entirely all about Hurriyat or the BJP. The majority is outside their purview and they want to talk about their present and future. As the groups with extreme positions keep away, the smaller social groups, the local minorities, the NGOs, the academicians and a horde of mainstream political leaders were among up of 500 persons who met the interlocutors during their brief time in Srinagar and then in Jammu. “Had the team stayed put at one place more than 1000 persons would have met them.

Many people could not get appointments as the interlocutors travelled to different places like jails etc”, says a duty officer from the state government. Given the size of people who met them at their own, the present dialogue exercise seems to have begun at a successful note. Says a senior journalist, “in Kashmir, people have shared sentiments but that does not mean everyone is bound to go by what Hurriyat says”. When people start

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Chronology of INTERLOCUTORS 1580: Akbar sent an unknown interlocutor to hold parleys with Kashmir's ruler Yusuf Shah Chak.

Talks failed. On June 5, 1586 he invaded Kashmir by force 1947: Lord Mountbatten deputed Lord Ismay to persuade Maharaja Hari Singh to sign instrument of accession. Talks failed. Later, Lord Mountbatten came himself, got Prime Minister Ram Chander Kak arrested and Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah released 1947: Pakistan Government sent Major ASB Shah, the Joint Secretary of Pakistan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs with a blank instrument of accession to get the Maharaja to fill in and sign. This did not happen.

1953: Nehru sent Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad to talk to Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah who had signaled a revolt. Talks failed. Sheikh was overthrown, arrested and jailed.

1953: Lal Bahadur Shastri carried Nehru's mandate to resolve Hazratbal crisis 1974: G Parthasarthy negotiated on behalf of Indira Gandhi with Mirza Afzal Beig, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's deputy.

Talks were successful. Sheikh Indira Accord was signed.

1986: Prof JD Sethi is reported to have worked out accord between Farooq Abdullah and Rajive Gandhi. The accord brought Farooq back to power but put Jammu and Kashmir in a deeper mess.

1990s: George Fernandes and Rajesh Pilot did the most of talking on Center's behalf with Kashmiri groups in early years of militancy and separatist movement.

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meeting the interlocutors and express their opinions the Hurriyat might as well be compelled to come and talk. Geelani may be the only exception. In fact this is what Dileep's team has in mind. “This was our first tour and the idea was to have a basic assessment of moods”, says Radha Kumar. “We did not expect separatists to meet us immediately but I am sure they will talk”. Observers view Dileep's 'Pakistan essential' remark as tacit statement to attract the Kashmiri separatist sentiment and the 'Indian constitution' remark to address the Jammu constituency.

The initial term for the team if of one year which makes the job time bound. It is not one like that of KC Pant or NN Vohra which had no limitations. Another best about the exercise is that interlocutors have decided to visit the state once every month and submit interim report to the Government of India after every visit. Here are few quick recommendations the interlocutors might want to consider:

There should be a permanent secretariat in Jammu, Srinagar and Ladakh with r staff to do a comprehensive research job like historical developments, a study of past promises and proposals, the causes and solutions for regional issues etc. while focus at resolving Kashmir issue is must but the issues beyond Kashmir must be taken care of to accommodate the sentiments of traditional exclusion.

The secretariats should maintain a database of different groups, their r aspirations and important persons who interlocutors should meet.

Youth is the most important factor in reaching at any solution. Interlocutors r must hold well organized sessions with groups of youths in different parts of the state and for this purpose local universities or other institutions can be taken on board.

Going to the Press by interlocutors should ideally be cut to bare minimum and r instead people should be allowed to do most talking.

Jobs and development issues should ideally be kept out of the purview of r present exercise as enough has been done on this by way of Prime Minister's Working Groups Task Forces etc. However, an action taken report on their recommendations and pressure for implementation of what has already been recommended would be important.

DILEEP : The Journalist

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RADHA : The Academician

ANSARI : The Economist

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2000: Vajpayee appointed to a team of Home Ministry bureaucrats to talk to group of Kashmiri militants belonging to a faction of Hizb. Appointment of bureaucrats failed the whole exercise. Militants struck in vengeance killing 94 persons at different places over two days.

2001: Vajpayee Government appointment Planning Commission Deputy Chairman KC Pant as high profile interlocutor to talk to separatists and others. His findings were never made public and he was suddenly replaced by NN Vohra in 2003.

2002: BJP leader Arun Jaitly was appointed as Center's interlocutors to talk to the National Conference on autonomy resolution. There were two rounds of meetings between Jaitly and senior NC leader Ghulam Mohiuddin Shah. NC lost vote the same year and autonomy talks ended.

2003: Prime Minister Vajpayee appointed NN Vohra as his emissary to talk to Kashmiri separatists. Interlocutor's office worked at Vigyan Bhawan for five years.

Results never made public. Vohra is Governor of Jammu and Kashmir since 2008.

2004: Deputy Prime Minister LK Advani was named as Prime Minister Vajpayee's emissary to talk to separatists. This was first and last highest level dialogue between Government of India and separatists. There were two rounds of meetings but reaching any conclusion Vajpayee government lost vote the same year.

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Is Pakistan Re-positioning itself in Kashmir?

Islamabad's Five Likely Strategies D SUBA CHANDRAN

There is a renewed Pakistani interest in the Kashmir issue today, after a lull during 2007-09. There have been a series of activities, including rallies, meetings, statements etc, signifying a shift in Pakistan's approach, in terms of re-igniting the Kashmir debate within its body politic. From an Indian perspective, it is essential to find out and confirm whether there is a new trend inside Pakistan vis-Ă vis J&K. More importantly, it is also imperative to trace the path that Pakistan is likely to pursue in terms of exploiting the existing situation in Kashmir valley.

From J&K Elections In 2008 To The Kashmir Unrest In 2010 Kashmir Back In Pakistan's Agenda?

Towards the end of 2008, Pakistan's interest and influence reached the lowest in J&K. Four significant reasons could be identified for this; first, was the Musharraf factor. Without a doubt, President Pervez Musharraf pursued a positive approach towards since the beginning of the Indo-Pak peace process in 2004. There was a sudden decline in terrorist related violence in J&K. More importantly, Musharraf also advised the Hurriyat leadership to take into account the changed regional environment (meaning the Indo-Pak peace process) and devise a strategy accordingly. Initial remarks by now President Asif Ali Zardari, were also along the same lines, when he mentioned that the Kashmir dispute should put on the back burner.

The Hurriyat at this point was crestfallen and was thoroughly disappointed with Pakistan and its leadership.

Second, during 2006-08, Pakistan itself was witnessing continuous turmoil

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within. In fact, it was like Pakistan was at war with itself. A series of events made Pakistan to look inwards.

Third, the unfortunate, but lethal terrorist attack on Mumbai in 2008 not only reversed the Indo-Pak peace process, but resulted in enormous international pressure on Pakistan. As a result, there was an unofficial control over the activities of the Lashkar-e-Toiba within Pakistan. Subsequently, the Lashkar led terrorist attacks in J&K and the rest of India came down significantly. Except for a few aberrations, that are too minor, there were no major terrorist attacks in India.

Fourth, the aforementioned three factors resulted in making the elections for J&K legislative assembly an inclusive one, and were the most successful. For the first time in the last two decades, the elections were held in a peaceful atmosphere, with no violence. In retrospect, the 2008 elections in J&K was the most positive event in the last two decades, and the environment during this phase was the most peaceful, despite the regional differences.

Because of all these reasons

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Pakistan's influence and interest hit the nadir in J&K during 2008-09. On the other hand, for India, the positive situation in J&K hit the highest point, only to fall once again. And what a disastrous fall it has been! India, in the last two years, since the 2008 elections in J&K, appears to be back at square one.

Nothing, but a hara-kiri. Like the Indian cricket team at times, which manages to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory, New Delhi gave up all its cards, by simply doing nothing.

The turning point for Pakistan in J&K came this year, when Kashmiri youths started their agitation. Neither the separatist leaders in Kashmir Valley nor Pakistan designed this youth unrest.

In fact, it caught them by surprise. Since then, both the separatists and Pakistan are trying to reposition themselves to the changed situation within Kashmir valley. The time is ripe for them; for the waters are muddled and soaked with blood, and the Kashmiri youths are angry. This will suit Pakistan and the Hurriyat; for they have fodder now, who could be manipulated and exploited to suit their narrow political interests.

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J&K: The Change within Pakistan There has been a sudden change within Pakistan in the last two months, and there have been a series of Kashmir related activities within Pakistan. During September-October 2010, there were at least two significant meetings/conferences /rallies in Islamabad and Lahore. The first one was a rally, almost a jihadi one, led by one of the Lashkar front - Tehrik Azadi-iKashmir (TAK) in Islamabad. This rally witnessed a carefully organized caravan – “Azad-i-Kashmir”, from Mirpur, starting three days earlier, reaching the venue via Kotli, Bagh and Muzafarabad. The organizers of this rally also organized a national conference, in which political parties including the PML-N and Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i- Islam.

From Abdur Rehman Makki, the leader of the TAK to Maulana Sami-ul-Haq, there was a repeated emphasis on jihad as the only option to resolve Kashmir.

The second meeting/conference, this time in Lahore, was organized by the Jamaat-e-Islami, on Kashmir. The speakers included political leaders, and more importantly, editors and other representatives from the media. Some of the participants in this conference included Qazi Husain Ahmed (former JI chief), Majid Nizami (Editor in Chief of the the national daily - The Nation), Mushahid Husain (PML-Q Secretary General), Jehanir Badar (PPP's Secretary General), and Imran Khan. Most importantly, this meeting also included the Jamaat-utDawa chief; Hafiz Muhammad Saeed and Muttahidda Jehad Council Chairman Syed Salahudin.

Besides the above meetings led by the political parties and organization, during the last few months, there is an increased shrill against India in Pakistani media on Kashmir. Comparing the violence in Kashmir to the intifada in Palestine, one could witness numerous editorials and articles in the mainstream English and vernacular media, lashing India and its security forces and accusing them of committing atrocities against the Kashmiris.

Clearly, there is a renewed effort being made to bring Kashmir back in the national debate within Pakistan, forcing the government to take action. It was not a surprise then, that the Lahore conference adopted a resolution demanding the government of Pakistan “to call an all parties conference for devising a national policy that could play a role in ending atrocities in Kashmir.”

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Pakistan's Repositioning In Kashmir: Islamabad's Five Likely Strategies While it is evident that Pakistan is trying to reposition itself on (and in) Kashmir, it is imperative for India to find out the likely course of action that Pakistan may pursue vis-à-vis J&K, at the national, regional and international levels. One could identify the following five strategies that Pakistan may like to pursue.

Strategy 1: Bring Kashmir back in Pakistan's National Debate As can be seen from the recent meetings and rallies within Pakistan, a clear effort is being made to bring Kashmir back on their national debate. The situation in Kashmir Valley and the increased international attention towards the ongoing violence provides an ideal platform for Islamabad to reposition itself. As for the beleaguered PPP, especially Zardari, this may even provide some breathing space by diverting national attention. Unfortunately, J&K has always been a smokescreen for the ruling elite – (political and military) - to gain legitimacy and divert the public mood.

What will be the likely fallouts of Kashmir issue assuming importance in Pakistan's national debate? Pakistan's much abused ISI and militant groups, especially the Lashkar-e-Taiba (and perhaps Jaish-eMohammad), along with the religious parties, are likely to gain credence within Pakistan's body politic.

One should also keep in mind the happenings in Afghanistan and the FATA, and what is likely to happen over the next few years. In the last few years, there has been substantial involvement of the local groups, from Punjab in the FATA and especially by the members of Jaish-e- Mohammad, Sipah-e-Sahaba and Lashkar-e- Jhangvi, who, along with the TTP have been fighting the security forces in the FATA. Crudely termed the “Punjabi Taliban”, these groups have also been occasionally engaged in terrorist attacks in Lahore and Islamabad. Once the war on terrorism in Afghanistan and FATA comes to a conclusion (one way or the other, especially after the American exit), these battle hardened Punjabi groups are unlikely to stay in the FATA. Unlike the Central Asian militants and others belonging to the al Qaeda, the Punjabi groups are likely get back, for their base and families are in Punjab. They will return to Punjab, and engage themselves in a sectarian blood bath. In that scenario, Pakistan will have two options – either to fight them or to divert them into J&K. Instead of fighting them (due to the lack of domestic consensus and the mayhem it will create), Islamabad will find it convenient to divert them elsewhere, most likely into J&K. Fighting India, after “defeating” the “evil Americans” may be more attractive to the jihadis. The history will repeat itself; it will be almost similar to what happened during the first half of the 1990s.

Strategy 2: Reach out to the Hurriyat and the Kashmiri Youth From now on, there will be an increased effort to repair Pakistan's image in Kashmir. While there is an increased anti-Indian sentiment

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within the Hurriyat and the stone throwing youths, there is not much love for Pakistan either. Many in Kashmir valley consider Pakistan as opportunistic, who is not genuinely interested in their future. Nor do the Kashmiri youths want to emulate Pakistan. Besides, Pakistan's failing status in the world is known to all. Pakistan would like to change the above perception in Kashmir valley, as a part of its repositioning strategy. One is likely to witness an increased interaction between Pakistan and the Hurriyat leadership one pretext or the other. While one would witness statements from the highest levels on the significant contribution of the Hurriyat, organizations and individuals linked to Pakistan and its ISI will be asked to organize more political events inside and outside Pakistan, and highlight the Hurriyat's importance in resolving the Kashmir issue. One is also likely to witness back channel meetings between Pakistan and the Hurriyat; the latter will be assured of Pakistan's support. Musharraf will come under increased criticisms for his Kashmir policy, and leaders will highlight the need for getting back to “Pakistan's principled stand on Kashmir.” Especially, with his announcement of his new party and intention to get back, PML-N is likely to get more critical about his U-turn in J&K. While Pakistan would love to reach out to the youths, it will not be as easy, as it could do with the separatist leadership.

Amongst the youths, while a section amongst them will be waving Pakistani flags during their protests, it is more out of their hatred against New Delhi, than any love for Islamabad. However, what India needs to be worried about is, the increased influence of radical ideology, led by certain underground groups.

While Islam in Kashmir valley has always been famous for its Sufi nature, there is

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an onslaught, especially targeting the youths. While there is no visible Pakistan's direct involvement in this new phenomenon, groups such as the Lashkar has been engaged in finding a foothold to propagate their ideology as well. Increased inflow of financial transactions on one pretext or the other, from some of the Gulf countries, does have an ideological component attached to it. This phenomenon is not limited to Kashmir valley alone; the Muslim majority districts of Jammu

There has been a sudden change within Pakistan in the last two months, and there have been a series of Kashmir related activities within Pakistan. During SeptemberOctober 2010, there were at least two significant meetings/ conferences/rallies in Islamabad and Lahore. region – Rajouri and Poonch, are already witnessing this. The recent violence in Mendhar (in Poonch district) over the alleged burning of the Holy Book, is an expression of this new trend.

Strategy 3: Revive Militancy in J&K While the national debate and the rhetoric within Pakistan led by the radical groups are likely to gain new recruits, the government policy is also likely to change in terms of using the armed groups – from the restraint that we see today, to fishing in troubled waters. If not the PPP government, at least a section which is running the show in J&K will be tempted to revive militancy. Why not? Is Pakistan testing the waters, by allowing Hafiz Saeed to appear in public and make statements

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on J&K? With the terrorist attacks on Mumbai in 2008 almost becoming history, the Lashkar is waiting for a chance to renew militancy against India. With the Indo-Pak peace process remains frozen and unlikely to be revived in the near future, there is every chance that militancy will be revived and that it will start from J&K. Despite the enhanced counter militancy grid and the fencing along the LoC, it is not impossible for the militants to cross-over into J&K through Mendhar or Kupwara sectors. Besides, Islamabad will always retain tight control over the militant groups; and those who try to form their own will become irrelevant, as the JKLF in early 1990s and a section of the Hizbul Mujahideen did during this decade. Even Syed Salahuddin is sidelined, which is being seen in their performance in Kashmir valley.

Strategy 4: Call for International Intervention Fourth, there is likely to be an increased demand from Pakistan for international intervention. The recent speech by Pakistan's foreign minister in the United Nations was not merely an emotional rhetoric, but a carefully calibrated effort to raise the issue at the highest level. Shah Mehmood Qureshi, Pakistan's foreign minister led a diatribe in New York, with his statements within the UN and outside it. He has asked the US to “invest its political capital” in Kashmir as much as Washington is doing in the Middle East. During his speech in the UNGA, Qureshi mentioned: “The Jammu and Kashmir dispute is about the exercise of the right to selfdetermination by the Kashmiri people through a free, fair and impartial plebiscite under the UN auspices…A peaceful resolution of Kashmir dispute in accordance with the UN Resolutions and taking into account the aspirations of the Kashmiri people would create condu-

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cive atmosphere for durable peace and stability in the South Asian region…Pakistan reaffirms its complete solidarity with the Kashmiri people, and urges the international community to persuade India to end its repression in Kashmir.” Qureshi's UNGA speech is likely to provide the basis for Pakistan's subsequent statements on the issue in various platforms and their leaders meetings in different countries. With Obama's visit to India only few weeks ahead, this shrill will only increase, especially with regard to US intervention in the issue. While, there is nothing new in the above rhetoric of Pakistan at the international level, what is likely to be of increased importance from an Indian perspective, is whether there is a Sino-Pak convergence on Kashmir. China has remained a silent spectator over the last decade, and in fact its silence was in India's favour on Indo-Pak issues. Since Kargil conflict, Beijing always insisted Kashmir as a bilateral issue between India and Pakistan. In fact, China refused to get involved and support Pakistan's position during the Kargil conflict.

However, much has changed in this decade vis-à-vis China's perceptions. While on the one hand, China is anxious to build road and rail links via Karakoram, on the other hand, Beijing is also apprehensive of the Indo-US nuclear deal. The recent tensions in India- China relations should be seen in this perspective. Moreover, there has been a heavy Chinese presence in Gilgit-Baltistan; while scholars like Selig Harrison hint a military component to this Chinese presence, what is well known has been the investments, especially in infrastructure and energy sectors by Beijing. The US will be forced to involve, especially with an increasing Chinese presence (at least that is what, Selig Harrison's article want to); given their deep entrenchment in the Af-Pak what form will this involvement take? Not easy to predict.

While there are no visible Sino-Pakistan linkages on J&K detrimental to India's interests, such a development should not be totally over ruled. What if? In such a (worst case) scenario, J&K will become a different issue.

Strategy 5: Bring Kashmir Back in the Bilateral Dialogue Kashmir is likely to figure high on Pakistan's agenda in Indo-Pak dialogue. If one has to follow the statements made by Qureshi in New York recently, it is evident that Pakistan would like to make Kashmir, Siachen and water the primary issues. Gone are the days in which the PPP talked about placing Kashmir on the back burner and improving the New Delhi's road to Islamabad on Indo-Pak ties. While on the one hand, Pakistan will pressurize J&K lies in improving its connectivity the international community with Jammu and Srinagar. Pakistan to force India to give high prican only fish, if the Kashmiri waters ority to a Kashmir specific dialogue, on the other hand, it will are muddied and unclear. Ensuring be able to re-establish the lost transparency and accountability will ties with the separatists, by keep J&K clear. emphasizing “take Kashmiris into account” rhetoric.

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An Indian Response?

All the above five strategies are not mutually exclusive. Pakistan may pursue some or all of them simultaneously. There may be a political cost and few wild cards.

India needs to plan ahead for a political, and if there is a need, even a military response.

First of all, blaming Pakistan for everything that is happening in J&K is not the solution. The current unrest in J&K, first and foremost, is New Delhi's own making. After the wonderful efforts made by the security forces and the excellent response by the civil society in J&K, New Delhi lost the plot sometime after the 2008 elections. Both New Delhi and the other stakeholders failed to evolve a positive road map visà- vis J&K. Elections and the positive response by the civil society in 2008 elections was interpreted as the return of normalcy to J&K. Complacency set in; the round table conferences and working group reports became history and relegated to the dark chambers of the Home Ministry and the Prime Minister's Office. Why should they be pursued, if normalcy has returned to Kashmir?

Second, there was a total failure to anticipate what the losers of the 2008 elections will plan. From the Hurriyat to the PDP, the 2008 elections was a negative outcome for their survival. They have been waiting for an opportunity; and the youth unrest and follow up violence provided them an issue on a silver platter. They grabbed it first; and Pakistan followed suit.

The response to Pakistan should begin from the inside, by wresting control of the lost initiative. The All Party Delegation that visited J&K should be the starting point for New Delhi to re-engage itself. India should build confidence and maintain consistency vis-à-vis Kashmir. New Delhi's road to Islamabad on J&K lies in improving its connectivity with Jammu and Srinagar. Pakistan can only fish, if the Kashmiri waters are muddied and unclear. Ensuring transparency and accountability will keep J&K clear.

IPCS

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Pakistan and Militant Groups in Kashmir:

Musharraf's Admission RADHA VINOD RAJU

DER SPIEGEL: Why did you form militant underground groups to fight India in Kashmir?

MUSHARRAF: They were indeed formed. The government turned a blind eye because they wanted India to discuss Kashmir.

F

or Indian Intelligence Agencies and the J&K police, this is old news. We always knew that the terrorists crossing over into J&K from across the border were trained, armed, and infiltrated by the Pakistani forces.

Even the rest of the world is convinced about this, as is implied in the above question put to Gen. Musharraf by the Der Spiegel.

In this connection, an article by Shireen Mazari, (Director General of the Institute of Strategic Studies, Pakistan till May 2008) just before the VajpayeeMusharraf summit in Agra in July 2001, is relevant and significant. Mazari's stewardship of this prestigious Institute more or less coincided with Musharraf's tenure. This article was written in the background of what Mazari claimed were the new rules of the game at the global level which 'pushed' India into accepting Pakistan's continuous call for a dialogue, and citing developments in the Middle East and the Balkans.

According to Mazari, the US and its allies, who have been exerting pressure, were interested only in a 'quick fix'

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solution, which inevitably meant allowing the stronger side to retain the advantage even when it was wrong. This interpretation can be seen reflected in the oft repeated Pakistani complaint against the West that they were ignoring the civilian casualties in Kashmir and were favouring the militarily stronger India, and though the interpretation is of events prior to July 2001, is nevertheless relevant even today.

While we draw the attention of the international community to the widely acclaimed elections that were held in J&K in late 2008, in which there was strong public participation, our failure to control civilian killings by the police and paramilitary forces in the last three months needs to be looked into.

Mazari further continues thus in the article: “The most disturbing fact that is emerging in this new approach to resolution of conflicts involving people seeking their right to selfdetermination is the manner in which the US, EU and Russia are closing ranks…In the Balkans, Russia will now find more in common with the US and the EU in its consistent support for the Serbs. And, of course, the West has chosen to accept Russia's conduct of a policy of genocide in Chechnya... If these

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are the realities, then can any small power go counter to the trend? Or, specifically, can Pakistan counter the Western-Russian support for India? On the Kashmir issue, it can if the situation on the ground is sustained. In other words, the freedom struggle on ground in IHK cannot fade out because that is the only pressure on the international community and India-especially the Indian military. Dialogue must not be accompanied by a cessation of the military struggle on the ground until substantive progress has been made.”

The above assertion bears remarkable resemblance to the current Pakistani strategy vis-à-vis Kashmir, by Musharraf's successor, General Parvez Kayani. Militants will continue to be trained, armed and infiltrated into Kashmir from Pakistan in order to bring pressure on the international community by pointing to the threat of a nuclear war between India and Pakistan, and on the Indian Government and military to come to terms, favourable to Pakistan. These militants would be fully under the control of the Pakistan Army, as was claimed by Lt. General Aziz in his telephone conversation with General Musharraf who was in China, in May 1999, during the Kargil war. This is why the Pakistan military refuse to take action against the Lashkar-e-Taiba and other India centric outfits. Apart from Kashmir, Mumbai type attacks in other sensitive centres in India in the future, cannot be ruled

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out. What indeed is striking is that now the admission has come from a former Pakistan President, who hopes to come back to power again in Pakistan!

What the Generals in Pakistan refuse to see is that this unfortunate strategy of using terrorism as an instrument of State policy has now become an existential threat to Pakistan itself. In Kashmir, it has resulted in death and destruction in unimaginable terms causing untold suffering to innocent people.

Musharraf claims that it is the right of his country to train militants to put pressure on India to discuss Kashmir. He forgets India's right to counter them with all the force at its command to preserve its integrity!

While we draw the attention of the international community to the widely acclaimed elections that were held in J&K in late 2008, in which there was strong public participation, our failure to control civilian killings by the police and paramilitary forces in the last three months needs to be looked into. During the last twenty years or more, these forces have been in an anti-militancy and counter insurgency mode, where the gun was the main weapon, and not the lathi. Have the police and paramilitary forces deployed been sufficiently re-oriented to change into the law and order mode to deal with unruly crowds?

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What really is at stake in Kashmir ZEENAT ZEESHAN FAZIL While environmental clearances for mining projects across the country now hang like a Damocles Sword on companies that are seen flouting norms, in Kashmir it seems like a free for all. Limestone quarrying and cement factories are playing havoc with its fragile environment, robbing the flourishing saffron and almond cultivation of its potential.

The state government departments need to quickly get their act together to stem this rot.

K

ashmir has always been fragile, in more ways than one. In the lap of the Himalayas, its pristine landscape is indeed breathtaking and has drawn tourists like bees to honey. Known for production of apples, walnuts, cherries and almonds, it offers an idyllic climate and conditions for horticultural growth. Yet there is a seamier side to all that appears pristine.

Over the last few years, close to 20-25 limestone quarrying mines have come up in Khrew and Khanmoh range, in an area, which falls within the 10 km range of Dachigam National Park. This is a complete violation of the Wildlife Conservation Strategy 2002, which upholds the notifying of land falling within 10 kms of the boundaries of national parks and sanctuaries as eco-fragile zones under Environment Protection Act. This in turn takes credence from an earlier Act, the Jammu and Kashmir Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1978, which prohibits destruction of habitat of wild animals in a national park, sanctuary or conservation reserve.

Yet the quarrying has continued unabated. When in the rest of the country Environmental clearances from the Ministry has taken up strong positions on mining activities here in Kashmir, it is a different story In pockets, which were pristine and productive, the destruction continues unabated. Besides endangering wildlife, this is the prime area of saffron production, the prized item that has reached global markets and indeed has come to be identified with Kashmir.

The poisons spewing out of the cement factories and limestone quarries are having a drastic impact on the production of saffron and almonds which the region is famous for and the source of livelihoods for many farmers. By allowing indiscriminate and mindless construction, the government is in effect snatching away from the people their means of livelihood. This lack of

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accountability and transparency at the level of governance has been the bane of the region.

Why is the state government playing ducks and drakes with the Kashmiri people? Is it only responsible for handling crises in Srinagar or equally for long-term development of rural pockets of the region, for sustaining livelihoods, protecting the environment and ensuring that no one takes the law into their own hands? Sadly this does not seem to be so. Those whom the Kashmiri people have entrusted their welfare to are not really concerned.

The departments, which are involved, are busy leveling charges against each other or simply looking away. At times there is a grudging acknowledgement of this from insiders. “Yes, it has caused much damage to our heritage crop, saffron and the almond production too,” Director, Agriculture, Kashmir, Mian Adbul Majeed, regretting that incessant mining and quarrying are continuing unabated.

There is another disturbing trend, threatening the fragile ecology of Kashmir; soil extraction. Rues Majeed “Soil is being extracted randomly from Pampore, Budgam and other areas to fill railway tracks and this activity has caused major damage to the agricultural produce in these areas, ” In north Kashmir, stone quarries have come up in forested areas endangering the green cover. According to sources, a couple of years back, three stone quarries came up within the mountainous range on the right side of TrehgamShimnag road in district Kupwara. The forest is dense with coniferous trees like Deodhar, Kail and Fir extending over a sprawling area of eight square kilometers.

This green cover is now being threatened by illegal stone extraction

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from the area. According to Director Geology and Mining, Ishtiyaq Ahmad Ashai, only eight quarries are functional in Shimnag area while a nine others are non-operational. The scope of their powers however stops at corrective action. Says Ashai said, “Our department has very limited powers.

We can only fine but cannot arrest the violators”. This means if anyone is 'caught' indulging in illegal extraction, the department can seize tools and material. There leaves a disconcert-

There is another disturbing trend, threatening the fragile ecology of Kashmir; soil extraction. Rues Majeed “Soil is being extracted randomly from Pampore, Budgam and other areas to fill railway tracks and this activity has caused major damage to the agricultural produce in these areas, ” In north Kashmir, stone quarries have come up in forested areas endangering the green cover.

ing sense of a vacuum; that no one here is responsible. With each department hiding behind the smoke screen of 'limited powers' the question is where does the buck stop?

The pollution caused by these illegal mining is another disturbing aspect. Some of the officials are candid about it. Abdul Majid Mir, a geologist and a Mineral Officer in Geology and Mining department says, “The State Pollution Control Board (SPCB) doesn't regularly check whether the owners of quarries and mines are using their pollution control devises. The negligence is telling upon the state of

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the environment.”

The inevitable face-off between the bodies responsible for Mining and for those giving Environmental Clearances is evident in Kashmir as well. SPCB authorities allege that in Geology and Mining Department allows mining in several cases without seeking No Objection Certificate (NOC) from them. Giving an instance, Director SPCB, Kashmir, Syed Farooq Gilani says “ They (Geology and Mining) have not received NOC from us for mining in Uri sector. Now we have written to the concerned District Magistrate to close it down. I don't understand how the Department can give the lease permission without taking the consent of the environmental agency, SPCB,” Concerned over random extraction of lime-stone and mud particularly from the forested areas, an environmentalist, Dr. Mubashir Jeelani says: “Our ecology is going to be disturbed by such activities and if such things are not stopped at the earliest, we will invite an inevitable disaster for ourselves as no forests will be left for our future generations or for the wild animals. “Our forest resources were already depleting fast due to illegal felling of trees and are now bearing the brunt of mass-scale extraction of stones within the forest covers,” he laments.

The war of words and ideas not withstanding, what is at stake is something which goes beyond the politics, beyond the implementation of policies, infact beyond even the present generation and the situation of conflict in Kashmir. Resolving this issue is crucial not only in immediate context but in the long-term. Kashmir can benefit enormously from the wondrous gift of nature and Kashmiris can prosper if the environment that supports them is protected and nourished.

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CHINA-INDIA:

Return to Robust Relations?

SWARAN SINGH

T

he week lasting 18-23 October 2010 witnessed three major events that promise to inject a positive enthusiasm in China-India relations.

First, the release of Regional Economic Outlook 2010 by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in Jakarta underlined how, with their growth rates of 10.5 and 9.7 per cent respectively, China and India are clearly recognized today as the torchbearers of global economic recovery. The fact that China and India are located in the thriving Asia-Pacific makes the Chindia phenomenon the most robust driver of what is being described as an impending transformation in global economy followed by the transformation in global political relations.

Some sparks of this gradual but certain power shift were visible in the second event of last week – the G20 finance ministers' and central bank chiefs' meeting in Gyeongju, South Korea. In spite of media hype over 'currency wars' on which they only agreed to 'refrain from competitive devaluations' these financial leaders managed a breakthrough agreement on IMF reforms, efforts for which had been on for several years, if not decades.

From initial reports, Europe has agreed to give up two of its six seats in the 24member board of governors of IMF and also agreed to surrender five per cent of

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its voting rights. In the communiqué issued at the end of this meeting, it was agreed to shift a total quota of six per cent shares to emerging economies and this will be over and above the amount that was previously agreed at the Pittsburg G20 summit of June 2009.

These quotas in IMF shares and seats in the board of governors will be transferred to emerging economies like China and India.

At the end of the Gyeongju meeting, the IMF Managing Director, Dominique Stauss-Kahn, said “This clearly [was] an IMF day in Asia… now the board represents the reality of the global economy.” To recall, both China and India have been raising the issue of need for reforms in the UN and Bretton Woods institutions citing this as an issue of their credibility and efficacy in the face of the changed ground realities of the 21st century.

The third event was nearer home.

This was the 50th anniversary celebrations of New Delhi's premier strategic institute, the National Defence College. The participation of Prof. Shen Dingli, Executive Dean of the Institute of International Studies, Fudan University, Shanghai was highlighted in Indian media as a signal of India lifting the bar on visits by senior Chinese defence officials and strategists that New Delhi had imposed since July when China had declined to give visa to a

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senior Indian general.

China's becoming the number two world economy in September had already brought a certain focus on China. Meanwhile, India – now the fourth-largest economy in purchasing parity terms – is also growing at a rapid pace and has begun to receive rapidly expanding FDI. This sudden deluge has become a matter of concern in India.

Indeed, World Bank World projections for 2011 last week believe that India's growth rates will outpace the Chinese growth rate as early as 2011 while Morgan Stanley puts the date at 2013.

The coming weeks will witness a slew of interactions between their leaders that perhaps augur well for China-India relations. Indian Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh will be meeting his counterpart Wen Jiabao on the margins of the Fifth East Asia Summit in Hanoi late this month, their first meeting since the controversy about the denial of visa to Gen. BS Jaswal had resulted in suspension of their defence exchanges. India has also since been concerned about reports on China's increasing investments and military presence in infrastructure and humanitarian relief projects in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir.

However, while leaving for his three-country tour – Japan, Indonesia, Vietnam – this week, Singh tried to strike a positive chord as he

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Standing Committee (PSC) and President Hu's envoy on sensitive issues like North Korea and Tibet – and Li Keqiang – the seventh-ranking member of the PSC and expected successor to Premier Wen Jiabao in 2012.

Also, Indian Foreign Minister, SM Krishna will meet his counterpart Yang Jeichi on the sidelines of the coming BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China) and trilateral Russia-India-China Foreign Ministers' meetings in Wuhan midNovember. Besides, the much-awaited

meeting between their two Special Representatives on the boundary question is also expected anytime. And finally, their bilateral trade that had fallen from US$52 billion to US$45 billion last year is all set to now cross US$60 billion for this year.

All these events together are likely to provide a positive spin to the complex and volatile Sino-Indian relationship which has become increasingly critical beyond just their bilateral policy prism.

GRAHPIX

acknowledged India's conditional support to China's decision to supply nuclear reactors to Pakistan. Singh will be meeting President Hu during the G20 summit from 11-12 November in South Korea. In between, both Barack Obama and Nicolas Sarkozy will be visiting New Delhi. Two important Chinese visitors are also expected to arrive in New Delhi sometime during the middle of November. These are Zhou Yongkang – China's security czar and the ninthranking member of the CPC's Politburo

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IN FOCUS

25

Muslims in Administration

Missing Link or Connecting Link

Muslims In Indian Administration

Towards Inclusion

DR SHAHID IQBAL

T

he Government system provides a framework for equitable socio economic development and planned growth of any nation state. Participation of various identities, in equitable proportions, in the governance may not be a necessary precondition for such a planned growth and development as well as nation building but equitable outcome is certainly a desired outcome. The Indian administration provides a unique model for securing national integration on one hand and providing a machinery of unbiased persons selected through an open competitive examination and allotted to states for carrying out good governance in unbiased manner and ensuring delivery of services apart from reinforcing accountability of government towards the masses. This has been achieved through creation of three All India Services viz Indian Administrative Service (IAS), Indian Police Service (IPS), and Indian Forest Service (IFS), apart from many central services in Group A & B working in the affairs of states and Union. The IAS represents the framework of permanent executive in a democratic set up. When Lord Cornwallis created Indian Civil Service (ICS) in 1893, it was aptly described as steel pillars of the Government. After more than two centuries the ICS, now IAS, has witnessed a lot of erosion of its powers with separation of executive and judiciary, decentralisation in government, compartmentalisation and so on. But still it wields the real power of decision making in executive. Presence of various communities, religious and linguistic identities in the administration has been an issue of debate since decades. The inclusion of minorities in various services has always been on agenda of successive governments as it provides a platform for articulation of specific needs and ideas as well. Muslims, comprising the largest minority with 13.4 % population have only a 2.96% presence in the IAS which is apparently a cause of concern as it cultivates a sense of marginalisation in the corridors of power and decision making. But if we analyse the trends, the Muslim participation has also show a steady pattern of inclusion across the years. Upon analysis of this trend, one can arrive at lacunas and suggest future measures to be taken to avoid such a feeling of marginalisation in governance and administration.

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Muslim in Administration

Muslims: Selections in IAS An analysis of IAS selections by the Union Public Service Commission in past 20 years reveals a static number of Muslims selected for the coveted service over the years, with peak numbers a couple of times crossing half a dozen.

Table I: Muslims selected in IAS compared to total selections

From the table above, the number of Muslims selected for IAS every year ranged from zero to 7 in last 20 batches, from 1990 to 2009 batch. The highest number was registered in 1995 and 2009 batches with respectively 7 and 6 Muslims being appointed in the IAS. In 1992 and 2004 not even a single Muslim could make it to the elite IAS. Out of 1609 selections in past 20 years since 1990 batch, only 47 Muslims could become members of the IAS, which includes 9 Muslim women. Thus, 2.92% is the average selection of Muslims in IAS in last two decades, compared to 2.96% total serving Muslim IAS officers in the country – a slight decline to overall percentage of Muslims in administration.

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The 1995 batch recorded the highest ratio of Muslims to overall number of candidates selected for appointment in IAS, at 8.9%.

MUSLIM IAS OFFICERS IN INDIAN STATES The candidates selected by the UPSC for appointment to IAS are allotted to various cadre states by the Department of Personnel and Training, under the Prime Minister's office. Twenty eight states and 7 Union Territories of the Indian dominion have been formed into 24 cadres for allocation of All India Services officers. All union territories and states of Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, NCT Delhi and Goa have been included in one cadre named AGMUT (Arunachal-Goa-Mizoram and Union Territories). Likewise Assam and Meghalaya; and Manipur and Tripura are clubbed as joint cadres. There are total 4456 IAS officers serving in all the cadre states as on 01.01.2010, which includes both direct recruits (RR) and those promoted from the state civil services (SCS). An analysis of the IAS composition across cadres reveals that there are 132 Muslim IAS officers out of the total whopping strength of 4500 odd officers of the premier service in India. Further, only 81 of them are RR i.e selected by the UPSC through competitive examination and the rest 51 have been inducted from the state civil services.

The State of Jammu and Kashmir is the only Muslim dominated state in country; and has the highest number of Muslims in IAS serving under affairs of state. Out of 92 IAS officers in Jammu and Kashmir, 30 are Muslims – 5 RR and 25 SCS. The number in case of J&K is high because it is the only state where promotion quota for induction in IAS is 50 % of RR while in other states it stands uniformly at 33%. Apart from J&K, all the 23 rest cadres send only 102 IAS officers out of 4364 i.e. 2.34 % share in rest of India. *This is as per actual number of officers serving as on

The State of Jammu and Kashmir is the only Muslim dominated state in country; and has the highest number of Muslims in IAS serving under affairs of state. Out of 92 IAS officers in Jammu and Kashmir, 30 are Muslims – 5 RR and 25 SCS. The number in case of J&K is high because it is the only state where promotion quota for induction in IAS is 50 % of RR while in other states it stands uniformly at 33%. Apart from J&K, all the 23 rest cadres send only 102 IAS officers out of 4364 i.e. 2.34 % share in rest of India.

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Muslim in Administration

01.06.2010 and not the sanctioned cadre strength. **Officers inducted into IAS from amongst the State Service Officers.

Some of the major Indian states with huge Muslim population have almost negligible presence of Muslims in the IAS. Uttar Pradesh with a population of more than 17 crores and an IAS cadre strength 367 officers has only 11 Muslims IAS serving in the state, Madhya

Pradesh another mega state has 4 Muslims out of 300, Maharashtra has only 2 out of 314, Andhra Pradesh has 8 Muslims out of 289 IAS officers, Karnataka stands still better at 12 out of 234 and Kerala having 6 Muslims out of 161 keeps the percentage high in south India. It is heartening to observe that 3 Cadres out of 24 do not have even a single Muslim IAS officer in state, and 13 Cadres do not have any Muslim SCS offi-

Table 2: State Wise Statistics of Muslim IAS Officers Compared To Total Strenght Of Ias*

n Some of the major Indian

states with huge Muslim population have almost negligible presence of Muslims in the IAS n Uttar Pradesh with a population of more than 17 crores and an IAS cadre strength 367 officers has only 11 Muslims IAS serving in the state n Madhya Pradesh another mega state has 4 Muslims out of 300, Maharashtra has only 2 out of 314 n Andhra Pradesh has 8 Muslims out of 289 IAS officer n Karnataka stands still better at 12 out of 234 and Kerala having 6 Muslims out of 161 keeps the percentage high in south India. cer promoted to IAS- the later reflects low number of Muslims in state administrative services.

Chief Secretaries: Heads of Bureaucracy in States As on 01.06.2010 there are 40 officers in the country designated as Chief Secretaries. There is one Chief Secretary in state who heads the entire bureaucracy and is usually the top most IAS officer of that cadre state having put in mandatory 30 years of service. But many states have designated multiple chief secretaries in charge of major departments and one chief secretary heads the whole structure e.g. UP has designated 5 top officers as Chief

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Muslim in Administration

Secretaries while as Rajasthan has 7, rest states have one each. The Union Territories have administrators as heads. Out of present 40 top officers heading states, none is a Muslim. But many Muslims have remained as chief secretaries before.

Muslims: in Top Pay Scale The highest pay scale of a bureaucrat in the country after the 6th Central Pay Commission has been fixed as Rs 80,000/- plus allowances. Beyond that only Cabinet Secretary, senior most IAS officer of country, has the pay scale of Rs 90,000/ fixed. At present there are 208 officers in the top pay scale of Fixed Rs 80,000/-, out of which only 4 are Muslims i.e 1.92 %. This low percentage is mainly attributed to the prevailing literacy rate among Muslims in 1970s.

Since fewer candidates appeared for the examination so number of selections in corresponding batches remained comparatively low.

Muslims: Secretaries to GoI Rank The Secretary to Government of India is a Civil Servant, having served more than 30 years in IAS and empanelled on seniority basis.

Presently, to become Secretary to

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Government of India, one needs to put in roughly 35 years in service. The Cabinet Secretary is senior most civil servant of the country. Cabinet secretary is appointed from amongst the senior most IAS officers serving as Secretaries to Government of India. The committee of secretaries, having all the Secretaries to Government of India as members and the cabinet secretary as its head, is the most powerful decision making body of the Indian Government.

The various secretaries head the departments in ministries and are directly answerable to the minister. In fact, these are the key position holders wielding the real executive power in policy making and decision making in the country. The political executive is

Presently there are 78 IAS officers working as Secretaries to Government of India, out of which only one officer heading the Border Management Department, Ministry of Home Affairs, is a Muslim. supreme and through Parliament the laws and policies are enacted by legislation which is initiated by these top officials under direction of political execu-

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tive. Presently there are 78 IAS officers working as Secretaries to Government of India, out of which only one officer heading the Border Management Department, Ministry of Home Affairs, is a Muslim. Three other Muslim officers, having the apex scale, are presently eligible for empanelment as Secretary to Government of India.

Muslims: In Top Commissions The three member Election Commission of India, entrusted with conduct of free and fair elections in world's largest democracy has one Muslim IAS officer as its member. The National Commission for Minorities, a powerful 5 member Commission, has 2 Muslim members including the Chairman, who has served as Governor of 5 states. The Planning Commission, responsible for pegging the budgets of states and allocating resources, has one Muslim woman among 8 members. The Union Public Service Commission, which is the top most recruiting authority for the Union of India, has one Muslim member out of total 9 members and a Chairman.

It is evident that eligible Muslim officers and eminent personalities have found due position in country's top most bod-

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Muslim in Administration

Eligible Muslim officers and eminent personalities have found due position in country's top most bodies and commissions having a major say in the decisions of the Government and responsible for ensuring a fair and just system across the country - free from any discrimination. ies and commissions having a major say in the decisions of the Government and responsible for ensuring a fair and just system across the country - free from any discrimination.

Literacy Rate and Share in Administration:Literacy has a major role to play in empowerment of minorities but at the same time many other factors are responsible for availing the opportunities in a competitive world -right information and guidance to youth, socio-economic support, quality education and the like. If we analyse the Muslim literacy rate in relation to their presence in administration at national level, the results vary from quite satisfactory to disappointing. Out of total 132 Muslim IAS officers in country, 39 come from states with highest literacy rate among Muslims. As already mentioned, mere population of a community cannot be a yardstick or claim for having proportional representation in administration, since the selection examinations are competitive and level playing for all, but the analysis below has been done to show that factors other than mere literacy also play a major role in dismal presence of Muslims in Indian administration.

Kerala state with 15% Muslim population and 89% Muslim literacy rate has sent 139 IAS officers to Indian administration, serving across the country, out of which 13 i.e 9.35% are Muslims, which is quite impressive compared to all states. Goa stands first in percentage terms as far as Muslims in IAS are concerned, sending one out of total 2 IAS officers from the state.

While, Delhi and Tripura, together, having sent 244 IAS officers have not even a single Muslim IAS officer even the Muslim literacy rate is 66.6% and 61% respectively. This is attributed to reported tendency of Muslims in capital towards other professions like private sector, media and business where they are doing excellently well. In states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu where general literacy rate stands very high, the share of Muslims in IAS selected also stands at a comparatively better position. From the table above, where comparison has been done about high Muslim literacy rate and their share in IAS selections from state, it is evident that literacy is not the only measure of ensuring participation in administration. Other fac-

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tors like participation in competitive examinations, coaching and guidance available to minorities, and state support in this regard are very important factors. Also we find very high share of Muslims in medicine and engineering, which signifies that a majority of talent is pooled to these disciplines also, and hence those competing for administrative positions are comparatively less in most of the states.

Gender and Empowerment: Muslim Women in IAS At present there are only 9 Muslim women IAS officers serving in the country, out of the total strength of about 4500 serving officers. In past 20 years the ratio women selected in IAS through the Civil Services Examination has varied from 15 to 30 %, with more tendency towards higher end over the years e.g the 2009 batch of IAS comprising of 188 officers which passed out of LBS National Academy of Administration

n Kerala state with 15% Muslim population

and 89% Muslim literacy rate has sent 139 IAS officers to Indian administration, serving across the country, out of which 13 i.e 9.35% are Muslims, which is quite impressive compared to all states n Goa stands first in percentage terms as far as Muslims in IAS are concerned, sending one out of total 2 IAS officers from the state n While, Delhi and Tripura, together, having sent 244 IAS officers have not even a single Muslim IAS officer even the Muslim literacy rate is 66.6% and 61% respectively n This is attributed to reported tendency of Muslims in capital towards other professions like private sector, media and business where they are doing excellently well n In states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu where general literacy rate stands very high, the share of Muslims in IAS selected also stands at a comparatively better position.

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Muslim in Administration

it appears that in past couple of years the Muslim women equalled Muslim men selected in IAS. But over the years the performance has been disappointing - in 12 out of 20 years no Muslim woman in the country could make it to IAS; but in 6 years Muslim women and men were selected in equal numbers. recently, had a total of 32 women IAS officers, out of which 2 were Muslims The share women in IAS is on the rise year after year. Upon analysis of Muslim women selected in IAS over these years it becomes evident that they are not keeping pace with the trend even though many them who are selected for IAS have made it to top ranks.

From the table above, showing data of past 20 years, it appears that in past couple of years the Muslim women

equalled Muslim men selected in IAS. But over the years the performance has been disappointing - in 12 out of 20 years no Muslim woman in the country could make it to IAS; but in 6 years Muslim women and men were selected in equal numbers.

Further, for years number of Muslim women selected in IAS was same as Muslim males, one each. But the bottom-line still remains that Muslim women , till date have not been able to create a niche in the Indian administration, with not more than 15 Muslim women IAS officers serving in the country, out of 4500 odd strength of Indian Administrative Service. They do have sizeable presence in medicine, engineering, education and various technical disciplines but administration still remain an area where Muslim women are still missing.

Nevertheless, the Muslim women who made to the top posts in administration are very vocal and articulate, like the women administrators in majority are. More initiatives are required to bring women into administration and that will automatically attract Muslim women as well. The UPSC has taken some encouraging steps in this regard – like exemption of examination fee, encouragement message in advertisements/ notifications and the like.

Muslims Share in other Civil Services: Group 'A & B' and IFS In the UPSC conducted annual Civil Services Examination, based on merit and preference, top 80 to 100 candidates are allotted to the Indian Administrative Service depending on the vacancies available as notified by the Central Government.

Among the top positions, few also get the coveted Indian Foreign Service – however since the preference for Foreign Service has been on a decline so maximum candidates falling below the IAS cut off line are slated to join it as their second option. The other popular second preference for aspirants is Indian Police Service, but most women prefer Indian Revenue Service than IPS and other. The UPSC prepares the combined merit list as per vacancies referred to it and sends in the list of candidates recommended for appointment to the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) which is the final authority on allocation of services- depending on vacancies, categories, preference and merit.

To have a holistic view of presence of Muslims in whole administrative structure, it is necessary to go through their percentage and numbers in all the services – selected on the basis of above mentioned Civil Services Examination at national level.

Last 10 years data shows that Muslim candidates selected for all the services –All India Services (IAS/IPS/IFS), Foreign Service and Central Services; ranged between 3 to 4 %. It

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crossed 4% mark only in year 2009 with selection of 32 Muslim candidates among selection list of 795 – including 6 in IAS. If we compare the data presented above in Table 1 showing selection of Muslims in IAS and Table -showing all civil services together, it can be concluded that share of Muslims in other central services, every year, is higher than that in the IAS. For all services taken together the percentage of Muslims is pulled up because of the reason that more Muslims find berth in allied services. Since the margin of marks between ranks is very less in this examination, there is scope of improvement and bridging the gap to bring more Muslims into IAS, which will automatically pave way for more minority candidates into the overall selection list.

Indian Forest Service, an All India Service entrusted with protection and management of country's forest wealth spread over approximately 24% geographical area and

including rich biodiversity is unique in its selection procedure. Known as IFS, the service has a separate all India level competitive examination open to science graduates only.

The IFS has gained importance and wields more importance now given the issues of environment and climate change, stringent Acts and Rules related to Forests, Wildlife and Environment, the Apex Court Forest Bench and the Court appointed all powerful Central Empowered Committee etc. Moreover the Forest administration is more or less independent of the general administration as far as managing the forest land and wealth is concerned. Number of candidates selected into IFS in past ten years has ranged from meagre 22 to 84 per year – not in a fixed range as the IAS and IPS. Here again, Muslim candidates have not been able to keep the pace and secure berth in the IFS list. The following table reflects the state of affairs as regards selection in IFS is concerned:-

Conclusion and Discussion As evident from the discussion above, Muslims have not been able to make their presence quite visible at the level of top administration owing various reasons like preference for medicine and engineering at secondary level, lack of proper coaching and guidance, socio-economic causes, lack of translation of high literacy into employable education and so on. But at the same time there are some positive notes also – more number of Muslim women selected in recent years, gender parity in Muslim selections, increased presence in central services and allied services of the Union, and higher competitiveness. Still the fact remains that despite such a high literacy among Muslims in a dozen states and successive governments' genuine efforts the Muslims make only 2.96% of the Indian Administrative Service at present. The Prime Minister's 15-point formula specifically mentions encouragement of minorities for joining central and state services, and many initiatives in this regard have been taken. Thus, it is a call upon educated Muslim youth to avail these opportunities provided by the Government and become a part of the administration at national and state level. Since the recruiting agencies are fare and transparent in selection process, rather there is special encouragement for minorities, the young educated people must come forward with openness to ideas and face the competition without any feeling of prejudice, fear or favour. Only then an INCLUSIVE ADMINISTRATION can become a reality in India.

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Education

Educational in Ladakh

T

he PPP (Public Private Partnership) became the new mechanism to deliver educational services, but the key differences were on responsibility, ownership, nature of services and risk/rewards. In Ladakh, responsibility and risk / reward were key differential points. Full retention of responsibility and risk by the government; and rewards to go to the non governmental actors. But those in the position to interpret and lead public debate can, often with considerable effectiveness, blame others for failures and difficulties (with visual aids and seminars). The dilemma suggested by the blurring of responsibilities is that it creates an ambiguity and uncertainties in the minds of policy makers and public about who is responsible and can lead to actors passing of responsibilities to each others when

(In our most of earlier reportings on educational scenario in Ladakh, we mostly endorsed the policies and approaches applied by Operation New Hope or ONH. This paper is critically challenging the perceptions built around ONH. We have published this while giving respect to author's right of a particular view point and to encourage a healthy debate on the issue. Feedback is welcome at epilogue@epilogue.in)

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things go wrong. Worse still is the enhanced possibility of scapegoating raised by more complex governance systems. Blame avoidance and scapegoating are not new phenomenon but governance structures do extend the capacity for such activities. Game playing, subversion, creaming and opportunism in a range of forms were observed in both policy statement and outcomes. Though there should be greater willingness to cope with uncertainties and open-endedness on the part of out of the box imitators (locally they are known as innovators). Because of this there is thawing of the ideological frost between the grass root workers and Non governmental organization.

The rationale offered is that a well educated labor force and available good infrastructure which are crucial to the quality education do not need fringe idiots to interfere as the syllabus introduced by them to primary students in mid 1990s are giving their matriculate examination only in mid 2000s and there after. The results have never crossed 32 percent, so lets re look at policies. Where is the success story and why all this hue and cry about? The policies which were implemented were replication of success stories elsewhere.

Researches have shown that to implement new policies and changes you should have backup researches ably supported by statistical & scientific tools and techniques.

Were our policies followed standard procedures worldwide? Did ONH (Operation New Hope) extended to government schools in mid 1990s followed standard procedures or are they ably supported with researches? Let's not boast about appreciations when outputs are abysmal?

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Empirical observations of the working of any organization– “For power to be fully legitimate …… three conditions are required: its conformity to established rules; justifiability of the rules by reference to shared beliefs; and the express consent of the subordinates which is the most significant among them”. World over the allied concept which frequently makes its appearance in discourse is that of participation. Need of the hour is participation being treated both as a means and as an end. Did organizations involved for the past 20 years conform to above mentioned rules? Before giving a blank cheque in the veil of resolution of Councilors to re launch anybody, I do think that Education needs educationist not megalomaniacs. ALSJAC's (All Ladakh Students Joint Action Committee) effort looked like a stage managed open discussion or was it sabotaged for individual's benefit? The discussion and behavior of few motivated audience was poor reflection of their awareness? The baseline is that little knowledge is dangerous.

Thorough comprehensive knowledge is what is required before debating on a subject.

The dilemma created by the emergence of new self governing pressure groups is that of accountability. Members of these groups are dissatisfied with the arrangements agreed by all and yet find it difficult to express or more particularly act on. They are driven by self interest rather than a wider concern with the public interest or more particularly those excluded from the social network.

Convention and seminar were held without having one percent comprehension of the whole complex network of problems.

The first task involves defining a situa-

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Education

tion, identifying key stakeholders and developing effective linkages between the relevant parties. The second is concerned with influencing and steering relationship in order to achieve desired outcomes.

Thirdly and finally is what other called “system management” or call it “Educational System Management”. For an effective system there is always a feedback loop which is as essential as the system itself. Though well one recognizes the capacity to get things done which does not rest on the power of government to command or use its authority. It sees government as able to use new tools and techniques to steer and guide. There is need for government to give leadership, build partnership, protect and regulate its environment and promote opportunity.

It involves thinking and acting beyond the individual sub system, avoiding unwanted side effects and establishing mechanism for effective coordination. The paradox of the educational perspective was that even when government developed an appropriate operating code governance failure still occurred. Tensions and difficulties with the institutions of actors, as well as inadequacies in the organizations that bridge the gaps between public, private and voluntary sectors had lead to failures.

The largest group and majority of people are for retrospection, change and are flexible in their outlook. Awards (given by panel) are not their yardstick rather personal satisfaction is what drives them to serve with sincerity. Take a leaf out of His Holiness Kushok Bakula Rinpoche's contribution for Education which is unmatched till date and people's appreciation is what we should strive for. Selflessness dedication is needed and let work speak for itself instead of forcing our viewpoint upon others. Let's collectively rectify policy defects and strive for the universal application of policy alike for private and government schools. We should encourage competitive environment for both Government and Private Schools to flourish together to have well educated

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human resource pool for societal upliftment and development.

Let facilitators be facilitators not administrators? Let's apply O&M (Organizational and Methods) techniques to find out the decline in rolls of government schools and their non preference? What should be done to save the one of the largest employer in government sector for future sustenance? Do we need ONH primary books which emphasized on localization in the age of liberalization, globalization and universalization? I definitely agree to Manish Sabharwal, Chairman, Teamlease Services who aptly puts that “Employment outcomes are 300% higher for English speakers and we must encourage multi-lingual instruction because English is a vocational skill and like Windows, an operating system for the world of work”.

Further added that India really does have a unique opportunity as the only country growing younger in a rapidly ageing world: 25 % of the world's new workers in the next five years will be Indian and are we gearing up for our share in this opportunity? Some other facts that India needs some 450 million jobs & largest employer is Govt of India which employs some 20 million with Organized Private Sector employing some 10 million but total 30 million is too few for our needs? What about future security of 360 million or 20% of world's children population between 0 to 14 years who are Indian? Is there a need of different set of policies and syllabus for private schools and government schools? If mother tongue is essential then let's press for Bodhi to be included in 8th Schedule of Constitution of India so that our mother tongue is preserved & is also more relevant for socio, religious & cultural education? What about valid point raised by Rev. E S Gergan, Principal, Moravian School, about separate or allied services for Education headed by an IAS / KAS Officer? Why board examination (especially for 3rd, 5th, & 8th standard) at Primary, Middle, and High School in J&K Board level when Centre is going for Grading System? What about Continuous

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Comprehensive Evaluation (CCE) in real form? Should we either apply Central Policies or there should greater devolution of decision making in Education Policy to LAHDC (Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council) et cetera?

In order to provide these public services, we have to necessitate accountability, transparency, clarity of rules governing each policies and adequate information regarding the different policy and reason thereof.

But retrospection always had taken a form of Convention or Seminar and ended with a Peace Rally in Ladakh? We need real RETROSPECTION with all the Stakeholders and with concrete objectives and corrective measures.

If administrative law and order are bypassed by the legislator's resolution then a wrong precedent would be set and will always have future repercussion. Let us respect law of land and be less gullible.

Rather let's prepare so that new entrants to our labor force over the next few decades are not locked out of livelihoods, jobs, skills and education. Then it will lead to dramatic social and cultural upheaval which will lead to the discontented population turned to crime, corruption, greedy private sector, sleepy bureaucrats, myopic public and goofy politicians. Why not question legislation like the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) which links money to enrolment rather than learning outcomes & quality? Experts of Education have tried to acquire quality through quantity and now we have neither. Why a Centre Govt scheme always fails when the exchequer burden falls heavier on the State, though they have Federal Structure to blame? Let's not get too much fixated with SECMOL, ALSJAC & the various Messiahs of Education? Truth is 500 million people in the age group from 20-25 years are job seekers with very few to offer, thus our Education and its various schemes are definitely unprepared for the future demographic dividends.

Myopic focus on Education is the great deception; we should indeed reassess and proceed with humility and openness.

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Narative

Notes from Leh MANISHA SOBHRAJANI

I

was in Chennai when I heard about the cloudburst and subsequent flashflood in Leh. It took several phone calls and many hours before the enormity of the flood and the damage caused thereby sunk in. But once that happened, the decision to carry out relief and rehabilitation operations was almost immediate.

However, the question was: where to begin.

We made a quick trip to Leh to assess the situation, and nothing could have prepared us for what we were to witness: kilometers of roads and bridges washed away; miles of agricultural land buried under debris; houses and shops destroyed beyond recognition; and people rendered homeless, hungry and abandoned to face a severe winter. The question 'where to begin' hounded us like never before. We made a commitment to build and donate 500 houses, and returned to Delhi to come back to Leh two days later, mentally prepared for what we promised to do.

Initially, the local administration assured us of all possible help and support for our work. We also met with several other NGOs working towards relief and rehabilitation in the hope that we would all be able to combine our efforts and produce better results. However, two months later, the story is completely different. We struggle to get help from the local administration. And the various NGOs which promised to build homes with us are hardly seen on the ground. We seem to be fighting a lonely battle, but are not willing to give up.

It took us three weeks to get started

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with the construction work since nothing was available: no labour, no construction material, no help, and no one ready to believe that we were there to stay and carry out the work we said we would do.

It took every possible connection we had in the state of Jammu & Kashmir to arrange all that we needed. We also got a piece of land allotted to build a 'model house'. The local administration was reluctant to give us permission to build because we wanted to construct prefabricated houses which are earthquake-resistant and flood-resistant as opposed to typical Ladakhi houses which are largely made of mud bricks.

By the time we persuaded the administration that our intentions were good and we knew what we were doing, a month had already passed, and there were more people who discouraged us than those who encouraged us.

While the construction work was going on, we made trips to distribute relief material to the 50-odd villages in Leh district which were affected by the flood. As was expected, it was very evident that relief and rescue operations had reached only a few villages which were close to Leh town. We traveled to a village called Wanla, which is a 5-hour drive from Leh town, on September 13.

We were told that the road to reach Wanla had only been cleared of the flood debris the previous day, September 12, which was more than a month after the cloudburst!

Several interesting experiences have left their mark on our minds during these two months that we have been

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working in Leh. During a traffic jam on the highway (due to construction of a road), we overheard a group of Army jawans interact with a group of police jawans from the Punjab Police. They spoke about everything from the sudden orders to go to Leh to the changing weather. They even talked of militancy in Punjab and compared it to that in Kashmir. Their jolly mood helped to lighten the heaviness of the traffic jam.

On the construction site, our group is an interesting mix of Hindus and Muslims, and a few foreign volunteers.

Without much ado, we have decided that 'English' is our common ground. Each morning when we meet, we greet each other with a 'good morning' rather than a 'namaste' or 'salam-ailekum'.

In village Nimmo, where we are building a house for an old couple, the old man has taken on the responsibility of being our father. He makes sure we have food every afternoon, and whenever any one of us is going back home to take a break, we are promptly given a bagful of the freshest apples or apricots from his own trees to share with our families.

This continuing experience in Leh has certainly taught us invaluable lessons in caring, patience and in overcoming bureaucratic hurdles which will indeed be useful for the coming few years as we plan to carry on with our intervention in Leh for at least the next 5 years or so. It is a road less traveled and one that does not have too many co-travelers. Perhaps that is what makes our involvement all the more necessary, and our experiences all the more worthwhile.

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BGSB University

Change of Guard at a University and New Things J&K Must Do EPILOGUE BUREAU

The Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University, the first wakf-funded varsity, which came into being in 2004 in the hitherto educationally disadvantaged hilly region of Rajouri recently saw first change of its leadership. It was a quiet development and rather quiet affair. A day after an order by the Chief Minister, in his capacity as Chancellor, a teacher and botanist of repute Irshad Ahmed Hamaal called on then-incumbent Masud Ahmed Chaudhary, both drove to University's camp office at winter capital and formal handover-takeover papers were signed. Next day Hamaal assumed charge at Rajouri campus. A brief interaction with students, an introductory meeting with staff and then resumes the business as usual. He didn't have the need to go around campus as he is as familiar with the University as anyone else in his team.

This quiet change of guard is though not very exceptional for the Universities but not routine either given the political nature of appointment of Vice Chancellors and vested interests of the incumbents to cling to the posts and wait for a disgraceful exit. None of them proved to be one of those. There are three important things involved in this change of guard which drew our attention in the larger context of how things happen in Jammu and Kashmir where politics (rather party politics) is behind every decision, where institutions leaders are appointed mostly on considerations of castes, religions and regional sentiments and where merit is last element in scheme of things. What if institutions rot? Who cares? If these three aspects involved in the change of guard at Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University are followed at all important institutions that matter, Jammu and Kashmir can be a model of its kind where progress is everyone's shared goal.

Things Chancellors Must Do All along his career Masud Chaudhary remained an out of the ordinary kind of Police officer. More than one cap on his head made more a social and political entity out of him than a stick wielding cop. His deep engagement with social and educational upliftment of Gujjar tribe earned him the name of Sir Syed of Gujjars. Towards making things happen for the hapless tribe in Jammu and Kashmir he went on collaborating with

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Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University has seen three Chancellors, bitterly opposed to each other, in a short span of time. None of them let the politics or personal linking and disliking creep in while dealing with the University. This is the approach model which people of Jammu and Kashmir expect at all levels of decision making.

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notable Gujjars across the country and in process came in close contact with maverick yet all-powerful Rajesh Pilot.

This association pinned a Congress tag on his forehead and therefore a persona non-grata status in the ruling National Conference circles. Pilot's emotional association with and growing engagements in Jammu and Kashmir in 1990s were huge displeasure for Dr Farooq Abdullah. Result –Masud was mostly kept away from visible postings and would be parked to places like Police Academy. During his exemplary

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BGSB University

stint at the Academy, which he literally ran like an academician, Farooq realized the capabilities of the officer and soon Masud was among his favourites. By this time Pilot had passed away in a road crash and Masud's forehead had the title of a National Conference man which was further highlighted by his brother Javed's

election to Legislative Assembly in 2002 on ticket of Abdullah's party. National Conference lost elections the same year and their arch rival Mufti Mohammad Sayeed of Peoples Democratic Party took over as Chief Minister. There is no second opinion about that the concept of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University was conceived by the

Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University became operational in 2004. It was indeed an experiment to have an institution of high learning at a remote and far-flung area.

At this moment when I am quitting after serving for six long years as Vice Chancellor, I can say with confidence that it was a great success.

‘We could establish an institute at such a far-flung area where no body would have believed. The university is operational now and has reputation of a great institute coming up in that area.’

‘I wish all success to Prof. Irshad Ahmed Hamal, the new Vice Chancellor, who is not new to this institute. He has rendered yeoman's service to the institute during his stint as Dean Academic Affairs.’

‘I am sure that this university under his able leadership & guidance will make further progress and will diversify to its fullest potential. ‘ MASUD CHOUDHARY

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illustrious grand Abdullah (Sheikh Mohammad) and the legislation was cleared in Assembly during Farooq's regime. It was, however, Mufti who took the very keep and personal interest in getting the University established.

'Farooq's man' becoming Mufti's choice for job which is very close his heart –unimaginable. But it happened. At a time when NC loyalists were being made to hang on for a while, Mufti picked up Masud, then Additional Director General of Police, to take up the job of Chief Executive and Project Director of BGSB University, in addition to his Police responsibilities. Eye brows were raised. In 2004, soon after his retirement from Police, Masud was named as first Vice Chancellor of the University.

How he brought up the University at a place where Chief Minister had to make first landing by helicopter in absence of any connecting road, is a different story altogether. Mufti's successor Ghulam Nabi Azad had a word of explanation. In November 2005, Azad replaced Mufti as Chief Minister. In very first administrative shakeup, predecessor's loyalists were relegated to insignificant positions. Masud's first two-year term had to expire in February-March 2007. By that time Azad had made five trips to the campus and said in his November 2, 2006 speech (on this occasion of first anniversary of his government) “V-C has done miracles in a jungle…if, at any time, he wishes to join my cabinet, my doors are open for him”. A two-year extension which he later got was a foregone conclusion.

Azad's government fell in 2008.

Governor NN Vohra, who held charge of affairs for almost six months, visited the University on its annual day and remarked that he had not actually imagined what he saw.

Omar Abdullah took over as

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BGSB University

Focus is at consolidation IRSHAD A HAMAL

C

hange, is the essence of a life.

BGSB University, which started its maiden academic session in 2005, has grown leaps and bounds in a short span of five years under the stewardship of its founder Vice Chancellor Mr Masud Chaudhary.

Innovative growth, strategic planning, state-of-art infrastructure, heterogeneous cross cultural environment and worldclass facilities are what have made this University a Centre of Excellence in higher Education. In times to come, knowledge economy is going to govern all aspects of life.

It shall be our endeavor to ensure that the University reaches new strides in academic excellence and achieves pinnacles of success in the years to come.

The College of Engineering & Technology which is a flagship College of the University has been strengthened. Slowly and gradually, we have overcome the constraints of infrastructure and human resource. Our priority shall be to ensure that the first batch of B. Tech. which shall pass-out this year gets suitable placements.

We shall also be augmenting infrastructure and shall be adding more teaching programmes in the Centre for Biodiversity Studies, which has achieved National and International fame in a short span of time. We have now made operational the Mahatma Gandhi Chair for Environment & Ecology fully funded by Ministry of

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Environment & Forests, GOI. Consequently, budding local talent shall now get an opportunity to avail world class facilities and National exposure in the University Campus in the foothills of the PirPanjal.

Our first batch of students of masters' programme of Information Technology have achieved 100% placement. This is truly a reflection of the quality of products being trained by the young university.

We have received an overwhelming response from aspirants of the newly introduced BA (Hon's) Arabic programme. We shall be introducing short-term part-time certificate and diploma programmes in Arabic and computer skills, especially for women, for local populace to fill the vacuum that exists.

The University has pioneered in establishment of the first Centrally funded Polytechnic in the State in collaboration with State

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Government. This was a long cherished dream of the people of this region. It is indeed a moment of pride for us that out of the 18 Polytechnics sanctioned by the GOI for our State, the only Polytechnic to be made operational this year is the one which has been established by BGSB University.

We are also taking up projects with different agencies of State Govt. & Government of India for augmenting infrastructural and research facilities in the University. A new Hostel block has come up in the Campus this year and we shall make efforts to enhance residential facilities for students and staff shortly.

Our focus in the coming year shall be to put all our resources together to consolidate all that has been established over the last few years. We look forward to make a quantum jump to achieve new strides in academic excellence.

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youngest Chief Minister and, of course, youngest Chancellor of the University in January 2009. He took some time to settle down and understand how things were moving. Next month people perceived close to his predecessors Mufti and Azad were eased out from the key responsibilities they held. That was also the time when Masud's second extended term was about to expire.

Along with his greetings, the Vice Chancellor wrote to the new Chancellor that since he is already sitting over his extension and therefore way is paved for the successor. Possibility of a Central University was also in talks then. Masud again offered to step down with a request that BGSB University may be considered for Central University status and his continuation should not come in way of the UGC norms. That, however, did not happen and Omar preferred to continue with the arrangement.

Masud had to go in any case as his second extended term had already ended. It was for the Chancellor to decide when. Omar Abdullah's many decisions have come in for sharp focus but this one reflects the arrival of an astute and composed leader. He did not fire Masud in early 2009 when expiry of his term could have made kill of perceived Mufti loyalist a normal death. He visited University a couple of times and complimented the administration for doing the nearly impossible. Meanwhile the Chief Minister continued to have a sharp eye on who could be best replacement. The interests of the University clearly reigned large on Chancellor's mind who, for all reasons, was looking for best replacement and not just replacement. There were political pressures, palace intrigues and ruthless media campaigns. Chancellor did not yield to any lobby. For an imminent change with essential continuity, no choice could have been better than

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Irshad Hamaal.

Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University has seen three Chancellors, bitterly opposed to each other, in a short span of time. None of them let the politics or personal linking and disliking creep in while dealing with the University. This is the approach model which people of Jammu and Kashmir expect at all levels of decision making.

Things Peoples Must Do Government of India sanctioned a Central University and an IIM for Jammu and Kashmir in 2009 which saw Kashmir and Jammu province pitted against each

Masud had to go in any case as his second extended term had already ended. It was for the Chancellor to decide when. Omar Abdullah's many decisions have come in for sharp focus but this one reflects the arrival of an astute and composed leader. He did not fire Masud in early 2009 when expiry of his term could have made kill of perceived Mufti loyalist a normal death. other –where to establish the campuses.

Since the campuses could not have been mounted atop Banihal pass, the Government, as a special case, decided to grant two Central Universities at cost of the IIM. The CU of Kashmir started working in 2009 but the CU of Jammu is almost lost in another caste and regional sensitivity. Some groups in Jammu want a local 'Dogra Vice Chancellor' and not a Kashmiri Pandit as reports suggested that HRD Ministry considered name of Prof Amitabh Mattoo. While Mattoo's name still raises selective Dogra tempers, rumours of HRD considering name of Masud Chaudhary for CU have led to another round agitation. Meanwhile, two

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academic sessions lost in row, the Central University of Jammu is nowhere in sight. With Jammu caught in petty and misconceived identity politics, several Ladakhi groups are demanding establishment of Central University in Ladakh.

Jammu and Kashmir is comprised of a society bitterly divided along caste and regional lines. People want symbolic representatives and merit is rarely talked about. Divides are further too deep and too bitter in Jammu province.

Go to places like Rajouri and Poonch the divides are seen further sharpened along caste lines where Gujjars and Paharis fight it day out and day in. elections are fought along caste lines and therefore the governments make appointments to key positions keeping in mind vote banks. Masud Chaudhary is not just a Gujjar but a leader, in his own right, who has built reckonable institutions and given community an identity and sense of pride. His brainchild, the Gujjar Cultural Center, which was inaugurated by Sonia Gandhi earlier this year, matches Mayawati's aggressive identity plank. For six years which he spent at BGSB University campus there was not a single incident of Paharis or any other community gunning for him.

His many approaches for welfare of Gujjars were countered by the competitive groups but work at the campus got hails across the board –a reflection of political maturity and progressive approach of the people of Rajouri and Poonch. When Masud's first and then second term ended, there was no demand for a Pahari Vice Chancellor. Community did not make noises for a Pahari after a Gujjar which has often been a norm in the region. Hamaal is a person of Kashmir accent coming from Kishtwar.

His appointment has been widely welcomed in the region. Rest of Jammu region needs to learn a lesson.

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A reflection of political maturity and progressive approach of the people of Rajouri and Poonch. When Masud's first and then second term ended, there was no demand for a Pahari Vice Chancellor. Community did not make noises for a Pahari after a Gujjar which has often been a norm in the region. Hamaal is a person of Kashmir accent coming from Kishtwar. His appointment has been widely welcomed in the region. Rest of Jammu region needs to learn a lesson.

Things Vice Chancellors Must Do Big men have small egos. Even those who have not read Ram Jethmalani's book know this fairly well.

So what do mostly people do to establish their immediate writ when they move into big offices? They talk bit low about the predecessors, remove their photographs and mementos from the offices walls, glean with bit of arrogance at their files, make some immediate changes on the system to show that they are different and people must fall in line. How different is Irshad Hamaal will be known in time but has shown that he is not the one discussed in Jethmalani's book. That Masud's photographs and mementos with his name inscribed still adore the walls of new Vice Chancellor is reflection of the grace he brings to office. While talking to the students and teachers he begins with a line of appreciation for his predecessor's works. Soon after taking the appointment orders, he called on Masud at his Jammu residence and both drove together at their camp office for handover-takeover of charge. Staff at the

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University is feeling a sense of continuity in the working atmosphere even after change. “I could not have done what Mr Chaudhary did”, he tells Epilogue. That I served the University under Masud Chaudhary for one year at very inception puts me in an advantage of familiarity with the persons and the system which I need to use for further consolidation”, he says. He says enough has been done in terms of infrastructure and academics and therefore the time of for consolidation before any new expansion is thought of. So how is he going to make the University more useful for the locals? “My doors at shut at jobs and locals should look at the campus as an avenue of that kind. Rather I am going to launch some short term evening courses out of the campus to enhance local skills for jobs elsewhere”. Any immediate changes he wants to do? “No. Things are in order and I need to focus at consolidation.

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May main priority would to being in senior faculty so that we are eligible for UGC funding”.

How different is Irshad Hamaal will be known in time but has shown that he is not the one discussed in Jethmalani's book. That Masud's photographs and mementos with his name inscribed still adore the walls of new Vice Chancellor is reflection of the grace he brings to office.

While talking to the students and teachers he begins with a line of appreciation for his predecessor's works. Soon after taking the appointment orders, he called on Masud at his Jammu residence and both drove together at their camp office for handover-takeover of charge.

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Raja Ranjit Dev's Inclusive Policies and Politco-economic developments in Jammu PROF. JIGAR MOHAMMAD

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ammu was well connected with the Punjab, Kashmir, Delhi and other parts of north India from ancient period onwards. It was a sharer of the Harappan Culture, the first historical civilization of the Indian subContinent. The history of ancient Jammu is not very much highlighted because of the non-availability of both the literary and archaeological sources.

But some important aspects of the history of Jammu hill states are traced from the 15th century onwards. It is a well established historical fact that first time the nomenclature Jammu has been used by the Mangol invader Timur Lung in his autobiography entitled Malfuzati-Timuri. It was written by Timur during the early 15th century A.D. It is known that Timur invaded India from Punjab to Delhi in 1398 and we back to his native country Samarqand via Jammu.

However, When Mughal rule was established in the north India by Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur during the early 16th century, the historical sources of the Mughal empire recognized Jammu as one of the powerful states of the Punjab hills. Abul Fazl's Ain-i-Akbari depicts Jammu a state ruled by the Manhas Rajputs.

The genealogical history of Jammu shows that it was the Dev Rajput dynasty which made Jammu as one of the most active and leading states of the hills. Though the Rajput ruler of Jammu state accepted the sovereignty to the Mughal emperor Jalaluddin

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Muhammed Akbar (1556-1605), the political autonomy of the Jammu state was well maintained. It is important to mention that during the ancient and medieval periods the modern Jammu region or Jammu hills had no political uniformity or unity. There were several independent or autonomous political entities. The first important work on the Jammu hill states is produced by J. Hutchison and J. Ph. Vogel entitled History of the Panjab Hill States in Two Volumes. They put the Jammu hill states in the line of the Punjab hill states. It seems that Jammu hills states were linked to the Punjab through land and river routes both and in terms of socio-political life they were associated with the Punjab. Therefore, Hutchison and Vogel deal with the history of the Jammu hills associating with the Punjab. For Hutchison and Vogel, the major states of Jammu hills were Jammu, Mankot, Jasrota, Lakhanpur, Samba, Bhau, Bhoti,Chenehni, Bandralta, Basohli, Bhadrawah, Bhadu, Kashtwar, Rajouri, Punch, Bhimbhar and Khari-Khariyali.

Before the formation of the Jammu and Kashmir state in 1846 by Maharaja Gulab Singh the Jammu hill states either functioned as the independent or autonomous political units. The Persian and other sources of the Mughal empire show that the Rajput kings of Jammu hill states had accepted the Mughal sovereignty and enjoyed political autonomy. These Rajput rulers were

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very liberal and practiced the concept of political alliance with the Mughals and other neighbouring states. The Mughal emperors were very much confident of the support of the Rajput kings of Jammu for the maintenance of the law and order in the hills. The Mughal emperor Nuruddin Muhammad Jahangir trusted Raja Sangram of Jammu state very much and treated him most favoured king of the hills. The Mughal emperor general honoured the Raja with mansas and gift of an elephant. Similarly, Jahangir was also very much impressed from the sociopolitical grandeur of the Raja of Kishtwar. According to Jahangir, “He (Kunwar Singh, the Raja of Kishtwar) is not wanting in dignity. His dress is after the Indian fashion, and he knows both the Hindi and Kashmiri languages.

Contrary to other Zamindars (Rajas) of these regions, he looked like the inhabitant of a town.� (Tuzuk-iJahangiri, Volume II, English Tr. Pp. 13940). Similarly, the Rajput kings of Rajour such as Sarmast Khan (1580-1600) and Raja Tajudding (1600-46) assisted the Mughal emperors such as Akbar, Jahangir and Shahjahan very sincerely.

Consequently, the Mughal kings respected the Political autonomy of the Rajas of Jammu hills and treated them as the partners of the Mughal empire in India.

However, the Mughal empire faced huge political and economic crisis during the 18th century after the death

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of the Mughal emperor Mohiuddin Muhammad Aurangzeb Alamgir (16581707) in 1707.

The foreign invaders Nadir Shah of Iran and Ahmad Shah of Afghanistan in 1739 and 1748 respectively crippled the political stability of the north India.

Moreover, because of mismanaged and exploitation of the peasantry by the Jagirdars (government officers) agricultural productions of the north India declined on large scale. According to Professor Irfan Habib, the most expert historian of the Economic history of India, finds the occurrence of the 'Agrarian Crisis' the main cause of the decline of the Mughal empire. (The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 15561707, pp. 364-405). But it was the Jammu king Raja Ranjit Dev (1733-82) who kept Jammu hills far from the foreign invasions and impact of the economic crisis of the other parts of the north India.

Raja Ranjit Dev of Jammu not only maintained the political stability in the Jammu hills through his military power, but more importantly he also made Jammu hills as the centres of the economic development. During the 18th century George Forster, an English traveler, visited Jammu. He was very much impressed by the social justice of Raja Ranjit Dev. He also found Raja Ranjit Dev a great tolerant and visionary ruler. Appreciating liberal policies and sense of entrepreneurship of Raja Ranjit Dev, George Forster writes, “Runzeid Deve (Ranjit Dev)…who deservedly acquired the character of a just and wise ruler, largely contributed to the wealth and importance of Jumbo (Jammu). Perceiving the benefits which would arise from the residence of the Mahometan (Mohammedan) merchants, he held to them many encouragement, and observed towards them a disinterested and honourable conduct.

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Negative virtues only are expected from an Asiatic despot, and under such a sanction his subjects might deem themselves fortunate; but the chief of Jumbo went farther than the forbearance of injuries; he avowedly protected and indulged his people, particularly the Mahometans (Muslims)”.

Raja Ranjit Dev respected the sentiments of the Muslims very much and appreciated their contribution to the economic development of the Jammu hills. He not only provided opportunities to the Muslims in the

Before the formation of the Jammu and Kashmir state in 1846 by Maharaja Gulab Singh the Jammu hill states either functioned as the independent or autonomous political units. The Persian and other sources of the Mughal empire show that the Rajput kings of Jammu hill states had accepted the Mughal sovereignty and enjoyed political autonomy. commercial activities of Jammu, but the Raja ensured that the Muslims had live with dignity and sense of pride.

George Forster records the religious toleration of the Raja in these words:”..he (the Raja) allotted a certain quarter of the town (to the Muslims), which was thence denominated Moghulpour; and that no reserve might appear in his treatment of them, a mosque was erected in the new colony; a liberality of disposition the core conspicuous, and conferring the greater honour on his memory, as it is the only instance of the like toleration in this part of India.” Raja Ranjit Dev also ensured religious freedom to the

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Muslims and never allowed fanatic elements to disturb the practices of the Muslims. According to George Forster, “He (the Raja) was so desirous also of acquiring their (Muslims) confidence and esteem, that when he has been riding through their quarter during the time of prayer (of the Muslims), he never failed to stop his horse until the priest (theologian) had concluded his ritual exclamations. The Hindoos once complain to this Chief (Ranjit Dev), that the public wells of this town defiled by the vessels of the Mahometans, and desired that they might be restricted to the water of the river, but he (the Raja) abruptly dismissed the complaint, saying , that water was a pure element, designed for the general use of mankind, and could not be polluted the touch of any class of people.” (George Forster, Journey From Bengal to England, Vol. I, pp. 246-47).

Respecting his own subjects and others Raja Ranjit Dev intensified the economic activities the Jammu hills.

George Forster noticed huge commercial activities and participation of the persons of the multiple background in these making Jammu an attraction for people in terms of earning benefits. According to him, “An administration of munificent and judicious, at the same time it enforced the respect of his (Ranjit Dev) subjects, made Jambo, a place extensive commercial resort, where all description of men experienced, in their persons and property, a full security.” The Raja also strengthened the trading ties between Jammu and Kashmir. Consequently the people of both Jammu and Kashmir were benefited and sense of regional cooperation became the dominant trend of the economic development in these two regions.

The initiatives of Raja Ranjit Dev

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for strengthening the commercial relations between Jammu and Kashmir regions find special mention in the travel account of George Forster.

According to him, “The articles of merchandize constituting the trade of Jumbo, and Kashmir, are transported by men usually Kashmirians, whose burthens(burdens0 are heavy, two of them making the load of a strong mule, and the hire a fixed at the rate of four rupees for each carrier. The shawls, when exported from Kashmire, are packed in an oblong bale, containing a certain weight or quantity, which in the language of the country is termed a biddery, the outward covering of which is a buffalo or ox's hide, strongly sewed to amount, with little variation, to a value long since ascertained, they are seldom opened until conveyed to the destined market. A Kashmirian porter carries a load as a soldier does his knapsack, and when dispatched to rest, he places under it a stick in the form of a crutch which supports the load and assists him also in walking. Two cause are assigned for employing men only in this service: an agreement, it is said arising from a mutual jealousy, has been made between the chiefs bordering on either side of the river Chinnaun (Chinab), that no fixed bridge shall be constructed, or any boat stationed on that stream. The other cause ascribed, which seems to be more forcible, is the stupendous height and steepness of the intervening mountains, which renders the passages dangerous, if not wholly impracticable, to other horse or mule.”

Raja Ranjit Dev welcomed merchants and experts in administrative affairs from Punjab on large scale. Since Punjab was facing political instability because of the invasion of Ahmad Shah Abdali, the Punjabis found Jammu a very suitable region for their actions in terms of trade and commerce and

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joining political institutions. According to Ganeshdas Badehra, the author of the Rajdarshani, written in Persian language, “…On account of the fame of the justice and equity, high morality and virtues of Raja Ranjit Dev merchants and respectable persons from all round came to the Chakla of Jammu and settled there; wealthy people came in so large number that heaps of uncovered ashrafis were seen in shops but no body dared to look at them with coveted eyes, and women

During the 18th century George Forster, an English traveler, visited Jammu. He was very much impressed by the social justice of Raja Ranjit Dev. He also found Raja Ranjit Dev a great tolerant and visionary ruler.

bedecked in ornaments traveled alone on deserted roads and through jungles without any fear. Every body lived his days in peace and pleasure. It is saind that about ten thousand shops were strewn in the bazar of Jammu spreading from the Dhaunhali to the site below Gumat. A number of famous Punjabi Khatris like Lala Pindi Das, Jawala Nath, Bal Hira Nand, Koru Shah, Jog Das, Shahzada Mal, Kunj Lal Manh, Milkhi Shah, and father of Bahar Sigh Badhera, and others, who were men of lakhs lived in Jammu. What to speak of the Dogra merchants, Brahmans and Mahajans, whose description is beyond the scope of this brief account.” (Rajdarshani, Eng. Tr. By S.D.S. Charak, Annotated by Anita K. Bilawaria, pp. 162-63)

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When political stability realized by the merchants in terms of acceleration of the commercial activities in Jammu it also attracted the attention of the political aspirants of Punajb and other areas to come to Jammu and express their expertise. Ganeshdas Badehra who wrote his Rajdarshani during Maharaja Gulab Singh (1846-57) period records the arrival of the persons of noble background in a very interesting manner. According to him, “…the nobles of Punjab, such as Rai Megh Raj, families of Raja Kaura Mal bahadur, Rai Kabuli Mal, the subahdar of Lahore, and several others, had taken refuge in this very 'Darul-Aaman' (Abode of Peace). On one occasion the veiled inmate of modesty, the paragon of chastity, Begam Malika Zamani, the queen of Emperor Muhammad Shah of Delhi, enhanced the splendour of Jammu by her visit and laid foundations of lovely gardens on the bank of the river Tawi and elegant mansions on the Dhaunthali height and lived there for some time.”

Raja Ranjit Dev's enlightened vision and policy of inclusion attracted large number of artists and musician and intensified the processes of the cultural development. It is very important to mention that Jammu hills started to get huge publicity in terms centres of economic developments and confluence of various identities. Thus Raja Ranjit Dev established that existence of multiple identities in Jammu was instrumental for socioeconomic progress. The head of state was to be very much concerned with inclusiveness. And policy of inclusion was source of the arrival of the experts in various arts and crafts leading to the peace and prosperity in the region. He also set an example of religious toleration and flourishment of Jammu with the contribution of the persons of diverse opinions.

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Quick Guide J&K’S ECONOMIC PROFILE

GROWTH PROFILE n The State Economy was expected to grow at 6.87% during 2009-10 as compared to the growth rate of 6.12% in 200809 (preliminary estimates). This growth rate is noteworthy considering the fall in growth momentum during the year 2008-09 because of the global economic slowdown and repeated rounds of disturbances of law and order that affected the state during the year. n The target growth rates set for the state's economy at the beginning of the Eleventh FYP were 7% for 2007-08 and 7.5% for the year 2008-09. The growth rate for the state is increasing surely but slowly over the years and still lags behind the national level growth rate. n The Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) at factor cost works out for J&K to be Rs 26153.37 crores (Preliminary estimates), indicative of a growth of 6.87% in 2009-10 as compared to the growth of 6.12% in 2008-09 (Preliminary estimates). n At the beginning of 11 th Five year Plan, the growth rate for the current financial year 2009-10 for the state was targeted at 8%. However, the growth performance recorded during the first two financial years of 11 th FYP indicates that the stiff target of 8% for 2009-10 appears difficult to be achieved. n The Per Capita Income for the state during 2008-09 at constant prices works out to be Rs 21561/- only as against the Per Capita Income of Rs 28937/- at all India level for the same period. n The Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) at constant prices is worked out to be Rs 26153.37 crores and Per

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Capita Income for the state during 2009-10(Advance Estimates) at constant prices works out to be Rs 22730/- only. n The Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) at current prices is worked out to be Rs n 38297.58(advance estimates) crores indicating a growth rate of 10.03% and Per Capita Income for the state during 2009-10 (Advance Estimates) at current prices works out to be Rs 33285/- only indicating growth rate of 8.54%. n The agriculture sector is likely to register a growth rate of 1.74%. The industrial sector which is likely to grow by 11.84% has helped to maintain the growth momentum, in the state economy. The overall growth is mainly driven by the growth in the sectors of construction, trade & hotels, transport and communication and other services. The 'services' sector is the major contributory sector of the state economy and is expected to grow by 6.64% . n District Jammu, Kathua and Udhampur are among the top three ranked districts in terms of Gross Per Capita Income of Rs. 31705/-, Rs. 29203/- and Rs. 26541/- respectively whileas Kargil is the lowest ranked district with Rs. 17428/- preceded by Kupwara and Poonch districts with Gross Per Capita Income of Rs. 17722/- and Rs. 20163/respectively at Current Prices of 2005-06. n Contribution of primary, secondary and tertiary sectors to the GSDP for 2009-10 (Preliminary stimates) has been 24.62%, 29.58% and 45.80% respectively. Whileas at all India level, the contribution of these sectors to GDP was 19.78%, 24.49% and 55.73% respectively as per figures of 200708 (Quick estimates).

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DEVELOPMENT PERFORMANCE n Plan size of Rs 25833.98 crore agreed for 11 th FYP period is 78.16% higher than plan size of Rs 14500.00 crore of 10th FYP. Energy with Rs. 8196.95 crore is the priority sector for development followed by Social Services sector with an outlay of Rs. 6501.40 crore and General Economic Services and Transport with outlays of Rs 2740.98 crore and Rs 2660.81 crore respectively. n Annual plan for 2009-10 was approved at Rs 5500.00 crore.

Besides an amount of Rs. 1200.00 crore approved as outlay under PMRP, both aggregating to Rs. 6700.00 n crore, against which the tentative expenditure (ending January, 2010) was Rs 2882.90 crore (52.40%). The expenditure under PMRP (ending November, 2009) was Rs 473.32 crore (39.44%).

n The overall increase in the plan allocation during 2009-10 is 21.53% more than previous year. The increase in allocation of Annual Plan is 22.22% and 18.46% under PMRP. n The Per Capita Plan expenditure during 2007-08 and 200809 works out to be Rs. 3613/- and Rs. 3816/- respectively as compared to the Per Capita plan expenditure of Rs. 3254/- at national level for 2007-08 (RE). n Allocation under BAOP for 2009-10 was fixed by Gol at Rs 100.00 crore, in addition to the unspent balance of Rs 31.10 crore during 2008-09 aggregating a total availability of Rs 131.10 crore, against this an expenditure of approximately Rs 60.40 crore was registered till January, 2010.

FINANCE n Budget estimates of the state for 2008-09 stood at Rs 17054.00 crore which is 6. 96% more than 2007-08 figures.

Estimated disbursements for the year 200809 were placed at Rs 12048. 00 crore under non-plan budget and Rs 5006.00 crore under plan budget. n The State Government resorted to an overdraft (00) of Rs 2290.25 crore from J&K Bank as ways and means (WAM) facility to meet temporary mismatches in liquidity during 2008-09 (31 st March, 2009) as compared to Rs 2055.22 crores during 2007-08.

n With the successful introduction of the V A T in the state, the tax revenue has increased by 42.25% from Rs. 1799.00 crore in 200607 to Rs 2559.00 crore as per actuals for 200708. For the year 2008-09, the tax revenue of Rs. 2683.00 crore has been recorded indicating 4.85% increase over 2007-08 actuals. n 57.27%, 29.11%, 13.38% and 0.05% disbursements were meant for revenue account, capital account, interest payments and loan disbursements respectively during 2008-09.

BANKING n In view of their role in the economic environment the spread in the bank networking is a continuous process. The number of bank branches has increased from 816 as on March 2001 to 968 as on September 2009 posting a growth of 18.63% during this reference period . n Banking system of J&K constitutes 1.19% of total 81090 bank branches of the country as on September, 2009.

Banks located in rural area accounted for 54.96% of total 968 bank branches in J&K . n On an average one bank is available per 104.74 sq km and 13000 people as compared to 39.05 sq km and 14000 people at all India level. n Aggregate deposits of all scheduled commercial banks increased from Rs. 25148 crore in March 2008 to Rs. 29355 crore in March 2009 reflecting growth rate of 16.73%, this

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growth in the aggregate deposits in India was 21.94%.

During the same period growth in gross bank credit was 12.38% in J&K and 19.33% in the country. n As on September 2009 aggregate deposits of the Scheduled Commercial banks were recorded at Rs. 29853 crore and gross bank credit was Rs. 14686 crore. The Other Scheduled Commercial banks as a bank group held the maximum share of both deposits and advances, accounting for 61.50% and 74.88% respectively. n The highest growth in deposits than credits as on March 2009, reflected decline in the credit deposit ratio from 48.08% as on March 2008 to 46.29% as on March 2009. COR for India ending March 2008 was 74.16% and 72.58% ending March 2009. As on September 2009, 49.19% COR for J&K and 70.26% COR was observed for the country.

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n 61.77% credit deposit ratio of banks located in urban/metropolitan areas {September, 2009) only was above the RBI norm of 60%. All the bank groups (on the whole) recorded COR below 60%, it is much lower in case of State Bank of India and its Associates i.e. only 24.98%. n With 21.69% and 31.43% share in bank branches and aggregate deposits, Jammu district has the lead followed

by Srinagar district with 15.50% share in bank branches and 26.85% share in deposits. The remaining 20 districts are left with 62.81 % bank branches and 41.75% deposits as on September 2009 .

n As on September 2009, 68.73% bank advances were received by Srinagar (46.44%) and Jammu (22.29%) districts leaving thereby only 31.27% advances to be shared by the rem8ining 20 districts. n Credit Arosit ratio (September 2009) of 85.16% was highest in Srinagar followed by Shopian district with 71.49%.

Kishtwar district recorded lowest COR of 14.92% followed by district Kargil with COR of 14,98%.

SECTORAL ACHIEVEMENTS n Jammu and Kashmir economy continues to be predominantly agrarian although the contribution of agriculture and its allied sectors towards GSDP has decreased from 51.05% in 1980-81 to 31 % in 1999-00 and to 27째10 in 2007 -08. Contribution of agriculture and its allied activities in 2008-09 (Preliminary estimates) towards GSOP is estimated to be 25.81 %. n 30.57% of the reporting area constituted the net area sown of the state during 2008-09. 42.48% and 41.45% of the net area sown and gross area sown respectively was irrigated during 2008-09. n As per 41", advance estimates, foodgrains production in the state during 2008-09 is projected at 17171 thousand quintals. n Average yield has increased to 16.83 quintals per hectare during 2008-09 against the previous year's figure of 16.58 quintals. n Total cropped area during 2008-09 is estimated at 1137.88 thousand hectares. n Production of saffron for 2008-09 has been provisionally reported as 56.13 quintals as against 91.31 quintals for 2007-08. Area under saffron cultivation has decreased by 25째" in 2008 when compared with 1998 area figures under the crop. n Seed Replacement Rate in Jammu and Kashmir continues to be less than 10% as compared to more than 25% in the country. Besides natural factors, low ratio of seed replacement rate, yield stagnation, lack of adequate irrigation and small size of land holding is considered as a significant cause.; ~ low growth in agriculture and allied Sectors, n Fruit production of state for 2008-09 was 16.91 lakh tonnes posting an increase of 3,35째0 over 2007-08 fruit production.

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n During 2009-10 (ending November. 2009) 6.10 lakh tonnes of fruit were exported outside the state of which 98.36% was of fresh fruits. Foreign exchange earning on export of dry fruit for 200H-09 were Rs 142.24 crare. n Establishment of Tulip Garden first of its kind, spread over an area of 35 hectares of land, traving distinction of being Asia's largest Tulip garden at Siraj Bagh Srinagar is the landmark achievement in the floriculture segment. n Mutton and Wool production during 2009-10 (ending November, 2009) stands at 216.74 lac kgs and 53.78 lac kgs respectively. Whileas it was 275.02 lac Kgs and 69.13 lac kgs during 2008-09. n Milk processing capacity of Milk plant Cheshmashahi and Satwari is 25000 liters per plant per day. n 19.95% of the geographical area on this side of the control line is under forest comprising (Jammu region 45.89%, Kashmir region 50.97% and Ladakh region 0.06%). This ratio for the country is 24.47%. However, the prescribed ratio of forest area for the Hill states is 67%. n The state has four National Parks, 14 Sanctuaries and 35 Conservation Reserves covering an area of 15912 Sq Kms. n Fish production of the state reached to 192.70 thousand quintals during 2008-09 . Under Prime Minister's package.

481 fishing units have been completed ending March. 2009 with most of them harvesting the crop. Against the target of 51.50 lakh du ring 200910, 19.50 lakh have been achieved ending November. 2009 . n Under Centrally Sponsored Schemes for welfare of fishermen, 205 beneficiaries were covered under insurance scheme (CSS) involving an amount of Rs 65.00 lakhs as on 31-03-2009. Besides, 1481 beneficiaries were covered under construction of low cost housing scheme.

Against the target of 500 houses in 2009-10, sanction for, 10 houses has been obtained from Gal.

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n An Aquarium cum awareness centre at Baghi Sahu was established at a cost of Rs 1000 crores and its 1st phase was thrown open to the public in July. 2007. During 200910, Rs 34.43 lac has been realized as revenue by way of entry fee till ending November, 2009. n Under Fisheries sector an amount of Rs 189.717 lakhs was realized as revenue by the state during 2009-10 (ending November, 2009). n The Co-operative Banks have a network of 210 Bank Branches with 1531 employees as on 31-03-2009. n The deposits of the Central Co-operative Banks as on 3103-2009 were RS.1556.15 crare with loan outstanding amounting to Rs.711.06 crore. n In Poultry development, 470 cooperatives have been registered with membership of 11500, out of which 150 cooperatives have started their business with rearing capacity of 17.15 lac birds per annum. n There were 23908 functional SSI units in the State providing employment to around one lakh persons ending March 2009 as against 22937units ending March 2008. n 1163 units in Large, Medium and SSI sectors have so far been set up in various industrial complexes managed by J&K SIDCO. n As per the Fifth Economic Census-2005, there were 324908 establishments in the state as against 41826989 establishments in the country. n The number of workers in the establishments was 751532 as compared to 100904121 workers in the country during 2005. n While establishments grew at the rate of 6.03% (Jammu and Kashmir) and 4.69% (India) per annum during 19982005, the corresponding rate of growth in the employment was 6.82% (Jammu and Kashmir) and 2.78% (India). n SICOP has so far (ending November, 2009) developed 9 Industrial Estates spread over an area of 4617 kanals of land. n Sericulture activities are carried out in 2300 villages of the 8tate. 22000 families are reportedly engaged in sericulture activities. n The influx of tourists to J&K state has increased from 7718175 in 2008 to 8650255 (ending November, 2009) registering an increase of 12.08% over the previous year. n 51255 foreign tourists have visited the state comprising of 20809 (Kashmir valley) and 30446 (Ladakh region) till November, 2009.

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n For integrated and focused development of places of tourist attraction across the state, 19 High Powered tourism development authorities have been created. n 44 projects have been taken up under the central assistance at a cost of Rs 97.20 n crore for development / promotion of leisure, heritage, pilgrim and adventure tourism against which the expenditure was of the order of Rs 39.17 crore during 2008-09 . n A total of 24614 S81 units are functioning in the State providing employment opportunities t0103650 persons ending Nov. 2009 . n Directorate of Industries and Commerce which is nodal agency at State Level for implementation of Central and State Packages of incentives to industrial units has provided various incentives amounting to RS.63.34 crore to 2591 industrial units from 2003-04 to 2009-10 (ending Nov. 2009). n The J&K State is the home of 18 different minerals, amongst available mineral resources; lime stone, coal gypsum and lignite are in abundance in the State. The revenue realized by the Directorate of Geology and Mining in the form of royalties is Rs. 1966.72 lacs during the current year (ending November 2009). About 350 tube wells for drinking water and irrigation purposes have been constructed upto November, 2009. n About 22000 rural families in 2300 villages are presently associated with silk worm. n 1287 numbers of units in large, medium and 881 sectors have so far been set up in various industrial complexes managed by J&K SIDCO in State. The total investment mobilization in all these units is to the tune of approximately Rs. 4304.00 crore and total employment generated is 533353 persons. n The total turnover of the 81COP were valuing Rs. 294.00 crore ending Nov. 2009 and is expected to achieve Rs. 525.00 crore during the financial year 2009-10. n Financial status of the Jammu & Kashmir Industries Ltd. reveals that it is running in loss. n JK Cement Ltd. has earned huge profits and registered a profit of Rs. 356.00 lacs during the year 2008-09. The company has liquidated loan of all financial institutions and is now debt free. The JKCL paid out of its resources Rs. 1243.05 lacs as salary to migrants during the period 199091 to Oct.2009.

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HUMAN DEVELOPMENTS n Estimated Birth Rate of 19.0 per milli (per thousand).

Death Rate of 5.9 per milli and Infant Mortality Rate of 51 per thousand live births was recorded in J&K for 2007 against the all India figures of 23.5, 7.5 and 57 respectively. n I The Sex ratio in the state as per Census 2001 stood at 892 females per 1000 males. However. the results of the sex ratio survey conducted by the Directorate of Economics & Statistics in 2007 have shown 925 females per thousand males. These figures are almost similar with the figures of 923 females per thousand males revealed by 60th round of NSSO Survey conducted during (January to June 2004). n At present there are 4804 number of Health Institutions ending March, 2009. recording (lbout 40 times Increase since 1951. n Ending December. 2009 average population covered per Health Institution is 2604. Bed Strength per lakh of population is 105 and population per Doctor has been worked out to be 2086 persons for J&K State. n I Under NRHM during 2009-10 (ending November. 2009) 96 PHCs have been functional for 24 X 7 services. 44 Child Health Centres (CHCs) have been upgraded as First Referral Units (FRUs) and 125 Ambulances were procured to improve referral transport system in the state. n There are 14820 (13516 Government and 1304 Private) Primary Schools, 8300 (6264 Government and 2036 Private) Middle Schools. 1901 (1156 Government and 745 Private) High Schools and 786 (597 Government and 189 Private) Higher Secondary Schools functioning in the State. Besides 2 Sainik Schools. 36 Kendriya Vidyalayas and 14 Jawahar Nawodalayas are in the Government sector. n The number of 'out of school children' stands at 0.40 lakh as on March, 2009.The Dropout Rate at Primary level and Upper Primary Level is 1.13% and 2.94째,,) respectively. n Professional courses such as SCA, SBA, BIT and MCA have been started in 15 colleges of the state during 10lh Plan. n 18 New Degree Colleges have been setup (14 Colleges under PMRP Phase-I, 4 under the assistance of Ministry of HRD. Out of 14 New Degree Colleges, 10 have been completed and four are under progress. n 18 Degree Colleges (10 under PMRP Phase-II ,and 8 Under State Plan) have also been made functional and construction of these college buildings is expected to start during 2009-10.

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n Two Central Universities under the aegis of Ministry of Human Resource Development, Gal stand sanctioned for J&K state. n As per Census 2001, there were 55.52% persons (66.60% males and 43.00% females) literate in J&K. n The Literacy Rate in the state for the year 2009 has been estimated at 67.89 percent (74.96 percent males and 59.71 percent females) by the Directorate of Economics & Statistics. thereby showing a growth of 12,37 percentage points over the figures of Census 2001 . n The highest Estimated literacy Rate for the year 2009 in the State has been recorded in district Jammu with the indicator standing at 86.59 percent. District Samba stood at rank 2nd with Estimated Literacy Rate of 84.77 percent.

District Srinagar stood at rank 3rd with Estimated Literacy Rate of 77.14 percent. n The lowest literacy rate for the year 2009 was exhibited by district Kupwara (50.90) preceded by district Budgam (53.00%). n The J&K government attaches paramount importance to the development of housing infrastructure to achieve the objective of the "National Housing Policy" for providing "shelter to all". n Under lAY I RHS housing schemes implemented in rural areas. 19010 houses were constructed upgraded during 2008-09. During the year 2009-10, as on September 2009, out of a target of 28023 houses taken up. for construction/upgradation, 7858 houses were completed. n Under the central project Basic Service for Urban Poor (BUSP) launched under the flagship programme JNNURM, 5 projects have been sanctioned for construction of 6677 housing units with allied infrastructure for slum dwellers at a sanctioned cost of Rs . 162.39 crere. Central share of Rs. 33.64 crore was received and Rs. 4.01 crere has been spent on this account. n Under Integrated Housing and Slum Development Programme (IHSDP), another main component of JNNURM has been implemented by taking up housing and slum upgradation programme in non-BSUP cities. 5176 dwelling units shall come up at a sanctioned cost of Rs. 85.00 crore.

For 25 projects taken under this programme, central assistance of Rs. 29.91 crore has been received and Rs. 9.11 crore have been spent till November 2009. n Conservation and Management Plan for Dal Lake was sanctioned at a cost of Rs. 298.76 crore. Upto September 2009, expenditure incurred was Rs. 139.55 crore on this account.

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n The urban population of J&K state has observed a tremendous increase of 98.4% against the national average of 64.2% during the last two decades. n For providing free boarding, lodging and health care to the destitutes, 12 Nari Nikatens are presently functional in the state, with an intake capacity of 400 inmates. n For Welfare and Development of Backward Classes and other Weaker Sections, 1460 cases were sponsored to Banks, out of which 206 units were established with financial supplementation of Rs. 19.38 lakh as subsidy and RS.53.85 lakh as loan disbursement during 2009-10 (ending December, 2009). n For disabled (physically handicapped persons) monthly pension has been enhanced from Rs. 300/- per month to Rs. 400/- per month from January 01, 2009. n National Programme for education of girls at elementary education (NPEGEL) aimed to enhance education of girls by providing need based incentives like stationery, books, uniforms etc to the girl student. 287 girls Middle schools have been developed under NPEGEL in the State. n Kishori Shakti Yojna (KSY) aims at addressing the needs of self development, nutrition and health status, literacy, numerical skills and vocational skills of adolescent girls in the age group of 11-18 years. n To reduce gender disparities in education access and to promote women empowerment, 9 women ITls and 12 Women Wings in the existing ITls have been established under Prime Ministers Reconstructions Programme (PMRP). n Prematric scholarship by State Government is provided to girls to enhance their level of literacy and to reduce the burden on the parents to sustained education. n Support to training and employment programme (STEP) has been launched to provide updated skills and new knowledge to poor women in 10 traditional sectors viz Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, Dairying, Fisheries, Handlooms, Handicrafts, Khadi and Village industries, Sericulture, Social Forestry and Waste land Development through mobilizing into cohesive groups. n To facilitate employment of women and to support the working women away from their homes/towns who come in the cities and towns for undergoing short term training courses, Working Women Hostels with day care centres and creches have been set up in the State, catering to social needs of the destitute. In J&K State, 5 hostels for working women have been sanctioned. Out of these, two have been completed, one in Jammu and other in Kashmir.

The work on other 3, is in progress .

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n At present there are 141 ICDS projects with 25483 Sanctioned Anganwadi Centres against which 23029 centres are presently functional for providing services to approximately 7.93 lakh beneficiaries comprising of 5.30 lakh children and 1.32 lakhs pregnant and lactating mothers and 1.30 lacs adolescent girls. n For young Urban educated unemployed women, the state will provide help to establish integrated communication 'kiosks' or specialized marketing cells for promotion of local handicrafts or organic food and organically processed kiosks or such like activities. This will be exclusively for young women in the urban areas under a special package for promotion of self employment. n Government has been implementing various programmes which support women to take up new ventures and start self employment through State Women Development Corporation, Social Welfare Department and Rural Development Deptt. n Females in the age group of 15 to 35 years are imparted trainings in various crafts through Social Welfare Training Centre run by the Social! Welfare Department so that they can become self dependent and can become able to earn their livelihood. At present, there are 150 Social Welfare Centres engaged in imparting training to the women folk.

Apart from these, there are four ladies vocational trainings centres In the State - one each at Jammu, Srinagar, Kargil and Leh. In these centres, besides imparting advanced trainings in various crafts, training in stenography is also Imparted. n A separate and independent Directorate of Tribal Affairs has been established In September 2008. n Various types of Pre-matric scholarships for different reserved categories of students were integrated, rationalized and enhanced w.e.f 1-1-2009. n rer day Diet charges for inmates of various hostels being run by the Social Welfare Department like Nari Niketans, Bal Ashrams. G&B Hostels, Hostels for the Pahari Speaking Students were enhanced from As. 25/- per day per inmate to Rs. 50/ per day per inmate w.e.f. 1-1-2009. n Two special buses with barrier free faoilities for facilitating the travel of physically challenged persons one each for Jammu and Srinagar cities in the first instance have been sanctioned at an estimated cost of As. 15 lacs/bus. n SRD 294 of 2005 regarding Jammu and Kashmir Reservation Rules stands modified vide SRO 144 of 2008 dated 28-5-2008, wherein reservation in promotion for SC

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and ST has been increased from 4% to 8% and 5% to 10% respectively. This has resulted in addressing the long pending demand of these communities. n One ST Hostel in the premises of Women's college MA Aoad Srinagar with an intake capacity of 100 in-mates stands completed and handed over 10 Education Department. n As on September 2009, 8770 habitations were fUlly covered under safe drinking water supply, _ 2930 habitations were partially covered and 315 rural habitations were uncovered, out of 12015 total habitations, based on 2005 survey. n Erstwhile Accelerated Urban Water Supply Programme (AUWSP) and Integrated Development for Medium and Small Towns (IDMST) water supply schemes have been subsumed in Urban Infrastructure Development Scheme for Small and Medium Towns (UIDSSMD launched under Jawahar Lal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNUAM). 23 water supply projects costing As. 317.89 crore were sanctioned under UIDSSMT. An amount of Rs. 156.42 crore including central assistance of Rs. 143.33

crore was received and Rs. 79.54 crore were spent ending September 2009 under this central project. n Water supply scheme for Sopore town costing Rs. 33.00 crore and water supply scheme for Udhampur town costing Rs. 28.82 crare were sanctioned under central project "UIDSSMT". Additional central assistance of Rs. 15.09 crore and Rs. 13.40 n crore received respectively for water supply schemes Sopore and Udhampur towns. n Water supply projects Tangnar and Sukhnag are being executed under the central project Development of Urban Infrastructure and Govemance (DUIG) at a cost of Rs. 148.37 crores and 121.00 crores respectively. For these water supply projects, budgetary support of Rs. 58.38 crore has been received from Government of India. n All the 22 districts have been covered under Total Sanitation Campaign. As on October 2009, 131727 individual household latrines 11288 school toilets, 495 community sanitary complexes and 955 anganwari toilets were constructed.

INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT n Out of the estimated hydro power potential of 20,000 MWs in the State, 16480 MWs have been identified of which only approximately 14 percent Le. 2318 MWs have been exploited safar. n In the year 2009-10, the State is likely to add 137.50MWs which will make an aggregate of 2456.20 MWs or 14.90 percent of identified potential and by the end of 1'1 th Five Year Plan about 5733.61 MWs will be added which will accumulate total harnessed potential to 8189.81 MWs or 50.46 percent of identified potential. n With the commissioning of 450 MW Phase-I of Baglihar Hydroelectric Power Project in December 2008. the installed capacity of the State sector power projects has reached 758.70 MWs. n With the completion of four more power projects of Pahalgam (Unit III), Machil, Sanjak and Baderwah (Unit III), 3.61 MWs will be added to the power generation potential during 2009-10. n The Installed capacity of Central sector power projects from three commissioned projects is 1680 MWs (estimated, by the end of 2009-10). The demand of Power in J&K state, as per the 16th Power Survey conducted by Ministry of Energy, Gal is around 2120 MWs.

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n Aggregate Technical and Commercial (A T&C) losses in power are very high in the state and have been put around 63.94% (E). n The revenue realization of Rs 457.99 crore (ending December, 2009) under Power Sector during 2009-10. n JAKEDA under Rural Electrification Scheme has electrified 50 unelectrified villages during 2008-09 by providing 8297 Solar Home Lights. n 2500 Solar Home Lights have been also distributed under general category under Solar Photovoltaic Programme of MNRE, Gol. Besides, 8000 Solar Lanterns were also distributed in the unelectrified villages/hamlets of the state. n Against the total road length of 18809 kms maintained by State R&B Department, 9560kms are black topped, 4832 kms metalled, 1315 kms shingled, 3000 kms fair weather and 102 kms jeepable. n Four lanning of Jammu- Srinagar national highway has been approved by the Central government. The work on the historical Mughal Road as an alternate road to the present Sri nagar- Jammu highway is under execution at an approved cost of Rs 639.85 crore, the completion of which is expected during the year 2011. n 2735 habitations are yet to be connected with roads as against the total number of 9933 habitations.

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n Ending March, 2009, 119 bridges under PMRP have been completed. Besides, 90 bridges are presently at different stages of progress. n The number of registered vehicles in March 2009 stood at 668427 as compared to 299104 number of registered vehicles in March 2000. The number of vehicles available per lakh of population in the state stood at 5342 (March 2009) as against the figure of 6739 at all India level of March 2004. n 33 km Railway section of MazhamaBaramulla has been inaugurated on Feb. 14th, 2009 for normal train traffic as against the previous service which was available for

Anantnag-Mazhama section. The rail link from Anantnag to Qazigund has also been completed and made operational.

Similarly the work on the rail link from Qazigund to Banihal is going at a full swing and is expected to be commissioned by May 2012. n Out of the three domestic Airports of the State, Srinagar Airport has been upgraded as International Airport and inaugurated on 14th of February 2009. n The subscriber base of the mobile service providers Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited (BSNL), Bharti Televentures (Airtel), Dishnet Wireless (Aircel) - and Vodafone Eraser was 4347781 ending December 2009 in the state.

LOC TRADE n Since the start of the LoC trade from 21.10.2008 to 31.12.2009, forty three items in total have been exported through Chakan-da-Bagh-Poonch route valuing RS.5269 crore. Agriculture I Horticulture Products valuing Rs. 50.10 crore, Dry Fruits of Rs. 0.36 crore, Herbs amounting to Rs. 1.38 crore and Miscellaneous items for Rs. 0.82 crore were the most prominent items. n During the period 21-10-2008 to 31-012010, imports worth Rs. 93.82 crore. (Pakistani currency) were traded through the same route .The most important items were Agriculture/Horticulture products (Rs 76.33 crore), Dry Fruits (Rs. 13.73 crore) and Herbs (Rs. 2.43 crore) and

Miscellaneous items [Rs 1.32 crore]. n Since inception of the LoC trade on 21.10.2008 up to 31.12.2009, twenty nine items in total have been exported through Salamabad Uri route valuing Rs. 52.7218 crore. Fresh fruits and vegetables, dry fruits, Rajmash, mixed spices, Shawls and Stoles, Paper Machie and Kangdi were the most prominent goods. n During the period 21-10-2008 to 31-012010, imports worth Rs. 64.6719 crore. (Pakistani currency) were traded through the same route. The most important items were fresh fruits and vegetables, Maize, Dates Fresh, Honey, Jaya Namaz, and Shawls / Scarfs / Dupata.

POVERTY AND UN-EMPLOYMENT n The total BPL estimated population ratio of J&K State has arrived at 21.63% (24.21 lakh persons) constituting 26.14% (22.00 lakh persons) for rural areas and 7.96% (2.21 lakh persons) for urban areas as per the survey conducted in 2008 by the Directorate of Economics and Statistics.

Poverty ratio at all India level for the year 2004-05 was found to be 27.50% with 28.30% in Rural and 25.70% in Urban areas as per NSSO Survey. n On the basis of BPL Head Count Ratio, the seven poorest districts in the State are Reasi, Ramban, Kisthwar, Poonch, Kupwara, Kargil, and Bandipora which have more than 30 percent estimated BPL Population ranging between 31.09 percent to 37.93 percent. n The BPL Survey conducted by the Directorate of Economics & Statistics in 2008 reveal that the highest percentage of Urban poverty is in district Kulgam with 15.83% followed by district Pulwama with 14% and district Ganderbal with 13.87%.

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n The Social-group distribution of BPL Population indicates the dispersion of 42.05 percent in case of Scheduled Tribes, 38.07 percent in case of Other Backward Classes (including Paharis), 22.77 percent in case of Scheduled Caste while as others categories show only 16.85 percent of population under Below Poverty Line when compared with the respective population of a particular category.

This shows that highest incidence of poverty is among Scheduled Tribe population followed by OBC Category inclusive of Pahari speaking population. n The Government has ordered for re-verification of BPL lists maintained by the various departments in the state.

The Deputy Commissioners and Tehsildars have been appointed as Nodal authorities for carrying out the reverification within their respective jurisdictions The report has to be submitted to the State Planning & Development Department within three months from the date of the issue of the order i.e 25-06-2009.

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n Unemployment rate in respect of J&K State, has been worked out to be 5.2% (5.4% for males and 3.5% for females) which is on higher side when compared to All India figures of 3.1 percent (3.1 % for males and 3.0% for females) as per Usual Principal Status as per the findings of 62nd round of NSS (July 2005-June 2006) Report. n The number of registered illiterate unemployed youths has increased to 4033 in 2009 from 3141 during 2008, thereby showing an increasing of 28.39 percent in the state. The number of educated unemployed has increased to 376520 in 2009 from 80529 during 2008. This sharp Increase has been attributed to the latest data provided by district employment exchanges after registering almost every unemployed youth who voluntarily came to register their names this time before announcement of Employment Policy by the Govt of J&K. n Sher-i- Kashmir Employment and Welfare Programme (SKEWPY) for the youth was launched on 5th December 2009. The state government has announced that the implementation of the historic Employment Policy in the state will start from April 2010. The policy needs Rs 300 to

400 crore annually for stipend to be provided under package. The Policy document depicts that the state government shall provide 5 lac employment opportunities for the youth including one lac government jobs to unemployed educated youth in a phased manner in coming five years. The policy also has a place for loans on easy instalments for unemployed youth to generate their own units, besides providing financial support in the shape of monthly Voluntary Service Allowance (VSA) to all the unemployed educated youth of the State. n To overcome the problem of constantly increasing population of educated unemployed youth, (reason being lack of adequate private sector) the state government sanctioned the setting up of "J&K Sate Overseas Employment Corporation" with an authorized share capital of Rs 100 lakh to facilitate educated and skilled youth to seek employment within and outside the country. n Under National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NAREGA), 61.18 lac persondays were generated and 5.79 lakh (cumulative) job cards have been issued till ending November, 2009.

PRICE / INFLATION n General Index of Industrial Workers in Srinagar City increased by 8.17% during 2008-09 compared to 6.39% during 200708. Inflation rate of 8.93% (2008-09) and 5.03% (2007-08) on this series has been posted at All India level. n General Index of Agricultural Labourers recorded 8.49% increase during 2008-09 in J&K compared to 9.59% rate of increase in the country. n General Index of Rural Labourers inflated by 7.86% in J&K and 10.84% in India during 2008-09. n Although Wholesale Price Index (WPI) is the popular measure of headline inflation in the country, however, Consumer Price Index are also used to tract inflation. The sections for which CPls are computed are Industrial Workers (CPI - IW), Agricultural labourers (CPI - Al), Rural labourers (CPI -Rl) and Urban Non Manual Employees (CPI UNME . n During the year 2008-09 General Index of Industrial

Workers in Srinagar city increased by 8.73% against 9.02% at all India when compared to 2007-08 Index. During April to September 2009 regarding Sri nagar centre and April to August 2009 in case of all India CPI - IW (General Index), recorded inflation rate of 7.46% in Srinagar city and 9.15% at all India when compared to the corresponding periods of previous year . n CPI - Al dunng 2008-09 increased by 10.05% in J&K and 10.02% at all India over 2007-08 and during the penod April to August 2009 CPI - Al increased by 12.74% In J&K and 11.44% at all India when compared to the corresponding period of previous year. n Regarding Consumer Price Index for Rural labourers the rate of inflation for the year 2008-09 was 7.33째/0 compared to 6.23% for 2007-08 and 10.02% at all India for 2008-09.

FOOD MANAGEMENT n For distribution of the essential commodities efficiently the Consumer Affairs & Public Distribution Department has a network of 6200 authorised sale centres and fair price shops. On an average one sale centre/fair price shop is available per 2018 people . n Targeted Public Distribution System (TPDS) is an important constituent of poverty alleviation programme as it is

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focused towards poor. Under TPDS, there are 19.56 lakh ration card holders, (12.23 lakh APl, 4.80 lakh BPl and 2.56 lakh AA V). They are provided 35 kg food grains per month on the subsidized prices prescribed for each scheme . n Import of food grains during the year 200809 were 784.4 thousand metric tonnes and off take figures were 656.6 thousand mel tonnes.

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PATNITOP

SANASAR

PATNITOP HILL RESORT AN ECO-FRIENDY TOURIST DESTINATION Help Us to Preserve the Environment & Ecology of the area Use of Polythene is banned in PATNITOP

Patnitop Development Authority Kud, District Udhampur (J&K) Tele-fax: 01992-288146, 288129