The Express Tribune Magazine - February 20

FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

The End of The Beginning Egypt’ss battle battle for democracy demo ocracy starts now

18

Power to the People 30

All The Right Notes 40 HOROSCOPE

REVIEWS

QUESTIONNAIRE

PEOPLE

FEATURES

FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

Cover Story 18 The End of The Beginning Egypt’s battle for democracy starts now 24 We All Fall Down...

The revolution sends ripples across the region 30 Power To The People A look at history reveals who a revolution’s real heroes are

Portfolio 34 Umm ad-Dunya Walk the ancient streets of Cairo

18

Feature 40 All The Right Notes A Pakistani qawwali singer makes waves in France

Fashion

34

42 Passionate About Pret Sania Masakatiya’s line has something for everyone

Up North and Personal 50 What Storms May Come Mother nature takes her revenge on the mountainside

Regulars 6 People & Parties: Out and about with Pakistan’s beautiful people 16 Tribune Questionnaire: Sharmila Farooqi on mood swings 46 Reviews: What’s new in films 52 Horoscope: Shelley von Strunckel on your week ahead 44 Ten Things I Hate About: Street protests

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Editor: Zarrar Khuhro. Sub-Editors: Batool Zehra, Hamna Zubair Creative Team: Amna Iqbal, Jamal Khurshid, Essa Malik, Anam Haleem, Tariq Alvi, S Asif Ali, Samad Siddiqui, Sukayna Sadik Publisher: Bilal A Lakhani. Executive Editor: Muhammad Ziauddin. Editor: Kamal Siddiqi.

For feedback and submissions: magazine@tribune.com.pk

PEOPLE & PARTIES

Express Family Festival

Crowds gather po at Karachi’s Ex re Cent

Performances entertained the audience

Activities for children included face-painting

eebul SUIT head Ad Hasan Rizvi

6 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

joys The crowd en ow sh y ed m a co

People wait for another performance

PEOPLE & PARTIES

Asim Jofa’s lawn exhibition

, Saima Sadia Imam ri La ia ar M and

Ayesha Omer

Nomi Ansari with Faiza

Asim Jofa and Freiha Altaf

8 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

irza

Khursheed M

Maheeda, Roze and Nargis

PEOPLE & PARTIES

Faizan Haque

Iman Ali, Jofa’s brand ambassador

Saima Mahmood

Anoshay Ashraf on the red carpet Mr and Mrs Ramage, Consul Genral Of France

10 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

The Catwalk team

PEOPLE & PARTIES

‘Propaganda’ launch in Lahore

hmi Aabroo Has Azmat am and Mar

Ali Saleem

an

Sakib and Salm

12 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

Tania

Arsalan, Ayesha and Imtisal

PHOTO CREDIT: BILAL MUKHTAR EVENTS & PR

Abeer and Mustafa Peracha

Architects Inc Awais, Saad and Ifran

Humayun with Jay

Zainab Ahah

Asma Mumtaz and Sara Waqar Maira,Anum, Alisha,Mina, zara

Ayesha and Fizza Aslam

13 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

PEOPLE & PARTIES

Nomi Qamar and Noori Malik

Misha and Anushka Peracha

Amina and Murtaza Rana

Abeer and Zara S Lubna, Huma and Bilal Mukhtar

14 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

Jehan, Hina butt, Sehr and Nosh

“I don’t let go of things at the right time” Information Secretary of the Pakistan Peoples’ Party Ladies Wing Sindh Sharmila Farooqi on mood swings, being a girl-next door and the love of her life.

What is your idea of perfect happiness?

What is your most marked characteristic?

Perfect ignorance.

Sarcasm laced with humour.

What is the trait you most deplore in yourself?

Which historical figure do you most identify with?

I don’t let go of things at the right time.

Mumtaz Mahal.

What is the trait you most deplore in others?

What is your greatest regret?

Being a show-off.

Not having done my bar-at-law.

What is your greatest extravagance?

What do you look forward to most in the next six weeks?

Rock ‘n republic jeans.

A vacation!

On what occasion do you lie?

What were you doing at 12am last night?

When caught red-handed!

Eating at BBQ Tonite.

What do you most dislike about your appearance?

What are you wearing right now?

My height.

Itar – I’m wearing my favourite perfume.

What is the quality you most like in a man?

How would you like to be remembered?

Good manners .

As a girl next door.

What is the quality you most like in a woman?

What is the most important lesson life has taught you?

Courage.

To fight for myself.

Which words or phrases do you most overuse?

Which super power would you most like to have?

“So what?”

I’d like to have Aladin ka chiragh.

If you could change one thing about yourself, what would it be?

How would you like to die?

My mood swings.

In style.

What do you consider your greatest achievement?

What objects do you always carry with you?

That I’m a good daughter.

Chap stick, a watch and my Blackberry.

If you were to die and come back as a person or a thing, what would

Who or what is the greatest love of your life?

it be?

My dad.

A cat.

Where would you most like to live?

In Pakistan.

What do you regard as the lowest depth of misery?

Helplessness.

Do you believe in life after death?

Yes. Which living person do you most admire?

Nelson Mandela. a

17 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

COVER C OVER STORY STORY

the end of the

beginning

BY GIBRAN PESHIMAM

18 18 FEBRUARY FE FEBR F E BR RUA UARY UAR UARY AR A RY R Y 13113-19 33 - 119 9 2010 2 01 0 10 10

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COVER C OVER STORY STORY

Tens of thousands of protestors took to the streets, bringing down the Egyptian regime and setting up a legacy that would define Egyptian politics for decades. But this is not the tale of the 2011 Revolution. The day was January 25th, 1952 and the spark was not Tunisia but the Suez crisis.

Fifty nine years later, to the day, on January 25, 2011, hundreds of thousands of Egyptians came out on to the streets once again – this time to protest against President Hosni Mubarak’s rule, a product of the system born of the 1952 revolt.

With his departure, the cycle begins again... can Egypt finally move on from being a ‘controlled’ democracy (or a semi-autocracy), to becoming the first fully-functional Arab democracy?

Mubarak’s departure in itself means little.

Egypt’s authoritarian structure — authoritarian because, though the country has seen elections, they have hardly been democratic — has been in place well before Mubarak came to power.

Before him, Muhammad Anwer El Sadat ruled from 1970 to 1981. Before him Gamal Abdel Nasser ruled from June 23, 1956 to 1970, and before him Mohammad Naguib held power from 1952 to 1956.

The faces at the helm changed but in reality, the system was run by the same military-backed regime since 1952. Each deputy conveniently takes over from the incumbent. This has been the status quo for 59 years.

Naguib took power following a military coup d’état in 1952.

Nasser, Naguib’s supposed deputy would eventually take over the reins a few years into the ‘revolution’.

In 1970, after Nasser died of a heart attack, his vice-president, Sadat took over.

Sadat ruled for 11 years, and, following his assassination, his vice-president, Hosni Mubarak, took over Now, with Mubarak’s exit, what remains to be seen is if his vice-president, Omar Suleiman, who was handed the reins during his last few days, or any of other Mubarak’s long-time loyalists, such as Egypt’s Defence Minister Field Marshal Muhammad Hussein Tantawi, takes over. If they do come to power, the White Revolution, as it is being called, will have amounted to nothing.

Though the military is now asserting itself by effectively forcing pro-democracy elements to ‘get back to work’ after 18 days of unrest, and has also banned public meetings of labour and other unions, the reality is that, for the first time in six decades it is on the back foot.

The game plan: filling the void

ing pro-democracy elements to ‘get back to work’ after 18 days

With Mubarak gone, the military is in charge of the country

of unrest, and has also banned public meetings of labour and

through the euphemistically named ‘Higher Military Council’

other unions, the reality is that, for the first time in six decades

(HMC).

it is on the back foot, despite some cautious support from the

The HMC has pledged to hold power only until the planned polls in September, and the nature and transparency of the elections will be the most important part of the process, as will the laws governing them.

Over the last 59 years, elections have largely been a farce in

people because the generals did not take Mubarak’s side during the protests.

Before Mubarak’s exit, the September elections were meant to be only for the slot of president, while the parliamentary elections were not to be held up until 2015.

Egypt, with the regime using them to prolong its rule or bring

However, the HMC has had to scrap the Constitution (which

in a chosen successor, who then propped up his rule through a

had many key anti-democratic provisions that date back to

dummy parliament and prime minister. And then the cycle re-

Nasser’s regime), and the massive pro-democracy protests have

peats yet again.

demanded that Mubarak’s NDP (effectively an Army party) be

The current situation, however, is a game-changer. It now seems the military-backed establishment will not be able to perpetuate its hold on power without serious political upheaval.

sidelined — which it has been with the dissolution of the parliament.

The dissolution of parliament and constitution means that

Nasser died suddenly and in the vacuum left by his death, Sa-

the entire political system is now up for change. There is clearly

dat was able to slip, or be slipped, in. Though he was unpopular

a huge political vacuum. And politics, just like nature, abhors

towards the end, Sadat’s assassination shocked Egypt and al-

a vacuum.

lowed his chosen successor, Mubarak, to slip in too.

Mubarak, however, was thrown out by the people and anyone

The faces: out with the old, in with the new

even remotely associated with him is currently deeply despised.

There is tremendous speculation over who will come out to be

Nothing shocking enough has happened to veil a push to per-

Egypt’s next leader. People also wonder if the military will actu-

petuate power and bring in a Suleiman or Tantawi.

ally risk ceding power through free and fair elections for the post

And that is what makes the next few months in the lead up to the elections more interesting.

of president.

There aren’t many names that come immediately to mind,

This is where the status quo vs change battle will be fought.

given that over a 30-year period Mubarak effectively crushed all

Though the military is now asserting itself by effectively forc-

possible and potential across the entire political spectrum.

COVER STORY The name Amr Moussa has recently cropped up, as he has announced that he will be contesting the next elections. He is

dog, a Nobel laureate and a face that was omnipresent during the recent uprising against Mubarak.

a respected figure in Egypt and abroad given his role in peace

The world may know ElBaradei, but it seems many in Egypt

initiatives with Israel, but has past ties with Mubarak. He was

do not, especially when you venture out of the cities. His stand

the ousted president’s foreign minister up until 2001, and since

vis-à-vis the outgoing president and his regime will not have en-

then has held the largely ceremonial post of heading the Arab

deared him to the military establishment either.

League.

But as a part of a greater understanding, he could possibly be

Global powers may support the experienced and diplomacyinclined Moussa, but it remains to be seen where he stands with

thrust into power given his potential saleability with both the people as well as with the West.

the military, given that reports suggested that he had a falling out with Mubarak. Conversely, a man who has already been part

Who’s afraid of the Ikhwan?

of the system since before Mubarak took power also may not fit

The prospects of the much-debated (and feared) Jama’at al-Ikh-

in with the peoples’ desire to see change and fresh faces.

wan al-Muslimun (The Muslim Brotherhood) coming into im-

Of course, there will be attempts by the establishment to

mediate power are misplaced only to the extent that they may

bring back familiar faces, but this runs the risk of angering an

not have a leader to contest a presidential race, which depends

already charged population.

more on individual personality than on collective political pro-

There is a very real chance the polls will be postponed on the

grammes.

premise of ‘instability’ and ‘security’ concerns — which could be

The ‘threat’ they pose is more in the parliamentary race.

a route the HMC takes to let sentiments against pro-military,

What could be pivotal is the Brotherhood’s support for ElBara-

pro-Mubarak elements such as Suleiman or Tantawi die down.

dei, and some sort of possible nexus there. Early in 2010, the

Perhaps this is why Tantawi was given the ‘charge’ of the HMC

group said it would support him if he were to run in the presi-

instead of heir-apparent Suleiman, Mubarak’s trusted deputy,

dential race. If this continues even now that Mubarak, their

who can now lay low till the situation cools down and then re-

common enemy, is gone, Baradei’s standing could receive a

turn as a ‘legitimate’ presidential candidate.

huge boost locally and make him the favourite to take over, and

A name that has made the most headlines is that of Mohamed

conversely give the Brotherhood a shot at direct political power.

ElBaradei, the former chief of the international atomic watch-

According to diplomatic cables leaked by Wikileaks, discussions between US officials and the Egyptian government and opposition leaders often focused on the possibility of change within the regime.

A leaked cable from January 2010 summarises US Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labour Michael Posner’s meeting with members of Egyptian civil society as such: “Opposition political leaders agreed that prospects for significant political reform are slim while President Mubarak remains in office. Most expected Mubarak to be a candidate in 2011, and predicted the military would play a role in succession to ensure stability.”

A separate cable speaks of the FBI’s Deputy Director’s meeting with Egyptian intelligence head Abdul Rahman and addresses the issue of the Muslim Brotherhood: “State Security Investigative Service (SSIS) head Abdul Rahman spoke at length about the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB), terming the group “terrorists, not political oppositionists.” During a lengthy heartfelt monologue, Abdul Rahman asserted that, “you just do not understand the MB like we do. It is an extremist group, from which all Islamic extremists have sprung, and even now, despite having changed tactics and not engaging in actual violent operations, it is still providing financial support to Hamas.”

The delicately balanced US-Egypt relationship is referred to many times throughout the leaked cables, as is illustrated by a cable regarding a meeting of US senators with then President Mubarak: “In an unusual, if oblique, reference to US assistance to Egypt and calls for political reform, Mubarak told Senator Dorgan that “Egypt will never accept pressure. However, we are willing to be persuaded.”

22 FEBRUARY 13-19 2010

What will the new power dynamic between the powerful executive and impotent parliament be? Will bans on certain types of parties (such as religious ones) continue? Will the executive continue to hold sway — which is the case with all Middle Eastern ‘democracies’?

The law: change is also dependant on the ‘new’ Constitution

Brotherhood’s main support comes from its widespread and

More important than who comes to power in Egypt is what sort

highly effective social programs. The Ikhwan, which started

of system is introduced when the Constitution is “rewritten” un-

as a social organisation, runs schools, charities and hospitals

der the HMC’s watch, and how free the polls will be.

across Egypt. And this has been a great source of strength for

What will the new power dynamic between the traditionally

them in a country with deep economic divides.

powerful executive and impotent parliament be? Will bans on

So how have they performed when compared to other parties?

certain types of parties (such as religious ones) continue? Will

Let’s start with the 2000 elections: despite many fetters placed

the executive continue to hold inordinate sway — which is the

directly on the party, the Brotherhood was able to comfortably

case with all Middle Eastern ‘democracies’?

outshine the combination of the Liberal, Nasserist, National

If not, then the prospects of meaningful democratic change

Gathering, and Wadf parties, who ran 352 candidates but took

are greater in Egypt and could have an effect on other regimes in

only 16 seats (3.5 per cent of the assembly). In comparison, the

the Middle East parading as democracies or semi-democracies,

Muslim Brotherhood, despite massive pressure and an official

which, like Egypt, are in reality run either by a single person or

ban, was able to clinch as many seats by running only 63 can-

family or an influential group.

didates.

The dark horse: the Brotherhood’s chances

the group secured 88 seats (about 20 per cent of the parliament).

By the 2005 elections, independent candidates representing If this is indeed the case, as it should be, then the equation turns

In 2010, the Brotherhood took a beating at the hands of the

dramatically in favour of the Brotherhood emerging as a potent

NDP — but then so did all parties, in an election that was so con-

political force. The group has been at the vanguard of democratic

troversial that it spurred “concern” and “disappointment” even

struggle in Egypt since it was first banned in 1955 by Nasser, re-

from staunch Mubarak ally, the US.

gardless of the fear it instills in the West and Israel and regardless of being disqualified and fettered by law.

The question is, can the Brotherhood overcome the ‘fear’ surrounding it — among in the local elite and the international

If nothing else, the Brotherhood has, for a long while, been

powers. An even greater danger is that the Egyptian establish-

the only organised political force in Egypt along with Mubarak’s

ment, addicted to power, will try and water down reforms and

NDP. And with the inevitable spurning of the NDP, the Brother-

control the aftermath of the revolution. This will likely not be

hood stands to gain the most, even though it did not directly

acceptable to a people who have so recently tasted the heady

participate in the Egyptian revolution.

brew of freedom, and their reaction would truly be something

Despite the fear of its Islamist nature and radical roots, the

to fear. a

23 FEBRUARY 13-19 2010

COVER STORY

and we all fall

down…

BY SEAN MCLAIN

Egypt and Tunisia’s popular revolutions may have far-reaching consequences for the Arab world.

On January 24, few people thought that the Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak would be forced out of office by a crowd of angry protestors. The same could be said for his fellow ex-autocrat, Zine el Abedine Ben Ali. The question the region’s observers and many of its leaders are asking is: who’s next?

In many ways Tunisia was an unlikely place to spark what

cal dialogue and dissent causing even small grievances to stew and bubble over.

However, Ben Ali and Mubarak ruled their respective countries for three decades before they were unceremoniously dumped by their constituents. Unemployment, angry youth, and street protests are nothing new. Why then were these protests so large?

What gave them the inertia to overcome even the most stubborn of autocrats, Mubarak?

many are calling a regional revolution. As with many crises,

There may be some formula out there, but the key component

pundits with the benefit of hindsight claim otherwise. Unem-

seems to be hopelessness – the kind of hopelessness that leads

ployment was high, much higher than official figures indicated.

young men to douse themselves in petrol and strike a match. In

This is a region where one in three lives on less than $2 a day,

Egypt’s case it was a sense that the people were at the utter mercy

and inflation was driving them into abject poverty. A massive

of the regime’s thuggish politicians and their cronies. The brutal

“youth bulge” from high birth rates is creating more workers

and public beating to death of Khaled Said gave a face to a genera-

than the economy can hope to absorb. The regime stifled politi-

tion of young people without a future. There are certainly other

24 FEBRUARY 13-19 2010

countries in the region with youth who have similar stories to

ing to a popular uprising. Abroad, King Adbullah II is lauded for

tell. Some of them are already protesting in the streets hoping to

his pragmatic foreign policymaking and credited for driving a pro-

repeat the successes of Tunisia and Egypt.

gramme of economic liberalization but unemployment remains a problem. Officially the unemployment rate is estimated to be

Algeria

around 15%, but youth unemployment is roughly four times that

If unemployment and uneven economic development were fac-

figure.

tors in Ben Ali and Mubarak’s demise then Abdelaziz Bouteflika

Jordanians also appear to be tired of the King’s preferred method

has much to worry about. Algeria’s economy is the worst per-

of reform – sacking the cabinet – and are looking for something

forming in the region. Political repression is also rife.

more concrete. The King and his high profile Queen Rania, are

In 1991, after the elections were won by the Islamists, the gov-

rarely criticised in public, and the recent public accusation of cor-

ernment cancelled the results and declared a state of emergency

ruption by the Hashemite ruler’s support base amongst the Sunni

in response to the subsequent violence. Algeria is no stranger

tribes is reason for pause.

to unrest, but unlike in previous cases there appears to be little

Most commentators agree on the relative security of the King-

motivation other than anger driving this group of protesters. As

dom’s ruling family for no other reason than the fear amongst the

with Ben Ali and Mubarak, nebulous promises of reform and a

Eastern tribes that a liberal democracy will be run by Palestinian

broader tolerance of dissent have been met with only more force-

immigrants who have been disenfranchised by their Jordanian

ful protests. However, Bouteflika has proved more resilient than

hosts. That calculation changes should those tribes turn against

Ben Ali and Mubarak. Protests have continued on and off since

the King. That said, it is far more likely that they are using the

late December, a few days after the uprising in Tunisia began.

momentum for change to obtain concession and a further cementing of their political power.

Jordan In the Levant, Jordan appears to be in the most danger of succumb-

The West Bank and Gaza 25 FEBRUARY 13-19 2010

COVER C OVER STORY STORY The Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip could also be ripe

is seen most prominently in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Bahrain.

for revolt, despite the fact that the media spotlight has yet to fall

Bahrain appears to be under the greatest threat. The first post-oil

on them. Unemployment in Gaza is near 50% mostly due to an Is-

economy among the GCC states, the Kingdom has far fewer funds to

raeli blockade but also to mismanagement by the de facto Hamas

dole out to the population. The Sunnis, which rule the island state,

government. In the West Bank, simmering anger at decades of

are the minority and the Shiites feel dispossessed by their religious

feckless rule by an anaemic Palestinian Authority was given an

cousins. A few thousand people have rallied outside the Egyptian

additional spark by the release of confidential papers by Al Jazeera

embassy, ostensibly in support of the youth movement there, but

showing apparent capitulation on key Palestinian territorial de-

also for greater political freedoms in their homeland.

mands in negotiations with the Israelis. However, Israel remains

Shiite rioting has become commonplace in Bahrain; often,

the greater of two evils to the Palestinians, and they are probably

youths will throw rocks at police in the early evening before go-

too afraid of what would happen should they lose what leadership

ing out with their friends for the evening. However, there are his-

they have to stage a coup.

toric reasons to be concerned. Riots in 1991 led to the removal of the previous ruler and the installing of his son, King Hamad bin

The Gulf states

Isa Al Khalifa. He enacted the National Action Charter, promising

The Gulf is a more curious case. Its citizens are widely considered to

democratic reforms and personal freedoms, but he has delivered

be complacent beneficiaries of wealthy rentier states, but stereotypes

on few of them. So, it is no coincidence that protests in Manama

are misleading. All of them have a degree of internal dissent, which

are scheduled for the 10th anniversary of the charter’s ratification.

Bahrain appears to be under the greatest threat. The first post-oil economy among the GCC states, the Kingdom has far fewer funds to dole out to the population.

THE REVOLUTION WILL NOT BE TWITTERISED

By Jahanzaib Haque “Correlation does not equal causation” should be the slogan stapled to the heads of the rabid global Twitterati, who believe their millions of one-line updates have played a major role in revolutions in Moldova, Iran, Tunisia, and now, Egypt.

Wake up call: revolutions do not take place in front of a keyboard or by sharing grainy photos of people getting beaten up or killed in the streets. Remember the hype around Neda Soltani, the Iranian ice woman who died protesting on the streets of Iran in 2009? No justice there, and no revolution either.

The reason why revolutions come and go, fail or succeed has very edia little (not nothing) to do with media coverage, and while ‘social media iactivists’ would argue otherwise, they need only look over to traditional media and real-world activism to get a handle on reality.

The revolution begins Every journalist who has spent a fair amount of time on a single beat knows his/her success ratio in creating minisave cule social change: one in 100. To create even a small wave of social change? One in a million.

These statistics apply to the real world social activist too, who rationally ranks her impact even lower as she has to start at the grassroots and lobby towards social change. These are the real heroes of any revolution; the ones who labour for decades before seeing results.

The revolution takes off Once a wave of social change gets rolling though, you will see

Nor is it any coincidence that the King has gifted roughly $2,500

There is an undeniable momentum for change in a region be-

for every family to mark the same occasion. However, a revolt is

set by the worst unemployment and some of the most politically

less likely than concessions from the King, who has been ham-

stagnant regimes in the world. However, caution must be urged.

strung by hardline elements within the family and ruling elite op-

Each country has its peculiar dynamics and each factor that po-

posed to such change.

tentially leads to revolt has a different weight in each.

Revolutions are peculiar things, the ingredients are well

Yemen

known and have been picked apart by numerous pieces of pun-

Yemen is riddled by insurgency, sectarianism and war and has

ditry in the wake of the events in Tunisia and Egypt. Ben Ali and

been since its creation as a modern state. Ali Abdullah Saleh rules

Mubarak were in power for 30 years before they were thrown out.

by the silk glove of patronage to his support base and the iron fist

Others, such as Bahrain and Iran survived nascent revolutions

of military might. He has balanced fear of Shiite militias and Al

either, in the case of Bahrain, by promising reform, or brutal

Qa’eda to justify his policies both at home and abroad, but his

repression like in Iran. Revolutions defy prediction and analysis

failure to bring stability to the country has made his excuses

because they need an extra spark to drive an angry population

wear thin. Saleh has tried to appease the population by saying he

into a frenzy. It takes an act of faith for a population to dive out of

would not run for re-election, but he has reneged on that prom-

relative stability into the anarchic unknown. It rarely happens,

ise before, and if it did not work for Mubarak it is not likely to

but it can happen to any country. Sometimes all it takes is the

work for Saleh.

despair of one angry young man. a

traditional media and social media start to pay attention. There will be more coverage, more visible debate, and this process is often erroneously labeled ‘activism’ when it is actually ‘hype’ around the work being done by the above, or just the socio-economic and political conditions of a country playing themselves out.

Please note: this occurs in the last stages of the revolution, and while online activists jumping on the bandwagon here may be the straw that broke the camel’s back, let’s just call a straw a straw, shall we?

Yes, hype does have a small role to play in revolutions, and currently, the novelty of covering hype on Twitter or Facebook has resulted in uber-hype. What could be easier and more engaging than to cover the coverage, especially when it makes every individual Facebook and Twitter user feel they are empowered (and celebs) via being reported about in the news? However, the erroneous argument here is that “the hype is causing change”.

No, the level of hype is just an indicator of change which is taking place – it is not the change maker itself.

down altogether.

From here on out, the revolution has emerged victorious - not because of the media being curbed, but because that act of curbing the media is an indicator to the degree to which the dictator/ regime is powerless, thus forcing them to lash out at what is the weakest link in the revolution mix.

Step back from the ecstasy of witnessing social upheaval and the lesson for online activists is: congratulations, you are the weakest link. Thank you for your tiny blip of input, which probably had little impact on the revolution, but made for a great story in the end.

The revolution climaxes So now that the revolution has reached its peak, there will be millions of Twitter updates and article sharing and late-night discussions about ‘change and ‘revolt’. The revolution is now hip.

Much akin to the logic presented by Adam Curtis in his documentary, ‘The Power of Nightmares’, dictators and evil regimes buy into the hype surrounding the efficacy of this online social activity, assume it’s a monster, get paranoid and delusional, and start cracking down on individual online social activists (particular case in point: Iran) or in the case of Hosni Mubarak, shut the internet

After the revolution The revolution is now over and everyone is basking in collective glory. Time to reflect on some nuggets by foreign affairs commentator Evgeny Morozov: “While the Internet could make the next revolution more effective, it could also make it less likely… we should consider how it empowers the government via surveillance, how it disempowers citizens via entertainment, how it transforms the nature of dissent by shifting it into a more virtual realm, how it enables governments to produce better and more effective propaganda, and so forth.”

For the birth of every new online social activist, there are a dozen others coming online to watch YouTube videos of silly monkeys in funny hats. The revolution will definitely be more visible online, with more people under the illusion that they are ‘taking part’ but that is not where revolutions are born and carried out; for the vast majority, that is where they are watched, with enough interactivity and engagement to feel as if you’re part of the experience.

COVER STORY

COVER STORY Ferdinand Marcos Who: Tenth president of the Phillipines Years in power: 1965 to 1986 Claim to infamy:

His regime was accused of murder, nepotism,

corruption and human rights violations. According to Transpar-

power to the

people

ency International, Marcos is the second most corrupt head of government ever.

Downfall:

Marcos was implicated in the assassination of Be-

nigno Aquino, a popular politician who was killed on his return from exile at the Manila Airport in 1983. The Marcos government banned TV coverage of the Aquino funeral and as a result, thousands of people showed up, wanting to see what was going on.

The funeral march turned into an eleventh-hour impromptu demonstration against Marcos.

The voice of the people is louder than most dictators remember. Against the backdrop of events in Tunisia and Egypt, a look back at some of the greatest moments in history reveals who revolutions’ real heroes are.

After two and a half years of protest, Marcos called snap elections in 1986, banking on a divided opposition and the power of his state machinery to deliver an easy victory. Instead, the opposition chose a single candidate, Benigno Aquino’s widow Cory Aquino who was a self-declared housewife. Marcos won the elections, which were widely considered fraudulent but quickly began to lose the support of key groups, including the Catholic Church.

On February 22, 1986 the Defense Minister and Deputy Chief of Staff Fidel Ramos defected from the Marcos government, barricading themselves in the Defense Ministry headquarters in Manila, along with a small group of sympathetic troops.

Loyalist troops were blocked by hundreds of thousands of people who turned out to protect the rebels. They chopped down trees and parked buses in intersections to block streets. For the next four days, entire families camped out on the streets of Manila, using their bodies to protect the rebel troops from attack.

This was the birth of the People’s Power Movement, the first time this term was ever used.

Abandoned by his supporters, an ailing Marcos and his wife boarded a US air force plane and fled the country.

Endgame: Marcos and his cronies fled with 24 suitcases of gold bricks and diamond jewellery hidden in diaper bags along with certificates of gold bullion valued in the billions of dollars. Marcos died of cardiac arrest three years later.

20 FEBRUARY 13-19 2010

Nicolae Ceausescu

Downfall:

On December 16, 1989 antigovernment demonstra-

tions begin to break out in Timisoara in the west of Romania.

Who:

President of Romania

The next day, as large numbers of protesters marched to the Communist Party headquarters in the city, Ceausescu ordered

Years in power: 1974 to 1989

his security forces to fire at the crowd. Up to 4,000 died during the conflict that followed. The ‘Revolution of Timisoara’ ended

Claim to infamy:

His power secured by the use of a powerful

and feared intelligence service, Ceau escu forced millions of Ro-

on December 20 when the demonstrators took control of the city, aided by army defectors.

manians into poverty through ‘austerity’ programs’. People were

As protests spread to the capital of Bucharest, a rally of over

forced to move out of their homes and into apartment blocks

80,000 people was organised by the regime in support of

which lacked heat and power. Villages were demolished and

Ceau escu. However, as Ceausescu spoke to the crowd from a

the peasants forcibly settled in agro-estates, leading to starva-

balcony, he was shouted down by chants such as “Timisoara”,

tion and unemployment. His obsession with population growth

“Down with the murderers”, “Romanians awake”, and “We are

meant that Romanian women were required by law to have five

ready to die.” The television broadcast was stopped, but not be-

children, and were penalised if they failed to do so. Women were

fore images of a visibly shaken Ceausescu were aired.

compelled to have monthly gynaecological exams to ensure that

Next day, the revolution spread across the country and rioters

the regulations were being closely followed. The reproductive

clashed with the military. Around 64,000 died in the revolution.

policy of Ceausescu had serious repercussions including millions of unwanted children being sent to under-funded, abysmal or-

Endgame:

phanages.

special military tribunal and convicted on charges of mass mur-

On December 25, 1989 the Ceausescus were tried by a

But austerity and cruelty was only for the people: 7,000 build-

der and other crimes. The sentence was death and Ceausescu and

ings in the centre of Bucharest (including schools and a hospi-

his wife were executed by firing squad shortly after. They were

tal) were demolished in order to construct a massive government

buried at an undisclosed location and after footage of their dead

building and ceremonial boulevard for the use of the regime.

bodies was broadcast on national television the remaining resis-

Throughout the collapse of the Romanian economy, the state-

tance fell away. The bodies were exhumed and reburied in 2010.

controlled media continued to feed the personality cult of Ceausescu with expansive praise for his leadership.

21 FEBRUARY 13-19 2010

COVER C OVER STORY STORY Jean-Claude Duvalier

Reza Shah Pahlavi

Who: President of Haiti, called Baby Doc, succeeded his father,

Who: Shah of Iran

François “Papa Doc” Duvalier, at the age of 19 to become the youngest president of Haiti.

Years in power: 1941-1979

Years in power: 1971-1986

Claim to infamy: His reign was criticised for oppression, brutality, and corruption. There were shortages and inflation and dis-

Claim to infamy:

Continuing his father’s legacy – Papa Doc

satisfaction with the centralized royal power structure. During

murdered more than 30,000 Haitians during his 14-year regime –

celebrations commemorating the monarchy over $100 million

Baby Doc killed and tortured thousands of Haitian, causing many

were reportedly spent. This became a major scandal and univer-

to flee the country. He lived a lavish lifestyle, spending over $3

sity students protested in the streets.

million on his wedding to while most Haitians survived on one

Many of his policies, including the recognition of Israel, led to

meal a day. His government made millions trafficking in narcot-

loss of the support of the clergy. In 1976 he replaced the Islamic

ics and selling Haitian cadavers to foreign medical schools. The

calendar with an “imperial” calendar, which began with the

regime was also brutally repressive.

foundation of the Persian Empire more than 25 centuries earlier.

He also banned the communist Tudeh Party and cracked down on

Downfall: Duvalier lost support from the black middle class pop-

political expression. SAVAK, Iran’s intelligence agency, was held

ulation by marrying a mulatto divorcee. The extravagance of the wedding and the perception of increased corruption led to discontent among the population.

When swine fever broke out in Haiti in 1978, US authorities insisted upon total eradication of Haiti’s pig population which caused hardships among the peasant population, who bred pigs as an investment. AIDS also became a major problem causing tourism to decline in the 1980s. Economic conditions worsened and hunger and malnutrition spread. In March 1983, when Pope John Paul II visited Haiti called for a more equitable distribution of income, a more egalitarian social structure it contributed to increased popular mobilization and to expanded political activism. A revolt began in the provinces in 1985 starting from the city of Gonaïves and rapidly expanding to others.

Jean-Claude responded with a 10 per cent cut in staple food

responsible for murder, torture and illegal imprisonment.

prices, the closing of independent radio stations, a cabinet reshuffle, and a crackdown by police and army units, but these

Downfall:

moves failed to dampen the momentum of the popular uprising

try and its economy, the Shah fled the country in January 1979

against the dynastic dictatorship.

and Ayatollah Khomeini soon returned from exile to Tehran,

After strikes and demonstrations paralysed the coun-

enthusiastically greeted by millions of Iranians. The Pahlavi Dynasty collapsed ten days later on February 11 when Iran’s military declared it was “neutral” after guerrillas and rebel troops overwhelmed troops loyal to the Shah in armed street fighting. Every sign of the dynasty was destroyed.

Endgame: The Shah and his family fled Iran on January 16, 1979.

Endgame: In January 1986, the US began to pressure Duvalier to

He was forced to go from country to country seeking a residence.

renounce his rule and to leave Haiti. He departed on February 7,

After visiting Egypt, Morocco, Mexico, the Bahamas and the US,

1986 flying to France in an US Air Force aircraft. He made a sur-

he ended up back in Anwar Sadat’s Egypt where he died on July

prise return to Haiti in January 2011 after nearly 25 years of exile

27, 1980. He was buried in Cairo.

in France.

a

A SWISS MAKEOVER Secret, safe and secure... Swiss bank accounts have always been on the must-have lists of corrupt leaders and dictators the world over, but now these safe havens aren’t quite as secure as they used to be...

Former Tunisian leader Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak were both overthrown by people’s movements in their respective countries, but that isn’t all they have in common. A revolution isn’t the end of the trials these ousted leaders will have to face, as they stand to lose access to any money they may have stashed away during their autocratic reigns .

After Ben Ali fled the country, the FBI opened a preliminary probe to determine whether he or his family members possessed any US assets. This was to be expected, but surprisingly the Swiss government also jumped into the fray, ordering a three-year freeze on any assets Ben Ali and his cohorts might have in Switzerland. Similarly, the very same day that Mubarak’s resignation was announced, the Swiss government confirmed that it had frozen the Egyptian leader’s assets with immediate effect.

This move corresponds with the Swiss government’s belated effort to dispel the impression that Switzerland is a good place for dictators to stash their stolen wares. The Swiss government recently adopted the Restitution of Illicit Assets Act, which allows the Swiss Cabinet to freeze contentious assets even if a country has not formally asked Switzerland to do so. Switzerland also hopes to return contentious assets to the country that the assets originated from. It’s a far cry from the image of being the banker to some of the worlds’ most unsavoury characters.

The foreign ministry is said to have devised this law partly because of its experience with Jean-Claude ‘baby doc’ Duvalier, a brutal Haitian dictator who stole millions from his country was deposed in 1986. Much of the money Duvalier stole was kept in Swiss banks. After twenty-five years and much condemnation, Switzerland now intends to return some of Duvalier’s stolen money. Switzerland says it plans to send back about $5.8 million that could be used in Haitian welfare projects.

Before this law was enacted, the Swiss banking sector’s famed secrecy was alternately condemned and praised. Swiss banks have also been the subject of a lawsuit by the World Jewish Congress which aimed at recovering millions of dollars deposited by victims of Nazi persecution prior to and during World War two. A report commissioned by the US government at the time also accused the Swiss of being ‘Nazi Germany’s bankers’.

Ironically, Swiss banks’ privacy regulations were strengthened before and during World War II, when a German law stating any German with foreign capital would be punished by death was introduced. Because Swiss accounts were watched so closely by the Germans, and after Germans began to be put to death for offshore holdings, the Swiss government became careful about not providing anyone with client details. In 1934 the Swiss government made it a criminal offence for a banker to release a client’s details, and in 1984, 73 per cent of the people of Switzerland voted in favour of maintaining bank secrecy.

With the Swiss now apparently changing their ways, the question remains of how much money will actually be returned to the people it was stolen from and whether this will include the profits enjoyed by Swiss banks for simply holding onto money that belongs to some of the poorest nations in the world.

PORTFOLIO

umm

ad-dunya

BY DR SYED M ASAD ZAIDI

Tahrir square will now for all time remain etched in the national consciousness of Egypt. But this is a land that has

seen Pharaohs, Caliphs and conquerors come and go, and

each have left their mark on these timeless sands. Ibn Battuta, enchanted by the splendour of Cairo called it, the ‘Mother of Cities’. Ask an Egyptian and he will tell you it’s ‘Umm

ad-Dunya’, the ‘Mother of the World’. So central is Cairo to Egypt that it is commonly referred to simply as Misr, the word used for the whole of Egypt. After the historic events

in Cairo, we trace this city’s history by stepping out on to its bustling streets and uncovering some of the multitude of architectural treasures scattered within this teeming metropolis.

34 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

Ar Rafai Mosque The Ar-Rafai (Royal) mosque, the last attempt by royal aristocracy to reclaim some of its lost grandeur, is perhaps a monument to fallen dynasties — it is the resting place of both King Farouk and Reza Shah Pehalvi of Iran

35 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

COVER STORY

Mosque of al-Hakim This mosque has a chequered past — it has been used as stable, a prison during the Crusades, a fortress by Napoleon and even reportedly as an insane asylum

36 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

Mosque of Qait Bey Al-Qaraf, the world’s largest necropolis, houses the complex of Sultan Qait Bey, its intricate floral patterns arguably the greatest masterpiece of Mamluk decor

Mosque of Amr ibn Aas The site where Arab general Amr ibn Aas reportedly pitched his tent was converted into a mosque, the first on the African continent. A city called al-Fustat, the ‘The Tented City’ sprung up around it.

Bein al-Qasreen Driven both by religious zeal and a desire to maintain their legacy, the Mamluks dotted Cairo with complexes often comprising of mosques, madrassahs, mausoleums and even hospitals. The Bein-al Qasreen (Between the Palaces), a site of former Fatimid palaces, can boast of the most impressive array of domes and minarets in Cairo

37 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

Mosque of Ibn Tulun The mosque built by Ibn Tulun is well-preserved. Its spiral minaret, reminiscent of the great mosque in Samarra, is a gem of early Islamic architecture in Africa

Mosque of Al-Azhar The Mosque of Al-Azhar is at the heart of Cairo, and is the crowning architectural achievement of the Fatimid dynasty FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

Jamia al-Azhar From his base in Damascus, Saladin expanded his dominions to include the heartlands of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, making a lasting contribution to the Arab world

Ayyubid Wall Saladin bin Ayubbi’s contribution to architecture was the introduction of extensive fortifications including the famous Saladin citadel. More interestingly, these walls, only recently discovered by excavations at the Al-Azhar Park, indicate an elaborate attempt to fortify the entire city, a rare marvel of early Islamic military architecture

Sayeda Zaynab During the Fatimid period numerous shrines and mosques honouring Islamic saints were erected in Cairo. Of great significance is the mosque of Sayyida Zaynab, the sister of Imam Hussein, who is thought to be interred here. While the site of her true resting place is debatable, she is one of the patron saints of Cairo (all of whom are women) and her shrine is one of the most venerated sites in Cairo

It is interesting to note that in the wave of revolution that swept through the Middle East in the

20th century, in Algeria, Libya, Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Iran; Egypt was the first. The protestors in Tahrir Square have made an indelible mark on history, but will Cairo continue to captivate us for

another 1,000 years? Let me pose as an Egyptian: first a warm smile, then a gaze upwards to the sky and... “InshAllah!” a

39 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

FEATURE

all the

right notes A Pakistani’s collaboration with a French composer leaves Parisian audiences spellbound.

BY MAHEEN USMANI

What do you get when you season the melodious kalaam of qawwali with harmonium and tabla, and spice up the mix with guitar, bouzouq, rubab, percussion and gumbass? Garnish it with the rich voice of one of Pakistan’s premier qawwali enthusiasts and the musical artistry of a French musician and… voila! You come up with a magical concoction that has you tapping your feet and swaying in the aisles.

Faiz Ali Faiz and Thierry (Titi) Robin have quite literally been

creating magic together. Their musical collaboration is aptly titled “Jaadu” and consists of a mesmerising combination of different genres of music. Deeply influenced by Mediterranean culture, renowned French composer Titi Robin claims that only subtle sufi poetry can describe what he is trying to say in his music.

For him, this music represents the equilibrium between worldly instinct and artistic form. “Do not ask me my identity, I am Machrab the tramp: where man burns, I extinguish fire with my tears and I go my way,” he says.

Hailing from a family of musicians, Faiz Ali Faiz started prac-

tising the art of qawwali when he was very young. He acknowledges his great admiration for Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan and there is more than a passing resemblance to the great Ustad in Faiz’s

melodic voice. Like Nusrat Fateh, Faiz’s rich vocals accent this fusion beautifully.

Titi Robin and Faiz Ali Faiz first met at the Festival Les Stopovers

at Saint Nazaire in 2006. Their subsequent artistic collaboration is not just a simple dialogue between two talented musicians. Titi

composed several original melodies, selecting modes and rhythms

which in his mind could best represent the world of qawwali. On the other hand, Faiz tried to find inspiration in poetic texts which

40

could match the musical notes. Finally, they polished the orchestral arrangements. The result is quite simply unique.

FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

As the first notes of the concert echo in the packed auditorium, an awed silence descends. Despite not understanding the lyrics, the French audience is soon immersed in the beauty of qawwali and the rhythm of the music.

The kind of long songs they play are reminiscent of the gypsies

of Hungary, the flamenco singers of Spain, the desert singers of Rajasthan and classical singers from India and Pakistan. Faiz’s voice is a departure from the rigid frame of traditional sufi style and blooms in a brand new musical repertoire.

There is his voice, then the guitar or rubab, the chorus and

tabla, the accordion and drums, the clarinet and harmonium,

all pitching in one after another. Each one listens to the other, helping each other realise this arresting fusion.

It seems there is magic in Titi’s fingers as they weave melody

from the strings of the guitar and rubab in response to the eloquence of Urdu, Seraiki and Punjabi poetry. In his expert hands,

the guitar and rubab are sensual, happy, sad, affectionate, and joyous, each emotion more haunting than the other.

Titi and Faiz’s interesting playlist includes ‘More Angna’

which is sung in praise of Khwaja Moinuddin Chisti, the sufi

saint and founder of the Chistya order. Titi says he has gone on

pilgrimage to Ajmer where Khwaja lies buried, and he is a great admirer of the saint. Then there is ‘Chambe di Booti’ of Sultan Bahoo, ‘Ya Ali’ which honours Imam Ali, ‘Mast Qalander’ and ‘Lage Jiya’, amongst others.

This subtle synergy of the fascinating sufi kalaam, rendered

in Faiz’s inimitable style, and the irresistible strings of a wide array of instruments, has left audiences in France mesmerized.

Titi Robin and Faiz Ali Faiz’s concerts receive top billing and

are always sold out, with people not just sitting, but standing, kneeling and squeezing on to stairs and banisters. As the first notes of the concert echo in the packed auditorium, an awed

silence descends. Faiz’s voice soars and ebbs and soon rows upon rows of enthralled people lean forward to immerse themselves

fully in this artistic fusion. Then the jugalbandi picks up speed, and people start nodding their heads in time to the beat, and

soon they are drumming tattoos with their hands and feet.

Despite not understanding the lyrics, the French audience is

Undoubtedly, the resounding success of Faiz Ali Faiz and Titi Robin’s performance is a testament to music’s truly universal appeal.

soon immersed in the beauty of qawwali and the rhythm of the music.

‘Ya Ali’ and ‘Mast Qalander’ bring the audience to their feet.

One man goes into a trance, he is so lost in the sufi kalaam that

he starts shaking his head, immune to his surroundings. Oth-

ers are clapping in tune to the music and shouting “Bravo!” One

after the concert and are showered with accolades from reverent

beats to the arresting jugalbandi between the tabla maestro and

ing treated with so much respect, and it is humbling to watch

of the highlights of the concert is Faiz clapping and calling out the amazing African drummer.

There are shouts of “Once more!” when the concert ends and

the artistes leave the stage. The audience is in no mood to de-

audience members. It is wonderful to see Pakistani artistes bethem act as ambassadors, promoting Pakistan’s name abroad by virtue of their musical prowess.

Would Rudyard Kipling have ever declared that “East is East

part and the clapping reaches a crescendo in front of the vacant

and West is West and never the twain shall meet” if he had the

return, arm in arm, and people shout out their approval and

France and Pakistan? Undoubtedly, the resounding success of

stage. After a few minutes of deafening applause, Faiz and Titi settle back to hear more glorious music.

Faiz Ali Faiz and Titi Robin happily sign copies of their CDs

opportunity to savour this jugalbandi between artistes from Faiz Ali Faiz and Titi Robin’s performance is a testament to music’s truly universal appeal. a

FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

41

PORTFOLIO

passionate about pret

Photographer: Noor ul Sabah Gilani

26 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

Model: Amina Sheikh

Sania Masakatiya’s prêt and couture lines have something for everyone.

43 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

FASHION

44 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

45 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

REVIEW

featured review of the week

theatre a single man

BY OVAIS AHMED

“These two countries [India and Pakistan] will now focus on the military and society will not develop,” predicted Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad in a well-known speech in Delhi.

The man who uttered these words was as free as his name suggests. An opponent of the partition of united India, people living on either side of the Indo-Pak border both adore him and criticise his views. Not only did he criticise partition, he went on to condemn all those who played a role in the historic events of August 1947.

He questioned whether Jinnah could actually be a Muslim leader, citing his westernised lifestyle. He ridiculed Gandhi’s ideals of nonviolence. He opposed Nehru’s biased attitude towards Indian Muslims and denounced his relationship with Lady Mountbatten. Above all, he heaped criticism on Vallabhai Patel, whom he considered the prime architect of Partition.

Watching the play “Maulana Azad” in Delhi last month not only introduced me to Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad’s philosophy, but also gave me the opportunity to understand his vision. Written and directed by M Sayeed Alam, “Maulana Azad” was a solo performance by renowned Indian actor Tom Alter, who is known to audiences as the green-eyed gora who speaks impeccable Urdu and plays most of the ‘foreigner’ roles in Indian TV dramas. “Maulana Azad” is a two-and-a-half hour long monologue and Alter carries its stupendous weight effortlessly. Making excellent use of props and displaying superb tonality, Alter animates the history of the subcontinent brilliantly, leaving the audience spellbound.

Throughout the play, Maulana Azad dictates notes to his friend and secretary, Humayun Kabir. The book that is being drafted is Azad’s autobiography, India Wins Freedom. The agreement between Humayun and Azad binds Azad to speak only in Urdu. This makes the play a treat to the ears: the audience gets to hear impeccable Urdu sprinkled with strains of Arabic and Persian. When Azad drifts away from political discussion to an entire gamut of non-political 46 affairs ranging from white jasmine tea to his love for his wife, from FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

dramatic monologue Tom Alter (right, in character as Maulana Azad) has to keep the audience enthralled for the duration of a two-and-a-half hour monologue — and manages to do it brilliantly. Maulana Azad (pictured above) was a critic of Partition

He believed that partition would give birth to two states that would always be in confrontation with each other.

music to the holy city of Mecca, and from cigarettes to the jailer Cheeta Khan, the play becomes doubly amusing.

Presenting a balanced version of history, the script allows the audience to glimpse a clear picture of Azad’s multi-dimensional personality, including his sense of humour, the poet within, his ego and his uniquely balanced commentary on the political events and personalities of his times. The audience is also introduced to various political dilemmas the leaders of those times had to face.

During the play, Azad criticises Jinnah for using religion for political ends, but this is balanced by his mentioning that Jinnah was left with no other choice but to do so - and that it was actually the top tier of Congress that transformed Jinnah, a champion of HinduMuslim unity, into Quaid-e-Azam, a leader who considers nothing but partition to be the solution for the Muslims of India. Azad also confesses to having made the biggest mistake in his life by choosing Nehru as his successor as the President of Congress. But then he quickly adds that Nehru would also agree with that statement.

He appreciates Gandhi for being principled but expresses his

extreme disappointment on his stance on partition and how the Vallabhai Patel-Jawaharlal Nehru-Lord Mountbatten trio influenced his political decision-making.

His basic argument against partition is that it would be a major loss to Muslims on both sides. On the Indian side, Muslims would lose their majority and on Pakistan’s side, the Muslim population would not be able to compete with India nor would it be able to solve the issues of Indian Muslims. He believed that partition would give birth to two states that would always be in confrontation with each other.

The real Maulana Azad’s views earned him a contentious status in both India and Pakistan. Many Pakistanis consider his ideas of secularism and nationalism to be against Islam. In India, he is also criticised by many for not doing enough to prevent partition. But after watching Alter’s captivating performance on stage, you don’t really care about how politically incorrect or offensive Maulana Azad must have been at his time. You just wish you could’ve met him, even just once.

47 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

REVIEW

film six feet under

BY HAMNA ZUBAIR

It’s unfortunate that Buried was released around the same time as 127 Hours, inviting endless comparisons between the two films.

The premise of both movies is similar — a healthy young male gets stuck in a secluded place, and has to rely only on his own resources to get out of the fix. The difference is that 127 Hours is infinitely more gripping and believable — and Ryan Reynolds, who stars in Buried, is at best a poor man’s James Franco.

Reynolds stars as Paul Conroy, an American contractor in Iraq who is captured by insurgents and buried alive somewhere in the Iraqi desert with only a cell phone, a lighter and some alcohol to keep him company. His captors call him to demand a $5 million ransom, or he’ll never see the light of day — literally. The next 90 minutes are spent watching Paul desperately trying to contact his family and the relevant US officials who may be able to secure his release. Paul also struggles to master his own fears and handle the situation as best he can given his ‘restricted’ environment.

All the ‘action’ takes place inside the coffin Paul is buried in. Despite this, the film doesn’t create an adequate air of claustrophobia — I felt much more uncomfortable watching The Descent, another trapped-underground film, compared to Buried. The film was literally shot in a box, and that is exactly what the coffin feels like — the viewer can’t really feel the weight of the earth above Conroy. The impact of Conroy’s situation would have been heightened if the coffin scenes were juxtaposed with action taking place above but as it stands, Conroy’s predicament isn’t moving or relatable.

This is not to say that Reynolds’ performance is below par. The actor does manage to engage you just enough to make you want to know the outcome, but there is only so much plot you can fit into a box — and the film falls apart when the story begins to rely on typical creep-inducing standbys like rattlesnakes and bugs.

Even the themes the film tries to touch are done to death. While attempting to get help from the US State Department and the 48 contractor that employs him, Conroy encounters run-of-mill obFEBRUARY 20-26 2011

second best In comparison, 127 Hours is infinitely more gripping and believable — and Ryan Reynolds, who stars in Buried, is at best a poor man’s James Franco stacles: he is put on hold for long stretches of time, and is summarily fired by his employer over the phone. It is implied that Conroy has been fired so his firm can avoid a hefty lawsuit, but this twist doesn’t cause the indignation it intended to create — we all know the US war machine cuts its losses at the earliest opportunity, right?

That said, the ending isn’t predictable... but then again, it’s not exactly satisfying either. Watch Buried as a last resort, and certainly not to get a deep insight into the atrocity of war.

film dirty laundry

BY RAFAY MAHMOOD

One appreciates Aamir Khan’s avant garde approach towards Indian cinema — after all this is the man who produced the epic Lagaan and directed the issue-based drama Taare Zameen Par — but his latest venture Dhobi Ghat feels very much like an overambitious and underworked project.

Written and directed by Aamir Khan’s wife Kiran Rao, Dhobi Ghat revolves around four different characters in Mumbai and how their lives eventually connect. The characters are Shai (Monica Dogra), an NRI investment banker and passionate photographer who has recently returned from the US; Arun (Aamir Khan), an introvert artist who has a one-night stand with Shai; Munna (Prateik Babbar), a dhobi who wants to become an actor; Yasmin (Kriti Malhotra), a married Muslim woman, whose video diaries Arun discovers. The narratives of these four individuals run parallel to each other and it is the dhobi who ends up connecting all of them as he delivers laundry to Arun and Shai.

Kriti Malhotra gives a phenomenal performance as a confused housewife talking to the camera, but overall Dhobi Ghat suffers from implausible characters and poor casting. Which dhobi in the world has a six-pack and a chiselled face? Prateik’s overgrown stubble is meant to give him a mucky look but instead makes him look ruggedly handsome, very un-dhobi-like. Why would an NRI banker be interested in taking pictures of a dhobi? More intriguingly, how she survives a photography excursion in a dhobi ghat with cleavage on display is another unresolved conflict. Similarly, Aamir Khan’s character, while interesting, was riddled with loopholes.

There is also a puzzling emphasis on tea in this film — whether we are shown a random meeting or a torrid sex scene, it ends with a steamy cup of tea. The fatal flaw for the film is its style — it vacillates somewhere between neorealist and absurd cinema but leaves no impact on the viewer. The film’s handheld free-flowing camera movement reminds you of Michael Winterbottom’s A Mighty Heart, but whereas Winterbottom’s treatment is justified by the content,

miss ‘n miss The screenplay looks like a rough cut, not a finished project, and some really good actors that can contribute to Indian art films have been wasted Dhobi Ghat’s isn’t. It seems like a film made by a fresh film school graduate who wanted to make a documentary about Mumbai but decided to insert narrative to make it more interesting - the result was Dhobi Ghat. The only real avenue for this film is at international festivals, not for entertainment in cinemas. The screenplay looks like a rough cut, not a finished project, and some really good actors that can contribute to Indian art films have been wasted.

Sadly there aren’t even the usual song-and-dance sequences which in this case would have been welcome to break the monotony.

Post Dhobi Ghat, Aamir Khan will hopefully realise that he is talented and his wife is not. He should concentrate more on films like Ghajini and 3 Idiots because even if he doesn’t get to attend the Filmfare Awards, he will still be a part of Bollywood. a 49 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

UP NORTH AND PERSONAL

what storms

‘Zombified’ is the operative word of the day although, frankly speaking, ‘operative’ is a complete misnomer!

No sleep.

Rain was asked for, but what the mountainside got was a regular lashing.

No electricity.

No phone.

The storm of the decade arrived yesterday afternoon: one min-

ute the sky was a calm dove grey, not a breath of wind to ruffle the surface of the pond. The dogs were quiet — too quiet, which

should have warned me, but my mind was on other things.

Things like: “Should I sow pink poppies or red ones in the old blue basin that has been living in the shade of an apple tree ever

since I extracted it from the bathroom last year” and “Should I be thrifty and fill the blue basin with extra pungent Greek oregano” and “Will Mrs Joe ever hatch her one remaining egg” when, quite inexplicably, the air vanished.

One minute everything was normal, and the next, the big

man in the sky breathed it all in, leaving an unnerving vacuum of ominous nothing it its place and then, having sucked his fill,

sent it raging back in a terrifying whistling shriek laden with menace. Rain, then humungous hailstones ricocheted off the

tin roof to mind-numbing effect. Alternatively sucking then blowing, the man definitely wanted to remind us mere mortals

exactly who rules planet earth and, having got bored toying with

floods and cyclones in Australia and messing with temperatures in northern Mexico, he had obviously decided to vent his anger on the Murree Hills and, believe you me, he meant business!

Orchestrating his wind quartet way beyond the realms of pos-

does go against the grain) I vainly attempted to reassure four ter-

A flick of the conductor’s baton to the right and the symphony

as they knew that I was frightened out of my wits too. We collec-

sibility, this was only the beginning of the fiendish symphony.

rose in a back beat of mind-shattering thunder; a flick of the left wrist and triumphant jags of lightening flickered through

the score; a circular motion of the baton and the hail reversed to slashing rain.

Everyone on the mountainside has been praying for water but

this was far more than we bargained for!

The electric power disappeared with the first staccato volley of

rified dogs who, quite naturally, didn’t believe a word I uttered tively quaked with every determined banshee howl of wind. Tree

branches clattered across the moaning, groaning roof which, I was sure, would be torn off any second. In pathetic readiness for total exposure to the thrashing elements, I had not only crawled

into bed fully dressed but had kept my sheepskin boots on for good measure.

The first dark-time casualty — metal buckets and a whole

hail, the phone shortly afterwards and by 4 pm it was necessary

host of other miscellaneous objects having flown into oblivion

able strength the night ahead stretched out to infinity.

the eaves of Olive Oil’s house right next door and adjacent to my

to light candles for comfort. With the wind achieving unbeliev-

50

The mountains were washed clean by the storm.

Cowering, under a heavy duvet (I admit to this even though it

FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

hours before — was the ornamental strip of metal decorating own bedroom roof on which it snapped to attention every two

may come TEXT & PHOTOGRAPHS BY ZAHRAH NASIR

great wrenching crash, followed by a series of smaller but no less ominous ones, informed me that the massive wood shed was on

the move and there wasn’t a darn thing I could do about it other than pray it didn’t hit the house. Still, the conductor whipped

up the storm until I almost screamed in exhausted fear. By 7 am, the wind gusting rather than relentless, and the churned up

ground transformed to white, I was a frizzled wreck. Too tired to sleep and too cold to care, I stocked up the wood burning stove,

dismantled the barricades and coaxed the dogs into joining me on damage patrol.

One entire side of the wood shed was gone, the corrugated

iron panels scattered hither and thither. An aluminum step ladder had been blown right out of the shed and deposited half way down the garden!

Empty sacks, plastic seed trays, a red watering-can and other

gardening accoutrements had been transported to the most unexpected places: a blue watering-can was spotted on the bath-

room roof, a roll of netting had hopped, skipped and jumped

onto a distant compost bin and the under-construction chicken house, smashed to smithereens, hung, in bits and pieces, in the scarred and broken branches of a pomegranate tree.

As I surveyed my wounded domain, the echoing thud of ham-

mers informed me that some of my neighbours, particularly those nestled in to the mountainside below my eyrie, had fared

far worse in the roof department whilst I still had one, albeit in or three minutes all night long; then part of the ancient peach tree behind the house hit the roof with a reverberating thud and

I rushed, torch in hand, to the back room to check for damage.

Next, as the wind fed on a power surge from Mars, the solid wood

back door, securely shut at the top with a heavy metal bolt, be-

need of nailing down here and there, to shelter beneath.

Coffee, real coffee not decaf, was definitely in order!

Now, it is evening once again and I just took a break from writ-

ing this column by hand in candlelight in front of the fire to give the dogs a quick run in the front garden.

The ground is white and a few snowflakes are drifting, rather

gan to buckle inwards from the bottom half as I watched in hor-

half-heartedly, out of drifting banks of sluggish mist.

of the wind opened up a two inch gap that revealed the black

frayed and shifting edges.

rified fascination, expecting it to splinter and break. The force maw of the storm.It was by sheer force of will that I pushed the door close with the help of a washing machine which, I belatedly realised, was on wheels. The washing machine was barricaded in place with a gas cylinder and then the gas stove for good measure. This feat accomplished, I was trying, in panicked

desperation, to drag the dining table to the front door when a

Over the garden wall is more mist: black patches spotting its There are no lights — not even a distant twinkle.

No stars.

There is no sound.

My dogs and I are alone in the fragmentary drift of a storm-

shocked universe where we will hibernate in hermetically sealed isolation until equilibrium arrives. a

FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

51

HOROSCOPE

BY SHELLEY VON STRUNCKEL

Aries March 20 - April 19 Little infuriates you more than those

who refuse to be direct about what they want. Equally, those

who won’t voice their objections openly are hugely annoying.

But with a powerful planetary presence accenting exactly such matters, this is precisely what you’ll be facing. You’re perfectly

capable of slowing down enough to deal with such situations.

And doing so will make your life a lot easier.

Taurus April 20 - May 20 Ordinarily you’re adept at discerning be-

tween what are simply tricky matters and truly impossible situShelley von Strunckel is an internationally acclaimed astrologer who created the first horoscope column for the London Sunday Times in 1992.

A frequent lecturer, she writes daily,

ations. However, recent and often sudden changes in circum-

stances have made it difficult to have say what’s what. The fact is, disruptive as they are, those changes are leading to remark-

able breakthroughs. Enough that it’s worth giving anything that intrigues you a try and encouraging others to do so as well.

weekly and monthly horoscopes in publications around the world including South China Morning Post, The Gulf News, Tatler, French and Chinese Vogue and now The Express Tribune Magazine.

Gemini May 21 - June 20 You loathe few things more than those who take the reins without even asking others’ views. Now

events are forcing you to do exactly that. Besides, because deci-

sions could shape your life for some time to come, there really is only one option. If anybody objects, there’ll be plenty of time

to discuss an alternative approach. But by then, you may be rethinking your plans anyway.

Cancer June 21 - July 22 While issues involving who’s responsible for what require serious attention, and you must ensure practi-

cal matters are dealt with now. This frees you to focus on new ideas and exploration. Knowing that, relax and enjoy the pro-

cess of discovery. It’s been ages since you’ve been able to consider various options at leisure. Allow nothing, including your own anxieties about organising your future, to hurry this process.

Leo July 23 - August 22 Out of character as it is for you to leave

others to make their own mistakes, if you’ve discussed your concerns frankly and in detail, then you really must back off. Wor-

rying as this is, with so much in transition, even very unwise arrangements can be altered. Meanwhile, this leaves you time to explore intriguing new ideas which could substantially alter your own thinking and priorities.

Virgo August 23 – September 22 You say you like working closely with others. But with the majority of planets favouring them,

you may have to give way when they make decisions you regard as questionable. Waste no time on debate. It isn’t easy, but each

individual must be allowed to learn from their mistakes. Then,

once they have, you can finally have a proper serious discussion

52

about their serious plans for the future.

FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

Libra September 23 – October 22 For ages you’ve been keeping things calm on the family or domestic front, and with some

success. Now, however, those issues need to come to the surface

and be discussed frankly. True, these exchanges may become heated. But at least everybody now has facts enough to make a

sound assessment of potentially far-reaching decisions. This includes you. Air your views now or risk them being ignored.

Scorpio October 23 – November 21 It’s difficult not to allow in-

creasingly tricky issues overshadow everything else. But these

can’t be rushed and are unlikely to be resolved until the clash, on the 25th, between Jupiter and your ruler Pluto. In the meantime, do your best to focus on certain of life’s joys. These, which

involve activities and people you adore, put everything else in a much clearer perspective.

Sagittarius November 22 – December 21 Because you don’t hold a

grudge, you’re puzzled by the reaction of certain individuals to tricky issues. Or, alternatively, your easygoing attitude towards

practical or financial matters may have caused aggravation.

Whatever the case, do what you can to understand the source of

this drama, learn from it and apologise. That achieved, spend

some relaxed time with those who take life less seriously. You’ll need it.

Capricorn December 22 – January 19 Few things are more perplex-

ing to you than the variety of subterranean power struggles triggered by the run in between Jupiter and Pluto, which is actually

positioned in Capricorn, on the 25th. While there’s no easy resolution for these, delve into them and you’ll understand why certain

individuals or situations are a persistent problem. While there’s no simple solution, this knowledge is an essential first step.

Aquarius January 20 – February 18 The problem isn’t what you’re

facing. It’s the wide range of issues. Some are practical and require precise analysis, others involve friends or loved ones and

require a lot of listening. And a few are deeply personal and necessitate the kind of reflection that is as challenging as it can be

rewarding. The combination will be demanding, but what you learn more than justifies the effort.

Pisces February 19 – March 19 What you’re facing isn’t much of a

surprise. Not much is new. But many of the situations are urgent and mean you’ve little time either to ask questions or reflect. Do

what you can, bearing in mind that with the Sun and Mercury

having joined Uranus in your sign, and the ideas planet Mercury

For more information, to order personal charts and to download & listen to detailed audiocasts, visit www.shelleyvonstrunckel.com

moving there on Wednesday, you’ve far more power and control

53

that you imagine.

FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

THE HATER

10 things I hate about ...street protests

1 2 3 4 5

BY NADIR HASSAN

The bad poetry: It has become a precondition of

revolution to carry banners that read like they were

written by six-year-olds. Even the most famous, “Hey, hey LBJ/how many kids did you kill today” is about as

sophisticated in its rhyming as a Nawaz Sharif slogan.

Crowd estimates. It is in the interests of protesters to inflate their numbers, it is in the interests of the

police to downplay the crowd’s size and it is in the interest of the media to be balanced. But it really isn’t very enlightening to be told that a protest had between 20,000 to 250,000 marchers.

Self-righteousness. I would have joined everyone out on the streets but if there’s one thing I care about more

than the rights of KESC workers its cricket. Leave me alone.

The lack of specificity. There are many injustices in

the world. War. Poverty. Hamburgers without onions.

What exactly are you raging against? I’m not going to care if even you forgot what riled you up so much.

Spelling mistakes. There is a demonstration against

Western immorality every day. You aren’t helping your cause by misspelling “condemn” as “condom”.

54 FEBRUARY 20-26 2011

6 7 8 9 10

The misleading advertising. Thanks to the 1960s and

hippies, every protest carries the temptation of illicit drugs. The lack of LSD is sorely disappointing.

The sameness. No street protest is complete without the US and Israeli flags being burned. I’ll join in when you find me another flag that’s equally flammable.

Lack of nuance. Sure, I hate nuclear weapons and would like Pakistan to have fewer of them. But I also believe

their presence has prevented the outbreak of war. But

“No nukes, except for about a dozen” doesn’t lend itself to a show of street protest.

Jealousy. Most protests are a dismal failure. But when one leads to revolution, like it did in Egypt, it makes you

feel like a loser for mocking activists while watching them on TV with Cheetos crumbs on your T-shirt.

No one protests for the right reason. If you want to risk

jail time for the judiciary that’s your right and your waste of time. I’ll save my protest for when someone

like Misbah-ul-Haq denies Shahid Afridi the captaincy of the cricket team.